FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 14

Last of the Hasmoneans. Roman rule begins. Herod is made king

Chapter 1 Hyrcanus agrees to Aristobulus as king.
Hyrcanus flees to Aretas
Chapter 2 Aristobulus besieged in Jerusalem; Scaurus relieves him. Death of Onias
Chapter 3 Aristobulus and Hyrcanus dispute the kingship; Pompey supports Hyrcanus
Chapter 4 Pompey storms Jerusalem. Beginning of Roman rule in Judea
Chapter 5 Scaurus supports Aretas of Petra. How Gabinius treated Judea
Chapter 6 Aristobulus escapes from Rome but is sent back. Victories of Gabinius
Chapter 7 Crassus sacks the temple; his death. Cassius rules Syria and goes to Judea
Chapter 8 Jews join Julius Caesar’s campaign in Egypt. Antipater honoured by Caesar
Chapter 9 Antipater appoints his sons Phasael and Herod as officers
Chapter 10 Honours paid by the Romans to their Jewish allies
Chapter 11 Death of Julius Caesar; Cassius in Judea. Herod avenges his father’s death
Chapter 12 Herod wins Judea; makes friends with Mark Antony, who defends him
Chapter 13 Antony makes Herod and Phasael "tetrarchs." Parthian setback; Herod flees
Chapter 14 Herod escapes to Egypt, then to Rome. Has himself made king of the Jews
Chapter 15 Herod returns to Judea, to defeat Antigonus and win the kingdom
Chapter 16 Herod marries Mariamne, takes Jerusalem; ends Hasmonean rule in J

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-018]
Aristobulus is accepted as king. Hyrcanus asks Aretas for help

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¹ Τῶν δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν καὶ τὸν θάνατον αὐτῆς ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης ἡμῖν βίβλῳ δεδηλωμένων τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα καὶ προσεχῆ νῦν ἐροῦμεν, οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἢ τοῦ μηδὲν παραλιπεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ δι᾽ ἄγνοιαν ἢ διὰ κάματον τῆς μνήμης προμηθούμενοι.

¹ "Since the affairs of Queen Alexandra and her death have been set forth by us in the preceding book, we shall now relate what follows and is connected to those events—providing for this for no other reason than to omit nothing of the facts, whether through ignorance or through the weariness of memory.

¹ We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness;

¹ In the preceding book we have told of queen Alexandra and her death. We will now tell what followed afterward; but before going on let us declare that our main concern is to omit none of the facts, through ignorance or laziness.

² τὴν‎ γὰρ ἱστορίαν καὶ τὴν‎ μήνυσιν τῶν τοῖς πολλοῖς πραγμάτων διὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχαιότητα δεῖ μὲν καὶ τὸ τῆς κάλλος, ὅσον δὴ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἔκ τε τῶν ὀνομάτων καὶ τῆς τούτων ἁρμονίας καὶ ὅσα πρὸς τούτοις συμβάλλεται κόσμον τῷ λόγῳ,

² For history and the revelation of matters unknown to many because of their antiquity ought to possess for its readers a beauty of style—insofar as this arises from the choice of words and their harmony, and whatever else contributes ornament to the narrative—so that they may receive this knowledge with a certain grace and pleasure.

² for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers,

² While reporting and explaining things that many do not know, because of their distance from our times, it must be done in appropriate style, with apt, well chosen words and figures of speech to add to the readers' pleasure,

³ τοῖς ἀναγνωσομένοις ἔχειν, ὡς ἂν μετὰ χάριτός τινος καὶ ἡδονῆς τὴν‎ ἐμπειρίαν παραλαμβάνοιεν, πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον τῆς ἀκριβείας τοὺς συγγραφεῖς στοχάζεσθαι μηδὲν τοῦ τἀληθῆ λέγειν τοῖς περὶ ὧν οὐκ ἴσασιν αὐτοὶ πιστεύειν αὐτοῖς μέλλουσιν προτιμῶντας.

³ Yet, above all else, authors must aim for accuracy (ἀκριβείας), preferring nothing over telling the truth to those who are about to place their trust in them regarding matters they do not know themselves."

³ that they may entertain the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of.

³ so that they may enjoy learning about what we write. And yet, the main things authors must aim at is to speak accurately and truly, to satisfy those who do not know the facts and must trust what these writers tell them.

The Historian’s "Weariness of Memory"
Josephus admits to the human struggle of the historian: κάματον τῆς μνήμης (the weariness of memory). In an age before digital databases, the sheer volume of oral traditions, priestly records, and earlier Greek histories he had to synthesize was staggering. This is his way of telling the reader, "I am doing the hard labor so you don't have to."

The "Sweetened Medicine" of Prose
Josephus explicitly discusses the κόσμον τῷ λόγῳ (ornament of the word). He believes history should not be a dry list of dates but should possess κάλλος (beauty). This reflects the Hellenistic tradition where history was a branch of literature. If the prose is "harmonious" and "graceful," the reader is more likely to absorb the "experience" (empeirian) of the past.

Akribeia: The Golden Standard
Despite his interest in style, Josephus prioritizes ἀκρίβεια (accuracy). This was a loaded term in ancient Greek historiography, famously used by Thucydides. By invoking it, Josephus is asserting his professional credibility. He recognizes a sacred contract: the reader "trusts" (πιστεύειν) the historian because the reader was not there. To lie is to violate that trust.

The Bridge to Book 14
This preface serves as a "deep breath" before the plunge into Book 14. Book 14 is where the Hasmonean dynasty loses its independence to the Roman general Pompey. By emphasizing "accuracy" here, Josephus is likely signaling that the upcoming account of the Roman intervention and the rise of Herod—events closer to his own time—will be documented with even more meticulous detail.

Truth vs. Ignorance
He describes history as the μήνυσιν (revelation or denunciation) of things unknown. To Josephus, history is a light shone into the dark corners of "antiquity." It is a moral endeavor; by rescuing facts from "ignorance," he preserves the identity and the lessons of the Jewish people for a Roman-educated audience.

⁴ Παραλαβόντος γὰρ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τῷ τρίτῳ ἔτει τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ ἑβδομηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος, ὑπατεύοντος Κυίντου Ὁρτησίου καὶ Κυίντου , ὃς δὴ καὶ ἐπεκαλεῖτο, πόλεμον εὐθὺς ἐκφέρει πρὸς αὐτὸν , καὶ τῆς μάχης αὐτῷ γενομένης πρὸς πολλοὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτομολοῦσιν.

⁴ "For after Hyrcanus had taken the kingdom, in the third year of the 177th Olympiad—when the Romans Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was also called Creticus, were consuls—Aristobulus immediately brought war against him. When the battle took place near Jericho, many of Hyrcanus's own soldiers deserted to his brother.

⁴ Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother;

⁴ Hyrcanus began his reign on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh Olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, called Metellus of Crete, were consuls in Rome. Soon Aristobulus began to make war against him, and when Hyrcanus came to battle at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him and went over to his brother.

⁵ οὗ γενομένου φεύγει πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀκρόπολιν , ἔνθα συνέβαινεν κατεῖρχθαι τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ ὑπὸ τῆς μητρός, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν, καὶ τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας δὲ καταφυγόντας εἰς τὸν τοῦ ἱεροῦ περίβολον αἱρεῖ προσβαλών.

⁵ When this happened, Hyrcanus fled to the Akra [the citadel], where it happened that Aristobulus’s wife and children had been shut up by their mother, as we said before. He then attacked and captured those of the opposing faction who had fled for refuge into the precinct of the Temple.

⁵ upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus’s wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple.

⁵ Then Hyrcanus fled to the citadel, where, as already said, his mother had imprisoned Aristobulus' wife and children, and attacked and overcame his enemies who had fled there and were within the walls of the temple.

⁶ καὶ λόγους ποιησάμενος πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν περὶ συμβάσεως καταλύεται τὴν‎ ἔχθραν ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεύειν μὲν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, αὐτὸν δὲ ζῆν ἀπραγμόνως καρπούμενον ἀδεῶς τὴν‎ ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτῷ κτῆσιν.	⁶ But after holding talks with his brother regarding an agreement, he ended their hostility on the condition that Aristobulus should be King, while he himself would live a life free from public affairs (ἀπραγμόνως), enjoying his own property without fear.
⁶ So when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired.	⁶ When he sent a message to his brother about reaching an agreement, he set aside his enmity to him on condition that Aristobulus be king, and that he himself would live without meddling in public affairs and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired.

⁷ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνθέμενοι καὶ ὅρκοις καὶ δεξιαῖς πιστωσάμενοι τὰς ὁμολογίας καὶ κατασπασάμενοι τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς ὁρῶντος ἀλλήλους ἀνεχώρησαν, ὁ μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, δ᾽ ὡς ἰδιώτης τυγχάνων εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκίαν τὴν‎ .

⁷ Having agreed to these terms in the Temple, and having confirmed their pacts with oaths and the joining of right hands, and having embraced one another in the sight of all the multitude, they withdrew—Aristobulus to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus, now existing as a private citizen, to the house of Aristobulus."

⁷ When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.

⁷ When they agreed on these terms in the temple and confirmed the agreement with oaths and handshakes with each other and embracing in the sight of the whole crowd, they left, Aristobulus to go to the palace, and Hyrcanus to go as a private citizen to the former house of Aristobulus.

The Roman Synchronization
Josephus uses the Roman consular year (Hortensius and Metellus Creticus, c. 69 BCE) and the 177th Olympiad to date these events. This isn't just for chronological accuracy; it signals that Judean history is no longer an isolated religious narrative but is now inextricably linked to the Mediterranean world. By mentioning "Metellus Creticus," Josephus reminds his readers that while the Hasmoneans were bickering, Rome was busy conquering Crete and consolidating its grip on the East.

The Jericho Defection
The battle at Jericho was not a military slaughter but a political one. The "many soldiers" who deserted Hyrcanus were likely the old military guard who preferred the "active and bold" Aristobulus over the "quiet" Hyrcanus. This suggests that the Pharisees—who backed Hyrcanus—did not have the loyalty of the professional army, which remained Sadducean at heart.

The Irony of the Hostages
Hyrcanus fled to the Akra (the Baris fortress) where Aristobulus’s family was being held hostage. This was his only leverage. However, the text shows a rapid transition from a hostage crisis to a peaceful settlement. Hyrcanus was clearly not a "killer"; he used his position of strength not to execute his brother’s family, but to negotiate a dignified exit from a job he never really wanted.

Apragmosyne: The Non-Political Life
The term ἀπραγμόνως (living without public business/affairs) is central to Hyrcanus’s character. In the Greek world, apragmosyne was often a virtue for philosophers, but for a King, it was a death sentence for his dynasty. Hyrcanus was a man of the "quiet life" thrust into a "loud" historical moment. By exchanging the crown for "his own property," he thought he was buying peace; in reality, he was creating a power vacuum that a man named Antipater (the father of Herod) would soon fill.

The Symbolic Exchange of Houses
The chapter ends with a poignant, almost cinematic image: the brothers embrace in public and then swap houses. Aristobulus moves into the Palace; Hyrcanus moves into Aristobulus's private residence. This "Freaky Friday" style swap of status was intended to show the public that the feud was over. However, as the next few chapters of history show, such an imbalanced peace rarely lasts when external players see an opportunity to exploit the "private citizen" ex-king.

⁸ Φίλος δέ τις λεγόμενος, πολλῶν μὲν εὐπόρει χρημάτων, δραστήριος δὲ ὢν τὴν‎ φύσιν καὶ στασιαστὴς ἀλλοτρίως εἶχεν πρὸς τὸν καὶ διαφόρως διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν εὔνοιαν.

⁸ "Now a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumaean named Antipater, was a man of great wealth, and being by nature active and prone to factionalism, he was hostile toward Aristobulus and at variance with him due to his goodwill toward Hyrcanus.

⁸ But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus.

⁸ But a friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumaean called Antipater, who was very rich and by nature an active and rebellious man, was hostile to Aristobulus and at odds with him due to his friendship toward Hyrcanus.

⁹ μέντοι φησὶν ὁ τοῦτον εἶναι γένος ἐκ τῶν πρώτων τῶν ἐκ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀφικομένων. ταῦτα δὲ λέγει χαριζόμενος τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλεῖ τῶν ἐκ τύχης τινὸς γενομένῳ, περὶ οὗ κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν.

⁹ Nicolaus of Damascus, however, says that this man was of the race of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea. But he says this to favor Antipater's son, Herod, who by a certain stroke of fortune became King of the Jews—of whom we shall speak in due time.

⁹ It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.

⁹ While Nicolaus of Damascus says that Antipater was descended from prominent Jews who returned from Babylon into Judea, that assertion was simply to gratify Herod, who was his son and who, by certain turns of fortune, later came to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall later give in its proper place.

¹⁰ οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ τῷ πατρὶ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν τὸ ὄνομα, ὃν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγὸν ἀποδειξάντων ὅλης τῆς ποιήσασθαι φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοροῦντας αὐτῷ καὶ καὶ λέγουσιν πολλαῖς αὐτοὺς καὶ μεγάλαις ἐξιδιωσάμενον δωρεαῖς.

¹⁰ This Antipater was originally called Antipas, as was his father. They say that when King Alexander [Jannaeus] and his wife appointed the father governor of all Idumaea, he established friendships with the neighboring Arabs, Gazans, and Ascalonites, having won them over with many large gifts.

¹⁰ However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, and that was his father’s name also; of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends.

¹⁰ This Antipater was at first called Antipas, for that was his father’s name, of whom it is said that king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumaea and that he made a pact of friendship with the Arabs and Gazites and Ascalonites of his own party and had, by many large gifts, made them his firm friends.

¹¹ τὴν‎ οὖν δυναστείαν ὁ νεώτερος ὑφορώμενος καὶ δεδιώς, μή τι πάθῃ διὰ τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος, ἐπισυνιστᾷ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κρύφα διαλεγόμενος τῶν τοὺς δυναστεύοντας, ἄδικον εἶναι λέγων περιορᾶν ἀδίκως ἔχοντα τὴν‎ ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ταύτης ἐκβεβληκότα πρεσβύτερον ὄντα, κατέχοντα δ᾽ αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἐκείνου διὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον.

¹¹ The younger Antipater, viewing Aristobulus’s power with suspicion and fearing he might suffer something due to the King's hatred of him, began secretly inciting the powerful men of the Jews against him. He claimed it was unjust to allow Aristobulus to hold the government unfairly, having cast out his elder brother and seizing for himself what belonged to that brother by right of primogeniture.

¹¹ But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth.

¹¹ This younger Antipater resented the power of Aristobulus and feared that he might do him some harm, because he hated him, so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews and privately spoke against him, saying it was wrong to ignore the conduct of Aristobulus, who had unjustly seized the leadership and deposed his brother, who was the elder and should retain what was his by prerogative of birth.

¹² τούτους τε συνεχῶς πρὸς τὸν ποιούμενος διετέλει τοὺς λόγους, καὶ ὅτι κινδυνεύσει τῷ ζῆν, εἰ μὴ φυλάξαιτο ποιήσας αὑτὸν · τοὺς γὰρ φίλους τοὺς μηδένα παραλείπειν καιρὸν ἔλεγεν συμβουλεύοντας αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ὡς τότε βεβαίως ἕξοντα τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.

¹² He continually made these same speeches to Hyrcanus, telling him that his life would be in danger unless he looked to his safety by getting himself out of the way; for he said that Aristobulus’s friends would omit no opportunity to advise him to kill Hyrcanus so that he might hold the government securely.

¹² And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.

¹² These things he said repeatedly to Hyrcanus, telling him that his life would be in danger unless he protected himself and got rid of Aristobulus; for the friends of Aristobulus missed no chance to advise him to kill him, for only then would he be sure to retain the kingship.

¹³ τούτοις ἠπίστει τοῖς λόγοις φύσει χρηστὸς ὢν καὶ διαβολὴν δι᾽ ἐπιείκειαν οὐ προσιέμενος ῥᾳδίως. ἐποίει δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸ ἄπραγμον καὶ τὸ παρειμένον τῆς διανοίας τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἀγεννῆ καὶ ἄνανδρον δοκεῖν· τῆς δ᾽ ἐναντίας φύσεως ἦν , δραστήριος καὶ διεγηγερμένος τὸ φρόνημα.

¹³ Hyrcanus disbelieved these words, being by nature kind and not easily admitting slander because of his own decency. Indeed, his lack of ambition (ἄπραγμον) and his relaxed state of mind made him appear ignoble and unmanly to observers; Aristobulus, however, was of the opposite nature—active and of a stirred-up spirit."

¹³ Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous soul.

¹³ Hyrcanus disbelieved these words, being of a gentle disposition and unwilling to accept calumnies against others. This temperament, unwilling to take part in public affairs and lacking in spirit, made observers think him degenerate and unmanly, but Aristobulus was of a different temper, with an active and generous soul.

The Historical "Spin" of Nicolaus
Josephus provides a fascinating piece of historiographical criticism here. He calls out Nicolaus of Damascus (Herod the Great's court historian) for fabricating a prestigious Babylonian Jewish ancestry for Antipater. Josephus bluntly clarifies that this was done to "favor" Herod. In reality, the Antipatrids were high-ranking Idumaeans—a group that had been forcibly converted to Judaism by the Hasmoneans just a generation or two earlier.

The Legacy of the Father (Antipas)
The elder Antipater (Antipas) had been the governor of Idumaea under Alexander Jannaeus. He laid the foundation for his son's power by building a massive network of diplomatic "gifts" among the Philistine cities (Gaza, Ascalon) and the Nabataean Arabs. This reveals that the rise of the House of Herod was not an accident; it was based on decades of regional alliance-building and immense ancestral wealth.

The Psychology of the Coup
The younger Antipater is described as στασιαστής (prone to factionalism/sedition). He used a classic psychological tactic on Hyrcanus: fear. By convincing the peace-loving Hyrcanus that Aristobulus was planning a secret assassination, he forced the ex-king out of his "quiet life" and back into the political arena. Antipater knew that he could only rule through a puppet king, and Hyrcanus was the perfect candidate.

Apragmon vs. Drastērios
Josephus once again highlights the tragic character contrast between the brothers:

1) Hyrcanus II: Described as ἄπραγμον (ambitionless) and παρειμένον (relaxed/slack). To the ancient mind, his "decency" (ἐπιείκειαν) was a political liability that looked like cowardice (ἄνανδρον).

2) Aristobulus II: Described as δραστήριος (active) and διεγηγερμένος (stirred-up/bold).

This personality gap is why the professional soldiers followed Aristobulus, while the "shrewd" politicians like Antipater preferred the malleable Hyrcanus.

The "Primacy of the Elder" Argument
Antipater used the legal argument of primogeniture (the right of the firstborn) to delegitimize Aristobulus. This was a clever appeal to Jewish tradition and law, designed to win over the "powerful men of the Jews" (likely the Pharisaic elders) who were already wary of Aristobulus's military autocracy.

¹⁴ Ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν ὁ οὐ προσέχοντα ἑώρα τοῖς λόγοις τὸν , οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πλαττόμενος καὶ διαβάλλων πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι θέλοντα, καὶ μόλις ἐγκείμενος πείθει πρὸς αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσας φυγεῖν τὸν βασιλέα· πεισθέντι γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπισχνεῖτο.

¹⁴ "Since, therefore, Antipater saw that Hyrcanus was not paying attention to his words, he did not cease for a single day to manufacture [reports] and slander Aristobulus to him, claiming he wished to kill him. By being persistent, he finally persuaded him and advised him to flee to Aretas, the King of the Arabs; for he promised that if Hyrcanus were persuaded, he himself would also be an ally.

¹⁴ Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist himand go with him.

¹⁴ Though Antipater saw Hyrcanus ignoring what he said, day after day he never ceased accusing Aristobulus of crimes and telling him that he wanted to kill him, and so, by constantly urging him, persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, with the promise that if he would take his advice, he would help him and go with him.

¹⁵ ὁ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούων συμφέρειν ἦν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τὸν ἀποδρᾶναι, ἔστιν δὲ ὅμορος τῇ , καὶ δὴ πέμπει πρῶτον πρὸς τὸν τῶν βασιλέα τὸν ληψόμενον πίστεις, ὡς οὐκ ἐκδώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἱκέτην αὐτοῦ‎ γενόμενον.

¹⁵ Hyrcanus, hearing that it would be to his advantage to escape to Aretas (Arabia being a neighbor to Judea), first sent Antipater to the King of the Arabs to receive pledges that he would not betray him to his enemies once he became his suppliant.

¹⁵ When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies.

¹⁵ Hearing this, he said it would be good for him to escape to Aretas, for Arabia is a country bordering on Judea. But Hyrcanus first sent Antipater to the king of Arabia, for an assurance that if he came to him seeking help, he would not hand him over to his enemies.

¹⁶ λαβὼν δὲ τὰς πίστεις ὁ ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς εἰς , καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξελθὼν νύκτωρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδὸν ἧκεν ἄγων εἰς τὴν‎ καλουμένην , ὅπου τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τῷ .

¹⁶ Having received these pledges, Antipater returned to Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. Not long after, taking him and stealing out of the city by night, he covered a great distance and arrived, bringing him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was located.

¹⁶ So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was;

¹⁶ When Antipater was so assured, he returned to Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. Soon afterward he stole from the city by night along with Hyrcanus and travelled a long journey and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was.

¹⁷ μάλιστα δὲ ὢν Φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ κατάγειν τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea παρεκάλει· καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ποιῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀνιείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ δωρεὰς προιέμενος, πείθει τὸν ἈρέτανAretas.	¹⁷ Being a very close friend to the King, Antipater urged him to restore Hyrcanus to Judea. Doing this every day and never letting up—while also bestowing many gifts—he persuaded Aretas.
¹⁷ and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit.	¹⁷ As he was a friend of the king, he urged him to restore Hyrcanus to Judea and he continued to make this request every day, also promising to give him gifts if he did so, and finally persuaded Aretas.

¹⁸ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα πόλεις, ἃς ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ᾽ αὗται , , , , , , , , , , .

¹⁸ Furthermore, Hyrcanus promised that if he were restored and recovered the kingdom, he would give back to him the territory and the twelve cities which his father, Alexander [Jannaeus], had taken from the Arabs. These were: Medaba, Libba, Nabaloth, Arabatha, Galanthone, Zoira, Oronai, Digobasilissa, Rydda, Alusa, and Oryba."

¹⁸ Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.

¹⁸ Hyrcanus also promised that when he returned and received his kingdom, he would restore the area and those twelve cities that his father Alexander had taken from the Arabs, which were Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa and Oruba.

The Persistence of Antipater
Josephus emphasizes the psychological pressure Antipater applied: οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας (he did not cease for a single day). Antipater understood that Hyrcanus was not motivated by ambition, but by fear. By "manufacturing" (πλαττόμενος) threats of assassination, he wore down the King's resistance. This is the hallmark of the Herodian rise: using psychological manipulation to force the hand of legitimate but weak rulers.

Petra: The Sanctuary of Power
The flight to Petra is historically significant. Petra was the impregnable capital of the Nabataeans, carved into the red sandstone cliffs. By bringing Hyrcanus there, Antipater moved the chess board away from Jerusalem—where the Pharisees and the army held sway—to a foreign court where he (Antipater) had the "home field advantage" due to his father’s long-standing diplomatic ties.

The Reversal of Hasmonean Imperialism
The most shocking part of the deal is the Twelve Cities. Alexander Jannaeus had spent his life drenching the Transjordan in blood to conquer these Nabataean territories. To get his throne back, Hyrcanus agreed to dismantle his father’s empire.

Medaba (Madaba) and Zoira (Zoar) were strategic hubs for trade and agriculture.

This move essentially sold the national interest for personal restoration, a decision that would make Hyrcanus look like a traitor to the nationalist Sadducean military elite.

Suppression of the Names
The list of cities (Medaba, Alusa, etc.) serves as a receipt of the Hasmonean decline. While some names in the Greek text are corrupted or fused (like Oronai-digo-basilissa), they represent a massive geographic swathe of the Moabite and Edomite regions. This "land-for-peace" (or rather, "land-for-throne") deal fundamentally weakened the Jewish state’s defensive borders.

Suppliant vs. Sovereign
Hyrcanus entered Petra as a ἱκέτην (suppliant/refugee). By accepting this status, he surrendered his dignity as a Hasmonean king. Antipater, meanwhile, acted as the "power broker," using his own wealth (δωρεὰς) to persuade Aretas. It becomes clear here that Aretas is the muscle, Antipater is the brain, and Hyrcanus is merely the legal "flag" they are carrying back to Jerusalem.

Chapter 2
[019-033]
Aretas and Hyrcanus besiege Aristobulus in Jerusalem.
Scaurus relieves the siege.
Death of Onias.

☜ ☞

¹⁹ Τούτων αὐτῷ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων γενομένων ὁ ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν μετὰ πέντε μυριάδων ἱππέων ἅμα καὶ πεζῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ νικᾷ τῇ μάχῃ. πολλῶν δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ νίκην πρὸς αὐτομολησάντων μονωθεὶς ὁ ἔφυγεν εἰς .

¹⁹ "After these promises were made, Aretas marched against Aristobulus with fifty thousand horse and foot soldiers combined, and he conquered him in battle. When many deserted to Hyrcanus following the victory, Aristobulus was left isolated and fled to Jerusalem.

¹⁹ After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem;

¹⁹ Impelled by these promises, Aretas marched against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand cavalry and infantry and defeated him in battle. After the victory, many deserted to Hyrcanus so that, left alone, Aristobulus fled to Jerusalem.

²⁰ ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς πᾶσαν τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἀγαγὼν καὶ προσβαλὼν τῷ ἱερῷ τὸν ἐπολιόρκει προστιθεμένου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῷ καὶ συμπολιορκοῦντος αὐτῷ, μόνων δὲ τῶν ἱερέων τῷ προσμενόντων.

²⁰ The King of the Arabs, bringing his entire army and attacking the Temple, besieged Aristobulus; the common people also joined with Hyrcanus and assisted in the siege, while only the priests remained loyal to Aristobulus.

²⁰ upon which the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyreanus, and assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus.

²⁰ The king of the Arabians then took all his army and attacked the temple and besieged Aristobulus there, with the people in support of Hyrcanus and helping in the siege, while no one stayed with Aristobulus except the priests.

²¹ ὁ μὲν οὖν ἑξῆς βαλόμενος στρατόπεδα τῶν καὶ τῶν ἰσχυρῶς ἐνέκειτο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ. τούτων δὲ γινομένων κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς, ἣν πάσχα λέγομεν, οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ἐκλιπόντες τὴν‎ χώραν εἰς ἔφυγον.

²¹ Now Aretas, having set up the camps of the Arabs and the Jews in order, pressed the siege vigorously. While these things were happening during the time of the Festival of Unleavened Bread, which we call Passover, the most distinguished of the Jews left the country and fled to Egypt.

²¹ So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt.

²¹ Holding together the forces of the Arabs and the Jews, Aretas pressed ahead strongly with the siege. As this happened during the celebration of the feast of unleavened bread, which we call Passover, the leading Jews left the country and fled into Egypt.

²² δέ τινα ὄνομα δίκαιον ὄντα καὶ θεοφιλῆ, ὃς ἀνομβρίας ποτὲ οὔσης ηὔξατο τῷ θεῷ λῦσαι τὸν αὐχμὸν καὶ γενόμενος ἐπήκοος ὁ θεὸς ὗσεν, κρύψαντα ἑαυτὸν διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ στάσιν ὁρᾶν ἰσχυρὰν ἐπιμένουσαν, ἀναχθέντα εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν ἠξίουν, ὡς ἔπαυσε τὴν‎ ἀνομβρίαν εὐξάμενος, ἵν᾽ οὕτως ἀρὰς θῇ κατὰ καὶ τῶν συστασιαστῶν αὐτοῦ‎.

²² Now there was a certain man named Onias, who was righteous and beloved by God; once, during a drought, he had prayed to God to end the dry spell, and God, hearing him, sent rain. Observing that the civil strife was remaining intense, he had hidden himself. However, having been brought to the camp of the Jews, they demanded that—just as he had ended the drought through prayer—he should now lay curses upon Aristobulus and his fellow rebels.

²² Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction.

²² There was a righteous and godly man named Onias who during a drought had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat and God had heard his prayers and sent them rain. This man had gone into hiding because he foresaw that this revolt would last a long time, but they brought him to the Jewish camp and asked him, that just as he had once put an end to the drought by his prayers, so now he would put a curse on Aristobulus and his fellow-rebels.

²³ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀντιλέγων καὶ παραιτούμενος ἐβιάσθη ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους, στὰς μέσος αὐτῶν εἶπεν·	²³ When he refused and tried to excuse himself, he was compelled by the multitude. Standing in their midst, he said:
²³ And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said,	²³ Though he argued against this and begged to be excused, the crowd still forced him to speak, so he stood up among them and said,

²⁴ " ὦ θεὲ βασιλεῦ τῶν ὅλων, ἐπεὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ συνεστῶτες σὸς δῆμός ἐστιν καὶ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι δὲ ἱερεῖς σοί, δέομαι μήτε κατὰ τούτων ἐκείνοις ὑπακοῦσαι μήτε κατ᾽ ἐκείνων ἃ οὗτοι παρακαλοῦσιν εἰς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν. Καὶ τὸν μὲν ταῦτ᾽ εὐξάμενον περιστάντες οἱ πονηροὶ τῶν κατέλευσαν.

²⁴ 'O God, King of the universe, since those standing with me are Your people, and those who are besieged are Your priests, I beseech You to listen to neither side against the other, nor to bring to fulfillment what either group asks against the other.' And when he had prayed in this manner, the wicked among the Jews surrounded him and stoned him to death."

²⁴ "O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those." Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.

²⁴ "O God the King of all, since those standing here with me are your people and the besieged are your priests, I beg you not to hear these people’s prayers against the others, nor do what the others are urging against these." But so wicked were the Jews standing around him that as he prayed this they did away with him.

The "Honi the Circle-Drawer" Connection
The man Josephus calls Onias is almost certainly the famous Honi Ha-Me'agel (Honi the Circle-Drawer) mentioned in the Mishnah (Ta'anit 3:8). While the Rabbinic tradition focuses on his miraculous ability to produce rain by drawing a circle and refusing to leave it until God answered, Josephus provides the "political" ending to his life. It is a rare moment where archaeological/historical records and Jewish Oral Law overlap so specifically.

The Isolation of the Priesthood
Josephus makes a critical distinction: the "multitude" (δήμου) supported Hyrcanus and the Arab invaders, but the priests (ἱερέων) stayed with Aristobulus. This confirms that the conflict was not just between two brothers, but between the Pharisaic-leaning masses (supporting the "legitimate" but weak Hyrcanus) and the Sadducean priestly aristocracy (supporting the "warrior" Aristobulus).

The Desecration of Passover
The siege took place during Passover. Josephus notes that the "most distinguished" (dokimotatoi) Jews fled to Egypt. This indicates a massive "brain drain" and a loss of faith in the Hasmonean project. The fact that the feast of freedom (Passover) was being celebrated while Jews were besieging other Jews in the Temple precinct was seen as a spiritual low point for the nation.

A Theology of Neutrality
Onias’s prayer is a masterpiece of moral clarity. He refused to weaponize his relationship with God for partisan politics. By identifying both sides as belonging to God ("Your people" and "Your priests"), he exposed the absurdity of the civil war. His refusal to curse his brothers is a classic example of the "Third Way" in Jewish thought—a rejection of the binary of civil strife.

The Mob as the Villain
Josephus is often critical of the Jewish "multitude" or "rebels" (stasiastai). Here, he labels those who killed Onias as πονηροὶ (wicked/evil). The stoning of a "friend of God" (theophilē) because he wouldn't participate in hate-speech was interpreted by Josephus (and later commentators) as a primary reason for the subsequent Roman conquest. It signaled that the nation had lost its moral compass and was ripe for divine judgment/external rule.

²⁵ Ὁ δὲ θεὸς ταύτης αὐτοὺς παραχρῆμα ἐτιμωρήσατο τῆς ὠμότητος καὶ δίκην εἰσεπράξατο τοῦ φόνου τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ· πολιορκουμένων τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ συνέβη τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν τὴν‎ καλουμένην φάσκα, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔθος ἐστὶν ἡμῖν πολλὰ θύειν τῷ θεῷ.

²⁵ "But God punished them immediately for this cruelty and exacted justice for the murder of Onias in the following manner: while the priests and Aristobulus were being besieged, it happened that the festival called Pascha [Passover] arrived, during which it is our custom to offer many sacrifices to God.

²⁵ But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God;

²⁵ God immediately punished them for their savagery avenged the murder of Onias, in this way: While the priests and Aristobulus were under siege, the feast called Pascha arrived, when it is our custom to offer many sacrifices to God.

²⁶ ἀποροῦντες δὲ θυμάτων οἱ περὶ τὸν ἠξίωσαν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους παρασχεῖν χρήματα λαβόντας ἀντὶ τῶν θυμάτων ὅσα θέλουσιν. τῶν δέ, εἰ βούλονται λαβεῖν, χιλίας δραχμὰς ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης κεφαλῆς καταβαλεῖν κελευόντων, προθύμως ὅ τε καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς ὑπέστησαν καὶ διὰ τῶν τειχῶν καθιμήσαντες ἔδωκαν αὐτοῖς τὰ χρήματα.

²⁶ Since those with Aristobulus were in want of sacrificial animals, they requested their fellow countrymen [the besiegers] to provide them, offering to pay whatever price they desired for the victims. When the others demanded that they pay one thousand drachmas for each head [of livestock] if they wished to receive them, Aristobulus and the priests readily agreed and, having let the money down over the walls, they gave it to them.

²⁶ but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them.

²⁶ Lacking the victims they needed, Aristobulus' group wanted their countrymen outside to provide them, at whatever price they might require, and when they demanded a thousand drachmae for each head of livestock, Aristobulus and the priests willingly agreed and those inside let down the money over the walls and gave it to them.

²⁷ κἀκεῖνοι λαβόντες οὐκ ἀπέδωκαν τὰ θύματα, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο πονηρίας ἦλθον, ὥστε παραβῆναι τὰς πίστεις καὶ ἀσεβῆσαι τὸν θεὸν τὰ πρὸς τὰς θυσίας μὴ παρασχόντες τοῖς δεομένοις.	²⁷ But having taken the money, they did not deliver the sacrifices; rather, they reached such a peak of wickedness that they violated their pledges and acted impiously toward God by not providing the materials for the sacrifices to those in need.
²⁷ But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices.	²⁷ But when they got the money the others did not deliver the victims, but wickedly broke the assurances they had given and affronted God by not furnishing the sacrifices to those who needed them.

²⁸ παρασπονδηθέντες δὲ οἱ ἱερεῖς ηὔξαντο τὸν θεὸν δίκην αὐτῶν εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν , ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνεβάλετο τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν, ἀλλὰ πνεῦμα πολὺ καὶ βίαιον ἐπιπέμψας τὸν καρπὸν ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας διέφθειρεν, ὡς τὸν μόδιον τοῦ σίτου τότε αὐτοὺς ἐξωνεῖσθαι δραχμῶν ἕνδεκα.

²⁸ The priests, having been thus betrayed, prayed to God to exact justice for them from their fellow countrymen. And He did not delay the punishment, but sent a great and violent wind that destroyed the crops of the entire land, so that a modius of wheat at that time cost them eleven drachmas."

²⁸ And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.

²⁸ The priests who were cheated implored God for vengeance on their countrymen and their punishment was not delayed for he sent a strong storm of wind that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, until a modius of wheat then bought among them for eleven drachmae.

The Super-Inflation of War
The ransom demanded for the sacrificial animals—1,000 drachmas per head—was an astronomical, predatory price. For context, a standard laborer's daily wage was roughly one drachma. By paying this without hesitation, Aristobulus and the priests demonstrated that they valued the continuity of the Temple service above their own wealth. Conversely, the besiegers (the followers of Hyrcanus and the Nabataeans) were portrayed as using the holy rites as a tool for extortion.

The Violation of Pistis (Faith)
In the ancient world, even between enemies, a "pledge" (πίστεις) involving religious matters was considered sacrosanct. By taking the money and "keeping the sheep," the besiegers committed two sins: breach of contract and sacrilege (asebeia). Josephus suggests that by preventing the Passover sacrifices, the followers of Hyrcanus effectively "excommunicated" themselves from the favor of God.

Divine Irony: Wind and Wheat
Josephus links the punishment directly to the crime. Because the people refused to provide food for God’s altar, God refused to provide food for the people. The violent wind (πνεῦμα βίαιον) that destroyed the crops led to a famine where a modius (roughly 8.7 liters) of grain reached the exorbitant price of 11 drachmas. This serves as a literary "echo" of the earlier story of Onias; the people murdered a man who could bring rain, and in return, they received a wind that brought starvation.

The Moral Justification for Rome
Throughout this section, Josephus is building a case. He wants his Roman readers (and Jewish survivors) to understand that the Roman conquest was not just a matter of military might, but a result of internal moral collapse. When "fellow countrymen" (ὁμοφύλων) begin stoning their saints and cheating their priests during Passover, the "mandate of heaven" has clearly shifted.

Historical Context: The Last Independent Passover
This was one of the last Passovers celebrated under a fully sovereign Hasmonean king. The internal rot described here—the priests trapped in the Temple, the masses extorting the holy office—explains why, when the Roman legate Scaurus arrived shortly after, he was seen by many not as an invader, but as an arbiter who might restore some semblance of order to a chaotic land.

²⁹ Ἐν τούτῳ πέμπει Σκαῦρον εἰς αὐτὸς ὢν ἐν καὶ πολεμῶν ἔτι Τιγράνῃ. ὁ δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Λόλλιον καὶ Μέτελλον νεωστὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ᾑρηκότας εὑρὼν αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ ἠπείγετο.

²⁹ "At this time, Pompey—being himself in Armenia and still at war with Tigranes—sent Scaurus into Syria. Upon arriving in Damascus, Scaurus found that Lollius and Metellus had only recently taken the city, so he himself hurried on toward Judea.

²⁹ In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea.

²⁹ Meanwhile Pompey sent Scaurus to Syria, while he was himself in Armenia at war with Tigranes, but when Scaurus reached Damascus and found that Lollius and Metellus had newly taken the city, he proceed on into Judea.

³⁰ παραγενομένου δὲ πρέσβεις ἧκον πρὸς αὐτὸν παρά τε καὶ συμμαχεῖν ἑκατέροις. δὲ τετρακόσια δώσειν τάλαντα, τοῦ δὲ τούτων οὐκ ἐλάττονα παρέξειν, προσδέχεται τὴν‎ ὑπόσχεσιν·

³⁰ When he arrived, ambassadors came to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, each requesting that he become their ally. Aristobulus promised to give four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus offered no less than this; however, Scaurus accepted the promise of Aristobulus.

³⁰ And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus’s promise,

³⁰ When he arrived, envoys came to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, each asking him to be their ally. As both of them promised him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted the promise of Aristobulus,

³¹ καὶ γὰρ εὔπορος χρημάτων καὶ μεγαλόψυχος ἦν καὶ μετριωτέρων ἠξίου τυγχάνειν, ὁ δὲ πένης ἦν καὶ γλίσχρος καὶ περὶ μειζόνων τὴν‎ ἄπιστον προύτεινεν ἐπαγγελίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἴσον ἦν βίᾳ πόλιν ἑλεῖν ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα ὀχυρὰν καὶ δυνατήν, ἢ φυγάδας ἐκβαλεῖν μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους οὐκ εὖ πρὸς πόλεμον διακειμένων.

³¹ For Aristobulus was wealthy and high-spirited (μεγαλόψυχος) and requested things that were more moderate, whereas Hyrcanus was poor and stingy (γλίσχρος) and made an unreliable promise regarding much larger matters. Indeed, it was not the same thing to take by force a city [Jerusalem] that was exceptionally fortified and powerful, as it was to drive off refugees accompanied by a multitude of Nabataeans who were not well-disposed toward war.

³¹ for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of Mabateans, who were no very warlike people.

³¹ who was rich and generous and looked for nothing but what was fair, whereas the other was poor and niggling and made unbelievable promises, hoping for greater things. It was not the same thing to take a city that was very strong and powerful, as to expel from the country some fugitives and a crowd of Nabateans, who were not adept at war.

³² τούτῳ τοίνυν προσθέμενος διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας λαβὼν τὰ χρήματα λύει τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, κελεύσας ἀναχωρεῖν τὸν ἈρέτανAretas ἢ πολέμιον αὐτὸν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι.	³² Therefore, siding with Aristobulus for the reasons mentioned, Scaurus took the money and lifted the siege, commanding Aretas to withdraw or else be declared an enemy of the Romans.
³² He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans.	³² For the reasons mentioned he made an agreement with Aristobulus and took his money and ended the siege and ordered Aretas to depart or he would declare him an enemy of Rome.

³³ καὶ μὲν εἰς πάλιν ἀνεχώρησεν, δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐπί τε καὶ ἐστράτευσεν καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς περὶ τὸν καλούμενον νικᾷ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κτείνει περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους τῶν πολεμίων, μεθ᾽ ὧν ἔπεσεν καὶ Φαλλίων ὁ ἀδελφός.

³³ Scaurus then returned to Damascus, while Aristobulus marched with a large force against Aretas and Hyrcanus. Engaging them at the place called Papyron, he was victorious in the battle and slew about six thousand of the enemy, among whom fell Phallion, the brother of Antipater."

³³ So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the brother of Antipater.

³³ Then Scaurus returned to Damascus and Aristobulus with a large force made war on Aretas and Hyrcanus and fought them at a place called Papyron and defeated them in the battle and killed about six thousand of the enemy, and among the fallen was Phalion, the brother of Antipater.

The Roman "Landed Gentry" Mentality
Josephus provides a fascinating look at how Marcus Aemilius Scaurus judged the two brothers. He didn't look at their legal right to the throne; he looked at their "brand."

Aristobulus is described as megalopsychos (magnanimous/high-spirited). He had the gold on hand and a fortified city. To a Roman, he looked like a reliable client-king.

Hyrcanus is described as glischros (stingy/shabby). Despite his promise of money, his reliance on a "rabble" of Arabs made him look weak and his promises "unreliable" (apiston).

The Cost of an Alliance
The 400 talents mentioned was a staggering sum—roughly 2.4 million silver denarii. In the late Republic, Roman commanders like Scaurus often viewed their eastern assignments as opportunities for massive personal enrichment. By accepting the bribe from Aristobulus, Scaurus wasn't just choosing a side; he was choosing the "easier" military task.

The Power of the Roman Word
It is remarkable that the mere command of a Roman legate was enough to break a siege of 50,000 men. When Scaurus threatened to declare Aretas an "enemy of the Romans," the Nabataean king immediately abandoned his investment in Jerusalem. This demonstrates that by 65 BCE, the shadow of Rome was so long that their diplomatic threats carried the weight of a full invasion.

The Battle of Papyron: A Bloody Reversal
With the Roman "shield" now protecting him, Aristobulus went from the besieged to the hunter. He caught the retreating Nabataean-Judean army at Papyron (likely in the Jordan Valley). The death of Phallion, Antipater’s brother, is a major blow to the house of Herod. It turned the political rivalry between Antipater and Aristobulus into a blood feud, ensuring that Antipater would never stop until Aristobulus was destroyed.

The Beginning of the End
Scaurus’s intervention was only a temporary fix. He took the money and left for the comforts of Damascus, leaving the two brothers to continue bleeding the nation. However, the precedent was set: the Hasmoneans were no longer the masters of their own house. They had invited the Roman "judge" in, and very soon, the judge's superior—Pompey the Great—would arrive to deliver a much more permanent verdict.

Chapter 3
[034-053]
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus argue their claims to rule;
the Roman, Pompey, sides with Hyrcanus.

☜ ☞

³⁴ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ εἰς καὶ κοίλην ἐπιόντος ἧκον παρ᾽ αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἐξ ὅλης καὶ καὶ ἐκ τῆς · ἔπεμψε γὰρ αὐτῷ μέγα δῶρον ἄμπελον χρυσῆν ἐκ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων.

³⁴ "Not long after, when Pompey had arrived in Damascus and was passing through Coele-Syria, ambassadors came to him from all over Syria and Egypt, and also from Judea. For Aristobulus sent him a magnificent gift: a golden vine valued at five hundred talents.

³⁴ A little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine of the value of five hundred talents.

³⁴ Soon afterward, Pompey came to Damascu. As he came to Coele-Syria, envoys reached him from all Syria and Egypt and also from Judea, for Aristobulus had sent him a large gift of a a golden vine to the value of five hundred talents.

³⁵ μέμνηται δὲ τοῦ δώρου καὶ ὁ λέγων οὕτως· " ἦλθεν δὲ καὶ ἐξ πρεσβεία καὶ στέφανος ἀπὸ χρυσῶν τετρακισχιλίων καὶ ἐκ τῆς εἴτε ἄμπελος εἴτε κῆπος· τερπωλὴν ὠνόμαζον τὸ δημιούργημα.

³⁵ Strabo the Cappadocian also mentions this gift, saying as follows: 'There came also an embassy from Egypt and a crown of four thousand gold pieces, and from Judea either a vine or a garden; they called the artwork Terpōlē [Delight].'

³⁵ Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight.

³⁵ Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this gift in these words: "A delegation came from Egypt, with a crown to the value of four thousand pieces of gold, and from Judea came either a vine or a garden, an artifact that they called the delight.

³⁶ τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ δῶρον ἱστορήκαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνακείμενον ἐν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ τοῦ Καπετωλίου ἐπιγραφὴν τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως. ἐτιμήθη δὲ εἶναι πεντακοσίων ταλάντων " μὲν οὖν τοῦτο λέγεται πέμψαι τὸν δυνάστην.

³⁶ We ourselves have actually seen this gift dedicated in Rome in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, bearing an inscription [naming it the gift] of Alexander, the King of the Jews. It was valued at five hundred talents. It is said, however, that it was Aristobulus, the ruler of the Jews, who actually sent it."

³⁶ However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, ‘The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it."

³⁶ We ourselves have examined this gift, which is kept in Rome in the temple of Zeus Capitolinus, and is inscribed: The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews. It was valued at five hundred talents, and is said to have been sent by Aristobulus, the ruler of the Jews."

The "Vine" as National Symbol
The choice of a golden vine was deeply symbolic. In Jewish iconography, the vine often represented the Nation of Israel (as seen later in the massive golden vine over the portal of Herod’s Temple). By sending this specific object to Pompey, Aristobulus was likely trying to present himself as the legitimate protector of the national cult and identity.

The Discrepancy of the Name: Alexander vs. Aristobulus
Josephus notes a curious detail: the inscription in Rome credited the gift to Alexander (Jannaeus), but he asserts that Aristobulus II was the one who sent it.

1) The Logic: Aristobulus likely sent an heirloom commissioned by his father (Alexander Jannaeus) to save time or to emphasize the antiquity and legitimacy of his royal line.

2) The Result: When Josephus viewed it in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus decades later, the Roman curators had preserved the name of the original "King" Alexander, perhaps unaware of the messy civil war between his sons.

Historiographical Validation: Josephus and Strabo
This is a rare moment where Josephus cites a contemporary Roman source—the geographer/historian Strabo—to verify his claims. This reinforces Josephus's earlier "Preface" about accuracy (akribeia). By cross-referencing Strabo, Josephus proves to his Greco-Roman audience that his "Jewish history" is grounded in the broader, recognized records of the Roman Empire.

The Scale of the Bribe
The value of 500 talents is immense. This was 100 talents more than the "gift" previously given to the legate Scaurus. Aristobulus was clearly attempting to outbid his brother Hyrcanus by an unmatchable margin. In the "gift economy" of the late Roman Republic, such an offering was intended to buy not just an audience, but a favorable verdict in the upcoming trial.

The Name "Terpōlē"
The name Terpōlē (meaning "Delight" or "Pleasure" in Greek) suggests that this was not just a lump of gold, but a masterwork of Hellenistic-Jewish goldsmithing. It was likely a complex arrangement of gold branches, leaves, and clusters of grapes. Its display in the most sacred temple of the Roman state (Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill) shows that while the Hasmoneans were losing their kingdom, their treasures were becoming part of the Roman imperial victory narrative.

³⁷ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἧκον πάλιν πρέσβεις πρὸς αὐτὸν μὲν ὑπὲρ , Νικόδημος δὲ ὑπὲρ , ὃς δὴ καὶ κατηγόρει τῶν λαβόντων χρήματα μὲν πρότερον δὲ ὕστερον, τοῦ μὲν τριακόσια τοῦ δὲ τετρακόσια τάλαντα, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τούτους ἐχθροὺς αὐτῷ κατασκευάζων.

³⁷ "Not long after, ambassadors came to him again: Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus on behalf of Aristobulus. The latter [Nicodemus] also accused those who had taken money—Gabinius first, and later Scaurus—the former taking three hundred talents and the latter four hundred. In doing so, he made them his enemies along with the others.

³⁷ In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus,—the one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he had before.

³⁷ Soon more envoys came to him, Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus and Nicodemus on behalf of Aristobulus. The latter accused first Gabinius and then Scaurus of taking bribes, the one three hundred talents and the other four hundred, which made enemies of both of them, besides those he already had.

³⁸ κελεύσας δὲ ἥκειν τοὺς διαμφισβητοῦντας ἐνισταμένου τοῦ ἔαρος ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐκ τῶν χειμαδίων ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τῆς . Καὶ τήν τε ἄκραν ἐν παρόδῳ τὴν‎ ἐν κατέσκαψεν, ἣν ὁ Κυζικηνὸς ἐτείχισεν ,

³⁸ When spring began, Pompey ordered the disputing parties to appear. Taking his forces from their winter quarters, he marched toward the region of Damascus. On his way, he razed the citadel in Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified.

³⁸ And when Pompey had ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built,

³⁸ Telling the disputants to come to him early in the spring, he [Pompey] brought his army from winter quarters and marched into the district of Damascus, and as he went along he demolished the citadel that Antiochus Cyzicenus had built in Apameia,

³⁹ καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ χώραν κατενόησεν, ἀνδρὸς πονηροῦ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐλάσσονος τοῦ Τριπολίτου τοῦ πελεκισθέντος, ᾧπερ καὶ κηδεύων ἐτύγχανεν, χιλίοις μέντοι ταλάντοις ἐξωνησαμένου τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τιμωρίαν, οἷς τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐμισθοδότησεν.

³⁹ He also inspected the territory of Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, a wicked man no less villainous than Dionysius of Tripolis (who had been beheaded), to whom Ptolemy happened to be related by marriage. However, Ptolemy purchased his escape from punishment for his crimes by paying one thousand talents, which Pompey used to pay his soldiers’ wages.

³⁹ and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages.

³⁹ and took note of the district of Ptolemy Mennaeus, just as evil a man as Dionysius of Tripoli, whom he had beheaded, though he was his relative by marriage; but Ptolemy bought off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid his soldiers' wages.

⁴⁰ ἐξεῖλεν δὲ καὶ Λυσιάδα χωρίον, οὗ τύραννος ἦν ὁ . διελθὼν δὲ τὰς πόλεις τήν τε Ἡλιούπολιν καὶ τὴν‎ Χαλκίδα καὶ τὸ διεῖργον ὄρος ὑπερβαλὼν τὴν‎ κοίλην ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης εἰς ἧκεν.

⁴⁰ He also captured Lysias, a stronghold where Silas the Jew was tyrant. Passing through the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and crossing the mountain range [Anti-Lebanon] that separates Coele-Syria from the rest of the country, he arrived in Damascus.

⁴⁰ He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Celesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus;

⁴⁰ He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. When he had passed by the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis and crossed the mountain which is on the borders of Coele-syria, he came from Pella to Damascus.

⁴¹ ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο καὶ καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι· πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο.

⁴¹ There he gave a hearing to the Jews and their leaders [63 BC]. They were divided into three parties: Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were at odds with each other, and the nation was at odds with both of them. The people requested not to be ruled by kings, for they said it was their ancestral custom to obey the priests of the God they honored; but they claimed that these men [the Hasmoneans], though descendants of priests, sought to change the government into another form in order to enslave the nation.

⁴¹ and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them.

⁴¹ There he heard the cases of the Jews and of their leaders Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at odds with each other, and the nation’s rejection of them both, not wishing to be under a monarchy since their tradition was to obey the priests of the God they worshipped, and although both of these were the descendants of priests, they were trying to change the government of their nation into another form, in order to enslave them.

⁴² ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ κατηγόρει, ὅτι πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἀφαιρεθείη τὸ πρεσβεῖον ὑπὸ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus καὶ μικρὸν ἔχοι μέρος τῆς χώρας ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ, τὴν‎ δὲ ἄλλην βίᾳ λαβὼν ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus·	⁴² Hyrcanus accused Aristobulus, saying that although he was the elder, he had been deprived of his birthright and held only a small part of the country, while Aristobulus had taken the rest by force.
⁴² Hyrcanus complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force.	⁴² Hyrcanus complained that although he was the elder he was deprived of his birthright by Aristobulus and was left with just a small part of the country, Aristobulus having taken the rest from him by force.

⁴³ τάς τε καταδρομὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁμόρους καὶ τὰ πειρατήρια τὰ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν συστήσαντα διέβαλεν, οὐκ ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἀποστῆναι λέγων τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοῦ‎, εἰ μὴ βίαιός τις καὶ ταραχώδης ὑπῆρχεν. συνηγόρουν δὲ αὐτῷ ταῦτα λέγοντι πλείους ἢ χίλιοι τῶν δοκιμωτάτων παρασκευάσαντος.

⁴³ He also charged that Aristobulus was the one who organized raids against neighbors and acts of piracy at sea, claiming the nation would never have revolted from him [Hyrcanus] if he were not a violent and turbulent man. More than a thousand of the most distinguished Jews, prepared by Antipater, testified in support of these words.

⁴³ He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by Antipater.

⁴³ He also accused him of raiding the neighbouring lands and of piracy promoted by him at sea, and said that the nation would not have rebelled if Aristobulus had not been so violent and disorderly,. This accusation, which was confirmed by Antipater and was supported by no fewer than a thousand of the most highly esteemed among the Jews.

⁴⁴ ὁ δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὴν‎ ἐκείνου φύσιν ᾐτιᾶτο ἄπρακτον οὖσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εὐκαταφρόνητον, αὐτὸν δ᾽ ἔλεγεν φόβῳ τοῦ μὴ πρὸς ἄλλους μεταστῆναι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐν ἀνάγκης αὐτὴν ὑπελθεῖν, προσαγορεύεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦτο ὅπερ καὶ τὸν πατέρα.

⁴⁴ Aristobulus, for his part, attributed the loss of the government to Hyrcanus’s own nature, which was inactive (ἄπρακτον) and therefore contemptible. He claimed he had assumed power by necessity, for fear it would pass to others, and that he held the same title as his father, Alexander.

⁴⁴ But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was Hyrcanus’s own temper, which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him].

⁴⁴ But the other countered that his brother’s inactive, unimpressive nature made him unfit for leadership and that he was compelled to take it upon himself for fear it would pass to others, and that his title was no more than his father Alexander had taken.

⁴⁵ καὶ δὴ μάρτυρας τούτων ἐκάλει τοὺς νέους καὶ σοβαρωτέρους, ὧν ἐβδελύττοντο τὰς πορφυρίδας καὶ τὰς κόμας καὶ τὰ φάλαρα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον, ὃν ὥσπερ οὐ δίκην ὑφέξοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς εἰς πομπὴν προιόντες περιέκειντο.

⁴⁵ As witnesses for these things, he called forward certain youths who were arrogant and boastful, whose purple robes, long hair, trappings, and other ornaments were loathsome to the observers; for they wore them as if they were proceeding in a parade rather than standing trial for their lives."

⁴⁵ He also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in a pompous procession.

⁴⁵ He also called in his support some free-spirited young men whose purple clothing, long hair and other ornaments gave offence as they appeared not like people pleading in a court of justice, but like marchers in a ceremonial procession.

The Tactical Blunder of Nicodemus
Aristobulus’s representative, Nicodemus, committed a fatal diplomatic error by accusing Pompey’s top lieutenants (Gabinius and Scaurus) of taking bribes. While true, insulting the very Roman officers who would advise Pompey was political suicide. It turned the Roman "middle management" against Aristobulus, ensuring that the Roman military machine would favor the more compliant Hyrcanus.

The Price of "Wickedness"
The account of Ptolemy son of Mennaeus reveals the raw pragmatism of Pompey. Ptolemy was a "wicked" tyrant, but he survived by paying 1,000 talents—more than double the bribes offered by the Hasmoneans. Pompey needed to pay his legions; in the Roman East, justice was often secondary to the payroll.

The Anti-Monarchist "Third Party"
This is a critical moment in Jewish political history. A large group of Jews argued for Theocracy over Monarchy. They viewed the Hasmonean kingship as a Hellenistic corruption that "enslaved" the people. They preferred to return to the era of the High Priests under a foreign protector (like the Persians or early Ptolemies). This "Third Way" showed Pompey that the Hasmonean house did not have the unanimous support of its own people.

Antipater: The Master of Puppets
Josephus notes that the "thousand distinguished Jews" supporting Hyrcanus were "prepared by Antipater." This is the first clear look at Antipater’s political machine. He didn't just provide arguments; he provided a manufactured "public opinion" to influence the Roman general.

The "Culture War" in Court
Josephus paints a vivid picture of the aesthetic clash before Pompey:

1) Hyrcanus's side: Presented as "distinguished" and "orderly."

2) Aristobulus's side: Presented as "arrogant" youths with long hair and purple robes.

To a Roman general like Pompey—who valued gravitas and discipline—Aristobulus’s supporters looked like decadent Hellenistic dandies (σοβαρωτέρους) rather than serious rulers. Aristobulus’s attempt to look "royal" backfired; it made him look like a threat to Roman order.

⁴⁶ δὲ τούτων ἀκούσας καὶ καταγνοὺς βίαν, τότε μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψεν διαλεχθεὶς πρᾴως, ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν διατάξειν ἕκαστα, ἐπειδὰν τὰ τῶν πρῶτον ἴδῃ. τέως δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν θεραπεύων ἅμα τὸν , μὴ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀποστήσῃ καὶ διακλεισθείη τῶν παρόδων.

⁴⁶ "When Pompey had heard these things and had condemned the violence of Aristobulus, he dismissed them for the time being with mild words. He said that once he had first looked into the affairs of the Nabataeans, he would come into their country and settle each matter. In the meantime, he commanded them to keep the peace, while simultaneously humoring Aristobulus so that he would not cause the country to revolt or block the mountain passes.

⁴⁶ When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return;

⁴⁶ When Pompey had heard the cases of these two and had condemned the violence of Aristobulus, he spoke mildly to them and sent them off, saying that he would settle all their affairs when he came again into their country, after first viewing those of the Nabateans. Meanwhile he ordered them to be at peace. But he treated Aristobulus politely in case he should make the nation revolt and hinder his return;

⁴⁷ ἔτυχεν μέντοι τοῦτο ἐξ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus γενόμενον· οὐ γὰρ ἀναμείνας οὐδὲν ὧν διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ ΠομπήιοςPompeius εἰς ΔειλονDelius πόλιν ἦλθεν κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀπῆρεν.	⁴⁷ However, this is exactly what happened because of Aristobulus; for without waiting for anything Pompey had discussed with him, he went to the city of Delius and from there departed for Judea.
⁴⁷ which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.	⁴⁷ which however Aristobulus did, for without waiting for any further decision, as Pompey had promised them, he went to the city of Delius and from there marched into Judea.

⁴⁸ Ὀργίζεται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ , καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀναλαβὼν στρατιὰν ἔκ τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπικουρικὰ σὺν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν αὐτῷ τάγμασιν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν .

⁴⁸ Pompey was enraged by these actions. Taking up the army intended for the Nabataeans—consisting of auxiliary forces from Damascus and the rest of Syria along with the Roman legions he already had—he marched against Aristobulus.

⁴⁸ At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus;

⁴⁸ Pompey was angry with this behaviour, and taking with him from Damascus the army he was leading against the Nabateans and the allies from the rest of Syria, with the other Roman legions he had with him, he marched against Aristobulus.

⁴⁹ ὡς δὲ παραμειψάμενος καὶ εἰς ἧκεν, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ τῆς διεξιόντι τὴν‎ μεσόγειον, ἐνταῦθα εἴς τι περικαλλὲς ἔρυμα ἐπ᾽ ἄκρου τοῦ ὄρους ἱδρυμένον συμπεφευγότος, πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτόν.

⁴⁹ When he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis and reached Coreae—which is the beginning of Judea as one travels through the interior—he sent for Aristobulus, who had taken refuge in a very beautiful fortress established on the summit of a mountain, called Alexandrium.

⁴⁹ but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him.

⁴⁹ As he passed Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, where Judea begins if one travels through the interior, and arrived at a most beautiful fortress, built on the top of a mountain called Alexandreion, where Aristobulus had fled and he sent him orders to come out to him.

⁵⁰ ὁ δὲ παραινούντων πολλῶν μὴ πολεμεῖν ῬωμαίοιςRomans κάτεισιν καὶ δικαιολογησάμενος πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀκρόπολιν ἀναβαίνει ΠομπηίουPompeius συγχωρήσαντος.	⁵⁰ Aristobulus, though many advised him not to fight the Romans, came down. After arguing his case against his brother regarding the government, he went back up to the citadel with Pompey’s permission.
⁵⁰ Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do;	⁵⁰ Under persuasion by many not to make war with the Romans, he came down, and after disputing with his brother about the rights to the leadership, he went up again to the citadel, with Pompey’s permission.

⁵¹ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησεν δὶς καὶ τρίς, ἅμα μὲν κολακεύων τὴν‎ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐλπίδα καὶ πρὸς ἕκαστον ὧν κελεύσειεν ὑπακούειν ὑποκρινόμενος, ἅμα δὲ ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ καταλύειν αὑτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀφορμὴν αὑτῷ παρασκευαζόμενος, δεδιὼς μὴ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εἰς περιστήσῃ.

⁵¹ He did this twice and even thrice, on the one hand flattering his own hope of the kingship and pretending to obey every order Pompey gave, but on the other hand retreating to the fortress so as not to lower his own standing, and preparing himself an opportunity for war, fearing that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus.

⁵¹ and this he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus.

⁵¹ He did this a second and a third time, flattering himself with hopes of having the kingdom granted to him, and pretending that he would obey whatever Pompey might order, while at the same time retiring to his fortress, so as not to humble himself too much and be ready for war if, as he feared, the royal power were granted to Hyrcanus.

⁵² κελεύοντος δὲ παραδιδόναι τὰ ἐρύματα καὶ τοῖς φρουράρχοις ἐπιστέλλειν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρί, παραδέχεσθαι δὲ ἄλλως ἀπείρητο, πείθεται μέν, δυσανασχετῶν δ᾽ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἐγίνετο.

⁵² But when Pompey commanded him to hand over the fortresses and to write to the garrison commanders in his own hand (for they were forbidden to surrender them otherwise), he obeyed; however, being deeply indignant, he withdrew to Jerusalem and began making preparations for war.

⁵² But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war.

⁵² When Pompey ordered him to hand over his fortresses and with his own hand to write to their officers to that effect, for they would not be surrendered in any other way, he submitted but retired to Jerusalem disgruntled, and made preparation for war.

⁵³ καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ΠομπηίῳPompey στρατιὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄγοντι καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀφικόμενοί τινες ἐκ ΠόντουPontus τὴν‎ ΜιθριδάτουMithridates τελευτὴν ἐμήνυον τὴν‎ ἐκ Φαρνάκου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῷ γενομένην.	⁵³ Not long after, while Pompey was leading his army against him, certain men arrived from Pontus on the road and reported the death of Mithridates, which had been brought about by his son, Pharnaces."
⁵³ A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharnaces.	⁵³ Soon afterward as Pompey was leading his army against him, some people from Pontus told him that Mithridates was dead, killed by his son Pharmaces.

The Strategy of "Humoring" (Therapeuōn)
Josephus uses a telling word to describe Pompey's initial treatment of Aristobulus: θεραπεύων (literally "treating" or "nursing," here meaning "humoring" or "managing"). Pompey was a master strategist; he didn't want a guerrilla war in the Judean passes while he was dealing with the Nabataeans. He treated Aristobulus with "mild words" not out of kindness, but to keep the roads open for his legions.

Alexandrium: The Eagle's Nest
The fortress of Alexandrium (Sartaba) is described as περικαλλὲς ἔρυμα (a very beautiful stronghold). Built by Alexander Jannaeus, it sat on a conical peak overlooking the Jordan Valley. Aristobulus’s tactic of coming down to negotiate and then retreating back up reflected his psychological state: he was caught between the reality of Roman power and his own Hasmonean pride. He wanted to be a "client king" but couldn't bring himself to be a "subject."

The "Handwritten" Surrender
Pompey’s demand that Aristobulus write to his commanders τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρί (in his own hand) shows the Roman understanding of Hasmonean loyalty. The fortress commanders would not take orders from a Roman general or even a royal herald; they required the physical "autograph" of their king. By forcing Aristobulus to do this, Pompey effectively stripped him of his military infrastructure before a single Roman sword was drawn.

The Geopolitics of Coreae
Coreae (modern Karawa) is identified as the "beginning of Judea." This was a strategic bottleneck where the road from the north enters the heart of the country. By occupying this point, Pompey signaled that he was no longer an arbiter; he was an occupier.

The Death of Mithridates: A Historical Pivot
The news of the death of Mithridates VI of Pontus is a massive historical marker. Mithridates had been the "Great Enemy" of Rome in the East for decades. His death, caused by the rebellion of his son Pharnaces, meant that Pompey’s "Great Eastern Task" was technically finished. This news freed Pompey to focus his full, undivided attention—and the full weight of his legions—on the "minor" problem of the two bickering Judean brothers.

Chapter 4
[054-079]
Pompey captures Jerusalem.
Beginning of Roman rule in Judea

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⁵⁴ Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ περὶ , οὗ τὸν φοίνικα συμβέβηκε τρέφεσθαι καὶ τὸ ὀποβάλσαμον μύρων ἀκρότατον, ὃ τῶν θάμνων τεμνομένων ὀξεῖ λίθῳ ἀναπιδύει ὥσπερ ὀπός, ἕωθεν ἐπὶ .

⁵⁴ "Having encamped near Jericho—where the date palm is cultivated and the balsam tree [grows], the most excellent of perfumes, which trickles out like sap when the shrubs are cut with a sharp stone—he [Pompey] advanced toward Jerusalem at daybreak.

⁵⁴ Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out thence like a juice,) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem.

⁵⁴ He then encamped near Jericho, where the palm trees grow and that most precious ointment of all, balsam, which oozes out like a juice when an incision is made in the wood with a sharp stone, and in the morning he marched to Jerusalem.

⁵⁵ καὶ μετανοήσας ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς , καὶ χρήματά τε διδοὺς καὶ τοῖς αὐτὸν εἰσδεχόμενος παρεκάλει παύσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πράττειν μετ᾽ εἰρήνης ὅ τι βούλεται. συγγνοὺς δὲ ὁ αὐτῷ δεομένῳ πέμπει καὶ στρατιώτας ἐπί τε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν.

⁵⁵ Aristobulus, having changed his mind, went to Pompey; by offering money and promising to receive him into Jerusalem, he entreated him to cease the war and to do whatever he wished in a state of peace. Pompey, showing favor to him because of his petition, sent Gabinius and some soldiers to collect the money and take possession of the city.

⁵⁵ Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and the city:

⁵⁵ Aristobulus now repented and came to Pompey, promising him money and that he would welcome him into Jerusalem, and imploring him to abandon the war and then do in peace whatever he pleased. So Pompey forgave him and sent Gabinius with some soldiers, to take possession of the money and the city.

⁵⁶ οὐ μὴν ἐπράχθη τι τούτων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπανῆλθεν ὁ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius τῆς τε πόλεως ἀποκλεισθεὶς καὶ τὰ χρήματα μὴ λαβών, τῶν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ἐπιτρεψάντων τὰ συγκείμεναto lie down together γενέσθαι.	⁵⁶ However, none of these things were carried out; for Gabinius returned, having been shut out of the city and not having received the money, as the soldiers of Aristobulus would not permit the agreements to be fulfilled.
⁵⁶ yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristobulus’s soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed.	⁵⁶ But this pact was not kept, and Gabinius returned after being barred from the city and receiving none of the promised money, since Aristobulus' soldiers would not let the agreements be carried out.

⁵⁷ ὀργὴ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις λαμβάνει, καὶ τὸν ἐν φυλακῇ καταστήσας αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα οὖσαν ὀχυράν, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ βορείῳ μέρει φαύλως · περιέρχεται γὰρ αὐτὴν φάραγξ εὐρεῖά τε καὶ βαθεῖα ἐντὸς ἀπολαμβάνουσα τὸ ἱερὸν λιθίνῳ περιβόλῳ καρτερῶς πάνυ τετειχισμένον.

⁵⁷ At this, Pompey was seized with rage; having placed Aristobulus under guard, he himself advanced against the city. It was fortified in every other respect, but it was weak only at the northern part; for it is surrounded by a broad and deep ravine, which encloses the Temple within, the latter being very strongly walled with a stone enclosure."

⁵⁷ At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.

⁵⁷ Pompey was infuriated by this and put Aristobulus in prison and came personally to the city, which was strong on every side, except the north, where it was not so well fortified. A wide and deep ditch surrounded the city, including within it the temple, which was itself surrounded by a very strong stone wall.

The Wealth of Jericho: Palm and Balsam
Josephus pauses to describe the botanical wealth of Jericho. The balsam (opobalsamon) was the "liquid gold" of the ancient world, used for royal perfumes and medicines. It grew nowhere else in the world as it did in the Jordan Valley. By highlighting this, Josephus subtly reminds his Roman readers why Judea was a prize worth taking—it wasn't just a religious center, but a lucrative economic hub.

Aristobulus: The King Without Control
This section reveals the tragic breakdown of Aristobulus’s authority. He tried to surrender to save his skin, but his soldiers (the radical Hasmonean nationalists) refused to follow his orders. This "mutiny of the patriots" turned Aristobulus from a king into a Roman prisoner. For Pompey, this was the ultimate insult; a king who cannot deliver what he promises is useless to Rome.

Gabinius: The Humiliated Legate
The rejection of Aulus Gabinius at the gates of Jerusalem was a major diplomatic blunder. Gabinius was a high-ranking Roman officer (and future consul). Being "shut out" by a local militia after a deal had been struck was an act of maiestas (insult to the dignity of the Roman state). This ensured that when the siege began, the Romans were not just fighting for territory, but for their honor.

The Topography of Jerusalem
Josephus accurately describes the military geography of the city. To the East, South, and West, Jerusalem was protected by the steep Kidron and Hinnom valleys. The only viable path for a Roman siege engine was from the North, where the terrain was level but blocked by a massive dry moat (the "broad and deep ravine"). This "Achilles' heel" of Jerusalem would be the site of every major breach in the city's history, from Pompey to Titus.

The Temple as a Fortress
Josephus emphasizes that the Temple was not just a house of worship, but a lithinos peribolos (stone enclosure)—a fortress within a fortress. This distinction is crucial; the Roman siege would not be directed at the city as a whole at first, but specifically at the Temple Mount, which the followers of Aristobulus had transformed into their final redoubt.

⁵⁸ Ἦν δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔνδον στάσις οὐχ ὁμονοούντων περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει παραδιδόναι τὴν‎ πόλιν, οἱ δὲ τὰ φρονοῦντες ἀποκλείειν τε καὶ πολεμεῖν παρῄνουν τῷ κἀκεῖνον δεδεμένον. φθάσαντες δὲ οὗτοι τὸ ἱερὸν καταλαμβάνουσι καὶ τὴν‎ τείνουσαν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γέφυραν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν εἰς πολιορκίαν εὐτρεπιζόμενοι.

⁵⁸ "Inside [Jerusalem] there was a factional strife among the people, as they were not of one mind regarding the present situation. To some, it seemed best to surrender the city to Pompey, but those who favored the cause of Aristobulus advised shutting the gates and making war because their leader was held in bonds. Forestalling the others, this latter group seized the Temple and the bridge extending from it into the city, making preparations for a siege.

⁵⁸ Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus’s party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege;

⁵⁸ There was dissension among those inside the city, on what to do in the circumstances. Some thought it best to hand the city over to Pompey, but Aristobulus' party wanted the gates kept shut, since he was in prison. These made the first move and seized the temple and cut off the bridge leading from it to the city and prepared for a siege.

⁵⁹ οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι δεξάμενοι τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἐνεχείρισαν τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ βασίλεια. δὲ τὸν ὑποστράτηγον πέμψας σὺν στρατιᾷ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἐφρούρει καὶ τὰς οἰκίας τὰς πρὸς τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἔξω περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ὠχύρου.

⁵⁹ The other faction, however, admitted the army and handed over both the city and the royal palace to Pompey. Pompey then sent his lieutenant Piso with a force to garrison the city and the palace, and he fortified the houses near the Temple and everything situated outside the Temple precinct.

⁵⁹ but the others admitted Pompey’s army in, and delivered up both the city and the king’s palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it.

⁵⁹ The others let in Pompey’s army and surrendered to him both the city and the king’s palace. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army and placed garrisons in the city and the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses near the temple as well as others that were some distance away.

⁶⁰ καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λόγους συμβατηρίους τοῖς ἐντὸς προσέφερεν, οὐχ ὑπακουόντων δὲ εἰς ἃ προεκαλεῖτο τὰ περὶ ἐτείχιζε χωρία πρὸς ἅπαντα προθύμως ὑπηρετοῦντος. δὲ ἕωθεν στρατοπεδεύεται κατὰ τὸ βόρειον τοῦ ἱεροῦ μέρος, ὅθεν ἦν ἐπίμαχον.

⁶⁰ At first, Pompey offered terms of agreement to those inside, but when they did not submit to his proposals, he began to wall off the surrounding areas, with Hyrcanus eagerly assisting in every task. Pompey encamped at daybreak over against the northern part of the Temple, from which side it was vulnerable to attack.

⁶⁰ And in the first place, he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable;

⁶⁰ At first he offered a truce to those inside, but when they would not listen to him, he surrounded all that area with a wall, in which Hyrcanus gladly helped him, and Pompey camped inside it, to the north of the temple, where it was most practicable.

⁶¹ ἀνεστήκεσαν δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα μεγάλοι πύργοι καὶ τάφρος τε ὀρώρυκτο καὶ βαθείᾳ περιείχετο φάραγγι· ἀπερρώγει γὰρ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ πόλιν τῆς γεφύρας ἀνατετραμμένης ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ καὶ τὸ χῶμα ὁσημέραι ταλαιπωρούμενος ἐγήγερτο τεμνόντων τὴν‎ περὶ ὕλην .

⁶¹ Even there, however, great towers had been erected and a moat had been dug, and the Temple was surrounded by a deep ravine; for the part facing the city had also been cut off since the bridge had been overturned. It was here that Pompey, with great toil, raised a siege bank (chōma) day by day, while the Romans cut down the timber from the surrounding area.

⁶¹ but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round about.

⁶¹ Even on that side there were big towers and a ditch had been dug and there was a deep ravine around it, very steep on the side toward the city after the bridge by which Pompey had entered had been broken down. But day by day, with much effort, a rampart was raised, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places around.

⁶² καὶ ἐπειδὴ τοῦτ᾽ εἶχεν ἱκανῶς μόλις πλησθείσης τῆς τάφρου διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον προσβαλὼν μηχανὰς καὶ ὄργανα ἐκ ΤύρουTyre κομισθέντα ἐπιστήσαςto set, place upon κατήρασσε τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς πετροβόλοις.	⁶² And when this bank was sufficiently high—the moat having been filled with great difficulty due to its immense depth—he brought up the siege engines and machines transported from Tyre, and having stationed them, he began to batter the Temple with stone-throwers (petrobolois).
⁶² And when this bank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against it.	⁶² When the ditch was filled up enough, and with difficulty, due to its depth, he brought his machines and battering-rams from Tyre and setting them up, battered the temple with his catapults.

⁶³ εἰ δὲ μὴ πάτριον ἦν ἡμῖν ἀργεῖν τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἂν ἠνύσθη τὸ χῶμα κωλυόντων ἐκείνων· ἄρχοντας μὲν γὰρ μάχης καὶ τύπτοντας ἀμύνασθαι δίδωσιν ὁ νόμος, ἄλλο δέ τι δρῶντας τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἐᾷ.	⁶³ Now, if it were not our ancestral custom to rest on the seventh day [the Sabbath], the bank would never have been completed, as the Jews would have prevented it. For the Law permits us to defend ourselves against those who initiate a battle and strike us, but it does not allow us to fight against an enemy who is doing anything else."
⁶³ And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing else.	⁶³ If not for the ancestral practice of resting on the seventh day, the opposition would not have let this bank be built, for though our law allows self defence on that day if others start a battle, nothing is allowed if the enemy is otherwise engaged.

The "Open City" vs. The "Temple Fortress"
Jerusalem was literally split in half. The followers of Hyrcanus (the Pharisees and peaceful citizens) controlled the residential city and the palace, while the zealous followers of Aristobulus (the military and priests) transformed the Temple Mount into a standalone citadel. By cutting the bridge—likely the precursor to what archaeologists call "Wilson’s Arch"—the rebels turned the Temple into an island of resistance.

The Logistics of the Siege Bank (Chōma)
Pompey’s engineering feat was typical of Roman grit. To attack the northern wall of the Temple, he had to fill a massive dry moat that was "immensely deep." The use of timber from the surrounding countryside to build the chōma (siege ramp) would have fundamentally altered the landscape of Jerusalem, stripping the hills of their forests—a precursor to what would happen again in 70 CE under Titus.

The "Sabbath Loophole"
This is the most famous strategic detail of the siege. Josephus explains that the Jews interpreted the Law to mean they could only fight if they were being directly attacked (typtontas). If the Romans were merely digging or moving machines, the Jews remained stationary to observe the Sabbath. Pompey, likely advised by Hyrcanus or Antipater, realized he could perform all his "heavy lifting" on Saturdays without taking a single arrow.

Tyrian Technology
The mention of machines brought from Tyre highlights the Phoenician city's reputation as the premier hub for heavy artillery in the Levant. These petroboloi (stone-throwers) were the "heavy bombers" of the ancient world, capable of shattering the massive masonry of the Temple walls.

Hyrcanus the Collaborator
Josephus notes that Hyrcanus assisted προθύμως (eagerly). This marks the low point of the Hasmonean legacy: a High Priest helping a Roman general build a siege ramp to attack his own Temple. This cooperation ensured that while Hyrcanus would retain the Priesthood, he would do so as a Roman client, forever indebted to the Republic.

⁶⁴ Ὃ δὴ καὶ συνιδόντες κατ᾽ ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας, ἃ δὴ σάββατα καλοῦμεν, οὔτ᾽ ἔβαλλον τοὺς οὔτε εἰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ὑπήντων, χοῦν δὲ καὶ πύργους καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα προσῆγον, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐνεργὰ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι.

⁶⁴ "The Romans, having observed this [custom] on those days which we call Sabbaths, did not strike the Jews nor meet them in hand-to-hand combat; instead, they raised earthworks and towers and brought up their siege engines so that these would be ready for action on the following day.

⁶⁴ Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next days.

⁶⁴ As the Romans knew this, on those days we call the Sabbath they threw nothing at the Jews, and did not attack them, but raised their walls and towers and brought forward their machines, ready to use them the following day.

⁶⁵ μάθοι δ᾽ ἄν τις ἐντεῦθεν τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν ἧς ἔχομεν περὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας καὶ τὴν‎ φυλακὴν τῶν νόμων, μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας διὰ φόβον ἐμποδιζομένων πρὸς τὰς ἱερουργίας, ἀλλὰ δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας πρωί τε καὶ περὶ ἐνάτην ὥραν ἱερουργούντων ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ, καὶ μηδὲ εἴ τι περὶ τὰς προσβολὰς δύσκολον εἴη τὰς θυσίας παυόντων.

⁶⁵ One might learn from this the extraordinary nature of the piety we have toward God and our guarding of the laws, since they were in no way hindered from the sacred rites by the fear of the siege. Instead, twice a day—in the morning and about the ninth hour [3:00 PM]—they performed the sacred rites upon the altar, and they did not cease the sacrifices even if some difficulty arose from the attacks.

⁶⁵ And any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice a day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones that were thrown among them;

⁶⁵ One can see from this how greatly we reverence God by observing his laws, since during this siege fear did not make the priests neglect their liturgies, but twice a day, at dawn and about the ninth hour, they offered the sacred rites on the altar, never omitting the sacrifices even in the difficulty caused by the attacks.

⁶⁶ καὶ γὰρ ἁλούσης τῆς πόλεως περὶ τρίτον μῆνα τῇ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρᾳ κατὰ ἐνάτην καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὴν καὶ ἑκατοστὴν ὑπατευόντων καὶ Τυλλίου Κικέρωνος οἱ πολέμιοι μὲν εἰσπεσόντες ἔσφαττον τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ,

⁶⁶ For when the city was taken in the third month, on the Day of the Fast, during the 179th Olympiad, when Gaius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, the enemy burst in and began slaughtering those in the Temple.

⁶⁶ for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple;

⁶⁶ The city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, in the hundred and seventy-ninth Olympiad, in the consulate of Gaius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero. Even when the enemy attacked them and cut the throats of those who were in the temple,

⁶⁷ οἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θυσίαις οὐδὲν ἧττον ἱερουργοῦντες διετέλουν, οὔτε ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου τοῦ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἤδη φονευομένων ἀποδρᾶναι πᾶν θ᾽ ὅ τι δέοι παθεῖν τοῦτο παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑπομεῖναι τοῖς βωμοῖς κρεῖττον εἶναι νομίζοντες ἢ παρελθεῖν τι τῶν νομίμων.

⁶⁷ Yet those at the sacrifices continued their sacred rites no less than before, being compelled to flee neither by the fear for their lives nor by the multitude of those already being murdered; they considered it better to endure whatever must be suffered right there at the altars than to neglect any of the legal ordinances.

⁶⁷ yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them.

⁶⁷ those offering the sacrifices still could not be forced to flee, either for fear of their lives, or because of the numbers already killed. Whatever happened, they thought it better to suffer at their altars than to neglect what the laws required of them.

⁶⁸ ὅτι δὲ οὐ λόγος ταῦτα μόνον ἐστὶν ἐγκώμιον ψευδοῦς εὐσεβείας ἐμφανίζων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀλήθεια, μαρτυροῦσι πάντες οἱ τὰς κατὰ πράξεις ἀναγράψαντες, ἐν οἷς καὶ καὶ καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῖς Λίβιος ὁ τῆς ἱστορίας συγγραφεύς.

⁶⁸ And that these things are not merely a tale providing a eulogy for a false piety, but the truth, is testified by all who have recorded the deeds of Pompey, among whom are Strabo, Nicolaus, and besides them, Titus Livius [Livy], the author of Roman history."

⁶⁸ And that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing.

⁶⁸ That this is no mere boast, or a false claim just to prove the level of our piety, but is the real truth, I appeal to those who have written of the acts of Pompey, among them, Strabo and Nicolaus and also Titus Livius, who wrote the History of Rome, who will attest this.

The Sabbath Strategy Perfected
Josephus clarifies the Roman tactical adaptation. They realized that the Jews would fight to defend their lives but would not fight to stop construction or the positioning of artillery. By utilizing the Sabbath as a "work day," the Romans effectively completed the most dangerous part of a siege—building the ramp and placing the rams—without taking a single casualty.

The Consular Date: The Year of Cicero
Josephus provides a rock-solid date: the consulship of Cicero and Gaius Antonius Hybrida (63 BCE). This was the same year as the famous Catilinarian Conspiracy in Rome. It anchors Jewish history to the peak of the Roman Golden Age of oratory and politics. The "Day of the Fast" likely refers to the 10th of Tammuz (a fast mourning the breach of the walls) or, as some argue, a specific Day of Atonement calculation, though the "third month" of the siege suggests mid-summer.

Stoicism at the Altar
The description of the priests is haunting. They were performing the Tamid (continual sacrifice). Even as the Roman petroboloi (stone-throwers) were smashing the masonry and soldiers were rushing the court with drawn swords, the priests did not break their formation or drop their ritual vessels. To Josephus, this was the ultimate proof of the Law's power: it rendered the fear of death irrelevant.

Witness to the Truth: The "Triple Threat" of Sources
Josephus is acutely aware that his Roman readers might find this level of devotion unbelievable. To bolster his credibility, he cites a "Who's Who" of ancient historians:

1) Strabo: The geographer.

2) Nicolaus of Damascus: The court historian of Herod.

3) Livy: The definitive historian of Rome.

By citing Livy specifically, Josephus is appealing to the highest possible Roman literary authority to confirm the "stubborn" and "extraordinary" piety of his people.

The "Third Month" Breach
The siege lasted three months—a testament to the strength of the Hasmonean fortifications and the determination of Aristobulus’s faction. It was Cornelius Faustus Sulla (son of the dictator Sulla) who was the first to scale the wall. The fall of the Temple was not a surrender; it was a breach followed by a massacre.

⁶⁹ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ μηχανήματος προσαχθέντος σεισθεὶς ὁ μέγιστος τῶν πύργων κατηνέχθη καὶ παρέρρηξέν τι χωρίον, εἰσεχέοντο μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι, πρῶτος δὲ αὐτῶν παῖς σὺν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις ἐπέβη τοῦ τείχους, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχης ἅμα τοῖς ἑπομένοις κατὰ θάτερον μέρος, διὰ μέσων δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἑκατοντάρχης σὺν στίφει καρτερῷ.

⁶⁹ "When the [siege] engine was brought up and the largest of the towers was shaken and knocked down, creating a breach, the enemy poured in. First among them was Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sulla, with his soldiers, who mounted the wall; after him came Furius the centurion with his followers at another part, and in the middle Fabius, also a centurion, with a strong body of men.

⁶⁹ But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter;

⁶⁹ When the battering-ram was brought up, the biggest of the towers was shaken and fell down and opened a gap in the fortifications, so the enemy quickly poured in. Cornelius Faustus, son of Sylla, with his soldiers, was the first to climb the wall and after him, on the other side, centurion Furius with his followers, while in the middle, Fabius, also a centurion, climbed it with a compact group of men.

⁷⁰ φόνου δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα ἀνάπλεα. Καὶ τῶν οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ , οἱ δ᾽ ὑπὸ ἀλλήλων ἀνῃροῦντο, εἰσὶν δ᾽ οἳ καὶ κατὰ κρημνῶν ἑαυτοὺς καὶ πῦρ ἐνιέντες εἰς τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπραντο τὰ γινόμενα καρτερεῖν οὐχ ὑπομένοντες.

⁷⁰ Everything was filled with slaughter. Some of the Jews were slain by the Romans, others by one another, and there were those who threw themselves down the precipices or set fire to their houses and were consumed within, unable to endure what was happening.

⁷⁰ some of the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under.

⁷⁰ Now came wholesale slaughter. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans and some by each other, and some even threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses and burned them, unable to face their fate.

⁷¹ ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν εἰς μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους, δὲ πάνυ ὀλίγοι. ἐλήφθη δὲ αἰχμάλωτος καὶ , θεῖος ἅμα καὶ πενθερὸς . παρηνομήθη δὲ οὐ σμικρὰ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἄβατόν τε ὄντα ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ καὶ ἀόρατον·

⁷¹ Twelve thousand Jews fell, but very few Romans. Among the captives taken was Absalom, who was both the uncle and the father-in-law of Aristobulus. No small outrages were committed regarding the Sanctuary, which had been previously inaccessible and unseen.

⁷¹ Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none;

⁷¹ About twelve thousand of the Jews died, but very few of the Romans. Absalom, who was both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken prisoner, and significant sins were committed near the temple itself, which, in former times had been inaccessible and seen by none.

⁷² παρῆλθεν γὰρ εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς ὁ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ εἶδον ὅσα μὴ θεμιτὸν ἦν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν. ὄντων δὲ τραπέζης τε χρυσῆς καὶ λυχνίας ἱερᾶς καὶ σπονδείων καὶ πλήθους ἀρωμάτων, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς δύο χιλιάδας ταλάντων, οὐδενὸς ἥψατο δι᾽ εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τούτῳ ἀξίως ἔπραξεν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς.

⁷² For Pompey entered into the interior, along with not a few of those around him, and saw what was not lawful for any other men to see, save only the High Priests. Though there were a golden table, the sacred lampstand, the libation cups, and a great quantity of spices, and besides these, two thousand talents of sacred money in the treasuries, he touched none of it out of piety, acting in this matter consistently with his own virtue.

⁷² for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue.

⁷² Pompey entered it with quite a few of his companions and saw what it was unlawful for anyone to see except the high priests. There were the golden table, the holy candlestick and the pouring vessels and a large extent of spices, and in the treasury there were two thousand talents of sacred money. But he touched none of this, out of respect for religion, and on this point he acted in a way worthy of his virtue.

⁷³ τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ καθαίρειν παραγγείλας τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς ναοπόλοις καὶ τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιφέρειν τῷ θεῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπέδωκεν διά τε τἆλλα ὅσα χρήσιμος ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν συμπολεμεῖν ἐκώλυσεν, καὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου τῷ πελέκει διεχρήσατο. τὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὅσοι τῷ τείχει προθύμως ἐπέβησαν τῶν πρεπόντων ἀριστείων ἠξίωσεν.

⁷³ On the next day, he ordered the temple-servants to cleanse the Temple and to offer the customary sacrifices to God. He restored the High Priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other ways and because he had hindered the Jews in the countryside from fighting alongside Aristobulus. He also executed the authors of the war with the axe. Faustus and the others who had boldly mounted the wall were honored with appropriate rewards for valor.

⁷³ The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity;

⁷³ The next day he ordered those in charge of the temple to cleanse it and to make to God the offerings required by the law, and he restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, for he had been useful to him by persuading the Jews in the country not to help Aristobulus in his war against him, and in other ways. He executed those who had started the war, and duly rewarded Faustus and the others who had bravely scaled the wall.

⁷⁴ καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑποτελῆ φόρου ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων συνέστειλεν.

⁷⁴ He made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and having taken away the cities of Coele-Syria which the inhabitants had previously subdued, he placed them under his own governor. Thus, he contracted the nation, which had previously raised itself to great heights, within its own borders.

⁷⁴ and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds.

⁷⁴ He made Jerusalem pay tax to the Romans and took away those cities of Coele-Syria which the people of Judea had subdued and put them under the command of the Roman governor and confined within its own borders the whole nation, which before had been so puffed up.

⁷⁵ καὶ μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν χαριζόμενος τῷ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ‎· τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ ἔτι τε καὶ καὶ καὶ τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν.

⁷⁵ He rebuilt Gadara, which had been destroyed shortly before, to favor Demetrius, his Gadarene freedman. The other cities—Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Dium, Samaria, as well as Marisa, Azotus, Jamnia, and Arethusa—he restored to their inhabitants.

⁷⁵ Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:

⁷⁵ To gratify his freedman, Demetrius of Gadara, he rebuilt Gadara, which a little earlier had been demolished, and restored the rest of the inland cities, Hippos and Scythopolis and Pella and Dios and Samaria, and Marissa and Azotus and Jamneia and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants.

⁷⁶ καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐν τῇ μεσογείῳ χωρὶς τῶν κατεσκαμμένων, δὲ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ καὶ Δῶρα καὶ πύργον, ἣ κτίσαντος αὐτὴν μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ λιμέσιν τε καὶ ναοῖς κοσμήσαντος, μετωνομάσθη, πάσας ὁ ἐλευθέρας καὶ προσένειμεν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ.

⁷⁶ These were in the interior, besides those that had been razed; but as for those by the sea—Gaza, Joppa, Dora, and Strato’s Tower (which, after Herod rebuilt it magnificently with harbors and temples, was renamed Caesarea) —Pompey set them all free and annexed them to the province [of Syria]."

⁷⁶ these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato’s Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.

⁷⁶ Besides those that had been demolished and the maritime cities of Gaza and Joppa and Dora and Strato’s Tower—which Herod gloriously rebuilt and adorned with harbours and temples and changed its name to Caesarea—all these Pompey annexed and joined to the province of Syria.

The Roman Breach
Josephus highlights the role of Cornelius Faustus Sulla. By naming the son of the famous dictator Sulla, he connects the fall of Jerusalem to the highest echelons of Roman nobility. The breach was achieved through technical superiority—the "shaking" of the largest tower—rather than mere luck.

The Vacuum of the Holy of Holies
The entry of Pompey into the Holy of Holies was a moment of profound cultural collision. Roman and Greek writers of the time (like Tacitus) noted with shock that Pompey found no image of a god inside, only an empty room. While Jews viewed this entry as a supreme desecration, Josephus spins it positively: Pompey showed "virtue" (ἀρετῆς) by not plundering the 2,000 talents (approx. $1.2 billion today). This restraint was rare for Roman conquerors and was intended to pacify the population.

The Dismantling of the Hasmonean Empire
This passage describes the "Great Contraction." Under Alexander Jannaeus, the kingdom had reached its zenith. Pompey fundamentally reversed this:

1) The Decapolis: Cities like Pella, Gadara, and Scythopolis were removed from Jewish control and organized into a league of free Greek cities.

2) The Coastline: Key ports like Joppa and Gaza were annexed to the Roman province of Syria.

3) Result: Judea was transformed from a regional empire into a landlocked, tributary client-state.

The Rise of the Client-Priest
Hyrcanus II "won" the civil war, but at the cost of his sovereignty. He was no longer a King, only a High Priest (archierōsynēn). He was now an official whose power was derived from the Roman governor in Damascus rather than from ancestral right. This created the political vacuum that allowed Antipater (and eventually Herod) to take the reins of actual administration.

Future Echoes: Strato’s Tower
Josephus includes a "proleptic" note about Strato’s Tower. He informs the reader that this minor site would eventually become Caesarea Maritima, the Roman capital of the province. This serves to remind the reader that the Roman presence established by Pompey in 63 BCE was not a temporary visit, but the beginning of a centuries-long occupation.

⁷⁷ Τούτου τοῦ πάθους τοῖς αἴτιοι κατέστησαν καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους στασιάσαντες· τήν τε γὰρ ἐλευθερίαν ἀπεβάλομεν καὶ ὑπήκοοι κατέστημεν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν, ἣν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκτησάμεθα τοὺς ἀφελόμενοι, ταύτην ἠναγκάσθημεν ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς ,

⁷⁷ "Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were the causes of this disaster to Jerusalem by their factional strife against one another. For we lost our liberty (ἐλευθερίαν) and became subjects of the Romans; and the territory which we had acquired by our arms, having taken it from the Syrians, we were compelled to restore to the Syrians.

⁷⁷ Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians.

⁷⁷ This grief that befell Jerusalem was caused by Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, in their quarrel against each other, for then we lost our freedom and became subject to the Romans and lost the territory we had gained from the Syrians by war, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians.

⁷⁸ καὶ προσέτι πλείω ἢ μύρια τάλαντα ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ ἡ βασιλεία πρότερον τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἀρχιερεῦσιν διδομένη, τιμὴ δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγένετο. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν.

⁷⁸ Moreover, within a short time, the Romans exacted from us more than ten thousand talents. And the kingship, which was previously granted to those who were High Priests by birth, became the prize of common men (δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν). We shall speak regarding these matters in their proper place.

⁷⁸ Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places.

⁷⁸ Soon the Romans exacted from us more than ten thousand talents, and the leadership, a dignity formerly given to those who were high priests by family inheritance, went to private citizens. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places.

⁷⁹ δὲ τήν τε κοίλην ἄλλην ἕως ποταμοῦ καὶ παραδοὺς καὶ δύο τάγματα ἐπὶ ᾤχετο ἐπειγόμενος εἰς . ἐπήγετο δὲ μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς καὶ δεδεμένον· δύο γὰρ ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ τοσοῦτοι υἱεῖς, ὧν μὲν ἀπέδρα, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος συναπεκομίζετο εἰς ἅμα ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς.

⁷⁹ Pompey, having handed over Coele-Syria and the rest [of the region] as far as the Euphrates River and Egypt to Scaurus, along with two Roman legions, departed for Cilicia, hurrying toward Rome. He brought Aristobulus with him in bonds, along with his family; for he had two daughters and two sons. Of the sons, Alexander escaped, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried away to Rome along with his sisters."

⁷⁹ Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.

⁷⁹ Pompey entrusted Coele-Syria as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then left for Cilicia and hurried to Rome. He brought with him as prisoners Aristobulus and his children, for he had two daughters and as many sons, one of whom escaped, but the younger, Antigonus, was brought to Rome, along with his sisters.

The Financial Devastation
Josephus cites a staggering figure: 10,000 talents (approx. 60 million silver denarii) exacted by Rome in a "short time." This likely includes the initial bribes, the war indemnity, and the subsequent annual tributes. To a nation already suffering from the famine and "violent winds" mentioned earlier, this massive drain of liquidity crippled the Jewish economy for a generation and fueled the resentment that would eventually lead to the Great Revolt of 66 CE.

"The Prize of Common Men"
This is a stinging critique of the future. By "common men" (demotikōn andrōn), Josephus is referring to Antipater and his son Herod the Great. In the eyes of a priestly aristocrat like Josephus, the transition from the Hasmonean "Priest-Kings" to the "Idumaean upstarts" was a fundamental degradation of the Judean constitution. The crown was no longer a sacred inheritance; it was a political commodity bought from Rome.

The Escape of Alexander
Josephus mentions almost in passing that the elder son, Alexander, escaped. This "minor" detail is the spark for the next decade of war. Alexander would return to Judea repeatedly to lead nationalist uprisings against the Roman-backed Hyrcanus and Antipater. The Hasmonean dream did not die in 63 BCE; it simply went into the mountains as a guerrilla movement.

The Geopolitics of Scaurus
By leaving Scaurus in charge with two legions and jurisdiction reaching the Euphrates, Pompey established the "Eastern Shield" of the Roman Republic. Judea was now officially a buffer state. The mention of the Euphrates signals that Rome was now eyeing the Parthians as their next great rival—a rivalry in which Judea would be caught in the middle for the next three centuries.

The End of an Era
The image of the royal daughters and the young Antigonus (the future last King of the Hasmoneans) being marched toward Rome to appear in Pompey’s Triumph marks the definitive end of the "Hasmonean Golden Age." The "liberty" (eleutherian) mentioned by Josephus refers to the roughly 80 years of total independence the Jews enjoyed following the Maccabean Revolt. That experiment in sovereignty was now over.

Chapter 5
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Scaurus in league with Aretas of Petra.
Gabinius treatment of Judea, after defeating Alexander

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⁸⁰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς στρατεύσαντος καὶ διὰ τὸ δυσάλωτον εἶναι τὰ ἐν κύκλῳ δῃοῦντος αὐτῆς καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος λιμήναντος κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν σῖτον ἐκ τῆς καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὅσων ἐνέδει, παρεῖχεν.

⁸⁰ "When Scaurus campaigned against Petra in Arabia, he laid waste to the surrounding country because it was difficult to capture; but when his army suffered from famine, Antipater, at the command of Hyrcanus, provided grain and whatever else was needed from Judea.

⁸⁰ Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus.

⁸⁰ Scaurus now set out against Petra in Arabia and because access to it was difficult, burned all the places around it. Then when his army was short of food, Antipater, at the direction of Hyrcanus, furnished him with corn from Judea and anything else he needed.

⁸¹ πεμφθεὶς δὲ πρὸς πρεσβευτὴς ὑπὸ διὰ τὴν‎ ὑπάρχουσαν ξενίαν πείθει αὐτὸν ἀργύριον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δῃωθῆναι τὴν‎ χώραν δοῦναι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγγυητὴς τριακοσίων ταλάντων γίνεται. Καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔλυσε τὸν πόλεμον οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸς ἢ συνέβαινεν ἐπιθυμεῖν τοῦτο γενέσθαι βουλόμενος.

⁸¹ Having been sent as an ambassador to Aretas by Scaurus because of their existing friendship, Antipater persuaded him to give money in order to prevent his country from being ravaged, and he himself became the guarantor for three hundred talents. On these terms, Scaurus ended the war, wishing for this to happen no less than Aretas did.

⁸¹ And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus’s desire, as at the desire of Aretas.

⁸¹ Then, sent by Scaurus as envoy to Aretas, with whom he had formerly been a visitor, he persuaded him to pay money to prevent the burning of his country and undertook to be his guarantor for three hundred talents. On these terms Scaurus ended the war, as much by his own wishes as those of Aretas.

⁸² Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον τὴν‎ κατατρέχοντος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκ στρατηγὸς εἰς ἧκεν, ὃς ἄλλα τε λόγου ἄξια διεπράξατο καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐστράτευσεν, μηκέτι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνου ἀντέχειν δυναμένου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεγείρειν ἤδη καὶ τὸ τῶν τεῖχος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅπερ καθεῖλεν .

⁸² Sometime later, while Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, was overrunning Judea, Gabinius arrived in Syria from Rome as general. Among other noteworthy deeds, he campaigned against Alexander, since Hyrcanus was no longer able to resist Alexander’s strength; indeed, Alexander was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had pulled down.

⁸² Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown,

⁸² Some time later, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, invaded Judea, Gabinius came from Rome as commander to Syria, and did many things worthy of note, including making war on Alexander, whose power Hyrcanus was not yet able to match, although already, against the opposition of the Romans there, he was trying to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had knocked down.

⁸³ ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν αὐτὸν ἐπέσχον οἱ ἐνταῦθα . Περιιὼν δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν‎ χώραν πολλοὺς ὥπλιζεν τῶν καὶ συνέλεξεν ταχὺ μυρίους μὲν πεντακοσίους δὲ πρὸς τοῖς χιλίοις ἱππεῖς, τε ὠχύρου τὸ πρὸς ταῖς Κορέαις ἔρυμα καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ὄρεσιν.

⁸³ However, the Romans stationed there prevented him from doing this. Wandering around the country, Alexander armed many of the Jews and quickly collected ten thousand heavy infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry; he also fortified Alexandrium, the stronghold near Coreae, and Machaerus near the mountains of Arabia.

⁸³ although the Romans which were there restrained him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Coreae, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia.

⁸³ Alexander went around the region arming many of the Jews and quickly gathered ten thousand armed infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry and fortified the stronghold of Alexandreion near to Coreae, and Machaerus near the mountains of Arabia.

⁸⁴ οὖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν προπέμψας σὺν ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσιν· οἱ δὲ ὁπλίσαντες τοὺς καὶ σὺν τούτοις τοὺς ὑπηκόους , ὧν ἡγεῖτο καὶ , προσλαβόντες δὲ καὶ τὸ ἑταιρικὸν ὑπήντων · ἠκολούθει δὲ καὶ σὺν τῇ φάλαγγι.

⁸⁴ Gabinius therefore marched against him, having sent Mark Antony ahead with other commanders. These men, having armed the Romans following them and the subject Jews—who were led by Peitholaus and Malichus—and having added the partisan force of Antipater, went to meet Alexander. Gabinius followed with the main phalanx.

⁸⁴ Gabinius therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion.

⁸⁴ Gabinius went to oppose him, sending Mark Antony and some other officers ahead of him. These armed their Roman followers and also the Jews subject to them, whose officers were Pitholaus and Malichus, and joined by the friends of Antipater they faced up to Alexander, while Gabinius and his forces followed up.

⁸⁵ καὶ ἀναχωρεῖ μὲν ἐγγὺς ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἈλέξανδροςAlexander, συμπεσόντων δὲ ἀλλήλοις ἐκεῖ καὶ μάχης γενομένης κτείνουσι μὲν οἱ ῬωμαῖοιRomans τῶν πολεμίων περὶ τρισχιλίους, ζωγροῦσι δὲ οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less.	⁸⁵ Alexander retreated toward Jerusalem, but when they fell upon one another there and a battle ensued, the Romans slew about three thousand of the enemy and took no fewer alive."
⁸⁵ Hereupon Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.	⁸⁵ At this Alexander retreated to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, where they met each other in a pitched battle, and the Romans killed about three thousand of the enemy and took no less a number alive.

Antipater: The "Fixer" for Rome
This section solidifies Antipater’s role as the power behind the throne. When the Roman governor Scaurus was starving in the desert outside Petra, it was Antipater who saved the Roman legions with Judean supplies. By brokering the 300-talent deal with the Nabataeans, he made himself indispensable to Scaurus. This established a pattern: Roman generals relied on Antipater's local logistics and diplomacy, and in return, they supported his family's rise over the Hasmoneans.

The Return of the Hasmonean "Ghost"
Alexander son of Aristobulus represents the first "Nationalist" resistance after the Roman conquest of 63 BCE. His attempt to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem was a direct challenge to Roman sovereignty—in the ancient world, a city without walls was a subject city, and a city with walls was an independent one. His failure to fortify the capital forced him into the wilderness fortresses of Alexandrium and Machaerus.

The Debut of Mark Antony
Josephus introduces Mark Antony (Μᾶρκον Ἀντώνιον) as a young, energetic cavalry commander under Gabinius. This is the same Antony who would later become the triumvir and lover of Cleopatra. His involvement in Judea at this early stage (c. 57 BCE) is significant; he developed a long-standing friendship with Antipater and later with Herod the Great, which would prove decisive for the future of the Herodian dynasty.

Jews Fighting Jews
A tragic recurring theme in Josephus is the internal division of the Jewish people. In the battle against Alexander, we see "subject Jews" led by Peitholaus and Malichus, as well as Antipater’s hetairikon (private partisan force), fighting alongside Romans against their Hasmonean prince. This wasn't just a Roman conquest; it was a Judean civil war where the Romans acted as the heavy artillery for one faction.

The Strategy of the Mountain Fortresses
Alexander’s choice of Alexandrium and Machaerus shows a pivot to guerrilla/insurgency tactics. These fortresses were designed to be "unreachable" and controlled the vital corridors of the Jordan Valley and the Moabite frontier. However, as the Battle of Jerusalem (3,000 dead) showed, the Hasmonean levies were no match for the Roman phalanx and the seasoned cavalry of Mark Antony in open combat.

⁸⁶ Ἐν τούτῳ ἐπ᾽ ἐλθὼν προυκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἔνδον εἰς διαλύσεις συγγνώσεσθαι περὶ τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ἡμαρτημένων ὁμολογῶν. στρατοπεδευομένων δὲ πολλῶν πρὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος πολεμίων, ἐφ᾽ οὓς ἀνῄεσαν οἱ , ἐπιφανῶς ἀγωνισάμενος καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνας ἔδοξεν ἠριστευκέναι.

⁸⁶ "In the meantime, Gabinius came to Alexandrium and invited those within to come to terms, promising to grant them pardon for their past offenses. While many of the enemy were encamped before the fortress, the Romans moved up against them; Mark Antony fought conspicuously, and by killing many, he was judged to have performed the most heroic deeds of valor.

⁸⁶ At which time Gabinius came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor.

⁸⁶ Meanwhile Gabinius came to Alexandreion and invited those inside to surrender it on terms, promising pardon for their former offences. But as the Romans attacked many of the enemy who had encamped outside the fortress, Mark Antony was notable in the conflict and killed many and was seen to have done admirably.

⁸⁷ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius μὲν οὖν μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐνταυθοῖ καταλιπών, ἕως ἂν ἐκπολιορκηθῇ τὸ χωρίον, αὐτὸς ἐπῄει τὴν‎ ἄλλην ἸουδαίανJudea, καὶ ὅσαις ἐπετύγχανεν καθῃρημέναις τῶν πόλεων κτίζειν παρεκελεύετο.	⁸⁷ Gabinius, therefore, left a portion of the army there until the place should be taken by siege, while he himself went throughout the rest of Judea. To all the destroyed cities he encountered, he gave orders to rebuild.
⁸⁷ So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished;	⁸⁷ Gabinius left part of his army there to take the place while he himself went to other parts of Judea giving directions to rebuild all the cities that he saw had been demolished.

⁸⁸ καὶ ἀνεκτίσθησαν καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ τε καὶ καὶ ἄλλαι οὐκ ὀλίγαι. τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων πειθομένων οἷς ὁ προσέταττεν βεβαίως οἰκηθῆναι τότε συνέβαινε τὰς πόλεις πολὺν χρόνον ἐρήμους γενομένας.

⁸⁸ Thus were rebuilt Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, Adora, Marisa, Gaza, and many others. As the people obeyed the commands given by Gabinius, it happened that these cities, which had been desolate for a long time, were then securely inhabited.

⁸⁸ at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to Gabinius’s command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.

⁸⁸ Among the places rebuilt at which time were Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Rapheia and Adora, Marissa and Gaza and not a few others. Acting on Gabinius' command, these cities which had been a long time desolate were then securely inhabited.

⁸⁹ Ταῦτα δὲ διαπραξάμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπάνεισιν ἐπὶ τὸ , καὶ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν αὐτοῦ‎ κρατύνοντος διαπρεσβεύεται πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγινώσκειν τε αὐτῷ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δεόμενος καὶ παραδιδοὺς τῶν ἐρυμάτων Ὑρκανίαν τε καὶ , ὕστερον δὲ καὶ .

⁸⁹ After accomplishing these things throughout the country, he returned to Alexandrium. While he was intensifying the siege, Alexander sent ambassadors to him, entreating him to forgive his offenses and surrendering the fortresses of Hyrcania and Machaerus, and later Alexandrium itself.

⁸⁹ When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself

⁸⁹ When he had done this in the country, he returned to Alexandreion, and tightened the siege of the place. Alexander then sent him a delegation asking pardon for his former offences and surrendering the fortresses of Hyrcania and Machaerus, and finally Alexandreion, which Gabinius demolished.

⁹⁰ καὶ ταῦτα μὲν κατέσκαψεν. τῆς δ᾽ μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης, ἣ ἐφρόνει τὰ τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων ἐν ἐχομένων, συνεχώρησεν αὐτῇ ταῦτα ἅπερ ἠξίου, καὶ διοικησάμενος τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν κατήγαγεν εἰς σχήσοντα τὴν‎ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιμέλειαν.

⁹⁰ These [fortresses] Gabinius razed to the ground. But when Alexander’s mother came to him—she who favored the Roman cause, since her husband and other children were held in Rome—he granted her the things she requested. Having arranged matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus back to Jerusalem to have the care of the Temple.

⁹⁰ which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked;

⁹⁰ When Alexander’s mother, who sided with the Romans as her husband and other children were in Rome, came to him, he granted her whatever she asked. After settling matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and entrusted to him the care of the temple.

⁹¹ πέντε δὲ συνέδρια καταστήσας εἰς ἴσας μοίρας διένειμε τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ ἐπολιτεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐν οἱ δὲ ἐν οἱ δὲ ἐν Ἀμαθοῦντι, τέταρτοι δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν , καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἐν Σαπφώροις τῆς . Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένοι δυναστείας ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ διῆγον.

⁹¹ He then established five councils (synedria), dividing the nation into equal portions. These people were governed: some at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, some at Amathus; the fourth were at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. Thus the people, being delivered from the rule of a single monarch, lived under an aristocracy."

⁹¹ and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.

⁹¹ Distributing the nation into five parts, he set up five councils to ruled them; one in Jerusalem, another in Gadara, one in Amathus, a fourth in Jericho and the fifth in Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority and were ruled by an aristocracy.

The Strategy of Urbanization
Gabinius’s decision to rebuild cities like Samaria and Gaza was a direct reversal of Hasmonean policy. The Hasmonean kings had often destroyed or "Judaized" these Greek-style cities to consolidate their power. By restoring them, Gabinius created a network of pro-Roman urban centers that acted as a counterweight to the Jewish countryside, ensuring that Judea could never again easily unite as a single block against Rome.

The Valor of Mark Antony
Josephus again highlights Mark Antony's military prowess (aristēsein). In these early campaigns, Antony was establishing his reputation as a "soldier's soldier." His success at Alexandrium laid the groundwork for his later influence in the region, including his pivotal role in appointing Herod the Great as King years later.

The Rasing of the Fortresses
Gabinius did not just capture the mountain strongholds (Alexandrium, Machaerus, Hyrcania); he razed them. This was a deliberate effort to demilitarize the Judean landscape. These "palace-fortresses" were symbols of Hasmonean pride and resistance; by leveling them, Gabinius signaled that the age of the local warrior-king was over.

The Diplomatic Mother
The appearance of Alexander’s mother (the wife of Aristobulus II) is a fascinating piece of back-channel diplomacy. She likely realized that her son Alexander’s revolt was doomed. By "favoring the Roman cause," she successfully negotiated the safety of her family and the restoration of the Priesthood to Hyrcanus, preventing the total execution of the Hasmonean line at that moment.

The "Five Sanhedrins" (The Decentralization)
This is the most significant administrative change in this era. Gabinius essentially abolished the Jewish state as a unified entity and replaced it with five administrative districts:

1) Jerusalem (Central Judea)

2) Gadara (Perea)

3) Amathus (Transjordan)

4) Jericho (Jordan Valley)

5) Sepphoris (Galilee)

By doing this, he stripped the High Priest of his civil power and gave local control to the aristocracy (the wealthy elders and priests). This move was intended to "divide and conquer," making it harder for a central leader like Alexander or Aristobulus to raise a national army. Josephus calls this an "aristocracy," but in reality, it was a Roman-supervised oligarchy designed to keep the region stable and taxable.

Chapter 6
[092-104]
Captive Aristobulus escapes from Rome but is sent back.
Gabinius beats both Alexander and the Nabateans

☜ ☞

⁹² δὲ διαδράντος ἐκ εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ τὸ , ὅπερ ἦν νεωστὶ κατεσκαμμένον, ἀνακτίζειν , πέμπει ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατιώτας καὶ ἡγεμόνας Σισένναν τε καὶ καὶ Σερουίλιον κωλύσοντάς τε τὸ χωρίον αὐτὸν κατασχεῖν καὶ συλληψομένους αὐτόν.

⁹² "When Aristobulus escaped from Rome to Judea and arrived at Alexandrium, which had recently been razed, he intended to rebuild it. Gabinius sent against him soldiers and commanders—Sisenna, Antony, and Servilius—to prevent him from seizing the place and to capture him.

⁹² Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him again.

⁹² Aristobulus fled from Rome to Judea and set about the rebuilding of Alexandreion, which had been newly demolished. Then Gabinius sent soldiers against him, under the command of Sisenna and Antonius and Servilius, to stop him from taking over the country and to take him prisoner.

⁹³ πολλοὶ δ᾽ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ παλαιὰν εὔκλειαν προσέρρεον καὶ δὴ καὶ νεωτέροις χαίροντες ἀεὶ πράγμασιν· γοῦν τις ὑποστράτηγος ἐν ὢν μετὰ χιλίων ηὐτομόλησεν πρὸς αὐτόν·

⁹³ Many of the Jews flocked to Aristobulus because of his ancient glory, and also because they were always fond of new political changes. In fact, a certain Peitholaus, who was a lieutenant in Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand men.

⁹³ And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed;

⁹³ Many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus because of his former glory and because they would welcome a change of regime. A man called Pitholaus, a lieutenant in Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand men.

⁹⁴ οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν προστιθεμένων ἦσαν ἄνοπλοι. διεγνώκει δ᾽ εἰς ἀπανίστασθαι · τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀπέλυσεν ἀπόρους ὄντας· οὐ γὰρ ἐγίνοντο αὐτῷ χρήσιμοι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα· τοὺς δ᾽ ὡπλισμένους περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας ἀναλαβὼν ᾤχετο.

⁹⁴ However, the majority of those who joined him were unarmed. Aristobulus had decided to retreat to Machaerus; he therefore dismissed those who were without resources, for they would not be useful to him for the tasks ahead. Taking with him those who were armed, numbering about eight thousand, he departed.

⁹⁴ and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on;

⁹⁴ However many of those who came to him were unarmed, and when Aristobulus decided to go to Machaerus he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed and could not be useful to him in any actions he undertook, but took with him eight thousand who were armed and marched on.

⁹⁵ καὶ προσπεσόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν καρτερῶς ἡττῶνται τῇ μάχῃ γενναίως οἱ καὶ προθύμως ἀγωνισάμενοι, βιασαμένων τε τῶν πολεμίων εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται. Καὶ φονεύονται μὲν αὐτῶν εἰς πεντακισχιλίους, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σκεδασθέντες ὡς ἐδύναντο σώζειν αὑτοὺς ἐπειρῶντο.

⁹⁵ When the Romans fell upon them, the Jews were severely defeated in battle, though they fought nobly and eagerly. Under the pressure of the enemy, they were turned to flight. About five thousand of them were slain, while the rest, being scattered, tried to save themselves as best they could.

⁹⁵ and as the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves.

⁹⁵ When the Romans made a strong attack on them the valiant Jews were defeated in the battle, and despite their courageous struggle were routed by the enemy and put to flight, and about five thousand were killed and the rest scattered and tried to save themselves any way they could.

⁹⁶ χιλίων μέντοι πλείονας ἔχων εἰς διέφυγεν ὠχύρου τε τὸ χωρίον καὶ πράττων κακῶς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐλπίδος ἀγαθῆς εἴχετο. δύο δ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀντισχὼν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ καὶ πολλὰ τραύματα λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτος μετ᾽ τοῦ παιδός, ὃς δὴ καὶ συνέφυγεν ἐκ αὐτῷ, πρὸς ἄγεται.

⁹⁶ Aristobulus, however, having more than a thousand men with him, escaped to Machaerus and began to fortify the place; and although he was in a wretched state, he nonetheless held on to good hope. Having held out for two days against the siege and having received many wounds, he was taken prisoner along with his son Antigonus (who had also escaped from Rome with him) and brought to Gabinius.

⁹⁶ However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome.

⁹⁶ Aristobulus still had more than a thousand with him and with these he fled to Machaerus and fortified the place, and despite his failure still had some hope of success. But after he had struggled against the siege for two days and been wounded many times, he was brought as a prisoner to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who had also fled with him from Rome.

⁹⁷ καὶ τοιαύτῃ μὲν χρησάμενος τύχῃ πάλιν εἰς ἀναπέμπεται καὶ δεθεὶς αὐτόθι κατείχετο, βασιλεύσας μὲν καὶ ἀρχιερατεύσας ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ, ἀνὴρ δὲ λαμπρὸς καὶ μεγαλόψυχος γενόμενος. τὰ μέντοι τέκνα αὐτοῦ‎ ἀνῆκεν ἡ σύγκλητος γράψαντος τοῦθ᾽ ὑπεσχῆσθαι τῇ μητρὶ παραδούσῃ τὰ ἐρύματα. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπανέρχεται.

⁹⁷ Having met with such a fortune, Aristobulus was sent back again to Rome and kept there in bonds, having reigned and served as High Priest for three years and six months—a man who was brilliant and high-spirited (μεγαλόψυχος). The Senate, however, released his children, because Gabinius wrote that he had promised this to their mother when she surrendered the fortresses. Thus, they returned to Judea."

⁹⁷ And this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius’s writing to them that he had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.

⁹⁷ Such was the fate of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome and there was kept in chains, after being king and high priest for three years and six months, and an eminent man of great spirit. But the senate let his children go, when Gabinius wrote to them that he had promised this to their mother when she surrendered the fortresses to him, and so they returned to Judea.

The "Ancient Glory" of the Hasmoneans
Josephus identifies why Aristobulus was able to raise an army so quickly: παλαιὰν εὔκλειαν (ancient glory/fame). Despite the Roman occupation and the divided districts, the charisma of the Hasmonean name remained potent. The desertion of Peitholaus—a high-ranking officer in the Roman-backed administration—shows that many Judean elites still viewed the Roman presence as a temporary "bad weather" event rather than a permanent change.

Machaerus: The Fortress of Despair
Aristobulus fled to Machaerus, the "Black Fortress" overlooking the Dead Sea. It was one of the most rugged sites in the ancient world. His decision to dismiss the "unarmed" followers shows his transition from a populist leader to a desperate military commander. He knew a mob wouldn't survive a Roman siege, but even his 8,000 armed men were insufficient against the combined might of Sisenna and Mark Antony.

The Tragedy of Megalopsychia
Josephus describes Aristobulus as μεγαλόψυχος (magnanimous/high-spirited). In the Greco-Roman sense, this was a virtue of a great man who feels he is worthy of great things. Aristobulus refused to be a "quiet" prisoner. Even after his army was decimated (5,000 dead) and he was trapped in a half-ruined fort, Josephus notes he "held on to good hope." He died as he lived—bold, reckless, and unwilling to compromise.

The Political Deal: The Mother's Ransom
The release of Aristobulus’s children (including the future king Antigonus) by the Roman Senate is a crucial detail. It proves that the "diplomacy of the mother" mentioned in the previous section was effective. By surrendering the fortresses of Judea to Gabinius, she bought the freedom of her children. While Aristobulus went back to his Roman chains, his children returned to Judea, where they would eventually launch the final Hasmonean counter-offensive years later.

Antony's Growing Influence
Once again, Mark Antony is present at the capture of a Hasmonean king. These early interactions with the family—both in battle and in the subsequent negotiations—gave Antony an intimate knowledge of Judean politics. This expertise would later inform his decision to back Herod as a "strongman" alternative to the volatile Hasmoneans.

⁹⁸ δὲ ἐπὶ στρατεύοντι καὶ τὸν ἤδη πεπεραιωμένῳ μετέδοξεν εἰς τὴν‎ ὑποστρέψαντι καταστῆσαι εἰς αὐτήν. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

⁹⁸ "While Gabinius was campaigning against the Parthians and had already crossed the Euphrates, he changed his mind and decided to return to Egypt to restore Ptolemy [Auletes] to his throne. These events have been detailed in other works.

⁹⁸ Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere.

⁹⁸ When Gabinius was on campaign against the Parthians and had crossed the Euphrates, he changed his mind and decided to return into Egypt, to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom, as has been reported elsewhere.

⁹⁹ μέντοι κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατείαν ἣν ἐφ᾽ ἐστείλατο ὑπηρέτησεν σῖτον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν οὗτος αὐτῷ προσηγάγετο καὶ συμμάχους ἐποίησεν φύλακας ὄντας τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβολῶν.

⁹⁹ However, during this campaign, Antipater served Gabinius by providing grain, weapons, and money; he also won over the Jews stationed near Pelusium and made them allies, though they were the guards of the entrances into Egypt.

⁹⁹ However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt.

⁹⁹ During this campaign, on orders from Hyrcanus, he was supplied with corn and weapons and money by Antipater, who also won the support of the Jews who were above Pelusium and guarded the passes leading into Egypt.

¹⁰⁰ ἐπανελθὼν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς καταλαμβάνει τὴν‎ στάσει καὶ ταραχῇ νοσοῦσαν· ὁ γὰρ παῖς παρελθὼν ἐξ ὑστέρου πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν κατὰ βίαν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἀπέστησεν, στρατεύματι δὲ μεγάλῳ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπερχόμενος ἔκτεινε πάντας ὅσους ἐπιτύχοι τῶν εἴς τε ὄρος τὸ καλούμενον συμφυγόντας προσέκειτο πολιορκῶν.

¹⁰⁰ But when Gabinius returned from Egypt, he found Syria suffering from sedition and disorder. For Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having once again moved to seize the government by force, had incited many of the Jews to revolt; and traversing the country with a large army, he slew all the Romans he encountered. He also pressed a siege against those who had fled for safety to the mountain called Gerizim."

¹⁰⁰ But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.

¹⁰⁰ When he returned from Egypt, he found Syria suffering from revolt and upheaval, for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized the leadership a second time by force, got many of the Jews to rebel with him, and so marched over the country with a large army, killing all the Romans he could find, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Garizim, to which they had retreated.

The Global Reach of Antipater
This is a pivotal moment for the House of Herod. Antipater isn't just a local Judean official anymore; he is a regional logistics officer for the Roman Empire. By securing Pelusium—the "Eastern Gate" of Egypt—he proved he could control international borders. The Jews guarding Pelusium likely listened to him because of his high standing in the Jewish diaspora and his ties to the High Priesthood.

The Restoration of Ptolemy Auletes
Gabinius’s decision to abandon the Parthian campaign to restore Ptolemy XII (the father of the famous Cleopatra) was a scandalous move in Rome. It was an illegal war for a massive bribe (10,000 talents). Josephus notes that Antipater was the one who funded and supplied this illegal Roman venture, further binding the Roman military elite to his own personal interests.

Alexander’s Radicalization
Unlike his previous attempts, Alexander’s new revolt is far more violent: ἔκτεινε πάντας ὅσους ἐπιτύχοι τῶν Ῥωμαίων (he slew all the Romans he encountered). This shift from political posturing to a "war of extermination" against Roman citizens marks a turning point in the resistance. Alexander was no longer trying to negotiate with Rome; he was trying to purge them from the land.

The Siege of Mount Gerizim
The fact that the Romans fled to Mount Gerizim (the sacred mountain of the Samaritans) is highly significant. It suggests that the Samaritans remained pro-Roman or at least anti-Hasmonean. Alexander besieging Romans on Gerizim illustrates how the ancient Judean-Samaritan rivalry became entangled with the Roman occupation.

Syria "Suffering from Sedition"
Josephus uses the word νοσοῦσαν (sick/suffering) to describe the state of Syria. To a pro-Roman historian like Josephus, revolt against the "order" of Rome was a social disease. This sets the stage for Gabinius’s return, where he will have to decide whether to continue supporting the weak Hyrcanus or fully hand the "medicine" of the state over to the efficient Antipater.

¹⁰¹ Ὁ δὲ τοιαῦτα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ καταλαβὼν , συνετὸς γὰρ ἦν, πέμπει πρὸς τοὺς νενοσηκότας, εἰ παῦσαι δυνηθείη τῆς παραφροσύνης αὐτοὺς καὶ πεῖσαι πρὸς τὸν ἀμείνω λογισμὸν ἐπανελθεῖν.

¹⁰¹ "When Gabinius found the affairs of Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater—for he was a man of great understanding—to those who were 'infected' [with rebellion], to see if he could stop them from their madness and persuade them to return to a better state of reason.

¹⁰¹ But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better mind;

¹⁰¹ Finding Syria in such a state, Gabinius sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to the rebels to see if he could cure them of their madness and persuade them to come to a better mind.

¹⁰² ὁ δ᾽ ἐλθὼν πολλοὺς μὲν ἐσωφρόνισεν καὶ προσηγάγετο τῷ δέοντι, τὸν δὲ οὐκ ἠδυνήθη κατασχεῖν· στρατοῦ γὰρ ἔχων οὗτος μυριάδας τρεῖς ἀπήντησεν καὶ συμβαλὼν ἡττᾶται πεσόντων αὐτῷ μυρίων περὶ τὸ ὄρος.

¹⁰² Antipater went and brought many back to their senses and led them to their duty, but he was unable to restrain Alexander. For the latter, having thirty thousand Jews in his army, went out to meet Gabinius; engaging in battle near Mount Itabyrium [Mount Tabor], Alexander was defeated, with ten thousand of his men falling.

¹⁰² and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.

¹⁰² On his arrival he brought many of them to a sound mind and got them to do their duty but he could not restrain Alexander, for he with his army of thirty thousand Jews met Gabinius in battle and was defeated and ten thousand of his men fell near Mount Itaburion.

¹⁰³ καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν, ὡς ἦν θέλοντι, ἐπὶ τὴν‎ , καὶ κρατεῖ μὲν τούτων τῇ μάχῃ, δὲ φυγάδας καὶ ἐλθόντας προύπεμψεν, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν.

¹⁰³ After Gabinius had settled the affairs of the city of Jerusalem—doing so according to the wishes of Antipater—he marched against the Nabataeans. He conquered them in battle; as for the Parthian fugitives Mithridates and Orsanes who had come to him, he sent them away, though the official report was that they had escaped him.

¹⁰³ So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater’s inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away from him.

¹⁰³ So Gabinius settled matters relating to the city of Jerusalem according to the mind of Antipater and then tackled the Nabateans and overcame them in battle, and courteously dismissed the Parthian fugitives Mithridates and Orsanes, though it is reported that they ran away from him.

¹⁰⁴ καὶ μὲν ἔργα μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατηγίαν δράσας ἀπῆρεν εἰς Κράσσῳ παραδοὺς τὴν‎ ἀρχήν. περὶ δὲ τῆς καὶ στρατείας ἐπὶ γράφει ὁ καὶ ὁ οὐδὲν ἕτερος ἑτέρου καινότερον λέγων.

¹⁰⁴ Thus Gabinius, having performed great and brilliant deeds during his command, departed for Rome, handing over the government to Crassus. Regarding the campaigns of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, Nicolaus of Damascus and Strabo the Cappadocian both write, neither saying anything fundamentally different from the other."

¹⁰⁴ And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of the war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything new which is not in the other.

¹⁰⁴ After performing great and distinguished exploits in his campaigns, Gabinius returned to Rome, handing over to Crassus. Nicolaus of Damascus and Strabo of Cappadocia describe the wars of Pompey and Gabinius with the Jews, neither of them adding anything new which is not in the other.

The "Madness" of Revolt
Josephus uses medical and psychological metaphors (νενοσηκότας, παραφροσύνης) to describe the Hasmonean resistance. By labeling the desire for independence as "madness" and "infection," Josephus aligns himself with the Roman view of order. Antipater is cast as the "physician" who tries to bring the people back to "reason" (logismon), reinforcing his role as the bridge between Jewish identity and Roman reality.

The Battle of Mount Tabor (Itabyrium)
The scale of this battle is massive: 30,000 Jewish rebels against the Roman legions. Mount Tabor is a landmark in Galilee, a perfectly conical mountain rising from the Jezreel Valley. Alexander’s defeat there, with 10,000 casualties (one-third of his force), was the death knell for the Hasmonean military cause for several years. It proved that even in the rugged north, the Roman war machine under Gabinius was invincible.

"According to the Wishes of Antipater"
This is a small but monumental phrase: ὡς ἦν Ἀντιπάτρῳ θέλοντι. It reveals that by 55 BCE, the Roman Proconsul was essentially taking orders—or at least "strong suggestions"—from Antipater regarding the internal administration of Jerusalem. The High Priest Hyrcanus was the figurehead, but Antipater was the architect.

Parthian Intrigue and the "Fake Escape"
The mention of the Parthian royals Mithridates and Orsanes hints at the deeper "Great Game" played by Gabinius. He likely accepted bribes to let these pretenders to the Parthian throne go, or used them as pawns, while officially reporting they had "escaped" (ἀπέδρασαν). This illustrates the pervasive corruption and high-level shadow diplomacy that defined the Late Roman Republic.

The Transition to Crassus
The mention of Crassus is an ominous foreshadowing. Marcus Licinius Crassus was the wealthiest man in Rome and a member of the First Triumvirate (with Caesar and Pompey). Unlike the "brilliant" Gabinius, Crassus viewed the East primarily as a bank to be robbed. His arrival would lead to the total plundering of the Temple's treasures and his own catastrophic death at the Battle of Carrhae.

Chapter 7
[105-126]
Crassus pillages the temple, but is killed by the Parthians.
Cassius rules Syria and goes to Judea

☜ ☞

¹⁰⁵ δὲ ἐπὶ μέλλων στρατεύειν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρήματα, ἃ καταλελοίπει, δισχίλια δ᾽ ἦν τάλαντα, βαστάσας οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα, τάλαντα δ᾽ οὗτος ἦν ὀκτακισχίλια, περιδύειν τοῦ ναοῦ.

¹⁰⁵ "Now Crassus, intending to campaign against the Parthians, arrived in Judea. He carried off the money in the Temple which Pompey had left behind—amounting to two thousand talents—and was prepared to strip the Temple of all its gold, which totaled eight thousand talents.

¹⁰⁵ Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents.

¹⁰⁵ As Crassus was going on campaign against the Parthians, he came to Judea and carried off the two thousand talents of money in the temple, which Pompey had left, and wanted to rob the sanctuary of all its gold, valued at eight thousand talents.

¹⁰⁶ λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δοκὸν ὁλοσφύρητον χρυσῆν ἐκ μνῶν τριακοσίων πεποιημένην· ἡ δὲ μνᾶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἰσχύει λίτρας δύο ἥμισυ. παρέδωκε δ᾽ αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν‎ δοκὸν ὁ τῶν χρημάτων φύλαξ ἱερεὺς ὄνομα, οὐ διὰ πονηρίαν,

¹⁰⁶ He also took a beam of solid hammered gold, weighing three hundred minas (with us, the mina is equivalent to two and a half Roman pounds). This beam was handed over to him by the guardian of the treasury, a priest named Eleazar. He did this not out of wickedness,

¹⁰⁶ He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design,

¹⁰⁶ He also took a bar of solid beaten gold, weighing three hundred minae, and our mina weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest named Eleazar, the guardian of the sacred treasury, who gave him this bar, though not wickedly,

¹⁰⁷ ἀγαθὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δίκαιος, ἀλλὰ πεπιστευμένος τὴν‎ τῶν καταπετασμάτων τοῦ ναοῦ φυλακὴν ὄντων θαυμασίων τὸ κάλλος καὶ πολυτελῶν τὴν‎ κατασκευὴν ἐκ δὲ τῆς δοκοῦ ταύτης κρεμαμένων, ἐπεὶ τὸν ἑώρα περὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ χρυσίου γινόμενον συλλογήν, δείσας περὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ [καὶ] τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν‎ δοκὸν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ χρυσῆν λύτρον ἀντὶ πάντων ἔδωκεν,

¹⁰⁷ (for he was a good and just man), but because he had been entrusted with the guardianship of the Temple curtains, which were wonderful in beauty and costly in workmanship, and which hung from this very beam. When he saw that Crassus was intent on gathering all the gold, fearing for the entire adornment of the Temple, he gave him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest.

¹⁰⁷ for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole,

¹⁰⁷ for he was a good and a righteous man, but being entrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were admirable in beauty and of very costly workmanship and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busily gathering money and was afraid for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this bar of gold as a ransom for the rest,

¹⁰⁸ ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λαβὼν μηδὲν ἄλλο τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ, μόνῳ δὲ ἀρκεσθήσεσθαι τῷ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δοθησομένῳ πολλῶν ὄντι μυριάδων ἀξίῳ. ἡ δὲ δοκὸς αὕτη ἦν ἐν ξυλίνῃ δοκῷ κενῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανεν ἅπαντας, ὁ δὲ μόνος ἠπίστατο.

¹⁰⁸ He did this after receiving oaths from Crassus that he would move nothing else from the Temple, but would be satisfied with what was given to him, which was worth many tens of thousands. Now, this gold beam was hidden inside a hollow wooden beam, and while this fact escaped everyone else, Eleazar alone knew it.

¹⁰⁸ but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it;

¹⁰⁸ having received his oath not to remove anything else from the temple, but be satisfied with what he was about to give him, which was worth many thousands. This beam was hidden in a hollow wooden beam and was hidden from others and entrusted to Eleazar alone.

¹⁰⁹ ὁ μέντοι ΚράσσοςCrassus καὶ ταύτην ὡς οὐδενὸς ἁψόμενος ἄλλου τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ λαμβάνει, καὶ παραβὰς τοὺς ὅρκους ἅπαντα τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ χρυσὸν ἐξεφόρησεν.	¹⁰⁹ Nevertheless, Crassus took this beam on the condition that he would touch nothing else in the Sanctuary; but having violated his oaths, he carried away all the gold found in the Temple."
¹⁰⁹ yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.	¹⁰⁹ Crassus took this bar, promising to touch nothing else in the temple but then broke his oath and took away all the gold from the sanctuary.

Crassus vs. Pompey: A Study in Character
Josephus explicitly contrasts Crassus with Pompey. While Pompey entered the Holy of Holies but left the 2,000 talents untouched out of epieikeia (restraint/virtue), Crassus viewed the Temple simply as a source of funding for his private war. This act of "plundering the gods" was viewed by both Jewish and Roman historians as a bad omen for his subsequent campaign.

The Total Value of the Plunder
The figures provided are astronomical:

1) 2,000 talents in coin (left by Pompey).

2) 8,000 talents in gold fittings and vessels.

3) 10,000 talents total (roughly equivalent to 60 million denarii).

To put this in perspective, the annual tax revenue of the entire Roman province of Syria was significantly less than this single haul. Crassus effectively liquidated the national treasury of Judea to fund his vanity project against Parthia.

The "Hollow Beam" and the Secret Treasury
The detail about the hollow wooden beam (ξύλινῃ δοκῷ κενῇ) is a fascinating piece of Temple "spy-craft." It suggests that the priests, anticipating centuries of foreign invasions, had developed sophisticated methods of architectural concealment. Eleazar’s "ransom" was a desperate gamble: give the Roman the biggest "secret" prize to satisfy his greed and save the rest.

Perjury and the "Divine Curse"
In the ancient world, breaking an oath (παραβὰς τοὺς ὅρκους) was considered an invitation to divine wrath. Josephus frames Crassus’s subsequent total defeat at the Battle of Carrhae (where Crassus was killed and the Roman eagles were captured) as direct retribution for this specific perjury in Jerusalem. For Josephus’s readers, the narrative arc is clear: the man who steals from the God of the Jews does not survive his next battle.

The Tragedy of Eleazar
Eleazar represents the "Good Shepherd" of the Temple treasures. His motive was to protect the curtains (katapetasmatōn)—the massive, intricately woven veils that separated the holy spaces. These were not just fabric; they were icons of the cosmos. His failure to stop Crassus, despite his sacrifice, emphasizes that by 54 BCE, Jewish diplomacy and religious appeals no longer held any weight against Roman military avarice.

¹¹⁰ Θαυμάσῃ δὲ μηδείς, εἰ τοσοῦτος ἦν πλοῦτος ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ἱερῷ πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην καὶ σεβομένων τὸν θεὸν ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς καὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸ συμφερόντων ἐκ πολλῶν πάνυ χρόνων.

¹¹⁰ "Let no one wonder that there was such great wealth in our Temple, seeing that all the Jews throughout the habitable world (οἰκουμένην), as well as those who worshiped God—including those from Asia and Europe—had been contributing to it for a very long time.

¹¹⁰ And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times.

¹¹⁰ And let no one be surprised that there was so much wealth in our temple, since from very ancient times all Jews throughout the world and worshippers of God, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it.

¹¹¹ οὐκ ἔστι δὲ ἀμάρτυρον τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προειρημένων χρημάτων, οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ ἀλαζονείας ἡμετέρας καὶ περιττολογίας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξαίρεται πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ πολλοί τε ἄλλοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἡμῖν μαρτυροῦσιν καὶ ὁ λέγων οὕτως·

¹¹¹ The magnitude of the aforementioned sums is not without witness; nor is it raised to such a vast amount by our own boasting or exaggeration. Rather, many other historians bear witness to us, specifically Strabo the Cappadocian, who says the following:

¹¹¹ Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus:

¹¹¹ The amount of this money is not unattested nor is its greatness due to our vanity, as if we boasted of it groundlessly, for many writers can witness for us and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says,

¹¹² " πέμψας δὲ ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates [εἰς Κῶ] ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα, ἃ παρέθετο ἐκεῖ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra βασίλισσα, καὶ τὰ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ὀκτα	¹¹² 'Mithridates, having sent to Cos, took the money which Queen Cleopatra had deposited there, along with eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.'
¹¹² "Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews."	¹¹² "Mithridates sent to Cos and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, and eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews."

¹¹³ κόσια τάλαντα. ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν τῇ διὰ τὸν φόβον· οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναὸν πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν κατοικοῦντας πιθανὸν τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι μηδὲν δεδιότας.

¹¹³ Now, we have no public funds except those dedicated to God; and it is clear that the Jews in Asia transferred these funds to Cos out of fear of Mithridates. For it is not likely that those in Judea, possessing a fortified city and the Temple, would send money to Cos; nor is it probable that the Jews living in Alexandria would do this, as they had nothing to fear from Mithridates.

¹¹³ Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates.

¹¹³ Now we have no public treasury except that dedicated to God, and clearly the Asian Jews had transferred this money for fear of Mithridates, for it is not likely that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, would send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews in Alexandria would do so either, since they had no fear of Mithridates.

¹¹⁴ μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ τόπῳ ὁ αὐτὸς , ὅτι καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν διέβη εἰς τὴν‎ πολεμήσων καὶ Λεύκολλον πέμψας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἐν στάσιν Τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν ἡ οἰκουμένη πεπλήρωτο, λέγων οὕτως·

¹¹⁴ The same Strabo also testifies in another place that at the time when Sulla crossed into Greece to war against Mithridates and sent Lucullus to quell the sedition of our nation in Cyrene, the world was already filled with them, saying:

¹¹⁴ And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus:

¹¹⁴ Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that when Sylla crossed into Greece for his war against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a revolt in Cyrene raised by our nation, of whom the world is full. He speaks as follows:

¹¹⁵ " τέτταρες δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν Κυρηναίων, ἥ τε τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν γεωργῶν τρίτη δ᾽ ἡ τῶν μετοίκων τετάρτη δ᾽ ἡ τῶν . αὕτη δ᾽ εἰς πᾶσαν πόλιν ἤδη καὶ παρελήλυθεν καὶ τόπον οὐκ ἔστι ῥᾳδίως εὑρεῖν τῆς οἰκουμένης, ὃς οὐ παραδέδεκται τοῦτο τὸ φῦλον μηδ᾽ ἐπικρατεῖται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎.

¹¹⁵ 'There were four [classes] in the city of the Cyrenians: the citizens, the farmers, the resident aliens (μετοίκων), and fourth, the Jews. This nation has already moved into every city, and it is not easy to find a place in the habitable world which has not received this tribe and is not occupied by it.'

¹¹⁵ "There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them;

¹¹⁵ "There were four classes in the city of Cyrene; one of citizens, another of farmers, the third of aliens and the fourth of Jews. This group has already reached every city and it is hard to find a place in the world that has not admitted this tribe and is not dominated by them.

¹¹⁶ τήν τε καὶ τὴν‎ Κυρηναίων ἅτε τῶν αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνων τυχοῦσαν τῶν τε ἄλλων συχνὰ ζηλῶσαι συνέβη καὶ δὴ τὰ συντάγματα τῶν θρέψαι διαφερόντως καὶ συναυξῆσαι χρώμενα τοῖς πατρίοις τῶν νόμοις.

¹¹⁶ And it happened that both Egypt and Cyrene, having the same rulers, came to emulate many other things and specifically to nourish and greatly increase the organized communities (συντάγματα) of the Jews, who used their own ancestral Jewish laws.

¹¹⁶ and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also.

¹¹⁶ In fact Egypt and Cyrene who are ruled by the same leaders and many other nations, imitate their lifestyle and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a special way and through them grow to greater prosperity and even follow the traditional Jewish laws.

¹¹⁷ ἐν γοῦν κατοικία τῶν ἐστὶν ἀποδεδειγμένη χωρὶς καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀφώρισται μέγα μέρος τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ. καθίσταται δὲ καὶ ἐθνάρχης αὐτῶν, ὃς διοικεῖ τε τὸ ἔθνος καὶ διαιτᾷ κρίσεις καὶ συμβολαίων ἐπιμελεῖται καὶ προσταγμάτων, ὡς ἂν πολιτείας ἄρχων αὐτοτελοῦς.

¹¹⁷ In Egypt, for instance, a special settlement has been set apart for the Jews, and a large portion of the city of Alexandria has been allotted to this nation. An Ethnarch is also appointed over them, who governs the nation, adjudicates disputes, and oversees contracts and ordinances, as if he were the ruler of an independent state.

¹¹⁷ Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.

¹¹⁷ There are places assigned for the Jews in Egypt to live, besides the large part of the city of Alexandria that is set apart for this nation. They are also allowed an ethnarch, who governs the nation and administers justice to them and takes care of their contracts and their laws, as if he were the ruler of a free state.

¹¹⁸ ἐν μὲν οὖν ἴσχυσε τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὸ εἶναι τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοὺς καὶ διὰ τὸ πλησίον ἔσεσθαι τὴν‎ κατοικίαν τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν, εἰς δὲ τὴν‎ Κυρηναίαν μετέβη διὰ τὸ καὶ ταύτην ὅμορον εἶναι τῇ τῶν [ἀρχῇ] καθάπερ τὴν‎ μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον. μὲν δὴ ταῦτα λέγει.

¹¹⁸ In Egypt, the nation became powerful because the Jews were originally Egyptians [in origin/location], and because those who departed from there had their settlement nearby. They moved into Cyrenaica because it bordered the empire of the Egyptians, just as Judea did—or rather, it was formerly part of that empire.' These are the words of Strabo."

¹¹⁸ In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was formerly under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.

¹¹⁸ In Egypt, this nation is powerful, therefore, because the Jews were originally Egyptians and because the land where they live after they went out from there, is near to Egypt. They also moved into Cyrene, a land bordering on the realm of Egypt, as does Judea, and was formerly under the same government." This is what Strabo says.

The Temple as a "Global Central Bank"
Josephus explains that the Temple's wealth wasn't just local tax revenue; it was the destination of the Half-Shekel temple tax sent by millions of Jews across the "habitable world" (oikoumene). This explains how Judea, a small territory, could possess more gold than many larger kingdoms. The Temple functioned as a massive decentralized treasury for a global ethnic network.

Strabo as the "Hostile" Witness
Josephus intentionally uses Strabo—a Stoic, Greek, pro-Roman intellectual—to validate his claims. By quoting a non-Jew who admits that "no place on earth" is without Jews, Josephus counters the Roman stereotype that the Jews were just a small, rebellious desert tribe. He frames Jewish ubiquity as a recognized geographical fact of the Roman era.

The "State Within a State" in Alexandria
The description of the Alexandrian Ethnarch is a vital piece of political history. It shows that in the 1st century BCE, Jews in the Diaspora enjoyed autonomy (autoteloūs). They weren't just living in Alexandria; they had their own courts, their own executive leader, and their own legal district. This level of self-governance was a privilege granted by the Ptolemies and confirmed by the Romans, though it would eventually become a source of friction with the local Greeks.

Mithridates and the Island of Cos
The mention of 800 talents taken from the island of Cos highlights the vulnerability of the Diaspora. In times of war (like the Mithridatic Wars), Jewish communities tried to move their sacred funds to "neutral" islands for safety. Mithridates’ seizure of these funds was a major international incident that highlighted the massive liquid assets held by Jewish communities in Asia Minor (modern Turkey).

Josephus’s "Correction" of Origins
Josephus subtly corrects or clarifies Strabo’s comment that Jews were "Egyptians." While Josephus elsewhere argues for the distinctness of Jewish origins (in Against Apion), here he acknowledges the deep historical and geographic ties between Egypt and Judea. He uses the proximity of the Ptolemaic Empire to explain why Cyrene (modern Libya) and Alexandria became the primary hubs for the Jewish Diaspora.

¹¹⁹ δὲ πάντα διοικήσας ὃν αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο τρόπον ἐξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ Παρθυαίαν· καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν σὺν ἅπαντι διεφθάρη τῷ στρατῷ, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται, δὲ εἰς φυγὼν καὶ περιποιησάμενος αὐτὴν ἐμποδὼν ἦν ἐκτρέχουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν διὰ τὴν‎ κατὰ Κράσσου νίκην.

¹¹⁹ "Now Crassus, having settled all matters in the manner he himself desired, set out for Parthia. He himself was destroyed along with his entire army, as has been detailed in other works. But Cassius [Gaius Cassius Longinus], having fled to Syria and taken control of it, stood in the way of the Parthians as they were overrunning it following their victory over Crassus.

¹¹⁹ So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it.

¹¹⁹ When Crassus had settled everything to his satisfaction he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army died, as we have said elsewhere. Later, Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, occupied it and put a stop to the Parthians who had made incursions upon it since their victory over Crassus.

¹²⁰ αὖθις δ᾽ εἰς ἀφικόμενος ἀνέβη καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ . μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς προσπεσὼν αἱρεῖ καὶ περὶ τρισμυρίους ἀνθρώπους ἀνδραποδίζει, δὲ τὸν τὴν‎ στάσιν διαδεδεγμένον κτείνει πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν παραστησαμένου,

¹²⁰ Coming again to Tyre, he also went up into Judea. Falling upon Tarichaea, he immediately captured it and enslaved about thirty thousand people. He also executed Peitholaus, who had taken over the faction of Aristobulus, after Antipater had urged him to do this very thing.

¹²⁰ And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Taricheae, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater,

¹²⁰ As he was returning to Tyre, he also went up into Judea. There Tarichea soon fell to him and he took about thirty thousand people as prisoners. As Pitholaus was continuing the rebellious behaviour of Aristobulus, he killed him at the persuasion of Antipater.

¹²¹ ᾧ πολύ τε καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συνέβαινε δύνασθαι καὶ πλείστου τότε ἄξιος ἦν καὶ παρὰ οἷς παρὼν ἄγεται γυναῖκα τῶν ἐξ ὄνομα, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ τέσσαρες ἐγένοντο παῖδες, καὶ , ὃς ὕστερον βασιλεὺς γίνεται, τε καὶ , θυγάτηρ τε .

¹²¹ Antipater happened to possess great influence with him [Cassius], and at that time he was held in the highest esteem by the Jews. During this period, he took a wife named Cypros from the distinguished people of Arabia [Nabataea], by whom he had four sons:
Phasael and Herod (who later became King), Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, Salome.

¹²¹ who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros, by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome.

¹²¹ The latter showed a great interest in him and was at that time also highly reputed among the Idumaeans. He married a wife of that nation named Cypros, the daughter of an eminent family and by her he had four sons, Phasael and Herod who later became king, and Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, named Salome.

¹²² οὗτος ὁ ἐπεποίητο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους δυνάστας φιλίαν τε καὶ ξενίαν, μάλιστα δὲ πρὸς τὸν , ᾧ καὶ τὰ τέκνα πολεμῶν πρὸς παρέθετο. μὲν οὖν ἀναστρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ τὸν ἠπείγετο ὑπαντιάσων τοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιοῦσιν, ὡς καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων δεδήλωται.

¹²² This Antipater had established friendships and ties of hospitality with other dynasts, and especially with the King of the Arabs, to whom he had entrusted his children while he was at war with Aristobulus. Cassius, meanwhile, having raised his army, hurried toward the Euphrates to meet those [Parthians] advancing from there, as has also been detailed by others."

¹²² This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been related by others.

¹²² This Antipater also cultivated friendship and mutual favour with other powerful people, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he entrusted his children during his struggle with Aristobulus. So Cassius moved his camp and marched to the Euphrates to confront his attackers there as has been reported by others.

The Catastrophe of Crassus
The "destruction" of Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae (53 BCE) was one of Rome's greatest military disasters. Josephus glosses over it because his focus is on the fallout in Judea. The Roman vacuum was filled by Gaius Cassius Longinus (the future assassin of Julius Caesar). Cassius’s arrival in Judea was brutal; the enslavement of 30,000 people at Tarichaea (on the Sea of Galilee) was a massive blow to the Jewish population of the North.

The Execution of Peitholaus: Antipater’s Ruthlessness
Peitholaus had been a high-ranking Judean officer who defected to the Hasmonean cause. Antipater’s role in his execution is a chilling display of "realpolitik." By urging the Romans to kill Peitholaus, Antipater was systematically removing any local rivals who could lead a popular Jewish revolt. He was clearing the path for his own sons to rule without competition.

The "Herodian" Genealogy Begins
This is one of the most significant genealogical lists in the New Testament era. Josephus introduces the five siblings who would dominate the next 50 years:

1) Phasael: The loyal elder brother and future governor of Jerusalem.

2) Herod: The future "Great" King.

3) Joseph & Pheroras: Key regional administrators.

4) Salome: The sister who would become a master of court intrigue.

Cypros and the "Arabian" Connection
The marriage of Antipater to Cypros, a Nabataean noblewoman, is a vital historical detail. It explains why the Herodian dynasty was often viewed with suspicion by the Judean priesthood. Herod was ethnically half-Idumaean (from his father) and half-Arab (from his mother). This Nabataean connection also provided a "safe haven" for the Herodian children during times of war, ensuring the survival of the bloodline.

Antipater as the Regional Diplomat
Josephus emphasizes Antipater’s xenian (ties of hospitality) with neighboring dynasts. While the Hasmoneans were isolationist and prone to civil war, Antipater was a globalist. He spoke the language of Roman power and maintained a safety net with the Arab kings. This multi-layered diplomacy is what allowed him to survive the shifting winds of the Roman Civil Wars.

¹²³ Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον κατασχὼν μετὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν‎ σύγκλητον φυγεῖν πέραν τοῦ παραλύσας τῶν δεσμῶν εἰς πέμπειν διεγνώκει δύο παραδοὺς αὐτῷ τάγματα, ὡς ἂν εὐτρεπίζοι τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν δυνατὸς ὤν.

¹²³ "Sometime later, after Caesar had seized Rome and Pompey and the Senate had fled beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar released Aristobulus from his bonds. He determined to send him into Syria, handing over two legions to him, so that he might settle affairs there, being a man of great influence.

¹²³ But some time afterward Caesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country.

¹²³ Some time later, Caesar, after taking Rome and when Pompey and the senate had fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his chains and decided to send him into Syria giving him two legions to bring order to the country in which he was so powerful.

¹²⁴ δ᾽ οὐκ ὤνατο τῶν ἐλπίδων, ἐφ᾽ αἷς Ἔτυχε τῆς παρὰ ἐξουσίας, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν φθάσαντες οἱ τὰ φρονοῦντες φαρμάκῳ διαφθείρουσιν, θάπτουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ τὰ θεραπεύοντες πράγματα, καὶ ὁ νεκρὸς ἔκειτο ἐν μέλιτι κεκηδευμένος ἐπὶ χρόνον πολὺν ἕως αὐτὸν ὕστερον ἀποπέμψας εἰς τὴν‎ ἐν ταῖς βασιλικαῖς θήκαις ἐποίησεν τεθῆναι.

¹²⁴ However, Aristobulus did not enjoy the hopes for which he had received this authority from Caesar. For those who favored the party of Pompey forestalled him and destroyed him by poison. Those who tended to Caesar’s interests buried him, and the corpse lay preserved in honey for a long time, until Antony later sent it back to Judea and saw to it that he was placed in the royal sepulchers.

¹²⁴ But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher.

¹²⁴ But Aristobulus did not get to enjoy what he hoped for from the power granted to him by Caesar, for Pompey’s party forestalled him and killed him by poison, and Caesar’s party buried him. His corpse lay for a good while embalmed in honey, until Antony later sent it to Judea and had him buried in the royal tombs.

¹²⁵ Σκιπίων δ᾽ ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτῷ ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν αἰτιασάμενος τὸν νεανίσκον ἐπὶ τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον εἰς ἐξημαρτημένοις τῷ πελέκει διεχρήσατο. Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτως ἐν τελευτᾷ.

¹²⁵ Meanwhile, Scipio [Metellus Scipio], after Pompey had sent him instructions to kill Alexander (the son of Aristobulus), accused the young man of his former crimes against the Romans and executed him with the axe. And so Alexander died in Antioch.

¹²⁵ But Scipio, upon Pompey’s sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch.

¹²⁵ Then Scipio, sent by Pompey to kill Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, making the young man answer for the offences he had earlier committed against the Romans, cut off his head, and so he died in Antioch.

¹²⁶ τοὺς δ᾽ ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ παρέλαβεν δυναστεύων τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρει, καὶ πέμψας τὸν υἱὸν εἰς παρὰ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῇ συναποστέλλειν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας, ὧν τῆς ἑτέρας ἐρασθεὶς ὁ Φιλιππίων ἄγεται γυναῖκα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀνελὼν αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ γαμεῖ τε τὴν‎ καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτῆς πρόνοιαν ποιούμενος διετέλει.

¹²⁶ The siblings of Alexander were taken in by Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, the dynast of Chalcis beneath Mount Lebanon. He sent his son Philippion to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus, ordering her to send back her son Antigonus and her daughters. Philippion fell in love with one of them, Alexandra, and took her as his wife. Later, however, his father Ptolemy killed him and married Alexandra himself, while continuing to provide for her siblings."

¹²⁶ But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus’s wife, and desired her to send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and continued to take care of her brethren.

¹²⁶ But the ruler of Chalcis below Mount Libanus, Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, took care of his brothers and sent his son Philippion into Askalon to Aristobulus' wife asking her to send back with him her son Antigonus and her daughters. One of them, Alexandra, was loved and wedded by Philippion, though later his father Ptolemy killed him and married Alexandra but continued to take care of her brothers.

Caesar’s "Jewish Strategy"
Julius Caesar was a brilliant pragmatist. By releasing Aristobulus and giving him two legions, he wasn't trying to "liberate" Judea; he was trying to create a massive diversion in Pompey's rear. If Aristobulus had reached Syria, he would have ignited a pro-Caesar/anti-Pompey Jewish revolt. This shows how Judea had become a vital chess piece in the Roman struggle for global dominance.

The Preservation in Honey
The detail that Aristobulus was κεκηδευμένος ἐν μέλιτι (preserved/embalmed in honey) is a striking archaeological and cultural note. In the ancient world, honey was a well-known preservative for transporting bodies over long distances (Alexander the Great was reportedly preserved in honey). It highlights the irony of Aristobulus’s life: he spent years as a Roman prisoner only to spend more years as a "preserved specimen" in a jar before finally being allowed home to the Royal Tombs of the Hasmoneans.

The Double Tragedy of the Hasmoneans
Within this short passage, the "Rebel King" (Aristobulus) is poisoned in Rome, and his "Warrior Son" (Alexander) is beheaded in Antioch. Pompey’s faction was systematic in liquidating the Hasmonean males who could lead a pro-Caesar army. This left the family's future in the hands of the younger son, Antigonus, and the women of the house.

Metellus Scipio: The Roman Executioner
The execution of Alexander by Scipio was a legalistic murder. By charging him with "former crimes" (his previous revolts against Gabinius), Scipio gave a veneer of Roman law to a purely political execution. This act would later haunt the Romans, as it turned Alexander into a martyr for the Jewish nationalist cause.

The Ruthless House of Chalcis
The subplot of Ptolemy son of Mennaeus and his son Philippion reveals the brutal nature of the surrounding Syrian dynasts. Ptolemy was the ruler of Chalcis (in the Beqaa Valley). His willingness to kill his own son to marry his daughter-in-law, the Hasmonean princess Alexandra, shows that the Hasmonean bloodline was still considered highly valuable for political legitimacy, even if the men of the family were being hunted.

Chapter 8
[127-155]
The Jews join Julius Caesar’s campaign in Egypt.
Antipater honoured by Caesar and the Athenians

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¹²⁷ μετὰ δὲ τὸν θάνατον καὶ τὴν‎ νίκην τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ πολεμοῦντι κατ᾽ πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ὁ τῶν ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς .

¹²⁷ "After the death of Pompey and the victory [at Pharsalus], Antipater, the administrator of the Jews, made himself very useful to Caesar while he was warring in Egypt, acting under the command of Hyrcanus.

¹²⁷ Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus;

¹²⁷ After Pompey’s death and Caesar’s victory over him, Antipater, who governed the Jews, at the orders of Hyrcanus became very useful to Caesar when he made war on Egypt.

¹²⁸ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ πορείαν, περὶ δὲ διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ἄγων τρισχιλίους ἐξ τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει·

¹²⁸ For when Mithridates of Pergamum was bringing a reinforcing army but found himself unable to make his way through Pelusium, and was lingering around Ascalon, Antipater arrived leading three thousand Jewish heavy infantry. He also negotiated for the leading men of Arabia to come as allies.

¹²⁸ for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance;

¹²⁸ For when Mithridates of Pergamon was bringing allies to him and could not continue his march through Pelusium, but was obliged to stay at Askalon, Antipater came to him with three thousand Jewish warriors and arranged for the leading Arab to become his allies.

¹²⁹ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, Ἰάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ ὁ Σοαίμου ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι.

¹²⁹ Because of him, all the dynasts in Syria assisted, not wishing to be left behind in their zeal for Caesar—including Iamblichus the dynast, and Ptolemy son of Sohaemus who lived on Mount Lebanon, and almost all the cities.

¹²⁹ and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities.

¹²⁹ On his account too, all the Syrians came to his aid, not wanting to seem to be lax in their support for Caesar, including the ruler, Jamblicus, and Ptolemy the son of Soemus, who lived in Mount Libanus and almost all the cities.

¹³⁰ δὲ ἄρας ἐκ εἰς ἀφικνεῖται καὶ μὴ δεχομένων αὐτὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ πόλιν. ἠρίστευσε δὲ κατασύρας τι τοῦ τείχους καὶ ὁδὸν εἰσπεσεῖν παρέσχετο τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν.

¹³⁰ Mithridates, having set out from Syria, arrived at Pelusium, and when the inhabitants would not receive him, he besieged the city. Antipater performed heroic deeds of valor; having torn down a portion of the wall, he provided a way for the others to burst into the city.

¹³⁰ So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken.

¹³⁰ So Mithridates marched from Syria and came to Pelusium, and besieged the city when the people would not admit him. Antipater distinguished himself there and was the first to tear down part of the wall and open a breach for the others to enter the city and so Pelusium was taken.

¹³¹ καὶ τὸ μὲν οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ καὶ ἀπιόντας πρὸς διεκώλυον οἱ οἱ τὴν‎ [χώραν] λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ καὶ μάλιστα αὐτοῖς τὰς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ.

¹³¹ Thus Pelusium was taken. But as Antipater and Mithridates were departing to join Caesar, they were blocked by the Jews who inhabited the region called the Land of Onias. However, Antipater persuaded them to favor their cause on account of their shared nationhood (homophylon), and especially by showing them the letters of Hyrcanus the High Priest, in which he exhorted them to be friends to Caesar and to supply the army with hospitality and all necessities.

¹³¹ But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted;

¹³¹ The Jews living in the district named after Onias wanted to block the forces of Antipater and Mithridates on their way to Caesar, but Antipater persuaded them to come over to their side, as he was of their race, especially by showing them the letters of the high priest Hyrcanus, urging them to cultivate friendship with Caesar and to supply his army with money and all the provisions they needed.

¹³² καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν πρὸς ἑαυτούς· κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.

¹³² When they saw that Antipater and the High Priest were of one mind, they obeyed. Having heard that these people had joined the cause, the people around Memphis also invited Mithridates to join them; and having gone there, he won them over as well."

¹³² and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.

¹³² When they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same mind, they did as they were asked; and when those near Memphis heard it, they too invited Mithridates, so he came and received them into his army also.

The Great Pivot
Antipater was the ultimate political survivor. Having spent years as a loyal client of Pompey, he didn't hesitate for a second once Pompey was defeated. By sending 3,000 elite Jewish troops to rescue Caesar (who was famously trapped and outnumbered in the "Alexandrian War"), Antipater ensured that the new master of Rome was personally indebted to him.

The "Land of Onias" and the Diaspora Network
The mention of the Land of Onias (Oniou chōra) is a critical historical detail. This was a Jewish military colony in the Egyptian Delta, centered around a temple built by the high priest Onias IV. The fact that Antipater could command their loyalty shows the incredible reach of the Jerusalem High Priesthood. These Egyptian Jews weren't just civilians; they were professional soldiers guarding the "gates of Egypt."

The Power of the High Priest’s Seal
Antipater knew that his own word wasn't enough to convince the Egyptian Jews to switch sides. He used the letters of Hyrcanus as religious and political leverage. This illustrates the "Double-Act": Hyrcanus provided the sacred legitimacy (auctoritas), while Antipater provided the military and logistical muscle (potestas). Without the High Priest's "stamp of approval," the Egyptian Jews might have stayed loyal to the Ptolemies or remained neutral.

Pelusium: The Breach and the Glory
Josephus goes out of his way to credit Antipater with the actual physical breach of the walls of Pelusium. This isn't just to show he was a good leader, but to prove to Roman readers that the Jews were "first over the wall" for Caesar. This military "heroism" (aristēsas) would be the primary argument Antipater used later to defend Jewish privileges before the Roman Senate.

Syria Follows the Leader
The text notes that because of Antipater’s example, the Syrian dynasts (like Iamblichus and Ptolemy of Lebanon) fell in line. This suggests that Antipater had become the trendsetter for Roman loyalty in the East. If the Jews—who had every reason to hate Rome after Pompey—were fighting for Caesar, everyone else felt they had to do the same to secure their own positions.

¹³³ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον ΔέλταDelta ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ἸουδαίωνJews στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates, τὸ δ᾽ εὐώνυμον ἈντίπατροςAntipater.	¹³³ "When [Mithridates] had already passed around the region called the Delta, he engaged the enemy at a place known as the Jews’ Camp. Mithridates held the right wing, while Antipater held the left.
¹³³ And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left;	¹³³ When he had gone around the area called the Delta, they fought a battle with the enemy near the place called the Jewish Camp, with Mithridates on the right wing and Antipater on the left.

¹³⁴ συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν‎ ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας .

¹³⁴ As they clashed in battle, Mithridates’ wing began to give way and was in danger of suffering a terrible defeat, had not Antipater—who had already conquered the enemies on his own side—dashed along the riverbank with his own soldiers. He rescued Mithridates and turned the victorious Egyptians to flight.

¹³⁴ and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight.

¹³⁴ In the fight, the wing of Mithridates yielded and was in extreme danger, until Antipater came running to him along the river-bank with his own men, after already defeating the enemy facing him; so he saved Mithridates and put the victorious Egyptians to flight.

¹³⁵ αἱρεῖ δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater πεντήκοντα.	¹³⁵ He even captured their camp, persisting in the pursuit, and then called back Mithridates, who had fallen far behind in the rout. Of those with Mithridates, eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s men, only fifty.
¹³⁵ He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty.	¹³⁵ He also took their camp and continued the pursuit and recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted and had retreated a long way off, and eight hundred of his soldiers fell, but only fifty of Antipater's.

¹³⁶ δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ · καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ.

¹³⁶ Mithridates wrote to Caesar concerning these matters, declaring that Antipater was the cause of both their victory and their survival. Consequently, Caesar praised him at that time and made use of Antipater for the most dangerous tasks throughout the entire war; indeed, it happened that Antipater was wounded during these struggles."

¹³⁶ So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements.

¹³⁶ Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar and publicly declared that Antipater was the victor and had saved his life, so that Caesar commended Antipater at the time and throughout the rest of the war used him for the most dangerous undertakings; and in one of those engagements he happened to be wounded.

The "Jews’ Camp" (Ioudaiōn Stratopedon)
The location of the battle is highly symbolic. The "Jews’ Camp" (likely Vicus Judaeorum or Leontopolis) was a military district settled by Jewish mercenaries generations earlier. By fighting and winning here, Antipater was literally standing on the ground of his ancestors’ military tradition. It underscores that the Jews were not just "locals" in Egypt, but a distinct, organized military class.

Tactical Brilliance: The Flank Rescue
The description of the battle shows Antipater as a sophisticated commander. Having won his side of the field (the left wing), he didn't simply chase his own retreating enemies. Instead, he performed a lateral maneuver along the riverbank to save the crumbling right wing. In Roman eyes, this kind of situational awareness was the mark of a "professional" general, not just a tribal chieftain.

The Incredible Casualty Ratio
Josephus records a massive disparity in losses: 800 for Mithridates vs. only 50 for Antipater. While Josephus is prone to highlighting Jewish success, this ratio serves a narrative purpose: it emphasizes that Antipater’s troops were highly disciplined professionals compared to the more traditional eastern levies under Mithridates.

The Recommendation of Mithridates
The letter from Mithridates of Pergamum to Caesar is the "golden ticket" for the Herodian family. Mithridates was a close associate of Caesar. By crediting Antipater with his "survival" (sōtērias), he made it impossible for Caesar to ignore the Jewish leader. This was the moment Antipater ceased to be a "client of Pompey" and became a "friend of Caesar."

"Wounded in Action"
Josephus notes that Antipater was wounded (trōthēnai) while serving Caesar. In Roman culture, battle scars were the ultimate political currency (insignia virtutis). Later in the history, when Antipater is accused of disloyalty, he literally strips off his clothes to show Caesar his scars as a "silent testimony" of his devotion. This passage establishes the physical proof that would underpin his political power.

¹³⁷ καταλύσας μέντοι μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, μὲν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν δοὺς καὶ πανταχοῦ.

¹³⁷ "Now Caesar, having concluded the war [in Egypt] after some time and sailed to Syria, honored [the Jewish leaders] greatly; he confirmed the High Priesthood for Hyrcanus, while to Antipater he granted Roman citizenship and exemption from taxes (ateleia) everywhere.

¹³⁷ However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;

¹³⁷ After some time, Caesar finished that war and sailed away for Syria, he honoured Hyrcanus greatly and confirmed him in the high priesthood, and gave Roman citizenship to Antipater and exemption from taxes everywhere.

¹³⁸ λέγεται δ᾽ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ταύτης κοινωνῆσαι τῆς στρατείας καὶ ἐλθεῖν εἰς , μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ καὶ ὁ λέγων ἐξ ὀνόματος οὕτως· « μετὰ τὸν εἰσβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέα.»

¹³⁸ It is said by many that Hyrcanus himself participated in this campaign and went into Egypt; and Strabo the Cappadocian bears witness to my account, citing Asinius as follows: 'After Mithridates, Hyrcanus the High Priest of the Jews also invaded Egypt.'

¹³⁸ and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews."

¹³⁸ Many say that Hyrcanus went with Antipater on this campaign and went in person to Egypt. Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says so, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews."

¹³⁹ ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς οὗτος καὶ ἐν ἑτέροις πάλιν ἐξ Ὑψικράτους ὀνόματος λέγει οὕτως· « τὸν δὲ ἐξελθεῖν μόνον, κληθέντα δ᾽ εἰς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν τῆς τρισχιλίους αὐτῷ στρατιώτας συμπαρασκευάσαι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους δυνάστας προτρέψαι, κοινωνῆσαι δὲ τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα.» ταῦτα μὲν φησίν.

¹³⁹ The same Strabo, in another place, citing Hypsicrates, says this: 'Mithridates went out alone, but when Antipater, the administrator of Judea, was called to Ascalon by him, he provided three thousand soldiers and exhorted the other dynasts, and Hyrcanus the High Priest also participated in the campaign.' This is what Strabo says.

¹³⁹ Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition." This is what Strabo says.

¹³⁹ The same Strabo says again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, "Mithridates at first went out alone, but Antipater, who was in charge of Judea, was called by him to Askalon and prepared three thousand soldiers to accompany him and encouraged other officers of the land to do so, and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this campaign." This is what Strabo says.

¹⁴⁰ ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ ὁ πρὸς τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπωδύρετο τύχην καὶ ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποθάνοι φαρμάκοις ἀναιρεθεὶς καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ κτείναντος πελέκει , ἐδεῖτό τε λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκβεβλημένου, δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ κατηγόρει βιαίως ἐξηγουμένων τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομησάντων.

¹⁴⁰ But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, also came before Caesar. He lamented the fate of his father—how Aristobulus had been destroyed by poison on Caesar’s account—and how his brother had been executed by the axe of Scipio. He begged for pity, as he had been cast out of his principality, and he vehemently accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of governing the nation by force and of acting lawlessly against him.

¹⁴⁰ But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater’s means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself.

¹⁴⁰ But Antigonus the son of Aristobulus went to Caesar at this time to lament his father’s fate, and complained that it was by Antipater that Aristobulus was killed by poison and his brother beheaded by Scipio and asked him to take pity on him who had been expelled from the realm which was his due. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of ruling the nation by violence and being unjust to himself.

¹⁴¹ παρὼν δ᾽ ἀπελογεῖτο μὲν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἑώρα τὴν‎ κατηγορίαν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γεγενημένην, νεωτεριστὰς δ᾽ ἀπέφαινε τοὺς περὶ τὸν καὶ στασιώδεις, ὅσα τε πονήσειεν αὐτὸς καὶ συνεργήσειεν ὑπεμίμνησκεν ἐπὶ τοῖς στρατεύμασιν Ποιούμενος τοὺς λόγους ὧν αὐτὸς ἦν μάρτυς.

¹⁴¹ Antipater, being present, defended himself against the accusations he saw being made. He exposed Antigonus and his followers as revolutionaries and seditionists, and he reminded Caesar of all the toils he himself had endured and the assistance he had rendered, making his speech based on the military actions of which Caesar himself was a witness.

¹⁴¹ Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself.

¹⁴¹ Antipater was present and made his defence to the accusations against him. He proved that Antigonus and his party were given to revolt and sedition and reminded Caesar of the hardships he had endured alongside him in his wars and spoke of what he had witnessed himself.

¹⁴² δικαίως τε ἔλεγεν μὲν εἰς ἀνάσπαστον γεγονέναι πολέμιον ἀεὶ καὶ μηδέποτε εὔνουν ὑπάρξαντα , τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ κολασθέντα ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ ὑπὸ τυχεῖν ὧν ἄξιος ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ κατὰ βίαν καὶ ἀδικίαν τοῦτο παθεῖν τοῦ δράσαντος.

¹⁴² He argued justly that Aristobulus had been taken to Rome as a prisoner because he was an eternal enemy and had never been well-disposed toward the Romans; as for Antigonus’s brother, he stated that he had been punished for brigandage (lēsteia) by Scipio and had received what he deserved, rather than suffering through the violence or injustice of the one who did the deed."

¹⁴² He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.

¹⁴² He added that Aristobulus had been justly brought to Rome, as an enemy of the Romans and could never be made a friend to them and that his brother got from Scipio no more than he deserved, being convicted of robberies, and that this was not inflicted on him by way of violence or injustice.

The Reward: Roman Citizenship
This is a massive legal upgrade for the Herodian family. By granting Antipater Roman citizenship, Caesar pulled him out of the category of a "subject provincial" and into the Roman elite. The grant of ateleia (tax exemption) "everywhere" made the family effectively immune to the local financial burdens that crushed other regional leaders. This status was hereditary, meaning the young Herod grew up as a Roman citizen from birth.

The Battle for "History"
Josephus spends considerable time quoting Strabo (who in turn quotes Asinius Pollio and Hypsicrates). Why? Because there was a dispute in ancient historiography about whether the passive Hyrcanus actually went to Egypt. Josephus insists he did, to ensure the High Priesthood shared the "glory" of the victory. However, the sources suggest it was Antipater who did the actual fighting, while Hyrcanus provided the religious "brand."

Antigonus: The Victim’s Plea
Antigonus’s speech is a classic "appeal to the heart." He plays the victim card: his father was poisoned for Caesar, and his brother was beheaded for Caesar. He portrays Antipater and Hyrcanus as usurpers who were ruling through "lawless force." In a world governed by pietas (duty to family), his argument was strong.

Antipater’s Counter-Strike: "The Brigandage Defense"
Antipater’s rebuttal is a masterpiece of political framing. He doesn't deny the deaths of Antigonus’s family; he justifies them. He labels the Hasmonean princes not as "patriots," but as lēstai (brigands/terrorists). In Roman political rhetoric, a lēstēs was an outlaw who had no rights. By framing his rivals as "enemies of order," Antipater made their executions look like legitimate Roman police actions.

The Witness of the Scars
The most powerful part of the defense was unspoken. Josephus implies that Antipater's primary evidence was his own body (ὧν αὐτὸς ἦν μάρτυς). While Antigonus spoke of dead relatives, Antipater stood before Caesar with fresh wounds received while saving Caesar’s life. In the "Court of Caesar," the man who bled for the Emperor always won against the man who merely complained to him.

¹⁴³ Τούτους ποιησαμένου τοὺς λόγους μὲν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα, δ᾽ ἐφίησιν δυναστείαν ἣν αὐτὸς προαιρεῖται. τούτου δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ποιησαμένου τὴν‎ κρίσιν, ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν τῆς .

¹⁴³ "After Antipater had made these speeches, Caesar confirmed Hyrcanus as High Priest and granted Antipater whatever authority he himself might choose. When Antipater left the decision to him, Caesar appointed him Procurator [Epitropos] of Judea.

¹⁴³ When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea.

¹⁴³ When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus as high priest and offered Antipater any realm he might choose, leaving the decision to himself, and then made him procurator of Judea.

¹⁴⁴ ἐπιτρέπει δὲ καὶ τὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἀναστῆσαι τείχη ταύτην αἰτησαμένῳ τὴν‎ χάριν· ἔτι γὰρ ἐρήριπτο καταβαλόντος· καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς ὑπάτοις εἰς ἀναγράψαι ἐν τῷ . Καὶ τὸ γενόμενον ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον·

¹⁴⁴ He also permitted Hyrcanus to rebuild the walls of his native city, fulfilling his request for this favor; for they had remained in ruins since Pompey had cast them down. Caesar sent word to the consuls in Rome to record these decrees in the Capitol. The decree made by the Senate was as follows:

¹⁴⁴ He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows:

¹⁴⁴ He gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his native city, when he asked him for that favour, because they had been demolished by Pompey. This grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraved in the capitol. The decree of the senate was as follows:

¹⁴⁵ " Οὐαλέριος Λευκίου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς συνεβουλεύσατο τῇ συγκλήτῳ εἴδοις ἐν τῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας ναῷ. γραφομένῳ τῷ δόγματι παρῆσαν Λούκιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Κολλίνα καὶ Παπείριος Κυρίνα.

¹⁴⁵ 'Lucius Valerius, son of Lucius, the praetor, consulted the Senate on the Ides of December in the Temple of Concord. Present at the writing of the decree were Lucius Coponius, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe.

¹⁴⁵ "Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe,

¹⁴⁵ "Lucius Valerius, son of general Lucius, referred this to the senate, on the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. Present at the writing of this decree were Lucius Coponius, son of Lucius Collina, and Papirius Quirina.

¹⁴⁶ περὶ ὧν καὶ Νουμήνιος καὶ πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι διελέχθησαν ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προυπηργμένας πρὸς χάριτας καὶ τὴν‎ φιλίαν,

¹⁴⁶ Regarding the matters discussed by Alexander son of Jason, Numenius son of Antiochus, and Alexander son of Dorotheus—ambassadors of the Jews, good men and allies—who came to renew the existing favors and friendship with the Romans.

¹⁴⁶ concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before.

¹⁴⁶ Alexander, son of Jason and Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Alexander, son of Dositheus, envoys of the Jews, worthy men and allies, have spoken of renewing their previously existing pact of goodwill and friendship with the Romans

¹⁴⁷ καὶ ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας γενομένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ γράμματ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγχάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι,

¹⁴⁷ They brought a golden shield as a symbol of the alliance, valued at fifty thousand gold pieces, and requested that letters be given to them addressed to the autonomous cities and kings, so that their territory and harbors might enjoy safety and suffer no injustice.

¹⁴⁷ They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury.

¹⁴⁷ and as a mark of the alliance have brought a shield of gold, valued at fifty thousand gold pieces and asked to be given letters to the free cities and kings, that their land and harbours be left in peace and that no wrong may be done to them.

¹⁴⁸ ἔδοξεν συνθέσθαι φιλίαν καὶ χάριτας πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ ὅσων ἐδεήθησαν τυχεῖν ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ κομισθεῖσαν ἀσπίδα προσδέξασθαι. ταῦτα ἐγένετο ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου ἔτους ἐνάτου μηνὸς .

¹⁴⁸ It was resolved to confirm the friendship and favors toward them, to grant what they requested, and to accept the shield brought to them. This took place in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the High Priest and Ethnarch, in the month of Panemus.'

¹⁴⁸ It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus."

¹⁴⁸ It was decided to decree our friendship and goodwill with them and to grant them whatever they needed and to accept the shield brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus."

¹⁴⁹ Εὕρατο δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ τῶν δήμου τιμὰς πολλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς αὐτοὺς χρήσιμος γενόμενος, ἔπεμψάν τε αὐτῷ ψήφισμα τοῦτον περιέχον τὸν τρόπον· " ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως καὶ ἱερέως τοῦ Ἀσκληπιάδου μηνὸς πέμπτῃ ἀπιόντος ἐπεδόθη [τοῖς στρατηγοῖς] ψήφισμα .

¹⁴⁹ "Hyrcanus also obtained many honors from the people of the Athenians, having himself been very useful to them; and they sent him a decree containing these terms: 'During the presidency and priesthood of Dionysius, son of Asclepiades, on the fifth day of the month of Panemos, the decree of the Athenians was delivered to the generals.

¹⁴⁹ Hyreanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders,

¹⁴⁹ Hyrcanus also received honours from the people of Athens for having been useful to them on many occasions for they sent him a decree, as follows "Under the guidance and priesthood of Dionysius Asclepiados, on the five days before the end of the month Panemus, the Athenians voted this decree proposed by their leaders.

¹⁵⁰ ἐπὶ Ἀγαθοκλέους ἄρχοντος Εὐκλῆς Μενάνδρου Ἀλιμούσιος ἐγραμμάτευε Μουνυχιῶνος ἑνδεκάτῃ τῆς πρυτανείας ἐκκλησίας ἀγομένης ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφισεν Ἐρχιεὺς καὶ οἱ συμπρόεδροι Τῷ δήμῳ, εἶπεν·

¹⁵⁰ In the archonship of Agathocles, when Eucles, son of Menander, of the Alimusian deme, was secretary, on the eleventh day of the month of Munychion, during the presidency of the assembly held in the Theater, Dorotheus of the Erchian deme and his fellow-presidents put it to a vote of the people, and Dionysius, son of Dionysius, spoke:

¹⁵⁰ when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellowpresidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence.

¹⁵⁰ Under the rule of Agathocles, with Eucles of Alimusia, the son of Menander, as scribe, in the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of their term, at a meeting in the theatre Dorotheus Erchieus and his fellow officers put it to the people after Dionysius, son of Dionysius, had spoken.

¹⁵¹ ἐπειδὴ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν διατελεῖ κοινῇ τε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἰδίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν ἑκάστῳ εὔνους ὢν καὶ πάσῃ‎ χρώμενος περὶ αὐτοὺς σπουδῇ καὶ τοὺς παραγινομένους ἢ κατὰ πρεσβείαν ἢ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται φιλοφρόνως καὶ προπέμπει τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς αὐτῶν ἐπανόδου προνοούμενος,

¹⁵¹ "Since Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the High Priest and Ethnarch of the Jews, continues to be well-disposed toward our people collectively and to each of our citizens individually, showing every zeal toward them; and since he receives with friendship those of the Athenians who come to him, whether as ambassadors or as private individuals, and provides for their safe return;

¹⁵¹ Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety,

¹⁵¹ Since Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, continues his goodwill toward our people in general and each of our citizens and shows them every favour, and when any of the Athenians come to him, whether as envoys or privately, he receives them cordially and ensures their safe-conduct,

¹⁵² ἐμαρτυρήθη μὲν καὶ πρότερον περὶ τούτων, δεδόχθαι δὲ καὶ νῦν τοῦ Σουνιέως εἰσηγησαμένου καὶ περὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς ὑπομνήσαντος τὸν δῆμον, καὶ ὅτι προαίρεσιν ἔχει ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἂν δύνηται ἀγαθόν,

¹⁵² "And since testimony has been given concerning these things before, be it now resolved—Dionysius, son of Theodorus, of the Sunian deme, having introduced the motion and reminded the people of the man’s virtue and his inclination to do for us whatever good he is able:

¹⁵² of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power,

¹⁵² as has been testified to us already, it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius of Sounion, the son of Diodorus, reminding the people of the virtue of this man and his intention to do us all the good he can,

¹⁵³ τιμῆσαι τὸν ἄνδρα χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ ἀριστείῳ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ στῆσαι αὐτοῦ‎ εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἐν τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Δήμου καὶ τῶν Χαρίτων, ἀνειπεῖν δὲ τὸν στέφανον ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τραγῳδῶν τῶν καινῶν ἀγομένων καὶ καὶ καὶ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν,

¹⁵³ "To honor the man with a gold crown for excellence according to the law, and to set up a bronze statue of him in the sanctuary of the People and the Graces (Charites); and to announce the crowning in the Theater at the Great Dionysia during the performance of the new tragedies, and at the Panathenaic Games, and at the Eleusinian Games, and at the gymnastic contests;

¹⁵³ to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also;

¹⁵³ to honour him with a crown of gold, the reward proposed by law, and to erect a brass statue of him in the temple of Demus and of the Graces, and that this gift of a crown be publicly proclaimed in the theatre during the new tragedies at the Dionysian festival and in the Panathenean and Eleusinian festivals and the gymnastic games;

¹⁵⁴ ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς διαμένοντί τε αὐτῷ καὶ φυλάττοντι τὴν‎ πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὔνοιαν εἶναι πᾶν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπινοήσωμεν εἰς τιμὴν καὶ χάριν τῆς τἀνδρὸς σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἵνα τούτων γινομένων φαίνηται ὁ δῆμος ἡμῶν ἀποδεχόμενος τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς καὶ τῆς προσηκούσης ἀμοιβῆς ἀξιῶν καὶ ζηλώσῃ τὴν‎ περὶ ἡμᾶς σπουδὴν τῶν ἤδη τετιμημένων·

¹⁵⁴ "And that the generals see to it that as long as he remains and maintains his goodwill toward us, everything we devise shall be for the honor and gratitude of the man’s zeal and ambition; so that by these actions our people may appear to welcome good men and deem them worthy of appropriate return, encouraging others to emulate the zeal of those already honored;

¹⁵⁴ and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him.

¹⁵⁴ and that while he maintains his friendship and goodwill toward us, the officers shall ensure that all possible honour and favour be shown to him for his affection and generosity, to display our people’s appreciation for good men and so that he continue in his concern for us, in light of the honours we have paid to him.

¹⁵⁵ ἑλέσθαι δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐξ ἁπάντων , οἵτινες τὸ ψήφισμά τε αὐτῷ κομιοῦσι καὶ παρακαλέσουσιν προσδεξάμενον τὰς τιμὰς πειρᾶσθαί τι ποιεῖν ἀγαθὸν ἡμῶν ἀεὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν. αἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ τιμαὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ διὰ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωνται.

¹⁵⁵ "And to choose ambassadors from all the Athenians, who shall carry the decree to him and exhort him, after having accepted these honors, to always endeavor to do some good for our city." These, then, are the honors from the Romans and the people of the Athenians to Hyrcanus the High Priest, which have been made clear by these records.'"

¹⁵⁵ That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city." And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.

¹⁵⁵ Envoys shall also be chosen among all the Athenians, to bring this decree to him and ask him to accept the honours offered to him and to always seek ways of doing good to our city." So we have shown the honours paid to the high priest Hyrcanus by the Romans and the people of Athens.

The Theater of Power
The Athenians didn't just send a letter; they staged a spectacle. They voted to announce Hyrcanus's honors at the Great Dionysia—the premier international theater festival of the ancient world. By announcing his name "during the new tragedies," the Athenians ensured that every foreign ambassador and visitor in Athens would hear the name of the Jewish High Priest linked with "virtue" and "excellence."

Statue in the Sanctuary of the Graces
The decree specifies a bronze statue (eikona chalkēn) in the sanctuary of the Graces (the Charites). This is a highly specific diplomatic code. The Graces represented the "circularity of favors"—I do you a favor, you do me a favor. By placing his statue there, the Athenians were physically embedding Hyrcanus into the Greek system of reciprocal "gratitude" (charis).

Hyrcanus as a "Useful" Patron
The text notes that Hyrcanus was "very useful" (chrēsimos) to them. While Athens was the intellectual capital of the world, it was economically struggling in the 1st century BCE. They relied on "benefactors" (euergetai) like Hyrcanus to provide financial support or diplomatic leverage with Rome. In exchange for Jewish gold or political influence, Athens provided the one thing they still had in abundance: prestige.

The Safety of the Traveler
A recurring theme in all these decrees is "safe return" (asphalous epanodou). In the volatile period of the Roman Civil Wars, travel was dangerous. The fact that Hyrcanus personally looked after Athenian travelers or ambassadors in Jerusalem shows that Judea was a vital, safe "way-station" for Greeks traveling to the East.

The Rebuilding of the Walls
The permission to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem was the ultimate sign of restored sovereignty. In the ancient world, a city without walls was legally a village. By allowing the walls to rise again, Caesar was signaling that Judea was no longer a conquered territory to be feared, but a trusted ally. It also reversed the "humiliation of Pompey" from 63 BCE.

The Golden Shield Diplomacy
The Jewish embassy brought a golden shield worth 50,000 gold pieces. In Roman diplomacy, a "Votive Shield" (clipeus) was a standard way of honoring a superior power. However, by asking for letters of protection to be sent to other kings and cities, the Jews were using Rome as their "security guarantor." They were effectively saying to the Greek cities of the East: "If you touch our trade or our people, you answer to Caesar."

The Athenian Decree: A PR Masterpiece
The Athenian decree is a classic example of Greek "Honors Culture." By voting him a bronze statue and a golden crown, the Athenians were acknowledging that Hyrcanus (likely through Antipater’s money) had been funding Greek civic life. The mention of the Theater of Dionysus—the most famous stage in the world—shows that the Jewish Ethnarch’s name was being announced at the peak of the Greco-Roman cultural calendar.

Why the Documentation?
Josephus includes the full text of these decrees (names of witnesses, tribes, and dates) because he was writing for a skeptical Roman audience. He is "showing the receipts." He wants to prove that Jewish privileges were not granted on a whim, but were Senatorial Decrees (Senatus Consulta) and legal statutes of the most prestigious cities in the world.

Josephus’s Strategic Ending
Josephus concludes his massive "dossier" of legal documents with the Athenians. Why? Because to the Roman elite (his readers), the Romans were the masters of Law, but the Athenians were the masters of Culture. By showing that the Jews were respected by both, Josephus proves that his nation is neither "barbaric" (violating law) nor "uncultured" (shunned by Greeks).

Chapter 9
[156-184]
Antipater appoints his sons Phasael and Herod.
They rule Jerusalem and Galilee, respectively

☜ ☞

¹⁵⁶ δὲ διοικήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀπέπλευσεν. ὡς δὲ προπέμψας ἐκ τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπέστρεψεν, ἀνεγείρει μὲν εὐθὺς τὸ τεῖχος ὑπὸ καθῃρημένον καὶ τὸν κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν θόρυβον ἐπιὼν κατέστελλεν, ἀπειλῶν τε ἅμα καὶ συμβουλεύων ἠρεμεῖν·

¹⁵⁶ "Caesar, having settled the affairs of Syria, sailed away. When Antipater, after escorting Caesar out of Syria, returned to Judea, he immediately began to raise the wall that had been cast down by Pompey. He went throughout the country and suppressed the disturbances therein, employing both threats and advice to keep the people quiet.

¹⁵⁶ Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to be quiet;

¹⁵⁶ Caesar sailed away after settling affairs in Syria, and when he had conducted him out of Syria, Antipater returned to Judea, and at once raised again the wall which Pompey had demolished and by his arrival pacified the disturbance in the country, both by threats and advising them to calm down.

¹⁵⁷ τοὺς μὲν γὰρ τὰ φρονοῦντας ἐν εὑδίᾳ διάξειν καὶ βιώσεσθαι τῶν ἰδίων ἀπολαύοντας κτημάτων ἀταράχως, προστιθεμένους δὲ ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ νεωτερίζειν ἐλπίσιν καὶ τοῖς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κέρδεσιν προσανέχοντας αὐτὸν μὲν ἕξειν ἀντὶ προστάτου δεσπότην, δὲ ἀντὶ βασιλέως τύραννος, δὲ καὶ πικροὺς ἀνθ᾽ ἡγεμόνων πολεμίους· οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι μετακινούμενον ὃν αὐτοὶ κατέστησαν. ταῦτα λέγων καθίστα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν.

¹⁵⁷ He told them that those who favored the party of Hyrcanus would live in tranquility and enjoy their own possessions without disturbance; but those who pinned their hopes on revolutionary changes for the sake of private gain would find in him a master instead of a protector, in Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and in the Romans and Caesar bitter enemies instead of governors—for they would not tolerate the removal of the man they themselves had appointed. By saying these things, he settled the affairs of the country.

¹⁵⁷ for that if they would be of Hyrcanus’s side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.

¹⁵⁷ Those who sided with Hyrcanus would prosper, he said, and lead their lives in undisturbed enjoyment of their possessions, but if they pinned their hopes on rebellion and aimed to become rich thereby, they would find him a despot instead of a guide and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king and the Romans and Caesar bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never let the man they had appointed to govern be set aside. Having said this to them, he brought the country to calm.

¹⁵⁸ Βραδὺν δ᾽ ὁρῶν καὶ νωθῆ τὸν μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτατον τῶν παίδων καὶ τῶν περὶ στρατηγὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν, τῷ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν‎ ἐπέτρεψεν νέῳ παντάπασιν ὄντι· πεντεκαίδεκα γὰρ ἐγεγόνει μόνα ἔτη.

¹⁵⁸ However, seeing that Hyrcanus was slow and sluggish, Antipater appointed Phasael, the eldest of his sons, as governor of Jerusalem and the surrounding regions; to the next son, Herod, he entrusted Galilee, though he was a very young man—for he was only fifteen years old.

¹⁵⁸ And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age.

¹⁵⁸ Then seeing the slowness and sloth of Hyrcanus, he made his eldest son Phasael ruler of Jerusalem and the surrounding places and entrusted Galilee to his next son Herod, who was then very young, just fifteen years old.

¹⁵⁹ βλάπτει δὲ οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἡ νεότης, ἀλλ᾽ ὢν τὸ φρόνημα γενναῖος ὁ νεανίας ἀφορμὴν εὑρίσκει παραχρῆμα εἰς ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἀρετῆς. καταλαβὼν γὰρ τὸν τὰ προσεχῆ τῆς κατατρέχοντα σὺν μεγάλῳ στίφει, τοῦτον συλλαβὼν κτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ λῃστῶν.

¹⁵⁹ His youth, however, was no hindrance to him; for being noble in spirit, the young man immediately found an opportunity to demonstrate his virtue. For having caught Hezekiah, the chief brigand, who was overrunning the borders of Syria with a large band, he captured and executed him and many of the brigands with him.

¹⁵⁹ But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him;

¹⁵⁹ His youth was no obstacle but as he was a young man of noble mind he soon found an opportunity to display his courage, for finding out about Ezekias, a leader of brigands who with a large gang overran the neighbouring parts of Syria, he captured him and killed him, as well as many of other brigands along with him.

¹⁶⁰ σφόδρα δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἠγάπησαν οἱ · ποθοῦσι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ λῃστηρίου τὴν‎ χώραν ἐκαθάρευσεν. ὕμνουν γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατά τε κώμας καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς παρεσχηκότα καὶ ἀσφαλῆ τῶν κτημάτων ἀπόλαυσιν. ἐγένετο δὲ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Σέξστῳ γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ διέποντι τὴν‎ .

¹⁶⁰ This deed was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for he cleansed the country of the brigandage they had longed to be rid of. They sang his praises for this in the villages and cities, as having provided them with peace and the secure enjoyment of their possessions. Because of this, he also became known to Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the Great Caesar and the governor of Syria.

¹⁶⁰ for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria.

¹⁶⁰ The Syrians loved him dearly for this exploit, for they had longed to see their country freed from this nest of brigands and he cleaned it up for them. So they sang his praises in their villages and cities for ensuring them the safe enjoyment of their possessions, and for this he became known to Sextus Caesar, the governor of Syria and a relative of the great Caesar.

¹⁶¹ ζῆλος δ᾽ ἐμπίπτει τῶν πεπραγμένων τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ εὐδοκίμησιν αὐτοῦ‎ κινηθεὶς ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο μὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι τῆς εὐφημίας, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς εὐνουστέρους ἐποιεῖτο, δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μὲν ἔχων τὴν‎ πόλιν, οὔτε δὲ τοῖς πράγμασι προσφερόμενος οὔτ᾽ ἐξυβρίζων εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν.

¹⁶¹ Envy of Herod’s achievements fell upon his brother Phasael, and being moved by Herod's reputation, he was ambitious not to be left behind in similar fame; he made the people in Jerusalem more well-disposed toward him, holding the city through his own efforts, neither conducting affairs with lack of taste nor abusing his authority.

¹⁶¹ Now Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein.

¹⁶¹ Phasael was prompted to emulate the actions of his brother Herod, ambitious to earn no less a fame than his and won a fine reputation among the people of Jerusalem by ruling the city with no mismanagement nor abuse of his authority.

¹⁶² ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίει θεραπείας παρὰ τοῦ ἔθνους τυγχάνειν βασιλικῆς καὶ τιμῶν οἵων ἄν τις μεταλαμβάνοι τῶν ὅλων ὢν δεσπότης. ὑπὸ μέντοι τῆς ἐκ τούτων λαμπρότητος οὐδὲν οἷα φιλεῖ συμβαίνειν πολλάκις τῆς πρὸς εὐνοίας παρέβη καὶ πίστεως.

¹⁶² These things caused Antipater to receive royal attendance from the nation and such honors as one might receive who was the master of the whole state. Yet despite the brilliance resulting from these things, he never—as often tends to happen—deviated from his goodwill and loyalty toward Hyrcanus."

¹⁶² This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

¹⁶² This won for Antipater a royal regard from the nation and the sort of honour suited to an absolute lord of the land. Yet this glory did not in the least, as often happens, weaken his proper goodwill and fidelity toward Hyrcanus.

The "Fifteen vs. Twenty-five" Debate
There is a famous chronological discrepancy here. The Greek text says Herod was fifteen (pentekaideka), but many historians believe this is a scribal error for twenty-five (pente kai eikosi). If he were fifteen, he would have been born in 62 BCE, making him too young for the events that follow. At twenty-five, however, his "youth" would still be notable to the elders in Jerusalem, but his military command would be more plausible.

Herod’s Debut: The "Cleansing" of Galilee
Herod did not begin his career as a politician, but as a "security specialist." By executing Hezekiah the "Chief Brigand" (archilēstēn), Herod established the brand that would define his reign: absolute order through absolute violence. While the local Syrians loved him for the safety he provided, the Jewish elite in Jerusalem viewed this as a dangerous precedent—a non-Hasmonean executing Jews without a trial.

The Definition of a "Brigand"
In Josephus, the term lēstēs (brigand/robber) is often politically charged. To Herod and the Romans, Hezekiah was a criminal; to many Galileans, he was likely a nationalist resistance leader or a "social bandit" fighting Roman-backed tax collectors. Herod’s summary execution of these men was the first spark in a long-running feud with the Jewish Sanhedrin.

The Personality of the Brothers
Josephus draws a sharp contrast between the two brothers:

1) Phasael: The "Diplomat." He ruled Jerusalem through "goodwill" and avoided the "lack of taste" (apeirokalōs) or arrogance often associated with new money and power.

2) Herod: The "Man of Action." He was "noble in spirit" (phronēma gennaios) and sought "virtue" (aretēn) through military conquest and Roman recognition.

The Paradox of Antipater’s Power
The text notes that Antipater received "royal attendance" (therapeias... basilikēs). He was the de facto King, while Hyrcanus remained the de jure Ethnarch. Josephus goes out of his way to praise Antipater's loyalty (pisteōs), likely to counter contemporary Hasmonean propaganda that claimed Antipater was a scheming usurper. In Josephus's view, Antipater was the efficient engine that kept a "sluggish" Hasmonean ship afloat.

¹⁶³ Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τέλει τῶν ὁρῶντες τὸν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ μεγάλως αὐξανομένους εὐνοίᾳ τε τῇ παρὰ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ προσόδῳ τῇ τε παρὰ τῆς καὶ τῶν χρημάτων, κακοήθως εἶχον πρὸς αὐτόν·

¹⁶³ "The leading men of the Jews, seeing Antipater and his sons increasing so greatly in power—both through the goodwill of the nation and the revenues from Judea and the funds of Hyrcanus—became ill-disposed toward him.

¹⁶³ But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus’s own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him;

¹⁶³ But seeing Antipater and his sons gaining so much goodwill from the nation and prospering with the revenues they received from Judea and from Hyrcanus' own wealth, the leading Jews came to resent him.

¹⁶⁴ καὶ γὰρ φιλίαν ὁ ἦν πεποιημένος πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας καὶ χρήματα πείσας πέμψαι τὸν αὐτὸς λαβὼν νοσφίζεται τὴν‎ δωρεάν· ὡς ἰδίαν γὰρ ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὡς διδόντος ἔπεμψεν.

¹⁶⁴ For Antipater had established a friendship with the Roman emperors; and having persuaded Hyrcanus to send money, he took the gift himself and misappropriated the credit for it; for he sent it as if it were his own gift rather than one given by Hyrcanus.

¹⁶⁴ for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’s gift to them.

¹⁶⁴ Antipater had cultivated friendship with the rulers of Rome, and when he persuaded Hyrcanus to send them money he acted as if the gift were his own and took and sent it as if he and not Hyrcanus were the giver.

¹⁶⁵ ταῦθ᾽ ἀκούων οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐν δέει δὲ ἦσαν οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ὁρῶντες τὸν βίαιον καὶ τολμηρὸν καὶ τυραννίδος γλιχόμενον· καὶ προσελθόντες φανερῶς ἤδη κατηγόρουν , καί " μέχρι πότε, , ἐπὶ τοῖς πραττομένοις ἡσυχάσεις; ἦ οὐχ ὁρᾷς μὲν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν διεζωσμένους, σαυτὸν μέντοι τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα μόνον ἀκούοντα;

¹⁶⁵ Hyrcanus, hearing these things, paid no mind; but the first men of the Jews were in fear, seeing Herod to be violent, daring, and lusting after tyranny. Coming before Hyrcanus, they now openly accused Antipater, saying: 'How long will you remain silent at these goings-on? Do you not see that Antipater and his sons have girded themselves with the government, while you hear yourself called king in name only?'

¹⁶⁵ Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee?

¹⁶⁵ Hyrcanus heard of it but did not worry about it, but the Jewish leaders were fearful, since they saw Herod as a violent, audacious man with a tendency to tyranny, so they went to Hyrcanus and publicly accused Antipater and said, "How long will you be quiet while things such as this are done? Don't you see how Antipater and his sons have already seized power and that you are king in name alone?

¹⁶⁶ ἀλλὰ μὴ λανθανέτω σε ταῦτα μηδὲ ἀκίνδυνος εἶναι νόμιζε ῥαθυμῶν περὶ τε σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ· οὐ γὰρ ἐπίτροποί σοι τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ‎ νῦν εἰσιν, μηδὲ ἀπάτα σαυτὸν τοῦτο οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ δεσπόται φανερῶς ἀνωμολόγηνται·

¹⁶⁶ 'Let these things not escape your notice, nor think yourself free from danger by being indifferent toward yourself and your kingdom. For Antipater and his sons are not your "administrators" (epitropoi) of affairs now—do not deceive yourself by thinking so—but they are openly acknowledged masters!'

¹⁶⁶ But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords;

¹⁶⁶ Do not ignore these matters, or think to escape danger by being so careless of yourself and of your kingdom. Antipater and his sons are not acting as stewards on your behalf. Make no mistake about it: clearly they are like absolute lords.

¹⁶⁷ καὶ γὰρ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ πολλοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ παραβὰς τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον, ὃς κεκώλυκεν ἄνθρωπον ἀναιρεῖν καὶ πονηρὸν ὄντα, εἰ μὴ πρότερον κατακριθείη τοῦτο παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ συνεδρίου. μὴ λαβὼν δὲ ἐξουσίαν παρὰ σοῦ ταῦτα ἐτόλμησεν."

¹⁶⁷ 'For even Herod, his son, has executed Hezekiah and many with him, thereby violating our law, which has forbidden the killing of a man—even if he be a wicked one—unless he has first been condemned to suffer this fate by the Sanhedrin. Yet he dared to do these things without having received authority from you.'"

¹⁶⁷ for Herod, Antipater’s son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee."

¹⁶⁷ By killing Ezekias and his companions, Antipater’s son Herod has broken our law which forbids us to kill anyone, even a criminal, unless he is first condemned to death by the Sanhedrin, yet he has insolently done so without any authority from you."

The Power of the Purse
The aristocrats make a very specific financial accusation: embezzlement of prestige. Antipater was using Hyrcanus’s money to pay Roman bribes/tributes, but he was signing the checks in his own name. In the Roman client-patron system, the person who actually hands over the gold is the one who "owns" the relationship. By intercepting the credit, Antipater was making Hyrcanus politically invisible to Rome.

"King in Name Only"
The phrase "βασιλείας ὄνομα μόνον" (the name of kingship only) perfectly summarizes the tragic figure of Hyrcanus II. Josephus portrays him as a man of "sluggishness" (rhathymia) who is happy to let others do the work as long as he has his title. The aristocrats are trying to wake him up to the reality that in politics, if you don't exercise power, you eventually lose the right to it.

The Legal Trap: The Sanhedrin vs. Herod
The core of their legal argument rests on a fundamental principle of Jewish Law: Due Process.

1) The Accusation: No Jew, regardless of his crimes, can be executed without a trial before the Sanhedrin (the supreme religious and legal council).

2) The Reality: Herod acted as "judge, jury, and executioner" in Galilee.

By framing the execution of the "brigand" Hezekiah as a violation of religious law rather than a military necessity, the priests found a way to drag the Roman-backed Herod into a court where they—not the legions—held the home-field advantage.

Epitropos vs. Despotēs
The aristocrats highlight a semantic shift. Antipater was officially appointed as an epitropos (an administrator or trustee). This implies he serves at the pleasure of the King. However, the speakers argue he has become a despotēs (a master or lord). This reflects the shift from a constitutional role to an autocratic one—a theme that would haunt Herod's entire life.

Herod’s Character Profile
Even as a young man, Herod's reputation was already established: βίαιον καὶ τολμηρὸν (violent and daring). These were the qualities the Romans loved in a client-king (efficiency) but which the Jewish elite feared as "tyrannical." The clash described here is not just over a single execution; it is a clash between a traditional, slow-moving legal system and a new, fast-moving military autocracy.

¹⁶⁸ δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα πείθεται· προσεξῆψαν δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν καὶ αἱ μητέρες τῶν ὑπὸ πεφονευμένων· αὗται γὰρ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ παρακαλοῦσαι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ἵνα δίκην ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχῃ, διετέλουν.

¹⁶⁸ "Hyrcanus, having heard these things, was persuaded. The mothers of those murdered by Herod also inflamed his anger; for every day in the Temple, they continued to exhort the King and the people to ensure that Herod would stand trial in the Sanhedrin for his deeds.

¹⁶⁸ Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done.

¹⁶⁸ When Hyrcanus heard this, he had to agree, and the mothers of people who had been killed by Herod roused his anger too, for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod ought to be tried before the Sanhedrin for what he had done.

¹⁶⁹ κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ἐκάλει δικασόμενον ὑπὲρ ὧν διεβάλλετο. ὁ δὲ ἧκεν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παραινέσαντος μὴ ὡς ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ δ᾽ ἀσφαλείας εἰσελθεῖν καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα, τά τε κατὰ τὴν‎ ὡς αὐτῷ συμφέρειν ἀσφαλίσασθαι. τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἁρμοσάμενος καὶ μετὰ στίφους ἀποχρῶντος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν‎ ὁδόν, ὡς μήτε ἐπίφοβος δόξειε μετὰ μείζονος παραγενόμενος τάγματος μήτε γυμνὸς καὶ ἀφύλακτος, ᾔει πρὸς τὴν‎ δίκην.

¹⁶⁹ Moved by these things, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to stand trial for the charges brought against him. Herod came, following his father’s advice not to appear as a private citizen, but with security and a bodyguard. He first secured affairs in Galilee as he thought beneficial for himself. Having arranged things in this manner, and with a troop sufficient for the journey—so as not to seem fearsome to Hyrcanus by arriving with too large a legion, yet not appearing naked and unprotected—he went to his trial.

¹⁶⁹ Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.]

¹⁶⁹ Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints that he summoned Herod to trial for the accusations against him. He came too, but his father had persuaded him to arrive not as a private citizen, but with a bodyguard, and that when he had well settled the affairs of Galilee, he should go to his trial with enough men to ensure his security on his journey, not so great a force as might look like intimidating Hyrcanus, but sufficient not to leave him unarmed and unguarded.

¹⁷⁰ Σέξστος μέντοι ὁ τῆς ἡγεμὼν γράφει παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ἐκ τῆς δίκης καὶ προσαπειλῶν παρακούσαντι. τῷ δ᾽ ἦν ἀφορμὴ τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Σέξστου γράμμα πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου παθόντα ἀπολῦσαι τὸν · ἠγάπα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς υἱόν.

¹⁷⁰ However, Sextus [Caesar], the governor of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, urging him to clear Herod of the charges and adding threats if he disobeyed. This letter provided Hyrcanus with a pretext to dismiss Herod without him suffering anything from the Sanhedrin, for he loved him as a son.

¹⁷⁰ However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son.

¹⁷⁰ Sextus the governor of Syria wrote to Hyrcanus asking him to cancel Herod’s trial and threatening him if he disobeyed. This letter of Sextus ensured that Hyrcanus saved Herod from any harm from the Sanhedrin, and furthermore, he loved him like a son.

¹⁷¹ καταστὰς δὲ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ μετὰ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ τάγματος κατέπληξεν ἅπαντας καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐθάρρει τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι διαβαλλόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ἡσυχία καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ἀπορία.

¹⁷¹ But when Herod stood in the Sanhedrin with his troop around him, he terrified them all. None of those who had slandered him before he arrived dared to accuse him; instead, there was silence and a total loss of what to do.

¹⁷¹ But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done.

¹⁷¹ When Herod stood before the Sanhedrin surrounded by his legion, he scared them all and none of his former accusers dared after that bring any charge against him, and in the deep silence no one knew what to do.

¹⁷² διακειμένων δ᾽ οὕτως εἷς τις ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ δεδιέναι κρείττων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν· " ἄνδρες σύνεδροι καὶ βασιλεῦ, εἰς δίκην μὲν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς οἶδά τινα τῶν πώποτε εἰς ὑμᾶς κεκλημένων οὕτω παραστάντα οὔτε ὑμᾶς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω, ἀλλὰ πᾶς ὁστισδηποτοῦν ἀφῖκται εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τοῦτο κριθησόμενος ταπεινὸς παρίσταται καὶ σχήματι δεδοικότος καὶ ἔλεον θηρωμένου παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, κόμην τ᾽ ἐπιθρέψας καὶ ἐσθῆτα μέλαιναν ἐνδεδυμένος.

¹⁷² While they were in this state, a certain man named Sameas, a just man and therefore superior to fear, rose and said: 'Fellow members of the Sanhedrin and King, I myself know of no one ever called before you for trial who has stood in such a manner, nor do I suppose you can name one. Rather, anyone who has ever come to this Sanhedrin to be judged stands in a humble posture, appearing as one who fears and seeks mercy from you, with long hair and dressed in black clothing.'

¹⁷² When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment:

¹⁷² In that instant Sameas, a righteous man and for that reason fearless, stood up and said, "My colleagues and my king, neither I nor you have ever known such a case, that one called to trial by us ever stood before us in such a manner. For everyone, no matter who he is, coming to be tried by this Sanhedrin presents himself in fear and submission and tries to move us to pity, with hair dishevelled and dressed in black.

¹⁷³ ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος φόνου δίκην φεύγων καὶ ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτῃ κεκλημένος ἕστηκε τὴν‎ πορφύραν περικείμενος καὶ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν κεκοσμημένος τῇ συνθέσει τῆς κόμης καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἔχων , ἵνα ἂν κατακρίνωμεν αὐτοῦ‎ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, κτείνῃ μὲν ἡμᾶς, αὐτὸν δὲ σώσῃ βιασάμενος τὸ δίκαιον.

¹⁷³ 'But this "excellent" Herod, standing trial for murder and summoned on such a charge, stands here wrapped in purple, with his head adorned by the styling of his hair, and surrounded by armed men—so that if we condemn him according to the law, he may kill us and save himself by doing violence to justice.'

¹⁷³ but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death.

¹⁷³ Yet this fine Herod, who is accused of murder and called to answer this serious charge, stands here clothed in purple and with his hair finely trimmed and surrounded by warriors, so that if we condemn him by our law, he may kill us and save himself by doing violence to justice.

¹⁷⁴ ἀλλ᾽ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἂν μεμψαίμην, εἰ τὸ αὐτοῦ‎ συμφέρον ποιεῖται περὶ πλείονος ἢ τὸ νόμιμον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τοσαύτην χρόνου αὐτῷ παρασχόντας. ἴστε μέντοι τὸν θεὸν μέγαν, καὶ οὗτος, ὃν νῦν δι᾽ ἀπολῦσαι βούλεσθε,

¹⁷⁴ 'I would not blame Herod for this, if he holds his own interest of higher account than the law; but I blame you and the King, who have granted him such license. Know, however, that God is great; and this man, whom you now wish to clear for Hyrcanus’s sake, will punish both you and the King himself.'

¹⁷⁴ Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also."

¹⁷⁴ Yet my complaint is not against Herod himself, who is surely more concerned for himself than for the laws, but against yourselves and your king, who allow him to do so. Remember however, that God is great and that this man whom for the sake of Hyrcanus you are going to absolve and discharge will one day punish both you and the king too."

¹⁷⁵ κολάσει ὑμᾶς τε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα. διήμαρτεν δ᾽ οὐδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων. ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus αὐτὸν χωρὶς τοῦ Σαμαίου·	¹⁷⁵ And he did not miss the mark in any of the things he said. For when Herod seized the kingdom, he executed all those in the Sanhedrin and Hyrcanus himself, with the exception of Sameas.
¹⁷⁵ Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas,	¹⁷⁵ In neither of these predictions was he mistaken, for when Herod became king he killed Hyrcanus himself and every member of the Sanhedrin except Sameas,

¹⁷⁶ σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν‎ δικαιοσύνην ἐτίμησεν καὶ ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μετὰ ταῦτα ὑπό τε καὶ παρῄνεσεν τῷ δήμῳ δέξασθαι τὸν εἰπὼν διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν αὐτόν. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν.

¹⁷⁶ For Herod honored him greatly for his justice, and because later, when the city was besieged by Herod and Sossius, he advised the people to receive Herod, saying that because of their sins, they could not escape him. We shall speak of these things in their proper place."

¹⁷⁶ for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places.

¹⁷⁶ for he regarded him highly for his righteousness and because later, when Herod and Sosius were besieging the city, he persuaded the people to welcome Herod telling them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands. But we will report this in its proper place.

The Visual Language of Power
Sameas’s speech highlights a stark contrast in Roman-era courtroom aesthetics. A defendant was expected to appear in squalor—disheveled hair and black mourning clothes—to provoke eleos (pity). Herod’s choice of purple (the color of royalty) and a meticulously styled head of hair was a visual "middle finger" to the court. He wasn't there to be judged; he was there to occupy the space.

The Failed "Sanhedrin" Authority
The Sanhedrin was the supreme legislative and judicial body of the Jews. By bringing a bodyguard into the chamber, Herod effectively turned a court of law into a hostage situation. Josephus notes the "total loss of what to do" (aporia) among the judges. This was the moment the Jewish elite realized that their ancestral laws were powerless against someone backed by Roman steel.

Sameas (Shammai?): The Stoic Prophet
Scholars often identify this Sameas with the famous Pharisaic leader Shammai (or possibly Shemaiah). His courage represents the Pharisaic ideal: a man "superior to fear" because of his commitment to the Law. His prophecy—that Herod would eventually kill the very men who were currently too afraid to convict him—is one of the great "I told you so" moments in Josephus's history.

Sextus Caesar’s Interference
The letter from Sextus Caesar is a reminder of the "glass ceiling" of Jewish autonomy. Even if the Sanhedrin had found the courage to convict Herod, Rome would not have allowed it. Hyrcanus was caught between the religious demands of his people (symbolized by the wailing mothers) and the military demands of his Roman patrons. He chose the path of least resistance, which ultimately led to his own execution years later.

The Irony of Sameas’s Survival
In a classic display of Herod’s complex character, he eventually executed the judges who were silent but spared the one man who insulted him to his face. Herod respected Sameas’s realism. Sameas eventually recognized that Herod was "divine punishment" for the nation's sins, and Herod rewarded that theological pragmatism by sparing his life during the bloody siege of 37 BC.

¹⁷⁷ δὲ ὁρῶν ὡρμημένους πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν τὴν‎ τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὴν‎ δίκην εἰς ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἀνεβάλετο, καὶ πέμψας κρύφα πρὸς συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως· οὕτω γὰρ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφεύξεσθαι.

¹⁷⁷ "But Hyrcanus, seeing that the members of the Sanhedrin were bent on the execution of Herod, adjourned the trial to another day. He sent word secretly to Herod, advising him to flee the city, for in that way he would escape the danger.

¹⁷⁷ But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape.

¹⁷⁷ When Hyrcanus saw the members of the Sanhedrin ready to pronounce the death sentence on Herod, he postponed the trial to another day and secretly sent to Herod advising him to escape from danger by fleeing from the city.

¹⁷⁸ καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ὡς φεύγων τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ παραγενόμενος πρὸς καὶ τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀσφαλισάμενος οὕτως εἶχεν, ὡς εἰ καλοῖτο πάλιν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐπὶ δίκην οὐχ ὑπακουσόμενος.

¹⁷⁸ Herod withdrew to Damascus, appearing to flee from the King; having arrived before Sextus Caesar and secured his own affairs, he was of such a mind that if he were called back to the Sanhedrin for trial, he would not obey.

¹⁷⁸ So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons.

¹⁷⁸ So he retreated to Damascus, as though fleeing from the king, and when visiting Sextus Caesar got his assurance that if he were again summoned to trial before the Sanhedrin he need not pay any heed.

¹⁷⁹ ἠγανάκτουν δὲ οἱ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐπειρῶντο διδάσκειν, ὅτι ταῦτα πάντα εἴη κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎. τὸν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐλάνθανε μέν, πράττειν δ᾽ οὐδὲν εἶχεν ὑπὸ ἀνανδρίας καὶ ἀνοίας.	¹⁷⁹ The members of the Sanhedrin were indignant and tried to show Hyrcanus that all these things were working against him. This did not escape his notice, yet he was unable to do anything because of his lack of manliness (anandrias) and folly (anoias).
¹⁷⁹ Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all.	¹⁷⁹ The members of the Sanhedrin were angry with this and tried to persuade Hyrcanus that all of this was aimed against him, which he was not unaware of but he was too unmanly and uncertain to do anything about it.

¹⁸⁰ Σέξστου δὲ ποιήσαντος στρατηγὸν κοίλης , χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο, ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μὴ στρατεύσηται ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατιὰν ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ.

¹⁸⁰ When Sextus appointed Herod as the general of Coele-Syria—for Herod had purchased this position from him—Hyrcanus lived in fear that Herod would march against him. And the fear was not slow to be realized; for Herod arrived leading an army against him, enraged by the trial and by having been summoned to give an account before the Sanhedrin.

¹⁸⁰ But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim;

¹⁸⁰ Sextus made Herod general of Coele-Syria, for he paid him money for it, and Hyrcanus feared that Herod would make war upon him, a fear that soon came true, for in his anger at being summoned to stand trial before the Sanhedrin, Herod brought an army to take revenge on him.

¹⁸¹ διεκώλυσαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν προσβαλεῖν τοῖς ὑπαντήσαντες ὅ τε πατὴρ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφός, καὶ τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ‎ καταπαύσαντες καὶ παρακαλέσαντες μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν μηδενί, καταπληξάμενον δὲ ἀπειλῇ μόνον μὴ χωρῆσαι περαιτέρω κατὰ τοῦ παρασχόντος αὐτῷ εἰς τοῦτο παρελθεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα.

¹⁸¹ However, his father Antipater and his brother [Phasael] met him and prevented him from attacking Jerusalem. They calmed his impulse and urged him not to engage in any actual deed, but having terrified them with a threat alone, to go no further against the one who had allowed him to attain such high rank.

¹⁸¹ but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had:

¹⁸¹ But his father Antipater and his brother met him to prevent him from attacking Jerusalem and calming him down, they persuaded him not to take action but just to frighten them with threats and to do no more than that to the man who had granted him his dignified position.

¹⁸² ἠξίουν τε περὶ τοῦ κληθέντα ἐπὶ δίκην ἐλθεῖν ἀγανακτοῦντα μεμνῆσθαι καὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως καὶ χάριν αὐτῆς εἰδέναι καὶ μὴ πρὸς μὲν τὸ σκυθρωπότερον ἀπαντᾶν, περὶ δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀχαριστεῖν·	¹⁸² They requested that while he was indignant at being summoned to trial, he should also remember his acquittal and be grateful for it; he should not meet only the gloomier side of things while being ungrateful for his survival.
¹⁸² they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance.	¹⁸² Though angry with being called to trial, they asked him to remember how he was uncondemned and should be grateful for that to Hyrcanus, and not to focus only on what was disagreeable to him instead of being thankful for his safety.

¹⁸³ λογίζεσθαι δ᾽ ὡς, εἰ καὶ πολέμου ῥοπὰς βραβεύει τὸ θεῖον, πλέον ἐστὶ τῆς στρατείας τὸ ἄδικον, διὸ καὶ τὴν‎ νίκην μὴ πάντῃ προσδοκᾶν μέλλοντα πολεμεῖν βασιλεῖ καὶ συντρόφῳ, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εὐεργετήσαντι, μηδὲν δὲ χαλεπὸν αὐτὸν εἰργασμένῳ, περὶ δὲ ὧν ἐγκαλεῖ διὰ πονηροὺς συμβούλους ἀλλὰ μὴ δι᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπόνοιαν αὐτῷ καὶ σκιὰν δυσκόλου τινὸς παρεσχημένῳ.

¹⁸³ They argued he should consider that, even if the Divine decides the scales of war, the injustice (adikon) of this campaign outweighed it; therefore, he should not entirely expect victory when he was about to make war on his King and childhood companion—one who had bestowed many benefits and done him no harm, and who, regarding the grievances, had provided only a suspicion or 'shadow' of trouble due to wicked advisors rather than his own will.

¹⁸³ So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it.

¹⁸³ They bade him consider that the divinity turns the scales in war, the outcome of battle is uncertain and so he could hardly expect victory if he fought his king who had supported him and done him many good turns and not been severe to him. After all, his accusation had been made by evil counsellors and not by the king, and his was an illusory severity rather than truly harsh.

¹⁸⁴ πείθεται τούτοις ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὰς ἐλπίδας ἀποχρῆν αὐτῷ τὸ καὶ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξασθαι τῷ ἔθνει μόνον. Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea οὕτως εἶχεν.	¹⁸⁴ Herod was persuaded by these arguments, supposing it sufficient for his future hopes merely to have displayed his strength to the nation. Such was the state of affairs in Judea."
¹⁸⁴ Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it—and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time.	¹⁸⁴ Persuaded by these arguments, Herod thought it sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of strength before the nation and done no more than that. Such was the situation of Judea at this time.

The Anatomy of a Weak Ruler
Josephus is brutal in his psychological assessment of Hyrcanus II, using the terms ἀνανδρίας (unmanliness/cowardice) and ἀνοίας (folly). Hyrcanus tried to play both sides—saving Herod's life while trying to appease the Sanhedrin. In doing so, he lost the respect of both. He inadvertently created a monster: by helping Herod escape, he gave Herod the time to return with a Roman-backed army.

The Purchase of Power
The text explicitly mentions that Herod purchased (apedoto) the generalship of Coele-Syria from Sextus Caesar. This reveals the transactional nature of the Late Roman Republic. Military commands were for sale, and the Herodian family, through their control of Judean and Arabian revenues, had the liquid capital to buy the high ground. This made Herod a Roman official, placing him legally beyond the reach of the Jewish Sanhedrin.

The "Shadow" of a Grievance
Antipater and Phasael use a brilliant rhetorical device to calm Herod. They characterize Hyrcanus’s actions not as malice, but as a "shadow" (skian) of trouble cast by "wicked advisors." This allowed Herod to "save face"—he could remain angry at the Sanhedrin (whom he would eventually execute) while maintaining a functional, if dominant, relationship with the King.

Realpolitik: The Display of Strength
The passage ends with a chilling note: Herod was satisfied because he had displayed his strength (ischyn epideixasthai) to the nation. For Herod, the goal of the march on Jerusalem wasn't necessarily a coup d'état at that moment, but psychological warfare. He wanted the priests and the people to know that the walls of Jerusalem and the sanctity of the Sanhedrin were no protection against him.

The Moral Argument against Civil War
Antipater's warning that "the injustice of the campaign" would weigh against Herod in the eyes of the Divine is a traditional ancient sentiment. Even in a world of power politics, attacking one's "nurturer" or "companion" (synthrophō) was seen as a violation of pietas that could bring bad luck in battle. This moral appeal was the only thing that saved Jerusalem from a Herodian massacre in 46 BC.

Chapter 10
[185-267]
Concessions that the Romans granted to the Jews

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¹⁸⁵ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δ᾽ ἐλθὼν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἕτοιμοςprepared ἦν πλεῖν ἐπ᾽ Ἀφρικῆς πολεμήσων Σκιπίωνι καὶ Κάτωνι, πέμψας δ᾽ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλει βεβαιώσασθαι τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν.	¹⁸⁵ "Now Caesar, having returned to Rome, was prepared to sail for Africa to wage war against Scipio and Cato; but Hyrcanus sent messengers to him, entreating him to confirm the friendship and alliance with him.
¹⁸⁵ Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,	¹⁸⁵ When Caesar reached Rome, he was about to sail to Africa to fight Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent him envoys asking him to ratify their friendship and mutual alliance.

¹⁸⁶ ἔδοξεν δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναί μοι πάσας ἐκθέσθαι τὰς γεγενημένας καὶ τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσιν αὐτῶν τιμὰς καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν, ἵνα μὴ λανθάνῃ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας, ὅτι καὶ οἱ τῆς καὶ οἱ τῆς βασιλεῖς διὰ σπουδῆς ἔσχον ἡμᾶς τήν τε ἀνδρείαν ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν‎ πίστιν ἀγαπήσαντες.

¹⁸⁶ It has seemed necessary to me to set forth all the honors and alliances granted by the Romans and their emperors to our nation, so that it may not escape the notice of all others that the kings of both Asia and Europe held us in high regard, having come to love our courage and our loyalty.

¹⁸⁶ And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity;

¹⁸⁶ Here I believe I need to set forth all the honours that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation and of the alliances they made with it, that all other people may know the regard in which the kings of Asia and Europe have held us and that they be clearly satisfied about our courage and fidelity.

¹⁸⁷ ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὶ διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἡμᾶς δυσμένειαν ἀπιστοῦσι τοῖς ὑπὸ καὶ ἀναγεγραμμένοις περὶ ἡμῶν τῷ μηκέτ᾽ αὐτὰ πανταχοῦ μηδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ἀποκεῖσθαι τόποις, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς καί τισιν ἄλλοις τῶν βαρβάρων,

¹⁸⁷ But since many, out of ill-will toward us, distrust what has been recorded about us by the Persians and the Macedonians—because those records are no longer found everywhere in public places, but are preserved only among ourselves and some other barbarians—

¹⁸⁷ for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations,

¹⁸⁷ Since many do not believe what has been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, since those writings are not to be found everywhere, and are not set up in public places except among us and some other barbarian nations,

¹⁸⁸ πρὸς δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ δόγματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἀντειπεῖν· ἔν τε γὰρ δημοσίοις ἀνάκειται τόποις τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἐν τῷ χαλκαῖς στήλαις ἐγγέγραπται, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν ποιήσας χαλκῆν στήλην ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι πολῖταί εἰσιν, ἐκ τούτων ποιήσομαι καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπόδειξιν.

¹⁸⁸ —yet, against the decrees of the Romans, it is impossible to argue. For they are posted in the public places of the cities and are even now inscribed on bronze pillars in the Capitol. Furthermore, Julius Caesar, having made a bronze pillar for the Jews in Alexandria, declared that they are citizens of the Alexandrians. From these sources, I shall provide my proof.

¹⁸⁸ while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria.

¹⁸⁸ while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are deposited in the public places of the cities and are now in the capitol, engraved upon pillars of brass. Besides, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews in Alexandria and publicly declared them citizens of Alexandria.

¹⁸⁹ παραθήσομαι δὲ τὰ γενόμενα ὑπό τε τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματα καὶ Ἰουλίου ΚαίσαροςCaesar πρός τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν.	¹⁸⁹ I will set forth the decrees made both by the Senate and by Julius Caesar regarding Hyrcanus and our nation."
¹⁸⁹ Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.	¹⁸⁹ From these evidences, I will prove my point. I will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, relating to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

The Battle for "Primary Sources"
Josephus is engaging in a sophisticated historical debate. He admits that critics of the Jews (the "anti-Semites" of the 1st century) often dismissed Jewish history as "fake news" because the old Persian and Macedonian decrees were kept in private Jewish archives. By shifting his evidence to Roman bronze pillars in the Capitol, Josephus is saying: "If you don't believe my books, go to the center of Rome and read the bronze yourself."

The Civil War Context
The mention of Scipio and Cato reminds us that the world was still on fire. While Hyrcanus was worried about his local status in Judea, Caesar was fighting for his life against the "Optimate" faction (the last defenders of the old Republic) in Africa. The fact that Caesar took the time to confirm an alliance with a small Judean priest during a global civil war proves just how vital the Herodian/Hyrcan logistics had been to his survival in Egypt.

Jewish Citizenship in Alexandria
This is a massive legal point. Josephus mentions a bronze pillar Caesar set up in Alexandria. For decades, the Greeks of Alexandria had tried to strip the Jews of their rights, claiming they were mere "resident aliens." By asserting that Caesar declared them "citizens of the Alexandrians" (Alexandreōn politai), Josephus is using the highest legal authority in the world to settle a local ethnic dispute that often turned into street riots.

The Concept of "Pistis" (Loyalty)
Josephus highlights two qualities that he claims made the Jews popular with world leaders: andreian (courage) and pistin (loyalty/good faith). He is refuting the common Roman stereotype of the Jews as "treacherous" or "misanthropic." He frames the Jewish nation as a reliable military partner—a theme he consistently emphasizes to his Roman readers who lived through the Jewish War of 70 CE.

The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus as an Archive
The Capitol (Kapetōliō) was the most sacred site in Rome, but it was also the Empire's "Safe Deposit Box." By placing Jewish decrees there on bronze, Rome was essentially adopting the Jewish people into the "official family" of the empire. Josephus uses this as a shield against the Roman governors of his own day who were stripping away Jewish rights.

¹⁹⁰ « ΓάιοςGaius ἸούλιοςJulius ΚαῖσαρCaesar αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ΣιδωνίωνSidonians ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, κἀγὼ δὲ ἔρρωμαι σὺν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ.	¹⁹⁰ "Gaius Julius Caesar, Imperator and High Priest, Dictator for the second time, to the magistrates, council, and people of Sidon, greeting. If you are in good health, it is well; I also am in good health, together with the army.
¹⁹⁰ "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well.	¹⁹⁰ "Gaius Julius Caesar, emperor and high priest and dictator for the second time, to the officers, council and people of Sidon, greetings. If you are healthy, it is good, and I too and the army are well.

¹⁹¹ τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν᾽ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαιστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο .»

¹⁹¹ I have sent you a copy of the decree inscribed on the tablet concerning Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the High Priest and Ethnarch of the Jews, so that it may be deposited among your public records. It is my will that this be set up on a bronze tablet in both Greek and Latin.

¹⁹¹ I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin.

¹⁹¹ I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records, and I will that it be publicly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin."

¹⁹² ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο·
αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,

¹⁹² It is as follows: 'I, Julius Caesar, Imperator for the second time and High Priest, have decided with the advice of my council: Since Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, a Jew, has demonstrated both now and in former times, in both peace and war, loyalty (pistin) and zeal toward our affairs, as many commanders have testified on his behalf;

¹⁹² It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness,

¹⁹² It is as follows: "I Julius Caesar, emperor the second time and high priest, have made this decree, with the approval of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, son of Alexander the Jew, has demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness

¹⁹³ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχοςally καὶ πρὸς ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν,	¹⁹³ And since in the most recent war in Alexandria, he came as an ally with fifteen hundred soldiers, and having been sent by me to Mithridates, he surpassed all those in the ranks in bravery (andreia);
¹⁹³ and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;—	¹⁹³ and came to our help in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers, and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself braver than any others in the ranks.

¹⁹⁴ διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ‎ ἐθνάρχας εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι,

¹⁹⁴ For these reasons, I will that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, and his children, be Ethnarchs of the Jews, and hold the High Priesthood of the Jews forever according to their ancestral customs; and that he and his sons be our allies and be numbered among our personal friends (philois).

¹⁹⁴ for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends.

¹⁹⁴ Therefore I will that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews and hold the high priesthood of the Jews forever, according to their ancestral customs and that he and his sons be our allies, and that all of them be listed among our friends.

¹⁹⁵ ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ‎· ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι [παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς]. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω.»

¹⁹⁵ And whatever high-priestly privileges exist according to their own laws, I command that he and his children hold them. Furthermore, if any dispute arises regarding the Jewish way of life, it is my pleasure that the judgment be made among them. I do not approve of winter quarters [for troops] or money being exacted from them.'"

¹⁹⁵ I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."

¹⁹⁵ I also ordain that he and his children should have the privileges belonging to the office of high priest, and any favours granted to them up to now, and if later any questions arise about Jewish customs, I want them judged by him. And I do not think they should have to find us winter quarters, or that any money be demanded of them."

The "Bilingual" Mandate
Caesar commands the decree to be in both Greek and Latin (hellēnisti kai rōmaïsti). In the East, Greek was the language of the people, but Latin was the language of the Law. By demanding both, Caesar ensures that no local governor could claim "ignorance" of the law and that the Jewish community could point to the text in their own common tongue to defend their rights.

The Fifteen Hundred vs. Three Thousand
You may notice a discrepancy: earlier in the narrative, Josephus claimed Antipater brought 3,000 soldiers to Egypt. This official decree mentions 1,500. This suggests that while Josephus (the historian) might have exaggerated the numbers for dramatic effect, he is being honest enough to quote the official Roman record as it stood—or perhaps 1,500 was the specific "elite" contingent credited directly to Hyrcanus.

Judicial Autonomy: "The Jewish Way of Life"
This is one of the most important legal grants in Jewish history. Caesar rules that if any dispute arises concerning the Jewish way of life (Ioudaiōn agōgēs), the judgment must happen among them (par’ autois). This effectively granted the Jews "Extra-Territoriality"—the right to be judged by the Torah and their own elders rather than by Roman or Greek secular courts.

No "Winter Quarters" or "Tribute"
The final sentence is a massive financial boon. Roman governors often bankrupted provinces by forcing them to house legions during the winter (παραχειμασίαν) or by demanding "emergency" funds. Caesar explicitly forbids this for Judea. This was his way of "paying back" the logistics support Antipater and Hyrcanus provided during his hour of need in Alexandria.

Hereditary Legitimacy
By naming "Hyrcanus and his children" (ta tekna autou), Caesar was attempting to provide stability to a region plagued by Hasmonean infighting. He was trying to settle the succession once and for all. Ironically, this legal "shield" for Hyrcanus’s children would soon be shattered by the rise of Herod, who would eventually marry into this line to claim this very legitimacy.

¹⁹⁶ αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦ ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν προιστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων.

¹⁹⁶ "The grants, concessions, and decisions of Gaius Caesar, Imperator and Consul, are as follows: That the children of the Jewish nation shall rule, and they shall enjoy the fruits of the places granted to them; and that the High Priest himself, as Ethnarch of the Jews, shall act as the protector of those who are wronged.

¹⁹⁶ "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured;

¹⁹⁶ The decrees of Gaius Caesar, consul, containing what has been granted and decided, are as follows: That his children shall rule the Jewish nation and have the profits from the places granted to them and that he, as high priest and ethnarch, be the defender of any Jews unjustly treated.

¹⁹⁷ πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους· δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ καὶ καὶ καὶ ἐν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν Ῥωμαικοῖς καὶ .

¹⁹⁷ Ambassadors are to be sent to Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the High Priest of the Jews, to discuss friendship and alliance. A bronze tablet containing these terms is to be set up in the Capitol, and in Sidon, Tyre, and Ascalon, and engraved in the temples in both Latin and Greek characters.

¹⁹⁷ and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters:

¹⁹⁷ Envoys shall be sent to Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, to discuss a pact of friendship and alliance, and a brass plaque containing the premises, shall be publicly displayed in the capitol and at Sidon and Tyre and Askalon and in the temple, engraved in Roman and Greek letters,

¹⁹⁸ ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς τούτων ἡγουμένοις Εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσιν καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ.	¹⁹⁸ Furthermore, the city treasurers and their superiors are to report this decree to their friends, provide hospitality to the ambassadors, and dispatch these ordinances everywhere.
¹⁹⁸ that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where."	¹⁹⁸ and this decree shall also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the various cities and to the friends of the Jews. The envoys shall be given gifts, and these decrees shall be published everywhere."

¹⁹⁹ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ‎ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον.

¹⁹⁹ Gaius Caesar, Imperator, Dictator, and Consul, out of regard for honor, virtue, and benevolence, has—with the approval of the Senate and the People of Rome—granted to Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, and his children, that they be High Priests and priests of Jerusalem and the nation, according to the same rights by which their ancestors held the High Priesthood.

¹⁹⁹ "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."

¹⁹⁹ "Gaius Caesar, emperor, dictator, consul, in acknowledgment of the man’s honour and virtue and favour and for the advantage of the senate and of the people of Rome, has granted that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, shall be high priests and priests of Jerusalem and of the Jewish nation, by the same right by which their ancestors held the priesthood."

²⁰⁰ ὕπατος τὸ πέμπτον ἔκρινεν τούτους ἔχειν καὶ τειχίσαι τὴν‎ πόλιν, καὶ κατέχειν αὐτὴν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ὡς ἂν αὐτὸς προαιρῆται.

²⁰⁰ Gaius Caesar, Consul for the fifth time, has decreed that they shall possess and fortify the city of Jerusalem, and that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, High Priest and Ethnarch of the Jews, shall hold it as he himself chooses.

²⁰⁰ "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases;

²⁰⁰ "Gaius Caesar, consul the fifth time, has decreed that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, shall hold the city of Jerusalem and may wall it around and retain it as he pleases,

²⁰¹ ὅπως τε ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς μισθώσεως [ἔτει] τῆς προσόδου κόρον ὑπεξέλωνται καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὐτοὺς τελῶσιν.	²⁰¹ Furthermore, in the second year of the lease, a kor (measure) shall be deducted from the revenue of the Jews, and no one shall act as a tax-farmer (ergolabōsi) over them, nor shall they pay the same [standard] taxes."
²⁰¹ and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."	²⁰¹ and that the Jews be exempted a corus from their tax every second year the land is rented, and that their tax not be farmed out or they always be liable to the same tax."

The "Ombudsman" of the Jews
A fascinating detail is the instruction that the High Priest/Ethnarch shall "προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων" (stand before/protect those who are wronged). Caesar essentially gave Hyrcanus a "veto" or an advocacy role over any Jew in the Roman East who was being mistreated by local Greek cities or Roman officials. This made the Jerusalem High Priesthood a diplomatic hub for the entire Diaspora.

Strategic Wall Building
The mention of Caesar as "Consul for the fifth time" (44 BCE) dates the permission to fortify Jerusalem to the final months of his life. After Pompey had demolished the walls in 63 BCE, Jerusalem was a "helpless" city. Caesar’s decree to "τειχίσαι τὴν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν" (fortify the city of the Jerusalemites) was a massive restoration of national dignity and military security.

Tax Relief and the Sabbatical Year
The decree regarding the "second year of the lease" and the deduction of a kor of grain is widely understood by historians as Caesar’s acknowledgment of the Sabbatical Year (Shmita). During the seventh year, Jews were forbidden from planting or harvesting. Caesar was the first Roman leader to realize that if you tax a Jewish farmer during the Sabbatical Year, you create a famine or a revolt. By ordering a deduction, he showed a rare Roman sensitivity to Jewish religious law.

Banning the "Tax-Farmers"
The command "μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες" (let no one act as tax-farmers) was a blow to the Publicani—the notorious Roman private contractors who "bought" the right to collect taxes and then squeezed provinces for profit. Caesar moved Judea toward a system of direct tribute, which was far more predictable and less prone to the corruption that had plagued the Hasmonean era under the Republic.

Diplomacy through "Hospitality" (Xenia)
The decree orders Roman treasurers to provide "ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς" (hospitality gifts for the ambassadors). This was not just about free lodging; it was a ritual of "International Recognition." By treating Jewish ambassadors with the same honors as ambassadors from major kingdoms like Parthia or Egypt, Rome was signaling to the rest of the Mediterranean that the Jews were now a "Preferred Partner."

²⁰² αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησεν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξαιρουμένης χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν ἐνιαυτὸν προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν μήτε σπείρουσιν.

²⁰² "Gaius Caesar, Imperator for the second time, has ordained that they [the Jews] shall pay a yearly tax for the city of Jerusalem—Joppa excepted—excluding the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatical Year, since in that year they neither harvest fruit from the trees nor do they sow.

²⁰² "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land;

²⁰² "Gaius Caesar, emperor the second time, has ordained that apart from Joppa, they shall pay a yearly tax for the city of Jerusalem, except for the seventh year which they call the sabbath, since on it they do not harvest the fruits of their trees, or sow their land.

²⁰³ καὶ ἵνα ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων, πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι καὶ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν.

²⁰³ And that in Sidon, in the second year [of the tax cycle], they shall pay a tribute of one-fourth of what is sown; and in addition to this, they shall pay tithes to Hyrcanus and his children, just as they paid to their ancestors.

²⁰³ and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers.

²⁰³ On the following year, in Sidon, they shall pay as their tax a fourth of what was sown, and besides, they must pay to Hyrcanus and his sons the same tithes as they paid to their ancestors.

²⁰⁴ καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρχων μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις τῶν ἀνιστὰς συμμαχίαν καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξῇ τούτῳ χρήματα εἰσπράττεσθαι ἢ εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι πανταχόθεν .

²⁰⁴ Furthermore, let no magistrate, deputy, commander, or ambassador be permitted to raise a levy or troops within the borders of the Jews, nor to exact money for winter quarters or under any other pretext, but they are to be unmolested in every respect.

²⁰⁴ And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries;

²⁰⁴ Let no one, whether ruler or lieutenant or envoy, raise allies within the borders of Judea; nor may soldiers demand money from them for winter quarters or any other pretext, but let them be wholly free from oppression.

²⁰⁵ ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ποιούμενοι τὴν‎ πρὸς φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει,

²⁰⁵ All things which they thereafter possessed, purchased, held in occupation, or were allotted, they are to keep. It is our pleasure that the city of Joppa, which the Jews have held from the beginning while maintaining friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them as it did at first.

²⁰⁵ and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did;

²⁰⁵ Any property that they acquire and occupy or buy shall be theirs. We also will that the city of Joppa, which the Jews formerly owned when they entered into friendship with the Romans, shall be theirs as before,

²⁰⁶ φόρους τε ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ παρὰ τῶν τὴν‎ γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν μοδίους δισμυρίους χοε ὑπεξαιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν καλοῦσιν, καθ᾽ ὃν οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν.

²⁰⁶ For this city, Hyrcanus son of Alexander and his children shall receive taxes from those who inhabit the land—for the territory, the harbor, and exports—to be paid yearly to Sidon in the amount of twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii [of grain], excluding the seventh year, which they call Sabbatical, during which they neither plow nor harvest fruit from the trees.

²⁰⁶ and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees.

²⁰⁶ and that for this city, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons must collect as a land-tax from the inhabitants and send to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, except for the seventh year, which they call the Sabbath, when they neither plow, nor take the produce of their trees.

²⁰⁷ τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι πρότερον αὐτοῦ‎ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ ταῦτα καὶ ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.

²⁰⁷ Regarding the villages in the Great Plain [Jezreel Valley], which Hyrcanus and his ancestors formerly possessed, it is the pleasure of the Senate that Hyrcanus and the Jews should hold these according to the same rights they formerly had.

²⁰⁷ It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also;

²⁰⁷ The senate also wills that Hyrcanus and his descendants keep the villages they formerly held in the great plain, with the same rights as before.

²⁰⁸ μένειν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς δίκαια, ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ ἱερεῦσιν ἦν τά τε φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τε τοῦ δήμου ψηφισαμένου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἐπὶ τούτοις τε τοῖς δικαίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ἐν .

²⁰⁸ And the original rights which existed between the Jews and their High Priests and priests shall remain, as well as all the privileges they obtained by the decrees of the People and the Senate. It shall be permitted for them to enjoy these rights also in Lydda.

²⁰⁸ and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda.

²⁰⁸ The original rights between the Jews and their high priests shall remain in force, as shall the benefits granted them by the [Roman] people and senate, and let the same rights also apply to Lydda.

²⁰⁹ τούς τε τόπους καὶ χώραν καὶ ἐποίκια, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι καὶ συμμάχοις οὖσι κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει ἡ σύγκλητος τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ἔχειν.

²⁰⁹ The Senate also decrees that the places, lands, and settlements which belonged by gift to the Kings of Syria and Phoenicia while they were allies of the Romans, shall now be held by Hyrcanus the Ethnarch and the Jews.

²⁰⁹ It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts.

²⁰⁹ The senate also allows Hyrcanus the ethnarch and the Jews to hold those places, land and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, allies of the Romans, and which they freely gave over to them to exploit.

²¹⁰ δεδόσθαι δὲ καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πρεσβευταῖς τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεμφθεῖσιν ἔν τε πυγμῇ μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων καθεζομένοις μετὰ τῶν συγκλητικῶν θεωρεῖν Αἰτησαμένους παρὰ δικτάτορος ἢ παρὰ ἱππάρχου παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ σύγκλητον εἰσάγωσιν καὶ τὰ ἀποκρίματα αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδῶσιν ἐν ἡμέραις δέκα ταῖς ἁπάσαις, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν τὸ δόγμα γένηται.

²¹⁰ It is also granted to Hyrcanus and his children, and to the ambassadors sent by him, that when they attend the spectacles of gladiators and wild beasts, they shall sit with the Senators; and when they request to come before the Dictator or the Master of the Horse, they shall be introduced into the Senate and receive their answers within ten days from the time the decree is made."

²¹⁰ It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs."

²¹⁰ It is also granted to Hyrcanus and his sons and the envoys they sent to us, to be seated among the senators at the fights of gladiators and of beasts, and when they wish to speak to the senate, to be introduced by the dictator or by the cavalry master, and that their answers shall be given in ten days at the latest, after the senate’s decree about them is made."

The Restoration of Joppa: A Sovereign Port
The return of Joppa was a geopolitical game-changer. Pompey had stripped Judea of its coastal cities in 63 BCE, leaving the nation landlocked. By returning Joppa, Caesar gave the Jews their own "window to the West," allowing them to control their own maritime exports and imports. The specific mention of export taxes (exagōgiou) shows that Judea was being reintegrated into the Mediterranean economy as a sovereign trading partner.

The Sabbatical Exemption: Religious Law as Roman Policy
Josephus emphasizes the "Sabbatical Year" (sabbatikon eniauton) multiple times. This is the first time a pagan superpower legally acknowledged that the Jewish land "rested." By waiving taxes during this year, Caesar proved he understood that forcing a religious population to choose between their God and their Emperor was a recipe for revolt. It turned the Shmita from a local ritual into a recognized Roman fiscal category.

The "Great Plain" (Jezreel Valley)
The "Great Plain" (en tō megalō pediō) refers to the Jezreel Valley, the most fertile agricultural land in the region. Restoring this to Hyrcanus significantly increased the wealth of the High Priesthood. This land had often been disputed between the Jews and the Hellenized cities; Caesar’s decree effectively ended the dispute in favor of Jerusalem.

"Sitting with Senators": High-Level Diplomacy
The right for Jewish ambassadors to sit with the Senators (meta tōn synklētikōn) at the games was the ultimate status symbol. In Roman society, seating was the primary indicator of social rank. By placing Jewish representatives in the Senatorial section, Rome was visually signaling that the Jewish Ethnarchy was on par with the highest levels of Roman aristocracy.

Protection from "Winter Quarters"
Roman soldiers were often the greatest plague to a peaceful province. The decree banning "winter quarters" (paracheimasian) and "money under any other name" was a shield against the corruption of local Roman generals. It ensured that Judea remained an "unmolested" (anepēreastous) sanctuary, which was essential for maintaining the Temple's vast wealth.

²¹¹ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ τὸ τέταρτον ὕπατός τε τὸ πέμπτον δικτάτωρ ἀποδεδειγμένος διὰ βίου λόγους ἐποιήσατο περὶ τῶν δικαίων τῶν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τοιούτους·

²¹¹ "Gaius Caesar, Imperator, Dictator for the fourth time, Consul for the fifth time, and Dictator-designate for life, made the following statements concerning the rights of Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, High Priest and Ethnarch of the Jews:

²¹¹ "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.

²¹¹ "Speech of Gaius Caesar, emperor, dictator the fourth time and consul the fifth time, assigned as dictator for life, about the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.

²¹² [τῶν] πρὸ ἐμοῦ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐν ταῖς μαρτυρησάντων ἀρχιερεῖ καὶ ἐπί τε συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου , εὐχαριστήσαντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου αὐτοῖς, καλῶς ἔχει καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπομνημονεύειν καὶ προνοεῖν, ὡς καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν καὶ τοῖς παισὶν ὑπὸ συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου ἀξία τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὐνοίας αὐτῶν καὶ ὧν εὐεργέτησαν ἡμᾶς χάρις ἀνταποδοθῇ.

²¹² 'Since the commanders before me in the provinces have testified on behalf of Hyrcanus, the High Priest of the Jews, and the Jews themselves, before the Senate and the People of Rome, and since both the People and the Senate have expressed their gratitude to them, it is fitting that we also remember and provide that a favor worthy of their goodwill toward us and their benefactions be repaid to Hyrcanus, the Jewish nation, and the children of Hyrcanus by the Senate and People of Rome.'

²¹² Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us."

²¹² Since the rulers who have been in the provinces before me have testified in the presence of the senate and people of Rome, to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews and to the Jews themselves, and the people and senate thanked them, it is good that we now remember this and make provision to reward Hyrcanus, his children and the Jewish nation, from the senate and people of Rome, in a manner worthy of their goodwill toward us and the benefits they have bestowed upon us."

²¹³ ὑιοσο στρατηγὸς ὕπατος ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι οἱ ἐν καί τινες τῶν παροίκων παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων πρέσβεων καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν, ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς χρῆσθαι.

²¹³ Julius Gaius, son of [Gaius], Praetor and Consul of the Romans, to the magistrates, council, and people of Parium, greeting. The Jews in Delos met with me, joined by some of the resident Jews, in the presence of your ambassadors, and they pointed out that you, by a decree, are preventing them from following their ancestral customs and sacred rites.

²¹³ "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship.

²¹³ "Julius Gaius, praetor and consul of the Romans, to the officers, council and people of the Parians, greetings. The Jews in Delos and some other Jews who passed through there, have told us, in the presence of your envoys, that by decree you forbid them to follow their ancestral customs and ways of worship.

²¹⁴ ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ᾽ ἐν κεκωλυμένων.

²¹⁴ Now, it is not my pleasure that such decrees be made against our friends and allies, nor that they be prevented from living according to their own customs and contributing money for their communal meals and sacred rites—seeing as they are not prevented from doing this even in Rome itself.

²¹⁴ Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself;

²¹⁴ I do not want such decrees made against our friends and allies, forbidding them to live by their own customs and send contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, which they are not forbidden to do even in Rome itself.

²¹⁵ καὶ γὰρ ΓάιοςGaius ΚαῖσαρCaesar ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς [καὶ] ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν.	²¹⁵ For when our general and consul, Gaius Caesar, in his edict forbidding religious guilds (thiasoi) from meeting in the city, he exempted these people [the Jews] alone from the ban on contributing money or holding communal meals.
²¹⁵ for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers.	²¹⁵ Even Gaius Caesar, our emperor and consul, in a decree forbidding the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, still let the Jews and them alone, send their contributions and celebrate their suppers.

²¹⁶ ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι. Καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιήσατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν‎ περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν.

²¹⁶ Likewise, while I forbid other religious guilds, I permit these people alone to assemble and feast according to their ancestral customs and laws. It is therefore proper for you, if you have made any decree against our friends and allies, to nullify it on account of their excellence and goodwill toward us.'

²¹⁶ Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us."

²¹⁶ While forbidding other religious assemblies I permit this people to assemble and celebrate according to their ancestral customs and laws. If you have made any decree against these our friends and allies, abrogate them because of their virtue and goodwill toward us."

²¹⁷ μετὰ δὲ τὸν θάνατον καὶ ὕπατοι ὄντες τήν τε σύγκλητον συνήγαγον καὶ τοὺς παρ᾽ πρέσβεις παραγαγόντες διελέχθησαν περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποίησαν, καὶ πάντα συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐψηφίσατο ὅσων τυγχάνειν ἐβούλοντο.

²¹⁷ After the death of Gaius [Caesar], Mark Antony and Publius Dolabella, being consuls, convened the Senate and, introducing the ambassadors from Hyrcanus, discussed the things they requested and established a friendship with them. The Senate voted to grant them everything they wished to obtain.

²¹⁷ Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired.

²¹⁷ After the death of Gaius, when Mark Antony and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they assembled the senate and introduced Hyrcanus' envoys and spoke of what they desired and made a pact of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they asked.

²¹⁸ παρατέθειμαι δὲ καὶ τὸ δόγμα, ὅπως τὴν‎ ἀπόδειξιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐγγύθεν ἔχωσιν οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὴν‎ πραγματείαν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον·	²¹⁸ I have set forth the decree here so that those reading this work may have the proof of my statements close at hand. It was as follows:"
²¹⁸ I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:	²¹⁸ I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have beside them the proof of what we say; it was this:

Caesar's "Life Dictatorship" and the Jews
Josephus introduces the first decree by noting Caesar's final titles: "Dictator for life" (dictatōr... dia biou). This is historically significant because it means the protections Caesar granted were intended to be permanent, constitutional fixtures, not just temporary wartime measures. By framing the Jewish alliance as a debt of gratitude (eucharistēsantos) from the Roman People, Josephus is making a moral argument to his 1st-century Roman readers: "To be anti-Jewish is to be anti-Caesar."

The Parium/Delos Dispute: Diaspora Protection
This is a rare look at the Jewish Diaspora outside of Judea. The Jews of Delos (a major Aegean trade hub) were being bullied by the neighboring people of Parium, who tried to ban Jewish religious gatherings. Caesar's intervention shows that the High Priest in Jerusalem acted as a "Global Protector." A Jew in the Greek islands could appeal to Rome via Jerusalem to have a local discriminatory law overturned.

The "Communal Meal" (Syndeipna) Exception
In Roman law, secret societies and religious guilds (thiasoi) were often viewed with suspicion as breeding grounds for political conspiracy. Julius Caesar had famously banned most of these private clubs. However, he made a specific legal exception for the Jews.

1) Communal Meals: This likely refers to the Sabbath meals or Passover.

2) Money Contributions: This refers to the Temple Tax sent to Jerusalem.

By classifying these as "ancestral customs" (patriois ethesi) rather than "new superstitions," Rome gave Judaism a protected status that other foreign cults (like the worship of Isis or Bacchus) often lacked.

Mark Antony and Dolabella: Securing the East
Following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March, 44 BCE, the consuls Antony and Dolabella were in a desperate scramble to keep the Eastern provinces loyal. The Hasmonean/Herodian family controlled the land bridge to Egypt and the border with Parthia. By immediately confirming Caesar's decrees, Antony was ensuring that the "Jewish Military Machine" (which had saved Caesar in Alexandria) remained on his side in the coming war against Caesar's assassins (Brutus and Cassius).

Josephus the Archivist
Josephus’s repetitive insistence on providing "proof" (apodeixin) and "records" (grammasin) reveals his anxiety as an author. He knows that his non-Jewish readers might find the idea of Roman-Jewish friendship hard to believe after the Great Revolt of 70 CE. He is desperately trying to show that the "natural" state of Rome and the Jews was one of mutual alliance, and that the later war was a tragic deviation from this "Golden Age."

²¹⁹ Δόγμα συγκλήτου ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ἀντιγεγραμμένον ἐκ τῶν δέλτων τῶν δημοσίων τῶν ταμιευτικῶν Κοίντω Ῥουτιλίω Κοίντω Κορνηλίω ταμίαις κατὰ πόλιν, δέλτῳ δευτέρᾳ καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρώτων πρώτῃ. πρὸ τριῶν εἰδῶν Ἀπριλλίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας.

²¹⁹ "A decree of the Senate, copied from the Treasury from the public financial tablets, addressed to Quintus Rutilius and Quintus Cornelius, city treasurers, from the second tablet and the first page of the first section. Issued three days before the Ides of April in the Temple of Concord.

²¹⁹ "The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord.

²¹⁹ "The decree of the senate, copied from the treasury, from the public tables of the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Quintus Cornelius were quaestors for the city and taken from the second table of the first row, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the Temple of Concord.

²²⁰ γραφομένῳ παρῆσαν Λούκιος Καλπούρνιος Μενηνία , Σερουίνιος Παπίνιος Λεμωνία Κούιντος, Κανείνιος Ῥέβιλος, Τηδήτιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Πολλία, Ἀπούλιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Σεργία, Φλάβιος Λευκίου Λεμωνία, Πλαύτιος Παπειρία, Σέλλιος Μαικία, Ἐρούκιος Στηλητίνα, Κούιντος υἱὸς Πολλία Πλανκῖνος,

²²⁰ Present at the writing [as witnesses] were: Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servinius Papinius Quintus of the Lemonian tribe, Gaius Caninius Rebilus of the Teretine tribe, Publius Tedetius son of Lucius of the Pollian tribe, Lucius Apulius son of Lucius of the Sergian tribe, Flavius son of Lucius of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Plautius son of Publius of the Papirian tribe, Marcus Sellius son of Marcus of the Maecian tribe, Lucius Erucius son of Lucius of the Stelatine tribe, and Marcus Quintus Plancinus son of Marcus of the Pollian tribe.

²²⁰ There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius.

²²⁰ Present at the writing of this decree were Lucius Calpurnius Menenia Piso, Servinius Papinins Lemonia Quintus, Gaius Caninius Terentius Rebilus, Publius Tedetius Pollia, son of Lucius, Lucius Apulius Sergia, son of Lucius, Flavius Lemonia, son of Lucius, Publius Platius Papyria, son of Publius, Marcus Sellius Maikia, son of Marcus, Lucius Erucius Stelletinus, son of Lucius, Marcus Quintus Plancillus Polliius, son of Marcus, and Publius Serius.

²²¹ Σέρριος ὕπατοι λόγους ἐποιήσαντο περὶ ὧν δόγματι συγκλήτου ὑπὲρ ἔκρινεν καὶ εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀνενεχθῆναι, περὶ τούτων ἀρέσκει ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, ὡς καὶ Ποπλίῳ καὶ Μάρκῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔδοξεν, ἀνενεγκεῖν τε ταῦτα εἰς δέλτους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν ταμίας, ὅπως φροντίσωσιν καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰς δέλτους ἀναθεῖναι διπτύχους.

²²¹ Publius Servilius, Publius Dolabella, and Mark Antony, the consuls, spoke concerning the matters which Gaius Caesar, by a decree of the Senate, had decided in favor of the Jews but which had not yet been brought to the Treasury. Regarding these matters, it is our pleasure—as it also seemed good to the consuls Publius Dolabella and Mark Antony—that these be brought to the tablets and to the city treasurers, so that they may see to it that they are posted on double-leaved [diptych] tablets.

²²¹ Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables.

²²¹ Publius Dolabella and Mark Antony, the consuls, spoke to the senate about this decree, that Gaius Caesar had given judgment about the Jews but that the decree been still not been brought into the treasury, "So it is our will, and that of our consuls, Publius Dolabella and Mark Antony, to have these decrees entered into the public tables and brought to the city quaestors, that they may see to have them inscribed on double-sided tables.

²²² ἐγένετο πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας. οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἦσαν οὗτοι· Παυσανίου Πάτροκλος Ὀνείου.

²²² This took place five days before the Ides of February in the Temple of Concord. The ambassadors from Hyrcanus the High Priest were these: Lysimachus son of Pausanias, Alexander son of Alexander, Patroclus son of Chaereas, and John son of Onias.

²²² This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias."

²²² This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the Temple of Concord. The envoys from Hyrcanus the high priest were Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, Alexander, son of Theodore, Patroclus, son of Chereas and Jonathan, the son of Onias."

²²³ Ἔπεμψεν δὲ τούτων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς τὸν τῆς τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν·

²²³ Hyrcanus also sent one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the governor of Asia, entreating him to exempt the Jews from military service and to permit them to maintain their ancestral customs and live according to them.

²²³ Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.

²²³ Hyrcanus also sent one of these envoys to Dolabella, who was then prefect of Asia asking him to exempt the Jews from military services and protect their ancestral customs and allow them to live according to them.

²²⁴ οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο· λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς περὶ τῶν . ἡ δὲ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον·

²²⁴ He obtained this easily; for Dolabella, having received the letters from Hyrcanus, without even needing to deliberate, sent word to everyone throughout Asia, writing specifically to the city of Ephesus—the capital of Asia—concerning the Jews. The letter was of this manner:"

²²⁴ And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:

²²⁴ This was done without difficulty. For when Dolabella received Hyrcanus' letter, without further consideration he sent a letter to all in Asia and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the capital of Asia, about the Jews. The letter contained the following:

The Temple of Concord: The Hall of Records
Josephus is meticulous about the location: the Temple of Concord (naō tēs Homonoias). In the Roman Forum, this temple was often used for Senate meetings during times of crisis. By placing the Jewish decrees here, Antony and Dolabella were signaling that the alliance with the Jews was a matter of "Concord" (peace and stability) for the Roman state.

The "Missing" Files of Caesar
A fascinating administrative detail is revealed: Caesar had made these rulings, but they "had not yet been brought to the Treasury" (eis to tamieion ouk ephthasen anenechthēnai). In the chaos following the Ides of March, many of Caesar's papers were in the private possession of Mark Antony. There was a period of intense anxiety where people feared Caesar's promises would die with him. Antony’s act of "registering" these papers officially was a vital move to prove he was Caesar’s true political heir.

The Witness List: Roman "Due Process"
Josephus lists ten witnesses with their full Roman names and tribes (e.g., Menenia, Pollia). This is not filler; it is a legal safeguard. To a Roman reader, these names provided the "authentication" of the document. If anyone doubted the decree, they could theoretically verify it against the family records of these elite Roman citizens.

The Exemption from Military Service
The request to be "released from military service" (apolysai... tēs strateias) was the single most important legal protection for the Diaspora. For a Jew, serving in a Roman legion was nearly impossible due to:

1) The Sabbath: Forbidden to march or carry weapons on the seventh day.

2) Dietary Laws: The inability to eat standard legionary rations (Kashrut).

3) Idolatry: The requirement to swear oaths to the Emperor's genius or the Roman eagles.

By granting this exemption "without even needing to deliberate," Dolabella acknowledged that Jews were more useful to Rome as stable, tax-paying allies than as compromised soldiers.

Ephesus: The Gateway to the Diaspora
Dolabella writes to Ephesus because it was the caput Asiae (the head of Asia). In the ancient world, if a law was posted in Ephesus, it would ripple out to every Greek city in the province. This demonstrates the "Hub and Spoke" diplomacy used by Hyrcanus: influence the Roman Consul, who influences the Provincial Governor, who then commands the local Greek city-states to leave the Jews alone.

²²⁵ Ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Ἀρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. ΔολοβέλλαςDolobella αὐτοκράτωρ ἘφεσίωνEphesians ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν.	²²⁵ "During the presidency of Artemon, on the first day of the month of Lenaion: Dolabella, Imperator, to the magistrates, council, and people of Ephesus, greeting.
²²⁵ "When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.	²²⁵ "In the presidency of Artemon, on the first of the month Leneon. Dolabella, emperor, to the officers, senate and people of Ephesus, greetings.

²²⁶ πρεσβευτὴς τοῦ υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ‎ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν.

²²⁶ Alexander, the son of Theodorus, ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, High Priest and Ethnarch of the Jews, has explained to me that his fellow citizens are unable to serve in the army because they cannot bear arms or march on the days of the Sabbath, nor can they easily obtain the ancestral and customary foods to which they are accustomed.

²²⁶ Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;—

²²⁶ Alexander, son of Theodore, the envoy of Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could serve as soldiers, as they may not bear arms or travel on the sabbath days, or be easily provided with the kind of food they are traditionally accustomed to eat.

²²⁷ ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν‎ ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις.

²²⁷ Therefore, just as the governors before me have done, I grant them exemption from military service and permit them to follow their ancestral customs for the sake of their rites and holy assemblies, as is their law, and to set aside their portions for sacrifices. I desire that you write these instructions to the various cities."

²²⁷ I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction."

²²⁷ I therefore grant them exemption from army service, as prefects before me have done and permit them to use their ancestral customs and gather for holy and religious purposes as their law requires, and for the offering of sacrifice, and I want you to write this to each of the cities."

The Three Pillars of Religious Conflict
The text highlights the three specific areas where Jewish practice clashed with Roman military life. It wasn't just "general" religion; it was practical logistics:

1) The Sabbath (Work/Travel): Roman soldiers were expected to march long distances and carry heavy equipment. Halakhic restrictions on the "Sabbath day's journey" and the prohibition of carrying loads made legionary life functionally impossible for observant Jews.

2) Dietary Laws (Kashrut): Roman military rations relied heavily on pork, lard, and wine that had often been ritually dedicated to pagan gods. The text notes they cannot "easily obtain" (euporein) their own food in a camp setting.

3) Bearing Arms: To a Jew of this period, carrying a weapon on the Sabbath was seen as a violation of the prohibition against "work."

The Legal "Drip-Down" Effect
Notice that Dolabella addresses Ephesus but commands them to "write these instructions to the various cities." Ephesus was the administrative "hub" of the Roman province of Asia. By securing a decree here, Hyrcanus ensured that the rights of Jews in smaller, more hostile Greek towns would be protected by the weight of the provincial capital.

"Ancestral Customs" as a Shield
The term "πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς" (ancestral customs) is the key legal phrase in this entire chapter of Josephus. In the Roman mind, something was "legal" if it was "old." By framing Judaism as an ancestral tradition rather than a "new superstition," Roman law could accommodate it under the category of Religio Licita (permitted religion).

The Role of the Diaspora Ambassador
We see a specific name: Alexander, son of Theodorus. This shows the sophistication of the Jewish diplomatic corps. The High Priest in Jerusalem maintained a professional network of ambassadors who understood Roman administrative law and could petition high-ranking generals like Dolabella in their own language and legal style.

"Holy Assemblies" (Hagiois Synagomenois)
The mention of "holy assemblies" is a direct reference to the early synagogue system. Rome was generally suspicious of private gatherings (thiasoi), viewing them as potential breeding grounds for political sedition. This decree specifically legitimizes the Jewish right to gather, ensuring that the synagogue was a protected space in the Roman East.

²²⁸ Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ πρεσβευσαμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχαρίσατο τοῖς ἡμετέροις. δὲ ὕπατος εἶπεν· πολίτας ἱερὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ὑπάτοις.

²²⁸ "And these things Dolabella granted to our people after Hyrcanus had sent an embassy to him. Furthermore, Lucius Lentulus, the consul, stated: 'Those Jews who are Roman citizens and who observe and practice Jewish rites in Ephesus, I have exempted from military service before the tribunal on account of their religious scruples (deisidaimonias), on the twelfth day before the Kalends of October, during the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus.'

²²⁸ And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls,

²²⁸ These were the concessions Dolabella made to our people when Hyrcanus sent envoys to him. The consul Lucius Lentulus said: "At my tribunal I concede to these Roman citizens who are Jews living in Ephesus but follow the Jewish religion, freedom from military service on account of their superstition. Granted on the twelfth before the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus were consuls.

²²⁹ παρῆσαν υἱὸς πρεσβευτής, υἱὸς , , , υἱὸς χιλίαρχος, [ ], Υἱὸς .

²²⁹ There were present [as witnesses]: Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, of the Horatia tribe, legate; Titus Tongius, son of Titus, of the Crustumina tribe; Quintus Caesius, son of Quintus; Titus Pompeius Longinus, son of Titus; Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, of the Teretina tribe, military tribune; Publius Clusius Gallus, of the Eturia tribe; and Gaius Sentius, son of Gaius, of the Sabatina tribe."

²²⁹ in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe;

²²⁹ Present were Titus Appius Balgus, son of Titus and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; Titus Tongius, son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; Quintus Resius, son of Quintus; Titus Pompeius Longinus, son of Titus; Catus Servilius, son of Gaius, of the Terentine tribe; Bracchus the military tribune; Publius Lucius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; Gaius Sentius, son of Gaius, of the Sabbatine tribe.

The Conflict of Dual Identity
This text captures a rare legal intersection: Jews who were also Roman citizens. Normally, Roman citizenship carried the heavy burden of militia (military service). However, the Jewish lifestyle—keeping the Sabbath and dietary laws—made them "ineffective" soldiers in a standard Roman legion. Lentulus acknowledges that their citizenship did not strip them of their religious identity, creating a precedent for conscientious objection.

The Power of the "Bema" (Tribunal)
Lentulus issues this decree "πρὸ τοῦ βήματος" (before the tribunal/judgment seat). In the Roman world, a decree made from the Bema was a formal judicial act, not a private suggestion. By making this declaration in the public square of Ephesus—the political heart of the province—Lentulus was signaling to every local Greek magistrate that the central Roman government officially protected Jewish "scruples."

The Witness List: A Legal Shield
Josephus includes a long list of witnesses, including their tribes (e.g., Horatia, Crustumina, Sabatina). This isn't just dry filler. In the ancient world, a document’s validity depended on the status of those who saw it signed. By listing high-ranking legates and military tribunes (chiliarchos), Josephus is telling his readers: "If you don't believe me, go check the family records of these elite Romans." It was his way of making the text "un-fakeable."

"Deisidaimonia": Scruples vs. Superstition
The word used for religious devotion is δεισιδαιμονίας. In classical Greek, this word is ambiguous; it can mean "reverence for the divine" or "fear of demons" (superstition). By using it in a legal decree, the Romans were essentially saying: "We don't necessarily agree with your religion, but we recognize that your fear of violating your laws is sincere enough to justify an exemption."

Precise Dating: The Roman Calendar
The decree is dated to "twelve days before the Kalends of October" (Sept 20, 49 BCE). This puts the decree right at the start of the Great Roman Civil War between Caesar and Pompey. Lentulus was a staunch Pompeian. This reveals a bit of Realpolitik: the Roman factions were essentially competing for Jewish loyalty and financial backing by offering them the most favorable religious laws.

²³⁰ υἱὸς πρεσβευτὴς καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. τοὺς ἐν τῇ ὁ ὕπατος ἐμοῦ ἐντυχόντος ἀπέλυσεν τῆς στρατείας. αἰτησάμενος δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ παρὰ Φαννίου τοῦ ἀντιστρατήγου καὶ παρὰ Λευκίου τοῦ ἀντιταμίου ἐπέτυχον ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι φροντίσαι, ἵνα μή τις αὐτοῖς διενοχλῇ.

²³⁰ "Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, Legate and Pro-praetor, to the magistrates, council, and people of Ephesus, greeting. Lucius Lentulus, the consul, at my request, has exempted the Jews in Asia from military service. Having subsequently made the same request of Phannius, the Pro-praetor, and Lucius Antonius, the Pro-quaestor, I obtained my suit; and I desire you to take care that no one molests them.

²³⁰ of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance."

²³⁰ Titus Applius Balbus, son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the officers, council and people of the Ephesians, greetings. At my request Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews living in Asia from army service and when later I made the same request to vice-praetor Phanius and vice-quaestor Lucius Antonius, they granted it too. I want you to see that no one disturbs them."

²³¹ Ψήφισμα . ἐπ᾽ ἄρχοντος μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος εἰκοστῇ χρηματισμὸς στρατηγῶν. πρεσβευτὴς ἐνδημῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἡμῶν ὁ καὶ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς στρατολογίας προσκαλεσάμενος ἡμᾶς καὶ ἱκανοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν προσέταξεν,

²³¹ Decree of the Delians: During the archonship of Boiotos, on the twentieth day of the month of Thargelion, the generals made a report. Marcus Piso, the legate residing in our city, who is also in charge of recruitment, summoned us and several citizens and commanded that:

²³¹ The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order,

²³¹ The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso was lieutenant in our city in charge of army recruitment he called us and in the presence of many other citizens directed

²³² ἵνα εἴ τινές εἰσιν πολῖται τούτοις μηδεὶς ἐνοχλῇ περὶ στρατείας, διὰ τὸ τὸν ὕπατον Λούκιον Κορνήλιον Λέντλον δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολελυκέναι τοὺς τῆς στρατείας. διὸ πείθεσθαι ἡμᾶς δεῖ τῷ στρατηγῷ. ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ Σαρδιανοὶ περὶ ἡμῶν ἐψηφίσαντο.

²³² 'If there are any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one should molest them concerning military service, because the consul Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, out of regard for their religious scruples (deisidaimonias), has exempted the Jews from military service.' We must, therefore, obey the general. The people of Sardis also passed a similar decree concerning us.

²³² that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.

²³² that any Jews who are Roman citizens must not be forced into the army, because the consul Lucius Cornelius Lentulus exempted the Jews from military service, due to their religious sensitivity, and therefore we must submit to the praetor." And the Sardians made a similar decree about us.

²³³ υἱὸς στρατηγὸς ὕπατος Κῴων ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. βούλομαι ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι πρέσβεις μοι προσῆλθον ἀξιοῦντες λαβεῖν τὰ συγκλήτου δόγματα τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν γεγονότα. ὑποτέτακται δὲ τὰ δεδογμένα. ὑμᾶς οὖν θέλω φροντίσαι καὶ προνοῆσαι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, ὅπως διὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας χώρας εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς ἀνακομισθῶσιν.

²³³ Gaius Phannius, son of Gaius, Praetor and Consul, to the magistrates of Kos, greeting. I desire you to know that ambassadors of the Jews came to me, requesting to receive the decrees of the Senate passed concerning them. The decisions are appended below. I wish you, therefore, to take care and provide for these men according to the decree of the Senate, so that they may be escorted safely through your territory to their own home.

²³³ "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country."

²³³ "Gaius Fannius, son of Gaius, general and consul, to the officers of Cos, greetings. I would like you to know that the envoys of the Jews have come to me asking to receive the decrees made by the senate about them, which are here subjoined. I want you to respect and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may safely go on their way home through your country."

²³⁴ ὕπατος λέγει· πολίτας , οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ἐν ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν .

²³⁴ Lucius Lentulus, the consul, declares: 'The Jews who are Roman citizens, and who seemed to me to maintain and practice Jewish rites in Ephesus, I have exempted from military service out of regard for their religious scruples.' This took place twelve days before the Kalends of July."

²³⁴ The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."

²³⁴ Lucius Lentulus the consul said: "I have exempted the Roman citizens who are Jews and out of religiosity appear to have and observe their Jewish rites in Ephesus. This act was on the twelfth before the of the calends of Quintilian [October]."

The Power of "Personal Intervention"
Titus Ampius Balbus notes that he requested the exemption specifically ("ἐμοῦ ἐντυχόντος"). This illustrates how ancient diplomacy functioned: it wasn't just about abstract law, but about patronage. The Jewish community had cultivated a relationship with Balbus, who then used his "social capital" with the Consuls and Praetors to secure their safety.

The Delicate Status of "Jewish Roman Citizens"
The Delians and the Ephesians distinguish between "Jews" and "Jews who are Roman Citizens." This was a complex legal intersection. As Jews, they were exempt from pagan rituals; as Roman citizens, they were traditionally obligated to serve in the legions. The Roman administration realized that forcing a Jewish citizen to choose between his patria (Rome) and his religio (Judaism) caused civil unrest. By prioritizing their "religious scruples" (deisidaimonias), Rome signaled that Jewish identity was a valid legal category even for its own citizens.

Safe Passage and Diplomatic Immunity
The letter to the people of Kos emphasizes the physical safety of Jewish ambassadors. In a world plagued by pirates and local bandits, the Roman Praetors issued what amounted to a "Security Clearance" for Jewish officials. By ordering the Koans to see them "safely home" (asphalōs anakomisthōsin), Rome was treating the Jewish High Priest's messengers with the same level of protection given to foreign royalty.

Ephesus as the Epicenter
Notice how often Ephesus appears in these texts. As the administrative hub of the province of Asia, it served as the "megaphone" for Roman policy. If the Jews of Ephesus were exempt, it created a legal umbrella that covered smaller communities across the Aegean, including Delos, Sardis, and Kos.

"Deisidaimonia": Scruples or Superstition?
The word used for religious devotion, δεισιδαιμονίας, is a double-edged sword in Greek. Among Jews and sympathizers, it meant "reverence for the Divine"; among cynical Romans, it often meant "superstition." However, in these legal contexts, it is used neutrally to acknowledge a sincere religious conviction that the Roman state found it more practical to accommodate than to crush.

The Actual Date

1) The Conflict in the Text:

In the Greek text of Antiquities, the same decree is essentially repeated twice (or similar decrees from the same consul are listed).

Version A: Says "12 days before the Kalends of October" (Oktōbriōn).

Version B: Says "12 days before the Kalends of Quintilis" (Kouintiliōn). Note: Quintilis was the old name for July.

2)Why the Difference?

The discrepancy usually boils down to two factors: a) Scribal Error: Ancient Greek and Latin shorthand for months looked very similar. A tired monk copying the manuscript in the Middle Ages could easily mistake "October" for "Quintilis" if the ink was faded or the abbreviation was cramped. b) The Julian Calendar Reform: This decree was issued in 49 BC. This was right in the middle of the chaos of the Roman Civil War and just before Julius Caesar fixed the calendar. Before the reform, the Roman year was a mess, and months were often out of sync with the seasons.

3) How the Math Works (The Roman Way)

To understand why "12 days before" equals a specific date, you have to remember that Romans counted inclusively. They counted the day they were on and the target day.

If the text says...	The Calculation	The Modern Date
12 days before the Kalends of October	Oct 1 is the 1st day; count back 12 days	September 20
12 days before the Kalends of July (Quintilis)	July 1 is the 1st day; count back 12 days.	June 20

4) Which is the "Historical" Date?

Most historians believe the September 20 (October Kalends) date is the more likely candidate for the official decree in Ephesus.
Why? Because it aligns better with the movements of the Consul Lucius Lentulus during the Civil War. In the summer of 49 BC, he was busy recruiting in Asia Minor. By late September, he was finalizing the legal status of those he had exempted (like the Jewish citizens) before the winter military season.
Insight: This technical error is actually a "badge of authenticity." If Josephus were making these documents up, he likely would have smoothed out the dates to be perfectly consistent. The fact that the manuscript tradition is a bit messy suggests he was working with real, physical copies of Roman archives that were themselves sometimes inconsistent or difficult to read.

²³⁵ Λούκιος υἱὸς ἀντιταμίας καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. πολῖται ἡμέτεροι προσελθόντες μοι ἐπέδειξαν αὐτοὺς σύνοδον ἔχειν ἰδίαν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς καὶ τόπον ἴδιον, ἐν ᾧ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιλογίας κρίνουσιν, τοῦτό τε αἰτησαμένοις ἵν᾽ ἐξῇ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς τηρῆσαι καὶ ἐπιτρέψαι ἔκρινα.

²³⁵ "Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, Pro-quaestor and Pro-praetor, to the magistrates, council, and people of Sardis, greeting. Certain Jews, who are our fellow citizens, came to me and demonstrated that they have had their own assembly (synodon) according to their ancestral laws from the beginning, and their own private place, in which they decide their affairs and settle disputes with one another. When they requested that it be permitted for them to continue this, I decided that their rights should be maintained and permitted.

²³⁵ "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly."

²³⁵ "Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, vice-quaestor and vice-praetor, to the officers, council and people of the Sardians, greetings. Our Jewish fellow citizens came to me, saying that from the beginning they had their own synod, according to their ancestral laws and a place of their own for settling lawsuits and controversies with each other. When they asked me to let them continue doing so, I judged that it should be allowed."

²³⁶ σπιρίου υἱὸς καὶ υἱὸς λέγουσιν. τἀνθυπάτῳ προσελθόντες ἐδιδάξαμεν αὐτὸν περὶ ὧν λόγους ἐποιήσατο,

²³⁶ Marcus Publius, son of Spurius, and Marcus [son of Marcus], son of Publius, son of Lucius, state: 'Having come before Lentulus the Proconsul, we informed him regarding the arguments made by Dositheus, son of Cleopatrides, an Alexandrian,

²³⁶ The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good,

²³⁶ Marcus Publius, son of Spurius, of Marcus, son of Marcus, and of Lucius, son of Publius, said: "We went and told the proconsul Lentulus of the petition of Dositheus, son of Cleopatra of Alexandria,

²³⁷ ὅπως πολίτας ἱερὰ ποιεῖν εἰωθότας, ἂν αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολύσῃ· καὶ ἀπέλυσε πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ὑπάτοις.

²³⁷ concerning the Jews who are Roman citizens and who are accustomed to practice Jewish rites; and we asked that, if it seemed good to him, he should exempt them from military service on account of their religious scruples (deisidaimonias). And he did exempt them twelve days before the Kalends of July, during the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus.'

²³⁷ he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."

²³⁷ that, if he agreed he should allow the Jews who were Roman citizens to observe the Jewish rites of their superstition and he did allow them, on the twelfth before the calends of Quintilian, in the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus.

²³⁸ παρῆσαν υἱὸς πρεσβευτής, , Κόιντος , Πήιος υἱὸς Κορνηλία , Τηρητείνα Βρόκχος χιλίαρχος, υἱὸς ,

²³⁸ Present [as witnesses] were: Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, of the Horatian tribe, Legate; Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe; Quintus Caesius, son of Quintus; Titus Peius Longinus, son of Titus, of the Cornelian tribe; Gaius Servilius Brocchus, son of Gaius, of the Teretine tribe, military tribune; Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe;

²³⁸ and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe,

²³⁸ Present were Titus Appius Balbus, son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Gaius Teutius, son of Gaius, a military tribune, of the Emilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe,

²³⁹ Τεύτιος χιλίαρχος, Σέξστος Ἀτίλιος Σέξστου υἱὸς Σέσρανος, υἱὸς , , υἱὸς , Πάκκιος Λευκίου Κολλίνα Καπίτων, υἱὸς Τέρτιος, Ἄππιος Μηνᾶς.

²³⁹ Gaius Teutius, son of Gaius, of the Aemilian tribe, military tribune; Sextus Atilius Serranus, son of Sextus, of the Aemilian tribe; Gaius Pompeius, son of Gaius, of the Sabatine tribe; Titus Ampius Menander, son of Titus; Publius Servilius Strabo, son of Publius; Lucius Paccius Capito, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe; Aulus Furius Tertius, son of Aulus; and Appius Menas.

²³⁹ Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus.

²³⁹ Gaius Pompeius, son of Gaius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, son of Aulus and Appius Menus.

²⁴⁰ ἐπὶ τούτων ὁ ΛέντλοςLentulus δόγμα ἐξέθετο· πολίτας ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἸουδαίουςJews, οἵτινες ἱερὰ ἸουδαικὰJewish ποιεῖν εἰώθασιν, ἐν ἘφέσῳEphesus πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα.	²⁴⁰ In the presence of these men, Lentulus issued the decree: 'The Jews who are Roman citizens and are accustomed to practice Jewish rites, I have exempted in Ephesus before the tribunal on account of their religious scruples.'"
²⁴⁰ In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under."	²⁴⁰ In the presence of these Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed the Jews that are Roman citizens and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, due to their religious sensitivity."

The Right of "Private Jurisdiction"
The letter to the Sardians is a constitutional landmark. Lucius Antonius (the brother of Mark Antony) officially recognizes that the Jews have a "τόπον ἴδιον" (a place of their own)—not just a building for prayer, but a legal space where they could judge their own disputes. This effectively allowed the Jewish community to operate a parallel legal system based on the Torah, independent of the local Greek or Roman civil courts.

Dositheus of Alexandria: The Lobbyist
We meet Dositheus, son of Cleopatrides, an "Alexandrian." This shows that the Jewish community in Egypt was actively lobbying on behalf of their brethren in Asia Minor (Turkey). It highlights the trans-national network of the Jewish Diaspora; a well-connected Jew from Alexandria could travel to Ephesus to argue a case before a Roman Proconsul, ensuring that rights won in one province were applied in another.

The "Bema": Public Legal Theater
Lentulus issued his decree "πρὸ τοῦ βήματος" (before the tribunal/bema). This was a public, formal act. By making this ruling in the most public square of Ephesus, Lentulus ensured that the entire city witnessed the Roman state’s protection of Jewish citizens. It was a clear signal to any local anti-Jewish agitators that the "Empire" had the Jews' back.

The Weight of the Witness List
Josephus includes a massive list of witnesses, including high-ranking Military Tribunes (chiliarchoi) and members of the most prestigious Roman tribes (Aemilia, Horatia, Sabantina). To the ancient reader, this list functioned like a modern "notarized seal." It proved that this wasn't a secret deal, but a matter of public record witnessed by the top tier of Roman military and political society.

Why the Repetition?
You may have noticed that this specific decree from Lentulus is repeated several times in Josephus’s text. This isn't just sloppy editing; it's a rhetorical strategy. Josephus is hammering the point home. He wants his readers to be overwhelmed by the sheer volume of legal evidence. His goal is to make it "impossible to argue" (as he said earlier) that the Jews were anything other than a privileged, legally protected class in the Roman world.

²⁴¹ Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες Γαίῳ Ῥαβελλίῳ υἱῷ ὑπάτῳ χαίρειν. Σώπατρος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν‎ παρὰ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, δι᾽ ἧς ἐδήλου ἡμῖν παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα,

²⁴¹ "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Gaius Rabirius, son of Gaius, the Consul, greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the High Priest, delivered to us your letter, by which you made it known to us that certain men had come from Hyrcanus, the High Priest of the Jews, bringing letters written concerning their nation,

²⁴¹ "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation,

²⁴¹ "The officers of the Laodiceans to Gaius Rubilius, son of Gaius, the consul, greetings. Sopater, the envoy of Hyrcanus the high priest, has delivered us a letter from you, by which he lets us know that certain envoys had come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews and brought a letter written about their nation, where they wish that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths and other sacred rites,

²⁴² ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι· παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν.

²⁴² ...to the effect that they should be permitted to keep their Sabbaths and perform their other sacred rites according to their ancestral laws, and that no one should give them orders [to the contrary] because they are our friends and allies, and that no one should wrong them in our province; and that since the people of Tralles had spoken against them to your face, stating that they were not pleased with the decrees made concerning them, you commanded that these things should remain as they were; and you were requested to write to us also concerning them.

²⁴² wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them.

²⁴² according to their ancestral laws and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and allies and that no one may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them and were not pleased with these decrees, still you ordered that they must be observed and told us you had been asked to write this to us about them.

²⁴³ ἡμεῖς οὖν κατακολουθοῦντες τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν τὴν‎ ἀποδοθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ κατεχωρίσαμεν εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν γράμματα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἐπέσταλκας προνοήσομεν, ὥστε μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι.

²⁴³ We, therefore, following the instructions sent by you, have received the letter delivered to us and have deposited it among our public records, and we shall take care regarding the other things you have commanded, so that there may be no cause for complaint.

²⁴³ We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us."

²⁴³ We therefore, in obedience to your instructions to us, have received the letter you sent us and have deposited it among our public records. We will also take care to be without reproach with regard to the other things about which you wrote to us."

²⁴⁴ ΠόπλιοςPublius ΣερουίλιοςServilus ΠοπλίουPublius υἱὸς Γάλβας ἀνθύπατος Μιλησίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν.	²⁴⁴ Publius Servilius, son of Publius, Galba, Proconsul, to the magistrates, council, and people of the Milesians, greeting.
²⁴⁴ "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting.	²⁴⁴ "Publius Servilius, son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the officers, council and people of the Mileslans, greetings.

²⁴⁵ Πρύτανις Ἑρμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν‎ ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν γνώμην ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ [δίκαιον] ψήφισμα.

²⁴⁵ Prytanis, son of Hermes, your fellow citizen, came to me in Tralles while I was holding court and informed me that, contrary to our intention, you were treating the Jews harshly and preventing them from keeping their Sabbaths, performing their ancestral rites, and managing their fruits [tithes] according to their custom, and that he himself had, in accordance with the laws, introduced a legal decree.

²⁴⁵ Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require:

²⁴⁵ Prytanes, son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles and held a court there and told me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths and to perform the Sacred rites received from their ancestors and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom, and that he had himself been the promulger ¹ of your decree, according as your laws require:

¹promulger: one who enforces and promotes a legal decree.

²⁴⁶ βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάντας γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ἸουδαίουςJews τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι.	²⁴⁶ I desire you, therefore, to know that having heard the arguments from both sides in a formal hearing, I have decided that the Jews are not to be prevented from following their own customs."
²⁴⁶ I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs."	²⁴⁶ I would therefore have you know, that on hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to follow their own customs."

The Resistance of the Greek Cities
This text shatters the illusion that Roman decrees were immediately welcomed. The people of Tralles are described as "speaking against them to your face" (anteipontōn kata prosōpon). The Greek city-states often viewed Jewish exemptions as an insult to their own local gods and a violation of their civic unity. Rome had to act as a "heavy-handed" mediator to prevent local anti-Jewish legislation.

"Managing the Fruits" (Karpons Metacheirizesthai)
The mention of "managing fruits" in the Miletus decree refers to the collection and transport of the Temple Tax (the Half-Shekel). Greek cities often tried to confiscate this money, viewing the export of local gold to Jerusalem as a "drain" on their own economy. The Roman Proconsul specifically rules that this financial pipeline is protected under Roman law.

Formal Legal Confrontation (Ex Antikatastaseōs)
The term "ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως" indicates a formal judicial hearing where both parties (the Jews and the Milesian magistrates) stood face-to-face before the Roman governor. This shows that the Jews were not just passive recipients of favors; they were active litigants who used the Roman court system to sue for their rights when local cities tried to infringe upon them.

Laodicea’s "Compliance"
The response from Laodicea is a masterpiece of bureaucratic submission. They state they have "deposited it among our public records" (katechōrisamen eis ta dēmosia... grammata). This was the ancient equivalent of "we have filed the paperwork." It highlights the importance of the Archives; once a Roman decree was filed in a city's public record, the Jewish community had a permanent legal weapon to use against any future local magistrate.

The Role of Individual Ambassadors
We see the names of specific Jewish representatives like Sopater and Prytanis (a Jewish man with a very Greek name). These men were the "lobbyists" of the 1st century BCE. Their ability to travel, speak fluent Greek, and understand the nuances of Roman provincial law was the real reason the Jewish nation survived the transition from Hasmonean independence to Roman rule.

²⁴⁷ Ψήφισμα Περγαμηνῶν. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Κρατίππου μηνὸς [πρώτῃ] γνώμαις στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ κατακολουθοῦντες τῇ τῶν προγόνων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλείας κινδύνους ἀναδέχονται καὶ φιλοτιμοῦνται τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ βεβαίωσιν καταστῆσαι εἰρήνῃ,

²⁴⁷ "Decree of the Pergamenes: During the presidency of Cratippus, on the first day of the month of Daisios, by the decision of the magistrates. Since the Romans, following the way of their ancestors, take upon themselves dangers for the common safety of all mankind and are ambitious to establish their allies and friends in prosperity and firm peace;

²⁴⁷ The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace,

²⁴⁷ The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Daesius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind and are ambitious to settle their allies and friends in prosperity and in firm peace

²⁴⁸ πέμψαντος πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς,

²⁴⁸ And since the nation of the Jews and Hyrcanus their High Priest have sent to them ambassadors—Strato son of Theodotus, Apollonius son of Alexander, Aeneas son of Antipater, Aristobulus son of Amyntas, and Sosipater son of Philip, men of noble character;

²⁴⁸ and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater,

²⁴⁸ and since the Jewish nation and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as envoys to them, Strato, son of Theodatus and Apollonius, son of Alexander and Eneas, son of Antipater and

²⁴⁹ καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ὁ βασιλεὺς υἱὸς συμμάχους , ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ᾽ ἐξαγαγεῖν,

²⁴⁹ And since, regarding the specific matters they represented, the Senate passed a decree concerning the arguments they made: that King Antiochus, son of Antiochus, should not wrong the Jews, the allies of the Romans; and that the fortresses, harbors, territory, and whatever else he took from them should be restored; and that it should be permitted for them to export [goods] from their harbors;

²⁴⁹ and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens;

²⁴⁹ Aristobulus, son of Amyntas and Sosipater, son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate immediately made a decree about what they had asked them, that Antiochus the king, son of Antiochus, should do no harm to the Jews, the allies of the Romans, and that the fortresses and the harbours and the country and whatever else he had taken from them, be restored to them, and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods from their own harbours,

²⁵⁰ ἵνα τε μηδεὶς ἀτελὴς ᾖ ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἢ τῶν λιμένων αὐτῶν ἐξάγων βασιλεὺς ἢ δῆμος ἢ μόνος ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τὸ εἶναι ἡμέτερος καὶ Φίλος, καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν Ἰόππῃ φρουρὰν ἐκβαλεῖν, καθὼς ἐδεήθησαν·

²⁵⁰ And that no one—whether King or people—should be exempt from taxes when exporting from the Jewish territory or their harbors, except for Ptolemy, King of the Alexandrians, because he is our ally and friend; and that the garrison in Joppa should be expelled, just as they requested;

²⁵⁰ and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected.

²⁵⁰ and that no king or people may have leave to export any goods either from the district of Judea or from their harbours, without paying customs, except Ptolemy the king of Alexandria, because he is our ally and friend, and that they wanted the garrison in Joppa to be expelled.

²⁵¹ τῆς βουλῆς ἡμῶν Λούκιος Πέττιος ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς προσέταξεν, ἵνα φροντίσωμεν ταῦτα οὕτως γενέσθαι, καθὼς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδογμάτισεν, προνοῆσαί τε τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς εἰς οἶκον τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακομιδῆς.	²⁵¹ Lucius Pettius, a man of noble character from our council, commanded that we should see to it that these things take place just as the Senate decreed, and provide for the safe return of the ambassadors to their home.
²⁵¹ Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety.	²⁵¹ Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, ordered us to do these things according to the senate’s decree, and to ensure that their envoys returned home safely.

²⁵² ἀπεδεξάμεθα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βουλὴν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Θεόδωρον, ἀπολαβόντες δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, καὶ ποιησαμένου μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὴν‎ ἐμφανίσαντος ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν,

²⁵² We also welcomed Theodorus into our council and assembly; and having received the letter from him and the decree of the Senate, and after he had spoken with great zeal and represented the virtue (aretēn) and magnanimity (megalopsychian) of Hyrcanus—

²⁵² Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity,

²⁵² So we welcomed Theodore into our council meeting and accepted from his hands the letter and the senate’s decree. As he spoke with great zeal about the Jews and described the virtue and generosity of Hyrcanus

²⁵³ καὶ ὅτι κοινῇ πάντας εὐεργετεῖ καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν , τά τε γράμματα εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν ἀπεθέμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντα ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ σύμμαχοι ὄντες κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἐψηφισάμεθα.

²⁵³ —and how he benefits all people in common and individuals who come to him—we deposited the documents into our public records and voted that we ourselves, being allies of the Romans, would do everything on behalf of the Jews according to the decree of the Senate.

²⁵³ and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree.

²⁵³ and how he was a general benefactor to everyone and particularly to any who apply to him, we deposited the letter in our archives, and decreed that since we too are in alliance with the Romans, we would do everything possible for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree.

²⁵⁴ ἐδεήθη δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ἡμῖν ἀποδοὺς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν, ἵνα πέμψωσι πρὸς τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρέσβεις δηλώσοντας τὴν‎ τοῦ ἡμετέρου δήμου σπουδὴν καὶ παρακαλέσοντας συντηρεῖν τε καὶ αὔξειν αὐτὸν τὴν‎ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ ἀγαθοῦ τινος αἴτιον γίνεσθαι,

²⁵⁴ Theodorus, in delivering the letter, also requested of our magistrates that they send a copy of this decree to Hyrcanus and ambassadors to declare the zeal of our people, and to exhort him to maintain and increase his friendship with us and to be the cause of some good;

²⁵⁴ Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us,

²⁵⁴ Theodore, who brought the letter, asked our praetors to send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, and envoys to convey to him the affection of our people to him and to urge them to preserve and increase their friendship for us and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us,

²⁵⁵ ὡς ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀποληψόμενον μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν.

²⁵⁵ ...so that he may receive the appropriate returns, remembering that even in the times of Abraham, who was the father of all Hebrews, our ancestors were friends with them, just as we find in our public records, so that he may receive the appropriate returns, remembering that even in the times of Abraham, who was the father of all Hebrews, our ancestors were friends with them, just as we find in our public records."

²⁵⁵ as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records."

²⁵⁵ justly expecting to receive proper return from us, and wanting them to remember that our forebears were friendly to the Jews even in the time of Abraham, the father of all the Hebrews, as we find in the public archives."

The Abrahamic Kinship Myth
The most stunning part of this text is the claim that the Pergamenes were friends with the Jews in the "times of Abraham" (kata Abramon kairois). This reflects a common Hellenistic phenomenon where Greek cities tried to find "mythological pedigrees" to connect themselves to the Jews or Spartans. By claiming a shared ancient history, the Pergamenes were elevating the Jews from "foreigners" to "lost cousins."

The Logistics of Sovereign Trade
The decree mentions the right of the Jews to control their harbors and exports without interference from the Seleucid King (Antiochus). The exception for Ptolemy of Egypt shows the complex web of alliances: the Jews, the Romans, the Pergamenes, and the Ptolemies were all part of a "Pro-Roman" bloc designed to contain the power of the Syrian Seleucid Empire.

"Magnanimity" as Diplomacy
Hyrcanus is praised for his megalopsychia (magnanimity/greatness of soul). In the Greek world, this was the highest virtue of a ruler. Josephus includes this to show that the High Priest wasn't just a religious figure to the Greeks, but a sophisticated Hellenistic-style prince who was respected for his personal character and his "universal" philanthropy.

Lucius Pettius: The Roman Overseer
Even in this friendly Greek decree, the figure of the Roman official (Lucius Pettius) looms in the background. He is the one who "commanded" (prosetaxen) the Pergamenes to follow the Senate's decree. This shows the reality of the 1st century BCE: local Greek friendship was often secured at the point of a Roman sword.

Public Records as Historical Armor
The Pergamenes mention finding these ancient friendships "in our public records" (en tois dēmosiois heuriskomen grammasin). This reinforces Josephus's main theme: Jewish history is not a collection of private myths, but a matter of public, international record verified by the archives of the greatest cities in the world.

²⁵⁶ Ψήφισμα Ἁλικαρνασέων. ἐπὶ ἱερέως ΜέμνονοςMemnon τοῦ Ἀριστείδου, κατὰ δὲ ποίησιν Εὐωνύμου, Ἀνθεστηριῶνος ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ εἰσηγησαμένου ΜάρκουMarcus ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander.	²⁵⁶ "Decree of the Halicarnassians: During the priesthood of Memnon, son of Aristides, but by adoption the son of Euonymus, in the month of Anthesterion, the people passed a resolution introduced by Marcus Alexander.
²⁵⁶ The decree of those of Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this:	²⁵⁶ The decree of those of Halicarnassus, when Memnon, son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the third day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this:

²⁵⁷ ἐπεὶ [τὸ] πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβές τε καὶ ὅσιον ἐν ἅπαντι καιρῷ διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχομεν κατακολουθοῦντες τῷ δήμῳ τῶν πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὄντι εὐεργέτῃ καὶ οἷς περὶ τῆς φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἔγραψεν, ὅπως συντελῶνται αὐτοῖς αἱ εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἱεροποιίαι καὶ ἑορταὶ αἱ εἰθισμέναι καὶ σύνοδοι,

²⁵⁷ Since we hold piety and holiness toward the Divine in high regard at all times, following the lead of the Roman people, who are the benefactors of all mankind, and what they have written to our city concerning the friendship and alliance with the Jews—namely, that their sacred rites to God, their customary festivals, and their assemblies should be carried out;

²⁵⁷ Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them;

²⁵⁷ "Since we have ever a great regard to piety toward God and to sanctity, and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all people and what they have written to us about a pact of friendship and military alliance between the Jews and our city and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them;

²⁵⁸ δεδόχθαι καὶ ἡμῖν τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ ἢ ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει.

²⁵⁸ Be it resolved by us also, that those of the Jews who wish, both men and women, may keep the Sabbaths and perform their sacred rites according to the Jewish laws, and make their prayers near the sea, according to their ancestral custom. And if anyone, whether a magistrate or a private citizen, hinders them, let him be liable to this fine and owe it to the city."

²⁵⁸ we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city."

²⁵⁸ we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing to do so, may celebrate their Sabbaths and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws, and may make their proseuchae¹ at the sea-side, according to their ancestral customs, and if anyone, whether he be an officer or private individual, hinders them from doing so, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city."

[¹proseuchae: προσευχὰς meaning "a place of prayer" or "oratory." These were ancient Jewish sites for prayer, often located outdoors by a river or the sea, sometimes with groves of trees, and were distinct from the later formal synagogue buildings.]

"Prayers near the Sea" (Proseuchas poieisthai pros tē thalattē)

1) This is one of the most significant archaeological and historical details in Josephus. Because the Jews in the Diaspora did not always have a formal synagogue building, or because they required running water for ritual purification (Mikvah), they often gathered by the seashore or rivers.

2) This "ancestral custom" aligns perfectly with the New Testament book of Acts (16:13), where Paul finds a "place of prayer" (proseuchē) outside the city gates of Philippi by a river.

Women’s Religious Rights
The decree explicitly mentions "both men and women" (andras te kai gynaikas). This is a vital detail. It shows that the Roman and Greek legal protections for Judaism weren't just for the "heads of households" or political leaders, but covered the entire community's right to practice their faith. It highlights the visible presence of Jewish women in the public religious life of the Diaspora.

Piety as a "Pro-Roman" Policy
The Halicarnassians frame their tolerance not as a love for Judaism, but as a way of "following the lead of the Roman people" (katakolouthountes tō dēmō tōn Rōmaiōn). They acknowledge Rome as the "benefactor of all mankind." This shows how Rome used its superpower status to "export" religious tolerance to Greek cities that might otherwise have been hostile to their Jewish neighbors.

The "Fine" as a Deterrent
The decree ends with a legal "teeth" clause: a fine (zēmiōmati). This proves that harassment of Jews was a real problem in Halicarnassus. By making it a financial crime to hinder a Jewish assembly, the city turned religious protection into a matter of municipal revenue. If a local bully tried to stop a Sabbath meeting, he wasn't just offending the Jews—he was stealing money from the city treasury.

Adoption and Priesthood
The opening line mentions the priest Memnon, "son of Aristides, but by adoption the son of Euonymus." This is a classic bit of Greek administrative detail that Josephus likely copied directly from the city's bronze stele. It anchors the decree in a very specific local context, adding to the "legal authenticity" Josephus was trying to build for his Roman readers.

²⁵⁹ Ψήφισμα Σαρδιανῶν. ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ στρατηγῶν εἰσηγησαμένων. ἐπεὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς πολῖται πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα φιλάνθρωπα ἐσχηκότες διὰ παντὸς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ νῦν εἰσελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον παρεκάλεσαν,

²⁵⁹ "Decree of the Sardians: It was resolved by the council and the people, on the motion of the magistrates: Since the Jews living in our city from the beginning, being our fellow citizens, have always received many and great privileges from the people; and having now come before the council and the people, they have petitioned;

²⁵⁹ The decree of the Sardians. "This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate,

²⁵⁹ The decree of the Sardians was made by the senate and people, at the request of the praetors: "Whereas the Jews who are fellow citizens and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people and have come now into the senate and asked the people,

²⁶⁰ ἀποκαθισταμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ ἵνα κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ἔθη συνάγωνται καὶ πολιτεύωνται καὶ διαδικάζωνται πρὸς αὑτούς, δοθῇ τε καὶ τόπος αὐτοῖς, εἰς ὃν συλλεγόμενοι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἐπιτελοῦσιν τὰς πατρίους εὐχὰς καὶ θυσίας τῷ θεῷ·

²⁶⁰ Since their laws and their freedom are being restored to them by the Senate and the People of Rome, so that they may assemble, manage their affairs, and judge their own legal disputes among themselves according to their customary laws, and that a place be granted to them in which they may gather with their wives and children to offer their ancestral prayers and sacrifices to God;

²⁶⁰ and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God.

²⁶⁰ that upon the restitution of their law and their freedom, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble, according to their ancient legal custom and that we will not bring any suit against them about it, and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children and may offer, as did their ancestors, their prayers and sacrifices to God.

²⁶¹ δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι.

²⁶¹ Be it resolved by the council and the people: that it is granted to them to come together on the appointed days to conduct their affairs according to their own laws; and that a place be set aside for them by the magistrates for their building and habitation, whichever place they consider suitable for this purpose; and further, that it shall be the duty of the market officials (agoranomoi) of the city to see that the foods suitable for their diet are brought in [to the market]."

²⁶¹ Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city."

²⁶¹ The senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble on the days formerly appointed and to act according to their own laws, and that a suitable place be set apart for them by the praetors, to be built and inhabited, and that those in charge of providing for the city shall make sure to bring into it the kinds of food they esteem fit to eat."

The Right to Internal Courts (Diadikazōntai)
This is a massive legal concession. The Sardian government officially recognizes the Jewish right to internal jurisdiction. Instead of taking a civil dispute to a Greek court, a Jew in Sardis could have their case heard by their own elders according to Torah law. This effectively made the Jewish community a "state within a state," possessing legal autonomy within the city walls.

A Dedicated Space: The "Building" (Oikodomian)
The decree orders magistrates to find a suitable place for the Jews to build (oikodomian). In Sardis, this resulted in one of the most magnificent synagogues ever discovered—located right next to the city's gymnasium and bath complex. It shows that the Jewish community was not marginalized or tucked away in a ghetto, but was a prominent, central part of Sardian civic life.

Inclusion of Families
Like the Halicarnassian decree, this one emphasizes that meetings include "wives and children" (gynaikōn kai teknōn). This legal protection for the whole family unit highlights that Roman and Greek officials viewed Judaism not just as a cult for men, but as an ethnic "way of life" that required protection for the entire household.

The "Kosher" Market Mandate
The mention of the Market Officials (agoranomoi) is a fascinating detail of ancient urban planning. The city didn't just say "you can eat what you want"; they commanded the officials to ensure that "suitable foods" (epitedeia pros trophēn)—meaning Kosher food—were actually imported and available in the marketplace. This removed the economic barrier to religious observance.

"Citizens from the Beginning"
The Sardians refer to the Jews as "citizens from the beginning" (polītai ap’ archēs). This was a high-status claim. In the Greek world, "old" was "good." By acknowledging that the Jews had been there since the city’s early days (likely dating back to the Persian era or the early Seleucids), the Sardians were granting them a level of prestige that few other immigrant groups could claim.

²⁶² Ψήφισμα ἘφεσίωνEphesians. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Μηνοφίλου μηνὸς ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium τῇ προτέρᾳ ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ, ΝικάνωρNicanor Εὐφήμου εἶπεν εἰσηγησαμένων τῶν στρατηγῶν.	²⁶² "Decree of the Ephesians: During the presidency of Menophilus, on the first day of the month of Artemision, it was resolved by the people, on the motion of the magistrates, Nicanor son of Euphemus being the speaker:
²⁶² The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors.¹	²⁶² The decree of the Ephesians, made when Menophilus was Prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius: "Nicanor, son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors.

¹Praetors were high-ranking elected magistrates in ancient Rome, serving as judicial officers (judges) and military commanders, often governing provinces after their term. Below the consul, they held imperium—legal authority to command armies and oversee civil law.

²⁶³ ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἸουδαίωνJews Μάρκῳ Ἰουλίῳ Ποντίου υἱῷ Βρούτῳ ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι τὰ σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου,	²⁶³ Since the Jews living in the city met with Marcus Julius Brutus, son of Pontius, the Proconsul, [requesting] that they might keep the Sabbaths and perform all things according to their ancestral customs without anyone hindering them;
²⁶³ Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition.	²⁶³ Since the Jews living in this city have asked Marcus Junius Pompeius, son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths and to act in all things according to their ancestral customs, without impediment from anyone, the praetor has granted their petition.

²⁶⁴ ὁ στρατηγὸς συνεχώρησεν, δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ, τοῦ πράγματος ἀνήκοντος, μηδένα κωλύεσθαι παρατηρεῖν τὴν‎ τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν μηδὲ πράττεσθαι ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπιτετράφθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πάντα ποιεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους.

²⁶⁴ And since the Proconsul has granted this, it is resolved by the people—as the matter pertains to the Romans—that no one shall be prevented from observing the Sabbath day nor be forced to pay a fine [for doing so], but they are permitted to perform all things according to their own particular laws."

²⁶⁴ Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws."

²⁶⁴ It was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair about the Romans none of them be hindered from keeping the sabbath day, or fined for doing so, but they be allowed to do all things according to their own laws."

The Shadow of a Famous Name:

1) Brutus
The "Marcus Julius Brutus" mentioned here is none other than Brutus, the lead assassin of Julius Caesar. After fleeing Rome, he took command of the Eastern provinces.

2) The Irony:
Even though Brutus killed the man (Caesar) who originally granted these rights, he felt compelled to uphold them. Why? Because he was raising an army to fight Octavian and Antony and desperately needed the financial and logistical support of the wealthy Jewish communities in Asia Minor.

"As the Matter Pertains to the Romans"
This is a fascinating legal phrase (tou pragmatos Rhōmaiois anēkontos). The Ephesians are essentially saying: "We aren't doing this because we want to; we're doing it because our Roman masters told us to." It highlights the friction between local Greek civic pride and Roman imperial policy. By framing it this way, the city council saved face while still complying with the Proconsul’s orders.

The End of the "Sabbath Fine"
The decree specifically forbids the exaction of an "ἐπιτίμιον" (fine/penalty). In many Greek cities, citizens were expected to participate in public festivals or perform civic duties on a rotating schedule. If a Jew refused to work or appear in court on the Sabbath, local magistrates would often levy heavy fines. This decree struck those fines down, removing the economic "tax" on Jewish religious observance.

The Month of Artemision
The timing is symbolic. The decree was passed in the month of Artemision, the month dedicated to the goddess Artemis (Diana), whose temple in Ephesus was one of the Seven Wonders of the World. To have a Jewish "Bill of Rights" officially ratified during the month of the city's patron pagan goddess was a powerful testament to the Jews' secured legal status.

Josephus’s "Mic Drop"
This is the final decree in this specific section of Antiquities. Josephus uses it as the "closing argument" of his legal defense. He has shown that whether it was the Dictator (Caesar), the Consuls (Lentulus/Antony), or even the Assassin (Brutus), the Roman leadership was unanimous: the Jews have the right to their own laws (idios nomos).

²⁶⁵ Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἐστιν καὶ ἄλλα τοιαῦτα τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσι τοῖς δόγματα πρὸς καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν γεγενημένα καὶ πόλεσιν ψηφίσματα καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τὰς περὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων δικαίων ἐπιστολὰς ἀντιπεφωνημένα τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, περὶ ὧν ἁπάντων ἐξ ὧν παρατεθείμεθα πιστεύειν τοῖς ἀναγνωσομένοις οὐ βασκάνως ἡμῶν τὴν‎ γραφὴν πάρεστιν.

²⁶⁵ "Now, there are many other such decrees of the Senate and of the Roman Imperators made in favor of Hyrcanus and our nation, as well as city resolutions and letters sent by governors in response to inquiries regarding our rights. From the examples I have set forth, it is possible for those who read my writing without malice to believe in the truth of all the rest.

²⁶⁵ Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted;

²⁶⁵ There are many such decrees of the senate and emperors of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favour of Hyrcanus and of our nation; and, there have been more decrees of the cities and rescripts of the praetors, to such letters as concerned our rights and privileges, and certainly people who are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose and that by the specimens which we have inserted,

²⁶⁶ ἐπεὶ γὰρ καὶ βλεπόμενα τεκμήρια παρεχόμεθα τῆς πρὸς ἡμῖν φιλίας γενομένης ἐπιδεικνύντες αὐτὰ χαλκαῖς στήλαις καὶ δέλτοις ἐν τῷ μέχρι νῦν διαμένοντα καὶ διαμενοῦντα, τὴν‎ μὲν πάντων παράθεσιν ὡς περιττήν τε ἅμα καὶ ἀτερπῆ παρῃτησάμην,

²⁶⁶ For since we provide clear and visible evidence of the friendship that has existed between us and the Romans, displaying it upon bronze stelae and tablets which remain in the Capitol to this very day—and will continue to remain—I have declined to provide a complete list of them all, as that would be both superfluous and tedious.

²⁶⁶ for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable;

²⁶⁶ for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans and demonstrated that those marks are engraved upon columns and tables of brass in the Capitol, that act still in being and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable.

²⁶⁷ οὐδένα δ᾽ οὕτως ἡγησάμην σκαιόν, ὃς οὐχὶ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἡμῖν πιστεύσει φιλανθρωπίας, ὅτι ταύτην καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἐπεδείξαντο πρὸς ἡμᾶς δογμάτων, καὶ ἡμᾶς οὐχ ὑπολήψεται περὶ ὧν εἶναί φαμεν ἀληθεύειν ἐξ ὧν ἐπεδείξαμεν. τὴν‎ μὲν οὖν πρὸς φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς γενομένην δεδηλώκαμεν.

²⁶⁷ Indeed, I have judged that no one is so foolish that they will not believe in the benevolence of the Romans toward us—seeing as they have demonstrated this through so many decrees—nor will anyone fail to suppose that we are telling the truth about what we claim, based on the evidence we have shown. Thus, we have made clear the friendship and alliance that existed with the Romans during those times."

²⁶⁷ for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans.

²⁶⁷ I cannot imagine anyone so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have shown the same by many of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced and so have we sufficiently explained that we had that friendship and military alliance at those times with the Romans.

The "Bronze Wall" of Evidence
Josephus repeatedly mentions "χαλκαῖς στήλαις καὶ δέλτοις" (bronze stelae and tablets). In the Roman world, bronze was the material of permanence. By pointing to the Capitol in Rome as the physical location of these records, Josephus is issuing a challenge to his contemporary readers: "If you think I'm lying, go to the heart of the Empire and check the archives yourself."

Combating "Malice" (Baskanōs)
The use of the word "βασκάνως" (maliciously/enviously) is telling. Josephus was writing in the aftermath of the Great Jewish Revolt (70 CE), a time of intense anti-Jewish sentiment in Rome. He knew his audience was skeptical and perhaps hostile. He frames his history not just as a narrative, but as a formal legal refutation of the idea that Jews were inherently rebellious or hated by Rome.

The Historian’s Choice: "Tedious" vs. "Trustworthy"
Josephus admits he has left out many documents because they would be "ἀτερπῆ" (unpleasant/tedious). This gives us a glimpse into his editorial process. He believes he has reached a "tipping point" of evidence—where any reasonable person would be convinced. To list more would be "superfluous" (perittēn). He is balancing his role as an archivist with his role as a storyteller.

The Term "Philanthropia"
Josephus uses the word "φιλανθρωπίας" (benevolence/humanity) to describe Rome's attitude. This was a loaded political term. In the Hellenistic world, a "philanthropic" ruler was one who respected local laws and customs. Josephus is trying to remind the Romans of his own day (the Flavian dynasty) that their ancestors' greatness was defined by this tolerance, subtly encouraging them to return to that policy.

Transition to the "Herodian" Era
This paragraph acts as a structural bridge. Having established the "Golden Age" of legal status under Hyrcanus and the early Caesars, Josephus is about to shift the narrative to the rise of Herod the Great. The "friendship and alliance" he just proved will become the foundation upon which Herod builds his kingdom.

Chapter 11
[268-296]
The murders of Sextus and of Julius Caesar; Cassius in Judea.
Herod avenges his father Antipas.

☜ ☞

²⁶⁸ Συνέβη δ᾽ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ταραχθῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· εἷς τῶν τὰ φρονούντων ἐπιβουλὴν συνθεὶς ἐπὶ κτείνει μὲν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα αὐτοῦ‎ παραλαβὼν ἐκράτει τῶν πραγμάτων, πόλεμός τε μέγας περὶ τὴν‎ συνέστη τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντων μετά τε ἱππέων καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως.

²⁶⁸ "At about this same time, the affairs of Syria were thrown into turmoil for the following reason: Caecilius Bassus, one of those who favored the party of Pompey, hatched a conspiracy against Sextus Caesar and slew him. Having taken command of Sextus’s army, Bassus seized control of the region. A great war then broke out around Apamea, as Caesar’s generals marched against him with both cavalry and infantry forces.

²⁶⁸ Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen;

²⁶⁸ About this time, things in Syria were disturbed for the following reason: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, plotted against Sextus Caesar and killed him and then took over his army and the administration, so that a great war broke out near Apamia, when Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of cavalry and infantry.

²⁶⁹ τούτοις δὲ καὶ συμμαχίαν ἔπεμψεν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων κατὰ μνήμην ὧν εὐεργετήθησαν ὑπὸ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμωρεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ δίκην παρὰ τοῦ πεφονευκότος εἰσπράξασθαι δίκαιον ἡγούμενος.

²⁶⁹ To these generals, Antipater [Herod’s father] also sent military aid along with his sons; for he remembered the benefactions they had received from [Julius] Caesar and considered it just to avenge him and to exact a penalty from the murderer.

²⁶⁹ to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him.

²⁶⁹ Antipater sent reinforcements to this side, along with his own sons, recalling the favours they had received from Caesar, and thinking it only right to seek vengeance for him against his murderer.

²⁷⁰ χρονιζομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου μὲν ἦλθεν ἐκ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὴν‎ Σέξστου, δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ καὶ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ κτείνεται κατασχὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

²⁷⁰ As the war dragged on, Murcus arrived from Rome to succeed Sextus in his command. Meanwhile, [Julius] Caesar was slain in the Senate House by the party of Cassius and Brutus, after having held the supreme power for three years and six months. This event, however, has been recorded elsewhere by others."

²⁷⁰ And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere.

²⁷⁰ As the war dragged on, Mourcus came from Rome to take over the command from Sextus; but then Caesar was killed by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after ruling for three years and six months. This, however, is reported elsewhere.

The Death of Sextus Caesar
Sextus Caesar was a young relative of Julius Caesar and the governor of Syria. His murder by Caecilius Bassus (a Pompeian holdout) was a massive blow to Jewish interests. Sextus had been the primary patron of Herod, even protecting him when the Jewish Sanhedrin tried to put him on trial for his life. By killing Sextus, Bassus wasn't just attacking Rome; he was attacking the security of Antipater’s family.

Antipater’s "Debt of Honor"
Notice how Josephus frames Antipater’s involvement. He isn't just a mercenary; he is motivated by "mnēmēn" (memory) and "dikaion" (justice). This is classic Hasmonean/Herodian diplomacy: they were "loyalists to the person." By fighting to avenge Caesar's relative, Antipater was proving that his loyalty to the house of Caesar was absolute, even in the face of a regional coup.

The Siege of Apamea
Apamea was one of the strongest fortress cities in Syria. The fact that Antipater sent his sons (including the young Herod) to fight there shows that the Judean military was becoming an indispensable "special forces" unit for the Romans in the East. Herod likely gained significant tactical experience during this prolonged siege.

The "Ides of March" and the Power Vacuum
Josephus records the death of Julius Caesar with striking brevity: "in the Senate House" (en tō bouleutēriō). For the Jews, this was a geopolitical disaster. All the bronze decrees Josephus spent the previous chapters listing were now technically at the mercy of the men who had just killed the man who signed them—Brutus and Cassius.

Josephus as a "World Historian"
By saying "this has been recorded elsewhere by others," Josephus acknowledges that he is writing part of a global history. He knows his readers already know about the assassination of Caesar (the most famous event of the century), but he is telling the story from the Judean perspective. He wants to show how a single dagger-stroke in Rome sent shockwaves that threatened the survival of Jerusalem.

²⁷¹ Τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ πολέμου συνερρωγότος καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει πάντων ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς συλλογὴν ἄλλου ἄλλῃ διεσπαρμένων, ἀφικνεῖται εἰς παραληψόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ στρατόπεδα·

²⁷¹ "When the war following the death of Caesar [Julius] had broken out, and all the high-ranking officials were scattered in different directions to collect an army, Cassius arrived in Syria to take command of the forces around Apamea.

²⁷¹ As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia;

²⁷¹ After the start of the war arising from the death of Caesar when all the leaders went off in all directions to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria to take control of the camp at Apameia.

²⁷² καὶ λύσας τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἀμφοτέρους προσάγεται τόν τε καὶ τὸν τάς τε πόλεις ἐπερχόμενος ὅπλα τε καὶ στρατιώτας συνήθροιζεν καὶ φόρους αὐταῖς μεγάλους ἐπετίθει· μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκάκωσεν ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πραττόμενος.

²⁷² Having raised the siege, he won over both Bassus and Murcus to his side. As he marched through the cities, he gathered arms and soldiers and imposed massive taxes upon them. He especially oppressed Judea, demanding seven hundred talents of silver.

²⁷² and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents:

²⁷² Having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Mourcus to his side. He then went around the cities gathering weapons and soldiers and laid great taxes on them and oppressed Judea in particular, exacting seven hundred talents from it.

²⁷³ δ᾽ ὁρῶν ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ τὰ πράγματα μερίζει τὴν‎ τῶν χρημάτων εἴσπραξιν καὶ ἑκατέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν συνάγειν δίδωσιν τὰ μὲν κακοήθως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένῳ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοις προσέταξεν εἰσπράττεσθαι.

²⁷³ Antipater, seeing affairs in a state of great fear and turmoil, divided the collection of the money. He assigned a portion to each of his sons to gather, another portion to Malichus (who was ill-disposed toward him), and ordered others to collect the rest.

²⁷³ but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others.

²⁷³ Antipater, seeing the state in such alarm and disorder, divided the collection of that sum and appointed his two sons to gather it so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others.

²⁷⁴ καὶ πρῶτος ἀπὸ τῆς εἰσπραξάμενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα Φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα · σῶφρον γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων.

²⁷⁴ Herod was the first to bring in the amount assigned to him from Galilee, and thus became a favorite of Cassius; for it seemed prudent to him to begin courting the Romans and securing their goodwill at the expense of others' labors.

²⁷⁴ And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others;

²⁷⁴ Then since Herod was very highly favoured by Cassius for being the first to raise the required sum from Galilee, because he thought it wise to cultivate a friendship with the Romans and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others.

²⁷⁵ ἐπιπράσκοντο δ᾽ αὔτανδροι οἱ τῶν ἄλλων [πόλεων] ἐπιμεληταί, καὶ τέσσαρας πόλεις ἐξηνδραπόδισε τότε ΚάσσιοςCassius, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δυνατώταται ΓόφναGophna τε καὶ ἈμμαοῦςEmmaus, πρὸς ταύταις δὲ ΛύδδαLydda καὶ ΘάμναTimnab.	²⁷⁵ However, the governors of the other cities were sold into slavery along with their inhabitants. Indeed, Cassius enslaved four cities at that time, of which the most powerful were Gophna and Emmaus, and besides these, Lydda and Thamna.
²⁷⁵ whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna.	²⁷⁵ All the overseers of the other cities were sold as slaves, and Cassius reduced four cities to slavery, the two most powerful of which were Gophna and Emmaus, and the others Lydda and Thamna.

²⁷⁶ ἐπεξῆλθε δ᾽ ἂν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ΚάσσιοςCassius ὥστε καὶ ΜάλιχονMalichus ἀνελεῖν, ὥρμητο γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δι᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων αὐτῷ πέμψας ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς.	²⁷⁶ Cassius would even have gone so far in his rage as to put Malichus to death—for he was rushing against him—had not Hyrcanus, through Antipater, sent him a hundred talents from his own private funds, thereby restraining his impulse."
²⁷⁶ Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.	²⁷⁶ Indeed Cassius was so enraged by Malichus that he attacked and would have killed him, if Hyrcanus had not pacified him with the help of Antipater, by sending him a hundred talents.

The Cost of the "Liberators"
The Roman civil war was an economic catastrophe for the provinces. Cassius (one of Caesar’s lead assassins) needed to fund an army of nearly twenty legions to fight Antony and Octavian. His demand for 700 talents was staggering—roughly the equivalent of the total annual tax revenue for the entire province.

1) To the Romans, this was a "war contribution."

2) To the Judeans, it was a "protection racket" with lethal consequences.

Herod’s Defining Moment: The Galilean Tax
This is the moment the "Herod" we know from history truly emerges. While his father Antipater tried to balance the burden among different leaders to soften the blow, the young Herod realized that in a world of assassins, speed equals survival. By being the first to deliver his quota, he proved he was more "Roman" in efficiency than his peers. Josephus’s commentary is biting: Herod decided to build his career "at the expense of others' labors" (ek tōn allotriōn ponōn).

Slavery as a Political Penalty
The fate of Gophna, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamna serves as a grim reminder of what happened to those who failed the Roman tax collectors. When the local governors (epimelētai) couldn't pay, Cassius didn't just seize property—he sold the entire population into slavery (exēndrapodise). This mass enslavement was a shock to the Judean social fabric and created a deep-seated hatred for the Roman "Liberators."

Malichus: The "Slow" Competitor
We see the introduction of Malichus, who would soon become Antipater’s murderer. Malichus likely tried to resist the tax or simply couldn't collect it fast enough. His failure nearly cost him his life. He was only saved because Hyrcanus used his personal wealth to pay a 100-talent bribe. This highlights the tragedy of Hyrcanus: he was a gentle man using his own money to save a man (Malichus) who would eventually destroy his best friend (Antipater).

The "Prudence" of Collaboration
Josephus uses the word "σῶφρον" (sōphron—prudent/wise) to describe Herod's decision to "court" the Romans. It is a nuanced observation. In the chaos of 43 BCE, you either collaborated efficiently or you were enslaved. Herod chose the path of the "Strongman," recognizing that Roman goodwill was the only shield against Roman "rage" (orgēs).

²⁷⁷ Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀπῆρεν, ἐπεβούλευσεν τὴν‎ τούτου τελευτὴν ἀσφάλειαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι νομίζων. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθεν τὸν ταῦτα φρονῶν, ἀλλ᾽ αἰσθόμενος γὰρ ἐκεῖνος πέραν καὶ στρατὸν Ἀράβιον ἅμα καὶ ἐγχώριον συνήθροιζεν.

²⁷⁷ "When Cassius departed from Judea, Malichus began to plot against Antipater, believing that the latter's death would ensure the security of Hyrcanus’s rule. However, his intentions did not escape Antipater’s notice; perceiving them, he crossed over the Jordan and began to gather an army consisting of both Arabs and locals.

²⁷⁷ But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus’s government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen.

²⁷⁷ But after Cassius had left Judea, Malichus plotted against Antipater, thinking that with him dead the kingship of Hyrcanus would be secure, but this plan was not hidden from Antipater, who retreated beyond the Jordan and gathered an army comprising Arabs as well as his own countrymen.

²⁷⁸ δεινὸς δὲ ὢν ὁ ἠρνεῖτο μὲν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν, ἀπολογούμενος δὲ μεθ᾽ ὅρκων αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς παισίν, καὶ ὡς μὲν φρουροῦντος, δὲ ἔχοντος τὴν‎ φυλακὴν τῶν ὅπλων οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἰς νοῦν ἐβάλετο τοιοῦτον οὐδὲν ὁρῶν τὴν‎ ἀπορίαν, καταλλάσσεται πρὸς τὸν ,

²⁷⁸ But Malichus, being a clever man, denied the conspiracy. He defended himself with oaths to both Antipater and his sons, [arguing] that while Phasael was guarding Jerusalem and Herod held custody of the arms, he could not have even entertained such a thought, seeing how impossible it would be. Thus, he was reconciled with Antipater.

²⁷⁸ However, Malichus, being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him,

²⁷⁸ However, the cunning Malichus denied the conspiracy and swore that neither himself nor his sons would ever have attempted such a thing, which was impossible, in any event, as long as Phasael had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had custody of the weapons.

²⁷⁹ καὶ συνέβησαν Μούρκου κατὰ στρατηγοῦντος, ὃς αἰσθόμενος νεωτεροποιοῦντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ τὸν ἦλθε μὲν ὡς παρὰ μικρὸν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν, δὲ παρακαλέσαντος περιέσωσεν.

²⁷⁹ And they came to an agreement while Murcus was governing Syria. Murcus, perceiving that Malichus was stirring up trouble in Judea, had come very close to putting him to death, but at Antipater’s request, he spared him."

²⁷⁹ and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.

²⁷⁹ So he was reconciled to Antipater and they were in harmony so that when Mourcus as governor of Syria came close to executing Malichus, on hearing how he was stirring trouble against Judea, he spared him at the request of Antipater.

The Power Behind the Throne
Malichus’s motivation reveals the political reality of the 40s BCE: Hyrcanus II was the high priest, but Antipater was the man actually running the state. Malichus viewed Antipater as a "usurper" of Jewish sovereignty. Ironically, Malichus believed that by killing the Idumaean Antipater, he was "saving" the Hasmonean dynasty—when in fact, Antipater was the only thing keeping the dynasty from collapsing under Roman pressure.

The Fortress of the Sons
Malichus’s defense mentions the strategic positions of Antipater’s sons:

1) Phasael: (the eldest) held Jerusalem as its governor.

2) Herod: held the "custody of the arms" (phylakēn tōn oplōn), essentially acting as the commander-in-chief of the military forces in the north.

This demonstrates the "Family Business" model of governance. Malichus argues that a coup is mathematically impossible because the military and the capital are locked down by the family he is supposedly plotting against.

The Transjordan Refuge
Antipater’s retreat to the "other side of the Jordan" (peran Iordanou) to gather Arab forces shows his deep connections with the Nabataeans (his wife, Cypros, was Nabataean nobility). This region acted as a "safe zone" for the Herodian family throughout their history. Whenever Jerusalem became too hot, they fled to the desert to raise an army among their Arab kin.

Antipater’s Fatal Flaw: Mercy
The most tragic irony in this text is Antipater’s intervention with the Roman governor Murcus. Murcus was a professional soldier who saw Malichus for exactly what he was: a revolutionary (neōteropoiounta). Murcus wanted to execute him on the spot. Antipater—out of a desire for internal Jewish peace or perhaps an overestimation of his own ability to handle his rivals—begged for Malichus's life. Antipater literally saved the life of his own future assassin.

The "Clever" Malichus (Deinos)
Josephus describes Malichus as "δεινὸς" (deinos), a word that can mean "terrible," "skilled," or "shrewdly clever." It highlights the psychological warfare at play. Malichus uses oaths (orkōn) to mask his intent. In this era of Judean history, the "oath" was becoming a cheap tool of political deception rather than a sacred bond.

²⁸⁰ Ἦν δὲ ἄρα φονέα περισώσας αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν · μὲν γὰρ καὶ στρατὸν ἀθροίζοντες τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἅπασαν ἐνεχείρισαν καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτὸν κοίλης ἐποίησαν πλοῖα δόντες καὶ δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, ὑποσχόμενοί τε καὶ βασιλέα τῆς ἀναδείξειν μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον· συνειστήκει γὰρ τότε πρός τε καὶ τὸν νέον .

²⁸⁰ "Thus, as it turned out, Antipater had saved his own murderer in Malichus. For Cassius and Murcus, while gathering an army, entrusted the entire administration to Herod and appointed him governor of Coele-Syria, giving him ships and a force of both cavalry and infantry; they even promised to appoint him King of Judea after the war—for the conflict against Antony and the young Caesar [Octavian] had then begun.

²⁸⁰ However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar:

²⁸⁰ But by saving Malichus, Antipater had saved his own murderer, for now Cassius and Marcus gathered an army and left it in the care of Herod, making him general of the forces of Coele-Syria and giving him ships as well as a force of cavalry and infantry, and promising when the war was over to make him king of Judea, for war had broken out between Antony and the younger Caesar.

²⁸¹ δὲ δείσας τότε μάλιστα τὸν ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ πείσας ἀργυρίῳ τὸν οἰνοχόον, παρ᾽ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι εἱστιῶντο, φαρμάκῳ κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ ἔχων εὐτρέπιζεν τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν.

²⁸¹ Malichus, fearing Antipater now more than ever, decided to put him out of the way. Having bribed the cupbearer of Hyrcanus with silver—at whose house they were both dining—he killed the man with poison, and having armed men at the ready, he took control of affairs in the city.

²⁸¹ but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city.

²⁸¹ Since Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him aside and bribed the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were invited to dine, to poison him; and then with his soldiers he would take control of the city.

²⁸² γνόντων δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν τὴν‎ κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἩρώδουHerod καὶ ΦασαήλουPhasael καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐχόντων, ἠρνεῖτο πάλιν ὁ ΜάλιχοςMalichus καὶ ἔξαρνος ἦν τοῦ φόνου.	²⁸² When Herod and Phasael learned of the plot against their father and were filled with rage, Malichus again denied it and pleaded innocence of the murder.
²⁸² But when Antipater’s sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder.	²⁸² When the sons, Herod and Phasael, learned of this conspiracy against their father they took it badly, but Malichus again denied and swore he knew nothing about the murder.

²⁸³ καὶ μὲν εὐσεβείᾳ τε καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ διενεγκὼν καὶ τῇ περὶ τὴν‎ πατρίδα σπουδῇ τοῦτον ἐτελεύτησεν τὸν τρόπον. τῶν δὲ παίδων αὐτοῦ‎ μὲν εὐθὺς ἔγνω τιμωρεῖν τῷ πατρὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ ἐλθών. δὲ τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ δόλῳ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει περιγίνεσθαι τἀνδρός, μὴ πολέμου κατάρχειν νομισθῶσιν .

²⁸³ Thus died Antipater, a man who had distinguished himself for his piety, justice, and zeal for his country. Of his sons, Herod immediately intended to avenge his father by marching against Malichus with an army. But to Phasael, the elder, it seemed better to overcome the man by guile, so that they might not be thought to be starting a civil war.

²⁸³ And thus died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father’s death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country;

²⁸³ That was the end of Antipater, a man distinguished for his piety, righteousness and concern for his country. While one of his sons, Herod, immediately wanted to avenge their father’s death and set out with an army against Malichus to do so, the elder son, Phasael, thought they should get the man into their hands by guile rather than appear to plunge the country into civil war.

²⁸⁴ τήν τε οὖν ἀπολογίαν τὴν‎ προσδέχεται καὶ πιστεύειν ὑποκρίνεται μηδὲν αὐτὸν περὶ τὸν θάνατον κακουργῆσαι, τάφον τε ἐκόσμει τῷ πατρί. Καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν κεκακωμένην καὶ τὰ νείκη διέλυε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.

²⁸⁴ Therefore, Phasael accepted Malichus's defense and pretended to believe that he had done nothing wrong regarding Antipater’s death, while he busied himself with honoring his father's tomb. Meanwhile, Herod arrived in Samaria, and finding it in a wretched state, he restored it and settled the disputes among its people."

²⁸⁴ so he accepted of Malichus’s defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.

²⁸⁴ So he pretended to accept the defence offered by Malichus and to believe that he had taken no part in the death of Antipater, and built a fine monument for his father. Then Herod also went to Samaria, and when he found it in great distress, he revived the people’s spirits and brought an end to their infighting.

The Promise of the Crown
The text reveals a massive geopolitical secret: the Roman "Liberators" (Cassius and Brutus) had already promised to make Herod King of Judea as early as 43 BCE. This shows that the Romans viewed the Hasmonean High Priest Hyrcanus as a spent force. They wanted a young, pro-Roman military "strongman" to secure the eastern flank while they fought the definitive battle against Antony and Octavian.

The Poisoned Banquet
The murder of Antipater is a classic example of ancient political assassination. Malichus used the ultimate "insider": Hyrcanus’s own cupbearer. By poisoning Antipater at the High Priest's table, Malichus wasn't just killing a rival; he was violating the sacred laws of hospitality and framing the High Priest by association.

The Psychological Split: Herod vs. Phasael
Josephus highlights the different temperaments of the two brothers:

1) Herod (The Lion): His instinct was immediate military retaliation (timōrein). He represents the "new" way of ruling—through overwhelming force.

2) Phasael (The Fox): He feared the optics of "Civil War" (polemou emphyliou). He represents the "old" school of diplomacy—using guile (dolō) and pretending to believe a lie to buy time.

This dynamic would define their partnership until Phasael's eventual suicide in a Parthian prison.

Samaria: Herod’s "Home Away from Home"
While Phasael was dealing with the funeral in Jerusalem, Herod went to Samaria. This is a significant detail. The Samaritans and the Jews were bitter rivals, but Herod cultivated a deep, lifelong bond with the Samaritans. By "restoring" their city and "settling their disputes," he built a loyal power base outside of Jerusalem that would support him for the rest of his life.

The Eulogy for Antipater
Josephus’s praise for Antipater (piety and justice) is somewhat controversial among historians. To many traditional Jews, Antipater was a foreign usurper. However, Josephus (writing for a Roman audience) viewed Antipater as a hero because he maintained the Roman-Jewish alliance. For Josephus, "justice" meant keeping the peace and honoring treaties with the world's superpower.

²⁸⁵ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δ᾽ Ἐνστάσης τῆς ἐν ἑορτῆς παρεγίνετο σὺν τοῖς στρατιώταις εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, καὶ δείσας ὁ ἀνέπεισεν μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ εἰσιέναι. Καὶ πείθεται μὲν , προβέβλητο δὲ αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποκωλύσεως τὸ μὴ δεῖν ὄχλον ἀλλοδαπὸν ἁγνεύοντος εἰσδέχεσθαι τοῦ πλήθους.

²⁸⁵ "Not long afterward, a festival having begun in Jerusalem, Herod arrived at the city with his soldiers. Malichus, being afraid, persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to enter. Hyrcanus was indeed persuaded, putting forward as the reason for the exclusion that it was not proper to admit a foreign mob while the multitude was undergoing ritual purification (hagneuontos).

²⁸⁵ However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves.

²⁸⁵ Not long afterward he went with his soldiers toward the city as Jerusalem was preparing for a festival, and Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus complied and excluded him, on the pretext that a crowd of strangers should not be allowed in while the people were performing their purifications.

²⁸⁶ ὀλίγον δὲ φροντίσας τῶν ἀγγέλων νύκτωρ εἴσεισιν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ φοβερὸς ἦν τῷ , ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ τὴν‎ ὑπόκρισιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδάκρυεν τὸν καὶ ἀνεκαλεῖτο φανερῶς ὡς Φίλος, κρύφα δὲ φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος ἐποιεῖτο.

²⁸⁶ But Herod, paying little heed to the messengers, entered the city by night. He was a source of terror to Malichus, yet the latter did not drop his hypocrisy; instead, he wept for Antipater and openly lamented him as a friend, while secretly maintaining a bodyguard for his own protection.

²⁸⁶ But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night time, and affrighted Malichus; yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice;

²⁸⁶ But Herod disregarded the messengers and entered the city by night; and though Malichus was afraid, he did not cease his hypocrisy but shed tears for Antipater and in a loud voice mourned him as his friend.

²⁸⁷ ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd μὴ ἀπελέγχειν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ προσποίησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ἀνύποπτον ἀντιφιλοφρονεῖσθαι τὸν ΜάλιχονMalichus.	²⁸⁷ It seemed best also to Herod and his associates not to expose Malichus’s pretense, but rather—to avoid suspicion—to return the friendly gestures toward him."
²⁸⁷ but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus’s hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.	²⁸⁷ Herod and his friends thought it inopportune to publicly confront Malichus' hypocrisy, but showed him signs of friendship, to keep him from suspecting them.

The Weaponization of Ritual Purity
Malichus uses a clever legalistic maneuver to keep Herod out. He appeals to Hyrcanus’s role as High Priest by citing the laws of ritual purity (hagneia). During a major festival (likely Passover or Sukkot), the city had to remain ritually "clean." Malichus frames Herod’s professional army as a "foreign mob" (ochlon allodapon) that would defile the sanctity of the pilgrims.

Herod’s Psychological Warfare
Herod’s entry "by night" (nyk tōr) was a calculated move. By ignoring the official ban and appearing suddenly in the city, he signaled that the High Priest's authority was no longer a barrier to him. Josephus notes he was "φοβερὸς" (phoberos—terrible/fearsome) to Malichus. Herod wasn't there to pray; he was there to remind his father’s murderer that the "son of the lion" was now inside the gates.

The Performance of Grief
Malichus’s reaction is a fascinating study in ancient hypocrisy. He "wept" (edakryen) for the man he had poisoned. In the ancient Near East, public lamentation was a powerful social tool. By crying for Antipater, Malichus was attempting to gaslight the public and Herod himself, betting that as long as he played the part of a grieving friend, Herod could not legally strike him without looking like the aggressor.

Mutual Dissimulation
The passage ends with both sides engaging in "ὑπόκρισιν" (hypocrisy/acting). This was a "Mexican Standoff" of etiquette. Herod and his advisors decided to "return the friendly gestures" (antiphilophroneisthai) to keep Malichus "unsuspicious" (anypopton). In political history, this is the most dangerous phase of a rivalry—the moment when everyone is smiling while their hands are on their daggers.

The Military Presence in the City
Herod’s ability to bring soldiers into Jerusalem during a festival highlights the shifting power dynamics. Normally, the presence of an armed "foreign" force would cause a riot among the zealots. Herod’s success in entering and staying shows that he already had a significant portion of the city's garrison or the Roman occupiers' backing.

²⁸⁸ μέντοι περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπέστελλεν, κἀκεῖνος εἰδώς, οἷος εἴη τὸν τρόπον , ἀντεπιστέλλει τιμωρεῖν τῷ πατρί, καὶ λάθρα διαπέμπει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν χιλιάρχους κελεύων αὐτοὺς συμπράττειν δίκαια μέλλοντι πράξειν.

²⁸⁸ "Herod wrote to Cassius regarding the death of his father. Cassius, knowing what sort of man Malichus was, wrote back telling him to avenge his father; he also secretly sent word to the military tribunes at Tyre, commanding them to assist Herod in the just act he was about to perform.

²⁸⁸ However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father’s death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his.

²⁸⁸ Herod, however, sent to Cassius and told him of his father’s murder. Knowing the moral character of Malichus, he replied, promising to avenge his father’s death, and also sent secretly to the officers of his army in Tyre, telling them to help Herod to carry out his justified plan.

²⁸⁹ ὡς δὲ ΛαοδίκειανLaodicea ᾑρηκότος ΚασσίουCassius πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπῄεσαν κοινῇ στεφάνους τε αὐτῷ καὶ χρήματα κομίζοντες, ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν προσεδόκα δώσειν τὸν ΜάλιχονMalichus τιμωρίαν ἐκεῖ γενόμενον,	²⁸⁹ When Cassius had captured Laodicea, and they [the Judean leaders] were all going to him together bringing crowns and money, Herod expected that Malichus would receive his punishment upon arriving there.
²⁸⁹ Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there;	²⁸⁹ When Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all convened to him bringing him garlands and money, and Herod expected Malichus to get his punishment while he was there.

²⁹⁰ ὁ δὲ περὶ τῆς ὑπιδόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα μειζόνων ἐφήπτετο, καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῷ ὁμηρεύοντος ἐν παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἔγνω τοῦτόν τε ὑπεκκλέψαι καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπαίρειν σπεύδοντος ἐπ᾽ τό τε ἔθνος ἀποστήσας αὐτὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν κατέχειν.

²⁹⁰ But Malichus, having become suspicious of the matter near Tyre in Phoenicia, reached for even greater things. Since his son was being held as a hostage in Tyre, he entered the city with the intention of smuggling him out and hurrying back to Judea; his plan was to incite the nation to revolt and seize the supreme power for himself, while Cassius was occupied in his haste to move against Antony.

²⁹⁰ but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself.

²⁹⁰ However, the latter suspected this and being close to Tyre in Phoenicia, planned an even better coup. Since his son was at that time a hostage in Tyre, he entered the city intending to steal him away secretly and then march from there into Judea while Cassius was busy with his campaign against Antony, in order to bring the country into revolt and to win the leadership for himself.

²⁹¹ τοῖς δὲ βεβουλευμένοις ὅ τε δαίμων ἀντέπραξεν καὶ δεινὸς ὢν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν αὐτοῦ‎ κατανοῆσαι, ὃς προεισπέμψας θεράποντα τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν ἐπὶ δείπνου παρασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ ἑστιάσειν αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας προειρήκει, ταῖς δ᾽ ἀληθείαις πρὸς τοὺς χιλιάρχους, ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ πείθει μετὰ ξιφιδίων.

²⁹¹ However, Fortune (ho daimōn) worked against his plans. Herod, being shrewd enough to perceive his intention, sent a servant ahead—ostensibly to prepare a dinner, for he had announced he would host them all—but in reality, he persuaded the military tribunes to come out against Malichus with daggers.

²⁹¹ But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers.

²⁹¹ But the demon opposed his plans. Herod was a shrewd man and perceived his intention and sent a servant there ahead of him, ostensibly to prepare a supper, for he had had said he would give a feast there for them all, but in reality to the army tribunes, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus with their swords.

²⁹² οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεξελθόντες καὶ πλησίον τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ περιτυχόντες ἐπὶ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ κατακεντοῦσι τὸν ἄνδρα. μὲν οὖν ὑπ᾽ τοῦ γεγονότος εἰς ἀφωνίαν ἐτράπη, μόλις δ᾽ ἀνενεγκὼν ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν περὶ , ὅ τι ποτε εἴη τὸ γεγενημένον καὶ τίς ὁ ἀνῃρηκώς.

²⁹² They came out, and encountering him near the city upon the seashore, they stabbed the man to death. Hyrcanus was struck with such amazement at what had happened that he was rendered speechless; but having barely recovered, he asked Herod’s men what had occurred and who it was that had slain Malichus.

²⁹² So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew Malichus;

²⁹² So they went out and met the man on the sea-shore near the city, and there stabbed him. Hyrcanus was so shocked by his event that his speech failed him, and when with some difficulty he had recovered, he asked Herod’s men about the affair and who had killed Malichus.

²⁹³ εἰπόντων δὲ ΚάσσιονCassius τοῦτο προστάξαι, ἐπῄνεσεν τὸ ἔργον, πονηρὸν γὰρ εἶναι πάνυ καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἐπίβουλον. Καὶ ΜάλιχοςMalichus μὲν ταύτην ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰς ἈντίπατρονAntipater παρανομίας δίκην ἐξέτισεν.	²⁹³ When they replied that Cassius had ordered it, he praised the deed, for he said the man was utterly wicked and a conspirator against his country. Thus did Malichus pay the penalty for his lawless crime against Antipater."
²⁹³ and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.	²⁹³ When they said it had been done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action, because Malichus was a real rogue who had conspired against his own country. This was the punishment inflicted upon Malichus for his crime against Antipater.

The Roman "Green Light"
The assassination of Malichus was not a vigilante act; it was a state-sanctioned execution. The role of the military tribunes (chiliarchous) is crucial. In the Roman hierarchy, these were high-ranking officers. By ordering them to assist Herod, Cassius was treating Herod as a Roman magistrate in all but name.

The Trap at Tyre
Tyre was a major Phoenician port city, a "free city" that sat just outside the direct jurisdiction of Judea. Herod used the "Dinner Party" ruse—a classic trope of ancient assassination—to lure Malichus into a vulnerable position. By sending a servant ahead to "prepare the feast," Herod maintained the illusion of hospitality until the very second the daggers appeared.

The Death on the Shore
The setting—the seashore (aigialou)—is highly symbolic. It mirrors the earlier Halicarnassian decree where Jews prayed by the sea. Here, the sea serves as a neutral ground where the Roman soldiers could strike without violating the "sacred" ground of the city proper. The image of the "wicked" Malichus bleeding out on the sand marks the end of the first major challenge to the Herodian family's rise.

Hyrcanus’s "Amazement" (Ekplēxeōs)
Hyrcanus II’s reaction is tragic. He is "speechless" (aphōnian) and "barely recovers" (molis anenenkōn). This highlights his complete loss of control. He was the High Priest and Ethnarch, yet a major political figure was murdered right in front of him by Roman soldiers acting on his subordinate's orders. His eventual "praise" for the deed shows his desperate need to align himself with the winners.

The "Daimōn" of History
Josephus uses the term "ὁ δαίμων" (the spirit/fortune/divine providence) to explain why Malichus failed. In Josephus’s worldview, Herod’s rise was not just due to his own cleverness, but because "Fortune" was shifting away from the Hasmoneans and toward the Herodians. Malichus’s attempt to start a revolt (apostēsas) was seen as a violation of the natural order of Roman-Jewish relations.

²⁹⁴ ΚασσίουCassius δ᾽ ἐκ ΣυρίαςSyria ἀπάραντος ταραχὴ γίνεται κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea· Ἔλιξ γὰρ ὑπολειφθεὶς ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem μετὰ στρατιᾶς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ ΦασάηλονPhasael ὅ τε δῆμος ἔνοπλος ἦν.	²⁹⁴ "When Cassius departed from Syria, turmoil broke out in Judea. For Felix, who had been left in Jerusalem with an army, made an assault upon Phasael, and the common people were in arms.
²⁹⁴ But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms;	²⁹⁴ When Cassius had returned from Syria, disturbances arose in Judea, for Helix, who had been left in Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attack on Phasael and the people rose up in arms.

²⁹⁵ δὲ παρὰ ἐπορεύετο ἐν στρατηγοῦντα, καὶ βουλόμενος προσδραμεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ νόσου κωλύεται, ἕως οὗ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κρείττων Ἔλικος γενόμενος κατακλείει μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς πύργον, εἶτα δὲ ὑπόσπονδον ἀφίησιν, τόν τε ἐμέμφετο πολλὰ μὲν εὖ παθόντα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν συμπράττοντα δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς.

²⁹⁵ Herod was traveling toward Fabius, the governor in Damascus, and although he wished to rush to his brother's aid, he was prevented by a sickness, until Phasael, having gained the upper hand over Felix by his own efforts, shut him up in a tower. Later, he let him go under a truce, but he heavily reproached Hyrcanus, [saying] that although he had received many benefits from them, he was now siding with their enemies.

²⁹⁵ but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother’s assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies;

²⁹⁵ Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, wishing to hurry to his brother’s help, but was held back by an illness that gripped him, until Phasael on his own had defeated Felix and shut him up in the tower and then released him on terms, while complaining of Hyrcanus for supporting the enemy despite the many good turns they had done for him.

²⁹⁶ ὁ γὰρ ἀδελφὸς τότε ἀποστήσας οὐκ ὀλίγα χωρία ἐφρούρει καὶ Μάσαδαν τὸ πάντων ἐρυμνότατον. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦτον ῥαίσας ἐκ τῆς νόσου παραγίνεται καὶ ἀφελόμενος αὐτοῦ‎ πάντα ὅσα εἶχεν χωρία ὑπόσπονδον ἀπέλυσεν.

²⁹⁶ For at that time, the brother of Malichus had incited a revolt and was occupying several fortresses, including Masada, the strongest of them all. When Herod had recovered from his illness, he arrived to face this man, and having taken from him all the places he held, he dismissed him under a truce."

²⁹⁶ for Malichus’s brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also.

²⁹⁶ For the brother of Malichus had got many places to rebel and put garrisons in them and in particular Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. Meanwhile Herod had recovered from his illness and came and took back all the places the enemy had taken, setting terms for them.

The First Mention of Masada
This is one of the earliest references to Masada in Josephus’s history. Before it became the world-famous site of the final Jewish resistance against Rome in 73 CE, it was already recognized as "the strongest of them all" (to pantōn erymnotaton). Its capture by Malichus’s brother shows that the anti-Herodian faction was strategic; they didn't just want the capital, they wanted the "unsinkable" mountain fortresses of the Judean wilderness.

Herod’s Mysterious Illness
Herod’s "sickness" (nosou) at this critical moment is a rare instance of him being sidelined. Herod was famously a man of action, but throughout his life, his physical health often broke down during periods of extreme psychological stress or transition. This delay forced Phasael to prove he could handle a military crisis on his own, which he did with surprising efficiency.

The Enigma of "Felix"
This Felix (not to be confused with the later Roman procurator of the same name) represents the remnants of the Roman "Liberator" army. The fact that a Roman commander left in charge of Jerusalem would turn against the Herodian brothers shows how fragile their "alliance" with Rome truly was. Without a top-tier general like Cassius present, local Roman officers often played both sides for their own profit.

The Betrayal of Hyrcanus
The tension between the Herodian brothers and Hyrcanus II reaches a boiling point here. Phasael openly "reproached" (emempheto) the High Priest. This marks a shift in the relationship: the Herodians were no longer acting as humble servants of the Hasmonean house, but as its rightful masters who were offended by the High Priest’s lack of "gratitude."

The Policy of the "Truce" (Hypospondon)
Interestingly, both Phasael and Herod allowed their defeated enemies (Felix and Malichus's brother) to go free under a truce. This suggests that at this early stage, the Herodians were still trying to win through political reconciliation rather than total extermination. They likely hoped that by being merciful, they could stabilize the country without further Roman intervention.

Chapter 12
[297-323]
Herod wins Judea from Antigonus.
He gains Mark Antony’s friendship, who defends him

☜ ☞

²⁹⁷ δὲ τὸν στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντα καὶ τεθεραπευκότα χρήμασιν ὁ διὰ τὸ κήδευμα. συνεμάχει δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ , ὃν καταλελοίπει τύραννος · τυραννίσι γὰρ διαλαβόντες τὴν‎ οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐφρούρησεν.

²⁹⁷ "Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, having gathered an army and having courted Fabius with money, was brought back [into the region] by Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, on account of their family connection. Marion, whom Cassius had left as tyrant of the Tyrians, also fought as his ally; for that man [Cassius] had divided Syria into various tyrannies and garrisoned them.

²⁹⁷ Now Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant.

²⁹⁷ Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, brought back into Judea Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, who had raised an army and had bribed Fabius with money and enlisted the help of his kinsman Marion, whom Cassius had left as tyrant of Tyre; for after seizing Syria, that man garrisoned it with tyrants.

²⁹⁸ ὁ δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ ὅμορον οὖσαν ἐνέβαλεν καὶ τρία καταλαβὼν ἐρύματα διὰ φρουρᾶς εἶχεν. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἅπαντα μὲν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο, τοὺς δὲ φρουροὺς φιλανθρώπως ἀπέλυσεν ἔστιν οἷς καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὴν‎ πόλιν εὔνουν.

²⁹⁸ Now Marion made an inroad into Galilee, which was adjacent, and having seized three strongholds, he held them with garrisons. But Herod, marching against him, took them all back from him; yet he dismissed the Tyrian guards with benevolence, even giving gifts to some of them because of his goodwill toward their city.

²⁹⁸ Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city.

²⁹⁸ Marion marched into neighbouring Galilee and took and garrisoned three fortresses there. When Herod came, he took them all back but kindly disbanded the Tyrian garrison, even giving gifts to some of the soldiers because of his goodwill to that city.

²⁹⁹ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὑπήντησεν καὶ μάχην αὐτῷ συνάψας νικᾷ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῶν ἄκρων ἐπιβάντα τῆς ἐξέωσεν. εἰς δὲ παραγενόμενον στεφάνοις ἀνέδουν τε καὶ ὁ δῆμος.

²⁹⁹ Having accomplished these things, he met Antigonus, and joining battle with him, he was victorious and drove him out just as he was on the verge of setting foot upon the borders of Judea. When he arrived in Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people crowned him with wreaths.

²⁹⁹ When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head;

²⁹⁹ Having dealt with these matters, he went to meet Antigonus, and fought and defeated him and drove him from Judea as soon as he came to its borders; and when he reached Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people crowned him with garlands.

³⁰⁰ ἐγεγάμβρευτο δ᾽ ἤδη καθ᾽ ὁμολογίαν τῷ γένει καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ‎ προειστήκει μέλλων ἄγεσθαι τὴν‎ τοῦ θυγατέρα, δὲ θυγατριδῆν, ἐξ ἧς πατὴρ μὲν γίνεται τριῶν ἀρρένων, δύο δὲ θηλειῶν. ἦκτο δὲ πρότερον καὶ γυναῖκα δημότιν ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ πρεσβύτατος γίνεται .

³⁰⁰ He had already been betrothed by agreement to the family of Hyrcanus, and for this reason he had more zealously looked after his interests, being about to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus [Mariamne]. By her, he became the father of three sons and two daughters. However, he had previously married a woman of the common people named Doris, of his own nation, by whom his eldest son, Antipater, was born."

³⁰⁰ for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three male and two female children. He had also married before this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

³⁰⁰ He had already arranged a marriage-tie with the family of Hyrcanus and so Herod paid him more respect, being about to marry the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, and granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by whom he became the father of three male and two female children. He had earlier married a commoner of his own nation, named Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

The Hasmonean Civil War 2.0
The conflict here is a continuation of the old feud between Hyrcanus II and his brother Aristobulus II. Antigonus represents the "rebel" line of Aristobulus. To reclaim the throne, he relies on a coalition of local Syrian strongmen (Ptolemy of Chalcis and Marion of Tyre). This shows that the internal Jewish struggle was now a cog in the larger machine of Syrian regional politics.

Herod’s Diplomatic Soft Power
Herod’s treatment of the Tyrian prisoners is a masterstroke of diplomacy. Instead of executing them—the standard practice for invaders—he gives them gifts (dōreas). He understood that Tyre was a powerful maritime neighbor; by buying the loyalty of their soldiers, he ensured that the city would be less likely to support Hasmonean rebels in the future.

The Coronation in Jerusalem
The image of Hyrcanus and the "people" crowning Herod with wreaths (stephanois) is highly symbolic. At this moment, Herod is at the peak of his popularity. He is seen not as a foreign usurper, but as the "Shield of Jerusalem" who had just saved the city from an invasion by a claimant who was backed by foreign tyrants.

Mariamne: The Political Bride
Josephus explicitly links Herod’s military zeal to his upcoming marriage into the Hasmonean royal family. By marrying Mariamne, Herod wasn't just following his heart; he was "laundering" his Idumaean heritage. Through her, his children would carry the sacred bloodline of the Maccabees. This marriage was his ultimate ticket to legitimacy, though it would later become the source of his deepest paranoia.

The Two Families: A Recipe for Disaster
The final sentence introduces Doris and Antipater. This is a classic "foreshadowing" in Josephus’s narrative. By having two families—one "common" (Doris) and one "royal" (Mariamne)—Herod created a house divided against itself. The rivalry between the first-born Antipater and the royal sons of Mariamne would eventually lead to the executions of all three and the total psychological collapse of Herod in his final years.

³⁰¹ μὲν οὖν χειροῦνται Ἀντώνιός τε καὶ περὶ , ὡς καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ νίκην μὲν ἐπ᾽ , δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπῆρεν· γενομένῳ δὲ ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ αἱ πανταχόθεν πρεσβεῖαι.

³⁰¹ "Now Antony and Caesar [Octavian] subdued Cassius near Philippi, as has been recorded by others. After the victory, Caesar departed for Italy, while Antony set out for Asia; when he arrived in Bithynia, embassies met him from every quarter.

³⁰¹ Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all parts.

³⁰¹ Antony and Caesar defeated Cassius near Philippi, as others have reported, and after the victory, Caesar went to Italy, and Antony marched for Asia; and when he arrived in Bithynia envoys came from all parts to meet him.

³⁰² παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews οἱ ἐν τέλει κατηγοροῦντες τῶν περὶ ΦασάηλονPhasael καὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd, πρόσχημα μὲν εἶναι λέγοντες τῆς βασιλείας ὙρκανόνHyrcanus, τούτους δὲ τὴν‎ πᾶσαν ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν.	³⁰² There were also present the leading men of the Jews to accuse Phasael and Herod, claiming that Hyrcanus was merely a figurehead for the kingship, while these men possessed all the actual power.
³⁰² The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power:	³⁰² The leading Jews also arrived there to accuse Phasael and Herod, claiming that while Hyrcanus was the titular king, it was these men who held all the power.

³⁰³ δὲ διὰ πολλῆς εἶχε τιμῆς ἐλθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ἀπολογίᾳ τῶν κατηγορούντων, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνέβη μηδὲ λόγου τυχεῖν τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας· διεπέπρακτο δὲ τοῦτο χρήμασιν παρ᾽ .

³⁰³ But Antony held Herod in great honor when he came to him to defend himself against the accusers; and because of this, it happened that the opposing faction did not even obtain a hearing. Herod had secured this from Antony by means of money.

³⁰³ but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money.

³⁰³ But Antony had great respect for Herod, who came to him to defend himself against his accusers, so that his opponents could not even obtain a hearing; for Herod paid money to Antony for this.

³⁰⁴ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς Ἔφεσον ἧκεν , ἔπεμψεν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ ἡμέτερον πρεσβείαν πρὸς αὐτὸν στέφανόν τε κομίζουσαν χρυσοῦν καὶ παρακαλοῦσαν τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ οὐ νόμῳ πολέμου γράψαντα τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἐλευθέρους ἀπολῦσαι καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν, ἣν ἐν τοῖς καιροῖς ἀφῃρέθησαν, ἀποδοῦναι.

³⁰⁴ When Antony arrived in Ephesus, Hyrcanus the High Priest and our nation sent an embassy to him, bringing a gold crown and requesting that he write to the governors in the provinces to release the Jews who had been taken captive by Cassius—not by the laws of war—and to restore the land which had been taken from them during the times of Cassius.

³⁰⁴ But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them.

³⁰⁴ Again, when Antony reached Ephesus, the high priest Hyrcanus and our nation sent an embassy to him, bringing him a crown of gold and asking him to write to the officers of the provinces, to free the Jews who had been taken prisoner by Cassius against the laws of war, and to restore to them the land taken in the time of Cassius.

³⁰⁵ ταῦτα κρίνας ἈντώνιοςAntony ἀξιοῦν δίκαια τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews παραχρῆμα ἔγραψεν ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews, ἐπέστειλεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ΤυρίοιςTyrians καὶ διάταγμα ἔπεμπε περιέχον ταῦτα.	³⁰⁵ Antony, judging that the Jews were making just requests, immediately wrote to Hyrcanus and the Jews, and he also sent letters to the Tyrians and issued a decree containing these provisions."
³⁰⁵ Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose.	³⁰⁵ Judging that the request of the Jews was justified, Antony immediately wrote to Hyrcanus and to the Jews and at the same time wrote a similar decree to the Tyrians; the contents were as follows:

The Pivot: From Cassius to Antony
The Battle of Philippi (42 BCE) changed everything. Herod had been the right-hand man of Cassius, the loser. In the brutal world of Roman politics, the allies of the defeated were usually executed or stripped of power. Herod’s survival is a testament to his "political chameleon" nature; he successfully convinced Antony that his previous loyalty to Cassius was simply the behavior of a loyal servant to whomever Rome sent to the East.

The Accusation: "Figurehead" vs. "Power"
The Jewish elite (hoi en telei) made a very accurate observation to Antony: Hyrcanus was the "πρόσχημα" (proschēma—mask/pretense), while the Herodian brothers held the "ἐξουσίαν" (exousian—authority/power). This was the core grievance of the traditional Jewish aristocracy. They wanted the Hasmonean High Priest to actually rule, rather than being a puppet for the Idumaean brothers.

The Power of the Bribe
Josephus is quite candid here: Herod secured Antony's favor "χρήμασιν" (chrēmasin—with money). Mark Antony was famously extravagant and perpetually in debt. Herod, having just squeezed Judea for 700 talents to give to Cassius, now used his resources to buy the new Triumvir. This established a pattern: Herod would spend the next three decades buying the friendship of a succession of Roman masters.

Reversing the "Lawless" Slavery
Hyrcanus’s request regarding those enslaved by Cassius is legally clever. He argues they were taken "οὐ νόμῳ πολέμου" (not by the law of war). Since the Jews had been allies of Rome (Julius Caesar), Cassius’s act of selling them into slavery to pay for his rebellion was technically a crime against Roman international law. Antony, eager to cast himself as a "restorer of justice" after the chaos of the civil war, was happy to agree.

Ephesus: The Diplomatic Hub
The fact that this meeting happened in Ephesus is significant. Antony was styling himself as the "New Dionysus" and touring the Greek cities of Asia. By sending a gold crown to Ephesus, the Jewish nation was participating in the standard Hellenistic ritual of "crowning" a victor, signaling their total submission to the new Roman world order.

³⁰⁶ ΜᾶρκοςMark ἈντώνιοςAntony αὐτοκράτωρ ὙρκανῷHyrcanus ἀρχιερεῖ καὶ ἐθνάρχῃ καὶ τῷ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνει χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος.	³⁰⁶ "Marcus Antonius, Imperator, to Hyrcanus, High Priest and Ethnarch, and to the Jewish nation, greeting. If you are in good health, it is well; I also am in good health, along with the army.
³⁰⁶ "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army.	³⁰⁶ "Mark Antony, emperor, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, greetings. If you are in health, it is well; I too am in health, as is the army.

³⁰⁷ Παυσανίου καὶ καὶ πρεσβευταὶ ἐν μοι συντυχόντες τήν τε ἔμπροσθεν ἐν τελεσθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς πρεσβείαν ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τὴν‎ νῦν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σπουδαίως διέθεντο, ἣν ἔχεις εὔνοιαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐμφανίσαντες.

³⁰⁷ Lysimachus son of Pausanias, Josephus son of Mennaeus, and Alexander son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met with me in Ephesus. They renewed the mission previously fulfilled by them in Rome and have now zealously represented the interests of you and your nation, making clear the goodwill you bear toward us.

³⁰⁷ Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us.

³⁰⁷ Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, and Josephus, son of Mennaeus, and Alexander, son of Theodore, have met with me at Ephesus to renew their mission on your behalf and that of your nation as they have already done in Rome and have duly performed their task of declaring your goodwill toward us.

³⁰⁸ πεπεισμένος οὖν καὶ ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν λόγων, ὅτι οἰκειότατα ἔχετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καὶ τὸ ἀραρὸς ὑμῶν ἦθος καὶ θεοσεβὲς κατανοήσας,	³⁰⁸ I am therefore persuaded, both by deeds and words, that you are most closely allied to us, and having observed your stable and god-fearing character, I consider your interests my own.
³⁰⁸ I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own.	³⁰⁸ Convinced by your words and actions, of your cordiality toward us, and knowing that your behaviour is constant and religious, I count on you as belonging on our side.

³⁰⁹ ἴδιον ἥγημαι Καταδραμόντων δὲ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἡμῖν τε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν καὶ μήτε πόλεων μήτε ἡρῴων ἀποσχομένων μήτε ὅρκους οὓς ἐποιήσαντο φυλαξάντων, ἡμεῖς ὡς οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἰδίου μόνον ἀγῶνος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων κοινοῦ, τοὺς αἰτίους καὶ τῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους παρανομιῶν καὶ τῶν εἰς θεοὺς ἁμαρτημάτων ἠμυνάμεθα, δι᾽ ἃ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀπεστράφθαι δοκοῦμεν, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀηδῶς ἐπεῖδεν τὸ ἐπὶ μύσος.

³⁰⁹ For when those who opposed us and the Roman people overran all of Asia, sparing neither cities nor temples, and failing to keep the oaths they had sworn, we—viewing this not merely as a private struggle but as a common one for all mankind—took vengeance upon those responsible for lawless acts against men and sins against the gods. Because of their crimes, the sun itself seemed to turn away, looking with displeasure upon the murder of Caesar.

³⁰⁹ But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar.

³⁰⁹ When our opponents and those of the Roman people overran Asia sparing neither cities nor temples and not observing their sworn agreements we took revenge, not only because of our struggle but also on behalf of all mankind, on those who had been so lawless toward men and so impious toward the gods. Indeed, we imagine that the sun turned aside its light, unwilling to view their terrible outrage against Caesar.

³¹⁰ ἀλλὰ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς αὐτῶν τὰς θεημάχους, ἃς ὑπεδέξατο ἡ Μακεδονία καθάπερ ἴδιος αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀνοσίων τολμημάτων ἀήρ, καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς ἡμιμανοῦς κακοηθείας κατὰ τῆς συνεκρότουν, καὶ τόπους εὐφυεῖς καταλαμβανόμενοι μέχρι θαλάσσης ἀποτετειχισμένους ὄρεσιν, ὡς πύλῃ μιᾷ τὴν‎ πάροδον ταμιεύεσθαι, τῶν θεῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀδίκοις ἐγχειρήμασιν κατεψηφισμένων ἐκρατήσαμεν.

³¹⁰ But we have conquered their god-defying conspiracies, which Macedonia welcomed as if it were a fitting atmosphere for their unholy daring. At Philippi in Macedonia, they organized the confusion of their half-mad malice, seizing advantageous positions fortified by mountains down to the sea, so that the passage was guarded as if by a single gate. Yet, because the gods had condemned them for their unjust attempts, we prevailed.

³¹⁰ We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises.

³¹⁰ We have also foiled the plans that these god-haters hatched in Macedonia, whose atmosphere is notorious for impiety and rashness, and we defeated the half-mad, spiteful rabble that they gathered at Philippi in Macedonia, after seizing suitable places and, as it were, walled around with mountains to the sea, where there was only a single entrance; but we were victorious because the gods condemned those men for their unjust plotting.

³¹¹ καὶ Βροῦτος συμφυγὼν εἰς καὶ συγκλεισθεὶς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκοινώνησεν τῆς ἀπωλείας. τούτων κεκολασμένων εἰρήνης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπολαύσειν ἐλπίζομεν καὶ ἀναπεπαῦσθαι τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου.

³¹¹ Brutus, having fled to Philippi and being hemmed in by us, shared in the destruction of Cassius. Now that they have been punished, we hope to enjoy peace for the future and that Asia may rest from war.

³¹¹ Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war.

³¹¹ Even Brutus, who had fled to Philippi, was shut up by us and shared the fate of Cassius, and now that these have been punished, we expect for the future to enjoy peace and that Asia will have rest from war.

³¹² κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν‎ ὑπὸ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην· ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρειν. ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων.

³¹² We therefore make the peace given to us by God common also to our allies; just as if the body of Asia were now recovering from a great sickness through our victory. Therefore, bearing you and your nation in mind, I shall see to it that your interests are increased.

³¹² We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage.

³¹² Therefore we want to share with our allies the peace God has given us, so that by our victory the body of Asia can recover from its illness; and bearing you and your nation in mind, I am concerned to maximize whatever is for your benefit.

³¹³ ἐξέθηκα δὲ καὶ γράμματα κατὰ πόλεις, ὅπως εἴ τινες ἐλεύθεροι ἢ δοῦλοι ὑπὸ δόρυ ἐπράθησαν ὑπὸ ἢ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀπολυθῶσιν οὗτοι, τοῖς τε ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δοθεῖσιν καὶ φιλανθρώποις χρῆσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι. τε κωλύω βιαίους εἶναι περὶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ὅσα κατέχουσιν ταῦτα ἀποκαταστῆσαι κελεύω. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ὃν ἔπεμψας ἐδεξάμην.

³¹³ I have also posted edicts throughout the cities, so that if any persons—whether free or slave—were sold at auction by Gaius Cassius or those under his command, they shall be released. I desire that you enjoy the privileges granted to you by me and by Dolabella. I forbid the Tyrians from acting violently toward you, and I command them to restore whatever Jewish possessions they hold. The crown you sent, I have accepted."

³¹³ I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me."

³¹³ I have also written letters to the various cities, that all persons, whether freemen or slaves, who were sold under the spear by Gaius Cassius or his subordinates are to be freed, and I want you to avail of the favours granted to you by Dolabella and myself. Furthermore, I forbid the Tyrians to be violent toward you and order them to restore any Jewish property they now occupy. I have also accepted the crown which you sent me."

The "Eclipse" of Caesar
Antony uses powerful religious imagery, claiming the "sun turned away" (ton hēlion apestraphthai) after the assassination of Julius Caesar. This refers to the famous solar phenomena of 44 BCE, which the Romans interpreted as nature's mourning. By linking the Jewish cause to the "avenging" of this cosmic crime, Antony is pulling the Jews into the inner circle of the new Caesarian world order.

The Battle of Philippi as "Holy War"
Antony describes his enemies (Brutus and Cassius) as "theomachous" (theēmachous—fighting against God) and their malice as "half-mad" (hēmimanous). This wasn't just a civil war to Antony; it was an exorcism of "unholy daring." By praising the Jews for being "theosebes" (god-fearing), he creates a direct contrast between the "pious" Jews and the "godless" Roman assassins.

Asia as a "Sick Body"
The metaphor of Asia as a body recovering from a great sickness (hōsper ek nosou megalēs) is a brilliant piece of political rhetoric. It justifies Roman intervention as "healing." It also subtly reminds Hyrcanus that the "sickness" (Cassius’s heavy taxation and enslavement) was brought on by the rebels, and the "cure" (freedom and restored lands) is a gift from Antony alone.

Direct Action Against Tyre
The letter mentions the Tyrians specifically. As we saw in previous chapters, the Tyrians had seized Galilean fortresses during the chaos. Antony’s command to "restore whatever they hold" shows that he was willing to act as the supreme arbiter of local border disputes to keep his Jewish allies happy.

Legal Continuity (Dolabella)
Antony explicitly confirms the "benevolence" (philanthrōpois) granted by Dolabella. This is crucial for Josephus’s readers. It shows that despite the civil wars and the change in leaders, Roman law remained a consistent "shield." Antony wasn't creating a new policy; he was restoring the "correct" one established by Caesar's party.

³¹⁴ αὐτοκράτωρ ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐμφανισάντων μοι ἐν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου πρεσβευτῶν καὶ χώραν αὐτῶν ὑμᾶς κατέχειν λεγόντων, εἰς ἣν ἐνέβητε κατὰ τὴν‎ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων ἡμῖν ἐπικράτειαν,

³¹⁴ "Marcus Antonius, Imperator, to the magistrates, council, and people of Tyre, greeting. Since the ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the High Priest and Ethnarch, met with me in Ephesus and stated that you are in possession of their territory, into which you made inroads during the supremacy of our opponents;

³¹⁴ "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries.

³¹⁴ "Mark Antony, emperor, to the officers, council and people of Tyre, greetings. The envoys of the high priest and ethnarch, Hyrcanus, came to me in Ephesus and told me that you are occupying part of their country, which you acquired under the government of our opponents.

³¹⁵ ἐπεὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας πόλεμον ἀνεδεξάμεθα καὶ τῶν εὐσεβῶν καὶ δικαίων ποιούμενοι πρόνοιαν ἠμυνάμεθα τοὺς μήτε χάριτος ἀπομνημονεύσαντας μήτε ὅρκους φυλάξαντας, βούλομαι καὶ τὴν‎ ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰρήνην τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν ὑπάρχειν καὶ ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐλάβετε ἀνταγωνιστῶν μὴ συγχωρεῖν, [ἀλλὰ] ταῦτα ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις.

³¹⁵ Since we have undertaken the war on behalf of the Empire (hēgemonias), and, exercising foresight for what is pious and just, have taken vengeance upon those who remembered no gratitude nor kept their oaths, it is my will that our allies should enjoy peace from you as well. I do not permit you to retain whatever you received from our antagonists, but command that these things be restored to those from whom they were taken.

³¹⁵ Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them;

³¹⁵ Since we have fought a war to obtain the leadership and have acted piously and justly in punishing those who had forgotten the favours they had received, and had broken their oaths, I want you to be at peace with our allies; and, that what you have taken with the help of our opponents shall not be reckoned as yours, but be returned to those from whom you took them.

³¹⁶ οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνων οὐθεὶς οὔτε στρατόπεδα τῆς συγκλήτου δούσης ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ βίᾳ καθαρπάσαντες ἐχαρίσαντο βιαίως τοῖς πρὸς ἃ ἠδίκουν χρησίμοις αὐτοῖς γινομένοις.	³¹⁶ For none of those [opponents] received provinces or armies by the gift of the Senate; rather, having seized them by force, they distributed them—likewise by force—to those who were useful to them in their unjust deeds.
³¹⁶ for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings.	³¹⁶ For none of them got their provinces or their armies by gift of the senate, but they seized them by force and bestowed them by violence on those who helped them in their wrongdoings.

³¹⁷ δίκην οὖν αὐτῶν δεδωκότων τούς τε συμμάχους τοὺς ἡμετέρους ὅσα ποτ᾽ εἶχον ἀξιοῦμεν ἀκωλύτους διακατέχειν καὶ ὑμᾶς, εἴ τινα χωρία ὄντα τοῦ ἐθνάρχου πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἢ πόλεμον οὐ συγκεχωρημένον ἐπάγοντα ἐπιβῆναι τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἡμῶν νῦν ἔχετε, ἀποδοῦναι αὐτῷ βίαν τε αὐτοῖς μηδεμίαν προσφέρειν ἐπὶ τῷ ἀσθενεῖς αὐτοὺς ποιεῖν τῶν ἰδίων δεσπόζειν.

³¹⁷ Therefore, since they have now paid the penalty, we demand that our allies possess all that they formerly held without hindrance. If you now hold any places belonging to Hyrcanus, the Ethnarch of the Jews, into which Gaius Cassius entered a single day before he brought an unauthorized war upon our province, you are to restore them to him. You are to offer them no violence so as to make them too weak to be masters of their own property.

³¹⁷ Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his own;

³¹⁷ Now since these have been duly punished, we want our allies to retain without disturbance whatever they formerly possessed and that you restore all the places belonging to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have held, even if only for one day before Gaius Cassius began an unlawful war against us and entered our province. Do not use any force against them to weaken them or prevent them from disposing of what is their own.

³¹⁸ εἰ δέ τινα ἔχετε πρὸς αὐτὸν δικαιολογίαν, ὅταν ἔλθωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐξέσται ὑμῖν ταύτῃ χρήσασθαι, ἡμῶν ἕκαστα τοῖς συμμάχοις ὁμοίως τοῖς κρίμασιν φυλασσόντων.	³¹⁸ If you have any legal claim against him, it will be permitted for you to use it when we arrive in those regions, for we shall preserve for our allies all things according to our judgments."
³¹⁸ but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates."	³¹⁸ If you have any conflict with him about your respective rights, you may plead your case when we come to the places in question, for we shall safeguard all the rights and hear the cases of our allies."

The Legal Definition of "Rebellion"
Antony makes a crucial legal distinction: the actions of Brutus and Cassius were "unauthorized" (ou synkechōrēmenon). To the Romans, legitimacy came from the Senate. Because Cassius didn't have a senatorial mandate, every gift or land-grant he made to the Tyrians was legally "null and void." Antony is essentially declaring a "reversion to the status quo ante bellum" (the state before the war).

"A Single Day Before"
Antony’s phrasing is incredibly specific: "πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας" (before a single day). He is setting a hard chronological "cutoff" point. Anything seized since the moment Cassius set foot in the province is considered stolen property. This prevented the Tyrians from arguing that they had "ancient rights" to the land that Cassius simply "confirmed."

The Tyrian "Strong-Arm" Tactics
Antony warns the Tyrians not to use "βίαν" (violence) to make the Jews "ἀσθενεῖς" (weak/infirm). This suggests that the Tyrians weren't just occupying land; they were likely harassing Jewish farmers and local administrators to prevent them from "mastering their own property." Antony recognizes that without Roman muscle, the small Jewish state would be bullied by its larger, more militarized neighbor.

The "Deferred Trial" Strategy
Antony offers the Tyrians a "carrot" at the end: if they have a real "δικαιολογίαν" (legal justification) for the land, they can present it when he arrives in person. This is classic Roman diplomacy. He forces the immediate return of the land to keep his Jewish allies happy, but he leaves a legal door open for the Tyrians so they don't feel entirely backed into a corner and tempted to revolt.

Antony as the "New Caesar"
By emphasizing that he is exercising "πρόνοιαν" (foresight/providence) for the "εὐσεβῶν καὶ δικαίων" (pious and just), Antony is positioning himself as the legitimate heir to Julius Caesar's role as the "Benefactor of the Jews." He is telling the East: "The chaos is over; the Protector has returned."

³¹⁹ αὐτοκράτωρ ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. διάταγμα ἐμὸν ἀπέσταλκα πρὸς ὑμᾶς, περὶ οὗ βούλομαι ὑμᾶς φροντίσαι, ἵνα αὐτὸ εἰς τὰς δημοσίας ἐντάξητε δέλτους γράμμασι Ῥωμαικοῖς καὶ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἐπιφανεστάτῳ ἔχητε αὐτὸ γεγραμμένον, ὅπως ὑπὸ πάντων δύνηται.

³¹⁹ "Marcus Antonius, Imperator, to the magistrates, council, and people of Tyre, greeting. I have sent to you my decree, which I desire you to take care of, so that you may register it in your public records in both Roman and Greek letters, and have it inscribed in the most conspicuous place, so that it may be read by all.

³¹⁹ "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all.

³¹⁹ "Mark Antony, emperor, to the officers, council and people of Tyre, greetings. I have sent you my decree, and will that you have it engraved on the public tablets, in Roman and Greek letters and have it very publicly displayed, so as to be read by all.

³²⁰ αὐτοκράτωρ τριῶν ἀνδρῶν καταστάντων περὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων εἶπεν· ἐπεὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὑποστάσει ἀλλοτρίαν ἐπαρχίαν κατεχομένην ὑπὸ στρατοπέδων καὶ συμμάχους ὄντας διήρπασεν καὶ ἐξεπολιόρκησεν τὸ ἔθνος φίλον ὑπάρχον τοῦ δήμου,

³²⁰ Marcus Antonius, Imperator, one of the Triumvirs appointed for the regulation of public affairs, has declared: Since Gaius Cassius, by this [rebellion], seized a foreign province occupied by armies and plundered our allies, and besieged the Jewish nation, which is a friend of the Roman people;

³²⁰ Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war;

³²⁰ Mark Antony, emperor, one of the triumvirate in charge of public affairs, declares: Since his revolt, Gaius Cassius has pillaged a province of our allies not belonging to him, which was held by military camps, and has pillaged and besieged as in war the nation of the Jews which is friendly toward the Roman people,

³²¹ τὴν‎ ἀπόνοιαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατήσαντες διατάγμασιν καὶ κρίμασιν ἐπανορθούμεθα τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διηρπασμένα, ὥστε ἀποκατασταθῆναι ταῦτα τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν· καὶ ὅσα ἐπράθη ἤτοι σώματα ἢ κτῆσις ταῦτα ἀφεθήτω, τὰ μὲν σώματα ἐλεύθερα, ὡς ἦν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, ἡ δὲ κτῆσις τοῖς πρότερον κυρίοις.

³²¹ Having overcome his madness by force of arms, we are now correcting by decrees and judgments the things he plundered, so that they may be restored to our allies. And whatever was sold belonging to the Jews—whether it be the persons of Jews or their possessions—let these be released: the persons to be free, as they were from the beginning, and the possessions to the former owners.

³²¹ and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners.

³²¹ and since we have defeated his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and edicts what he has ravaged, that those things be restored to our allies. All Jewish property that was sold, whether bodies or goods, must be restored, the bodies to their former freedom and the possessions to their former owners.

³²² τὸν δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα τῷ ἐμῷ διατάγματι δίκην συστήσασθαι βούλομαι, κἂν ἁλῷ τότε κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ πράγματος ἀξίαν μελήσει μοι ἐπεξελθεῖν τὸν οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα.	³²² If anyone does not obey my decree, I desire that a legal action be brought against him; and if he is convicted, it shall be my concern to pursue the one who disobeyed according to the gravity of the offense.
³²² I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment."	³²² I will that anyone who does not comply with this decree be punished for his disobedience, and if caught, I will see that the offender suffers the due penalty."

³²³ Τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Σιδωνίοις καὶ καὶ Ἀραδίοις ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους.

³²³ He wrote the same things also to the Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians. We have set these things forth in their proper place as evidence of the foresight (pronoias) which we claim the Romans have exercised on behalf of our nation."

³²³ The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.

³²³ Antony wrote the same to the Sidonians and the Antiochians and the Aradians. We have quoted these decrees to illustrate for the future the truth of what we have said, that the Romans showed great concern for our nation.

The Power of "Bilingual" Law
Antony commands the decree to be written in "γράμμασι Ῥωμαϊκοῖς καὶ Ἑλληνικοῖς" (Latin and Greek letters). This was standard for major imperial edicts but carries weight here. It ensured that both the Roman garrison and the local Greek-speaking population had zero excuse for "not understanding" the law. By placing it in the "most conspicuous place" (epiphanestatō), Antony turned the city square into a permanent legal reminder of Jewish rights.

The Title of the "Triumvir"
Antony officially identifies himself as one of the "τριῶν ἀνδρῶν" (triumviri). This is the "Second Triumvirate" (Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus). By using this formal title, he is signaling that he isn't just a general with an army; he has the constitutional authority to "regulate public affairs." This gave his decrees a level of permanence that the "unauthorized" actions of Cassius lacked.

"Madness" as a Legal Category
Antony describes Cassius's rebellion as "τὴν ἀπόνοιαν" (aponoian—madness/recklessness). In Roman political rhetoric, calling a rival "mad" was a way to delegitimize everything they did. If Cassius was "insane," then his sale of Jewish slaves wasn't just a bad policy—it was a legal nullity that had to be corrected to restore the natural order.

Personal Accountability: "It Shall Be My Concern"
The threat at the end is very personal: "μελήσει μοι" (it shall be my care/concern). Antony is telling the local mayors of Tyre and Sidon that if they don't release Jewish slaves or return land, they won't just be dealing with a local court—they will be answering directly to the Triumvir himself. In the Roman East, there was no more terrifying threat.

A Regional Blanket Policy
Josephus notes that Antony sent these same orders to Sidon, Antioch, and Aradus. These were the major power centers of the Levant. By blanketing the region with these decrees, Antony effectively ended the "free-for-all" where neighboring cities had been carving up Judean territory.

Josephus’s Final "Receipt"
Josephus ends by calling these documents "τεκμήρια" (tekmēria—proofs/evidence). He is obsessed with proving to his readers that the Jewish relationship with Rome was not one of "rebellion" (like the war of 70 CE), but one of "foresight" (pronoias) and "friendship." He wants his Roman readers to see that their own greatest heroes—like Mark Antony—once viewed the Jews as their most "stable and god-fearing" allies.

Chapter 13
[324-369]
Antony makes Herod and Phasael "tetrarchs."
Herod’s hardships from the Parthians;
his flight to Masada

☜ ☞

³²⁴ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰς παραγενομένου περὶ ἐντυχοῦσα δι᾽ ἔρωτος αὐτὸν ἐκεχείρωτο. Καὶ δὴ πάλιν ἑκατὸν οἱ δυνατώτατοι παραγίνονται πρὸς αὐτὸν κατηγοροῦντες καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν προστησάμενοι σφῶν τοὺς δεινοτάτους λέγειν.

³²⁴ "After these things, when Antony arrived in Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia and held him captive through his love for her. And then once more, a hundred of the most powerful Jews arrived to see him, accusing Herod and his associates, having put forward the most skilled speakers among them.

³²⁴ When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak.

³²⁴ When Antony later came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia and got him to fall in love with her. At this time too, a hundred of the most influential Jews came to accuse Herod and his circle and assigned the most eloquent of them to speak.

³²⁵ ἀντέλεγεν δὲ αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν νεανίσκων παρόντος καὶ , ὃς κηδεστὴς ἐτύγχανεν ἤδη γεγενημένος. ἀκροασάμενος δὲ ἀμφοτέρων ἐπὶ πυνθάνεται , πότεροι τοῦ ἔθνους ἄμεινον προίστανται·

³²⁵ But Messala spoke against them on behalf of the young men [Herod and Phasael] in the presence of Hyrcanus, who by then had already become their relative by marriage. After hearing both sides at Daphne, Antony asked Hyrcanus which of them governed the nation better.

³²⁵ But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod’s father-in-law already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best. He replied, Herod and his friends.

³²⁵ But Messala spoke against them, on behalf of the young men, in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was already Herod’s father-in-law. After hearing both sides at Daphne, Antony asked Hyrcanus who could best rule the nation,

³²⁶ φήσαντος δὲ τοὺς περὶ , καὶ πάλαι οἰκείως ἔχων πρὸς αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν ξενίαν, ἣν ἡνίκα σὺν παρῆν ἐπεποίητο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν, τούτους μὲν ἀμφοτέρους τετράρχας καθίστησιν καὶ τὰ αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέπει πράγματα, γράφει δὲ καὶ γράμματα Πεντεκαίδεκα τῶν ἀντιστασιαστῶν ἔδησεν, μέλλοντος δὲ καὶ κτείνειν αὐτοὺς παρῃτήσαντο οἱ περὶ .

³²⁶ When he replied that it was Herod and his associates, Antony—who already had a long-standing friendship with them because of the hospitality (xenia) he had shared with their father when he was there with Gabinius—appointed both of them Tetrarchs and entrusted the affairs of the Jews to them. He also wrote letters [to this effect] and imprisoned fifteen of the opposition; he was even intending to kill them, but Herod and his brother interceded for them."

³²⁶ Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.

³²⁶ and he answered, Herod and his friends. So Antony, because of the old hospitable friendship he had with their father when he was with Gabinius, made both Herod and Phasael tetrarchs and entrusted them with ruling the Jews and wrote letters to that purpose. He also imprisoned fifteen of their opponents and was going to kill them, but Herod had them pardoned.

The Entrance of Cleopatra
Josephus mentions Cleopatra almost as a force of nature. Her "capturing" of Antony through love (di' erōtos) in Cilicia is the famous historical pivot that distracted Antony from his administrative duties. However, for Herod, this was a dangerous development; Cleopatra would eventually become one of his most persistent enemies, constantly trying to slice off portions of his kingdom for herself.

The Legal Duel at Daphne
Daphne was a luxurious suburb of Antioch, famous for its groves and temples. The Jewish elite sent their "most skilled speakers" (deinotatous legein), but Herod countered with Messala Corvinus, one of the most famous Roman orators of the age. This shows Herod’s brilliance: he didn't just argue as a Jew; he hired the best Roman legal "shark" to frame his defense in terms Antony would respect.

The "Trap" Question
Antony’s question to Hyrcanus was a classic political trap. By asking the High Priest who "governs better," he forced Hyrcanus to choose between his traditional aristocracy and the men who actually kept him in power. Hyrcanus’s endorsement of Herod was the final nail in the coffin for the protesters; they couldn't claim Herod was a usurper if the rightful High Priest publicly preferred him.

The "Gabinius" Connection
Josephus reveals a key piece of "backstory." Antony’s loyalty to Herod wasn't just about the recent bribes; it went back to 57–55 BCE, when Antony was a young cavalry commander serving under Gabinius. During that campaign, Herod’s father, Antipater, had provided vital supplies and intelligence. Antony viewed his support of Herod as a matter of Roman "xenia" (sacred guest-friendship), a bond that Romans took very seriously.

From Governors to "Tetrarchs"
This is a formal promotion. By naming them Tetrarchs (tetrarchas), Antony officially integrated Herod and Phasael into the Roman provincial hierarchy. They were no longer just "helpers" of the High Priest; they were now Roman-appointed rulers with their own legal jurisdiction.

The "Mercy" of the Herodians
Antony’s impulse was to execute the leaders of the opposition. The fact that Herod and Phasael "interceded" (parētēsanto) to save them was a calculated move. It made them look like the "reasonable" parties compared to the "angry" Roman general. It also avoided creating martyrs—at least for the moment.

³²⁷ Ἠρέμουν δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπανελθόντες ἐκ τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀλλ᾽ πάλιν χίλιοι εἰς ἐκεῖ δόξαντι ἀφικέσθαι. Καὶ ὁ πολλοῖς διεφθαρμένος ἤδη χρήμασιν ὑπό τε καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ κατὰ τόπον ἄρχοντι προσέταξεν κολάσαι τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς τῶν νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμοῦντας πραγμάτων καὶ τοῖς περὶ συγκαθιστάναι τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.

³²⁷ "But even so, those who had returned from the embassy did not remain quiet; instead, a thousand of them met Antony again at Tyre, where he was expected to arrive. Antony, having already been corrupted by much money from Herod and his brother, commanded the local governor to punish the Jewish ambassadors, on the grounds that they were desiring a revolution (neōterōn pragmatōn) and to establish the rule of Herod and his associates.

³²⁷ Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod;

³²⁷ However, on their return these men did not stay in peace, but a thousand of the Jews came to meet Antony in Tyre where he was expected to come. But corrupted by the money Herod and his brother had given him, Antony ordered the ruler of the place to punish the Jewish envoys who were asking for change, and to settle the leadership on Herod.

³²⁸ ταχὺ δὲ , ἵδρυντο γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ψάμμου πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, προιὼν ἀπιέναι παρεκελεύετο, συνῆν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ , ὡς μεγάλου κακοῦ εἰ προέλθοιεν εἰς φιλονεικίαν ἐσομένου. Καὶ οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἐπείθοντο.

³²⁸ Now Herod, as they were stationed upon the sand before the city, went out to them and urged them to depart—Hyrcanus was also with them—warning them that a great evil would result if they proceeded into a conflict. But they would not be persuaded.

³²⁸ but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them if they went on with their accusation.

³²⁸ Then Herod went out quickly along with Hyrcanus to meet them on the strand outside the city, and advised them to leave, for they would suffer great harm if they went on with their accusation, but they would not yield.

³²⁹ παραχρῆμα δ᾽ ἐκδραμόντες σὺν ἐγχειριδίοις τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν, πλείους δὲ κατέτρωσαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διαφυγόντες ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἡσύχαζον. τοῦ δὲ δήμου καταβοῶντος παροξυνθεὶς τοὺς δεδεμένους ἀπέκτεινεν.

³²⁹ Immediately, the Romans rushed out with daggers; they killed some of them and wounded many more, while the rest fled and remained quiet at home. When the common people continued to cry out against Herod, Antony was so provoked that he executed those he held in chains."

³²⁹ But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.

³²⁹ All of a sudden the Romans assaulted them with their daggers, killing some of them and wounding still more, and the rest fled away home and stayed quiet. When the people complained against Herod, Antony was so provoked that he killed the prisoners.

From 100 to 1,000: Escalation
The opposition realized that their "elite" embassy of 100 speakers had failed at Daphne. In response, they pivoted to a mass protest of 1,000 men. This was no longer a legal challenge; it was an attempt at "people power" intended to intimidate Antony by showing the sheer scale of anti-Herodian sentiment.

The "Sand" Before the City
Josephus provides a vivid topographical detail: the protesters were "ἐπὶ τῆς ψάμμου" (upon the sand). Because they were barred from the city of Tyre itself (a Roman-aligned city-state), they were camped on the beaches outside the walls. This made them tactically vulnerable, as they had no cover when the Roman legionaries made their charge.

The Label of "Revolutionary" (Neōterōn)
Antony justifies the violence by labeling the protesters as seekers of "νεωτέρων πραγμάτων" (literally "newer things," the standard Greek idiom for revolution or coup). By framing a peaceful protest as a violent insurrection, Antony gave his soldiers the legal "green light" to treat the ambassadors as enemy combatants.

Hyrcanus’s Futile Mediation
The presence of Hyrcanus II on the beach is heartbreaking. The High Priest was trying to act as a buffer, begging his own people to leave for their own safety. It shows how completely he had lost control of his nation: the people no longer obeyed their High Priest, and the Romans no longer waited for his permission to draw their swords.

Antony’s Final "Provocation"
The passage ends with a chilling act of summary execution. When the people in Jerusalem (or those who fled) continued to "καταβοῶντος" (cry out/protest) against Herod, Antony didn't just ignore them—he killed the 15 prisoners he had "saved" in the previous chapter. This was a clear message: criticizing Herod is now a capital offense against Rome.

The End of the Legal Path
This massacre marks the end of the Jewish aristocracy's attempt to use the Roman legal system to remove Herod. From this point forward, the anti-Herodian movement would realize that "words" were useless against "Herod’s gold." The next time they challenged him, it would not be with ambassadors in Tyre, but with Parthian cataphracts and iron spears.

³³⁰ Δευτέρῳ δ᾽ ἔτει κατέσχον τε ὁ βασιλέως παῖς καὶ σατράπης ὢν . τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ ὁ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ παραλαβὼν διαπράττεται φιλίαν πρὸς τὸν , πρὸς τοῦτο χρήσιμον τὸν σατράπην παραλαβὼν μέγα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ δυνάμενον.

³³⁰ "In the second year, Pacorus, the King's son, and Barzapharnes, a satrap of the Parthians, seized Syria. At this time, Ptolemy son of Mennaeus also died, and his son Lysanias, having taken over the rule, established a friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, employing the satrap [Barzapharnes] for this purpose, as he had great influence with him.

³³⁰ Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia’s son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him.

³³⁰ In the second year, Pacorus, the son of the king of Parthia and Barzapharnes, general of the Parthians, captured Syria. Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, was by now dead, and Lysanias his son succeeded him and made a pact of friendship with Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, through the satrap, who was of great help to him.

³³¹ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus δ᾽ ὑπισχνεῖτο χίλια τάλαντα καὶ πεντακοσίας γυναῖκας δώσειν ΠάρθοιςParthians, εἰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀφελόμενοι παραδώσουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀνέλοιεν.	³³¹ Antigonus promised to give the Parthians one thousand talents and five hundred women, if they would take the government away from Hyrcanus and deliver it to him, and if they would kill Herod and his associates.
³³¹ Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod.	³³¹ For Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women, if they could take the leadership from Hyrcanus and give it to him, and do away with Herod’s group.

³³² οὐ μὴν ἔδωκεν· ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ΠάρθοιParthians διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐστράτευσαν κατάγοντες ἈντίγονονAntignus, ΠάκοροςPacorus μὲν διὰ τῆς παραθαλαττίου, ὁ δὲ σατράπης ΒαζαφράνηςBarzapharnes διὰ τῆς μεσογείου.	³³² He did not, however, give these things [up front]; but the Parthians, for this reason, marched against Judea to restore Antigonus—Pacorus by way of the coastal route, and the satrap Barzapharnes through the inland route.
³³² And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through the midland.	³³² In fact he did not give them what he promised, but still the Parthians invaded Judea on his behalf, taking Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the coastal area and general Barzapharnes through the centre.

³³³ μὲν οὖν ἀποκλείουσι , δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαεῖς ἐδέξαντο. ἴλην μέντοι ἱππέων εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξέπεμψεν κατασκεψομένην τε τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ συμπράξουσαν, ἡγεμόνα τε ὁμώνυμον τοῦ βασιλέως οἰνοχόον.

³³³ Now the Tyrians shut their gates against Pacorus, but the Sidonians and Ptolemaeans received him. Pacorus then sent a troop of horsemen into Judea to scout the country and assist Antigonus; the commander was the King's cupbearer, who shared the same name [Pacorus].

³³³ Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king’s butler, of the same name with himself.

³³³ The Tyrians kept Pacorus out, but the Sidontans and the Ptolemaians received him. Then Pacorus sent a troop of cavalry into Judea, to see the state of the country and to help Antigonus, sending also the royal wine-waiter, who had the same name as himself.

³³⁴ ἐκ δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸ ὄρος πρὸς ἐλθόντων καὶ συνεισβαλεῖν ἑτοίμως ἐχόντων, προσεδόκα δὲ τῆς χώρας μέρος τι λαβεῖν ὁ , δρυμοὶ δὲ τὸ χωρίον καλεῖται, καί τινων ὑπαντιασάντων αὐτοὺς διεκπίπτουσιν εἰς οἱ ἄνθρωποι. προσγενομένων δέ τινων πολλοὶ συστραφέντες ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἧκον καὶ ταῦτα ἐπολιόρκουν.

³³⁴ When some Jews from around Mount Carmel came to Antigonus and were ready to join the invasion—for Antigonus hoped to seize a certain part of the territory (the place is called Drymus) [The Oak Forest]—some people met them and they broke through into Jerusalem. As more joined them, a great multitude gathered, went to the palace, and began to besiege it.

³³⁴ So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the king’s palace, and besieged it.

³³⁴ When the Jews who lived near Mount Carmel came to Antigonus and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped with their help to win part of the country, a place called Drymi. Then when some people joined them, they made a surprise attack on Jerusalem, and when even more had joined him, a large number gathered and came and besieged the king’s palace.

³³⁵ προσβοηθούντων δὲ τῶν περὶ καὶ καὶ μάχης γενομένης κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀγορὰν νικῶσιν οἱ νεανίσκοι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ συνδιώξαντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν πέμπουσιν τινὰς εἰς τὰς πλησίον οἰκίας φρουρήσοντας αὐτάς, οὓς ἐπαναστὰς ὁ δῆμος συμμάχων ὄντας ἐρήμους σὺν αὐτοῖς οἴκοις κατέπρησεν.

³³⁵ But when Phasael and Herod came to the rescue and a battle took place in the Marketplace, the young men defeated the enemy; having driven them into the Temple, they sent some soldiers into the nearby houses to guard them. But the common people rose up and, finding the soldiers isolated, burned them to death along with the houses.

³³⁵ But as Phasaelus’s and Herod’s party came to the other’s assistance, and a battle happened between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the houses with them, by the people who rose up against them.

³³⁵ When Phasael’s and Herod’s party came to the help of the defender's, a battle was fought in the public square, and the young men beat their enemies and pursued them into the temple and sent some warriors into the adjoining houses to blockade them. But being short of support, these were burned within the houses by the people who rose up against them.

³³⁶ ὑπὲρ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀδικίας ταύτης ἩρώδηςHerod μετ᾽ ὀλίγον τιμωρίαν παρὰ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν λαμβάνει συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας.	³³⁶ For this outrage, Herod shortly afterward took vengeance upon the opposition, joining battle with them and killing many of them."
³³⁶ But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number of them.	³³⁶ Soon afterward Herod took revenge on these rebels for this wrong, when he met them in battle and killed many of them.

The Parthian Superpower
The Parthian Empire was Rome’s only true peer. In 40 BCE, they took advantage of the Roman civil wars to sweep across the Euphrates. Pacorus was a brilliant prince, and his invasion nearly ended Roman influence in the East forever. For the Jews, the Parthians weren't just invaders; they were seen by many as "liberators" who would remove the Roman-backed Idumaeans.

A Contract in Blood and Women
The bribe Antigonus offered was staggering: 1,000 talents and 500 women. The mention of women as a commodity of war is a chilling reminder of the era's brutality. These women were likely intended to be high-status Hasmonean or Herodian daughters and wives, given as "prizes" or hostages to the Parthian nobility to seal the alliance.

The Pincer Movement
Josephus details a sophisticated military strategy: a two-pronged invasion.

1) One force moved down the coast (The Via Maris).

2) The other force moved through the interior (The Central Ridge).

This effectively cut off Jerusalem from receiving aid from any Roman garrisons in the north or west.

Urban Warfare in Jerusalem
The battle in the Marketplace and the siege of the Palace show that Jerusalem had become a sectarian war zone. The "common people" (ho dēmos) were largely pro-Hasmonean and anti-Herod. The horrific detail of the citizens burning Herod’s soldiers alive in their houses illustrates the level of hatred the population felt for Herod's professional mercenary force.

Mount Carmel and the "Oak Forest" (Drymus)
The mention of Mount Carmel and Drymus shows that Antigonus had strong support in the rural north. The Jews from Carmel weren't just rebels; they were irregular militias joining a formal invasion force. This highlights that Herod's control over Galilee—his original power base—was collapsing in the face of the Hasmonean return.

The "Cupbearer" General
Notice the commander of the cavalry was the King's Cupbearer (oinocheon). In the Persian and Parthian courts, the cupbearer was not a servant, but a high-ranking official of extreme trust who had the King's ear. Sending such a high-status official shows how seriously the Parthians took the Judean theater of war.

³³⁷ Γινομένων δ᾽ ὁσημέραι ἀκροβολισμῶν αὐτοῖς ἀνέμενον οἱ πολέμιοι τὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλον εἰς τὴν‎ καλουμένην πεντηκοστήν, ἑορτὴ δ᾽ ἐστίν, μέλλοντα ἥξειν.	³³⁷ "While skirmishes were occurring between them every day, the enemy was waiting for the multitude from the countryside to arrive for the so-called Pentecost, which is a festival.
³³⁷ But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called;	³³⁷ Though there were daily skirmishes, the enemy awaited the coming of the country people to the feast we call Pentecost.

³³⁸ τῆς δ᾽ ἡμέρας Ἐνστάσης πολλαὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀθροίζονται μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων ὡπλισμένων τε καὶ ἀνόπλων. κατεῖχον δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν οἱ παρόντες πλὴν τῶν περὶ τὰ βασίλεια· ταῦτα γὰρ σὺν ὀλίγοις στρατιώταις οἱ περὶ ἐφρούρουν.

³³⁸ When the day arrived, many tens of thousands of people gathered around the Temple, both armed and unarmed. Those present held the city and the Temple, except for the area around the Palace; for Herod and his men were guarding this with a few soldiers.

³³⁸ and when that day was come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered together about the temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers;

³³⁸ When that day came, many thousands of the people were assembled around the temple, some armed and some not. Those who were present guarded the temple and the city, apart from the area around the palace, which Herod’s men guarded with a few soldiers.

³³⁹ μὲν οὖν τὸ τεῖχος ἐφύλασσεν, δὲ λόχον ἔχων ἐπέξεισιν τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ τὸ προάστειον, καὶ καρτερῶς μαχεσάμενος πολλάς τε μυριάδας τρέπει, τῶν μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν φευγόντων, τῶν δ᾽ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἔστιν δ᾽ ὧν εἰς τὸ ἔξω χαράκωμα· ἦν γάρ τι αὐτόθι· παρεβοήθει δὲ καὶ .

³³⁹ Phasael was guarding the wall, while Herod, with a body of troops, made a sally against the enemy in the suburb. Fighting stoutly, he routed many thousands, some of whom fled into the city, some into the Temple, and some into the outer entrenchment (charakōma)—for there was one there. Phasael also came to his aid.

³³⁹ and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance;

³³⁹ Phasael had charge of the wall, while Herod and a cohort charged out against the enemy in the suburbs and fought bravely and put to flight many thousands, some fleeing into the city and some into the temple and some into the outer fortifications that were in there; and Phasael also came to help him.

³⁴⁰ ΠάκοροςPacorus δ᾽ ὁ ΠάρθωνParthians στρατηγὸς σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ὀλίγοις ἈντιγόνουAntigonus δεηθέντος εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἔρχεταιto come/go, λόγῳ μὲν ὡς καταπαύσειεν τὴν‎ στάσιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς συμπράξων ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.	³⁴⁰ Then Pacorus, the Parthian general, entered the city with a few horsemen at the request of Antigonus, ostensibly to put an end to the sedition, but in truth to help Antigonus secure the government.
³⁴⁰ yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government.	³⁴⁰ Now at the request of Antigonus, Pacorus the general of the Parthians had been allowed into the city with a few cavalry under pretext of quelling the rebellion, but in reality to help win him the leadership.

³⁴¹ δ᾽ ὑπαντήσαντος καὶ δεξαμένου ξενίᾳ πείθει πρεσβεύσασθαι παρὰ αὐτόν, δόλον τινὰ τοῦτον συντιθείς. Καὶ οὐδὲν ὑπιδόμενος πείθεται μὴ ἐπαινοῦντος τοῖς πραττομένοις διὰ τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄπιστον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καὶ τοῖς ἥκουσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι κελεύοντος.

³⁴¹ When Phasael met him and received him with hospitality, Pacorus persuaded him that he should go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, having devised this as a trick. Phasael, suspecting nothing, agreed—though Herod did not approve of these proceedings because of the faithlessness of the barbarians, but instead urged him to attack Pacorus and those who had come with him."

³⁴¹ And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city.

³⁴¹ But now Phasael met him and received him kindly, and Pacorus urged him to go in person as envoy to Barzapharnes, but it was a trick. Suspecting no harm, Phasael was persuaded. Although because of the treachery of these barbarians, Herod did not agree, preferring to fight Pacorus and the invaders.

Pentecost as a Tactical Weapon
The festival of Pentecost (Pentēkostēn) was one of the three great pilgrimage festivals. In antiquity, these were periods of extreme tension. The population of Jerusalem would swell from roughly 50,000 to hundreds of thousands. Antigonus and the Parthians used the religious calendar as a "force multiplier," knowing the pro-Hasmonean pilgrims would act as an unofficial rebel army against the Roman-backed Herodians.

Urban Guerrilla Warfare
The description of the "armed and unarmed" (hōplismenōn te kai anoplōn) illustrates a chaotic urban conflict. Herod’s troops were professional mercenaries, but they were vastly outnumbered by the "tens of thousands" in the streets. Herod’s choice to fight in the suburb (proasteion) suggests he was trying to prevent his palace from being completely encircled by the mob.

The "Charakōma" (Entrenchment)
Josephus mentions an outer entrenchment. This was likely a series of temporary fortifications or ditch-and-palisade structures built by the rebels to hem Herod into the Upper City. Urban sieges in Jerusalem were often "wars of the walls," where the city was sliced into smaller and smaller fortified zones.

Pacorus: The "Peacekeeper" Ruse
The Parthian general Pacorus arrives acting as a mediator. This is a classic move in ancient Near Eastern diplomacy: entering as a "neutral" arbiter to stop the "sedition" (stasin). By playing the role of the unbiased third party, he was able to bypass the physical defenses of the city that a full army could not have easily breached.

The Fatal Error: Trust vs. Paranoia
The passage ends with a sharp contrast between the brothers:

1) Phasael is the "gentleman" statesman. He offers "hospitality" (xenia) and trusts the Parthian's word.

2) Herod is the "realist." He cites the "faithlessness of the barbarians" (tōn barbarōn apiston).

Herod understood a fundamental rule of the 1st-century BCE: in a world of shifting empires, "hospitality" was often a death sentence. Herod's advice to strike Pacorus immediately might have saved Phasael’s life, but Phasael’s desire for a diplomatic solution led him straight into the trap.

Barzapharnes: The Power Behind the Scenes
Pacorus suggests that Phasael go to Barzapharnes, the Parthian satrap who was currently in Galilee. This was a move to separate the two brothers. By getting Phasael out of Jerusalem, the Parthians knew they could isolate Herod and eventually take the city without a protracted siege.

³⁴² ᾬχοντο δ᾽ οὖν πρεσβεύοντες τε καὶ , δὲ καταλιπὼν διακοσίους ἱππεῖς καὶ δέκα τῶν λεγομένων ἐλευθέρων προύπεμψεν αὐτούς. γενομένοις δ᾽ ἐν τῇ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ὑπαντῶσιν οἱ ταύτῃ τῶν πολεμίων ὑφεστῶτες.

³⁴² "So Hyrcanus and Phasael departed on their embassy, and Pacorus, leaving behind two hundred horsemen and ten of those called 'freemen' [nobles] for Herod, escorted them forward. When they arrived in Galilee, they were met by the enemy forces there under arms.

³⁴² So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms.

³⁴² Hyrcanus and Phasael went as envoys and Pacorus left with Herod two hundred cavalry and ten so-called freemen, and conducted the others on their journey, and when they reached Galilee, the officers of the cities there met them under arms.

³⁴³ καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ὑποδέχεται προθύμως καὶ δῶρα δίδωσιν, ἔπειτα ἐπεβούλευεν. πλησίον δὲ μετὰ ἱππέων ὑπὲρ θαλάττης οἱ περὶ κατάγονται καὶ ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἀκούσαντες, ὡς ὑπόσχοιτο χίλια τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας πεντακοσίας τοῖς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, δι᾽ εἶχον ἤδη τοὺς βαρβάρους.

³⁴³ Barzapharnes at first received them eagerly and gave them gifts, but afterward he began to plot against them. Phasael and his associates were lodged near the sea with the horsemen; there they heard that Antigonus had promised the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women to use against them, and they immediately held the barbarians in suspicion.

³⁴³ Barzaphanles also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians.

³⁴³ At first Barzaphanes received them graciously and gave them gifts, though he later conspired against them, and Phasael and his cavalry were conducted to the sea-coast. When they heard there how Antigonus had promised the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women for helping him against them, they began to suspect the barbarians.

³⁴⁴ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ νύκτωρ ἐπιβουλευομένους αὐτοὺς ἀπήγγειλέν τις φυλακῆς αὐτοὺς ἐκ τἀφανοῦς περιισταμένης, καὶ συνελήφθησαν ἄν, εἰ μὴ περιέμενον ἕως [ἂν] οἱ περὶ συλλάβοιεν, μὴ προανῃρημένων τούτων ἐκεῖνος αἰσθόμενος διαφύγοι. Καὶ ἦν ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχοντα καὶ οἱ φύλακες αὐτῶν ἑωρῶντο.

³⁴⁴ Furthermore, someone reported that they were being plotted against that very night, as a guard was being secretly stationed around them. They would have been seized then and there, had the Parthians not been waiting for their colleagues in Jerusalem to seize Herod first, lest he should perceive the danger and escape if his brother were taken too soon. Indeed, this was the case, and their guards were clearly seen.

³⁴⁴ Moreover, there was one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them.

³⁴⁴ On top of this, someone told them that an ambush was laid for them by night, and that guards were secretly surrounding them, and that they would have been taken already except that they were waiting for the Parthians near Jerusalem to capture Herod before he could hear of their slaughter and so escape. That was their situation as they saw who was guarding them.

³⁴⁵ μὲν οὖν παρῄνουν τινὲς εὐθὺς ἀφιππάσασθαι καὶ μὴ περιμένειν, μάλιστα μέντοι πρὸς ταῦτα αὐτὸν Ὀφέλλιος ἐνῆγεν, ὃς ἀκηκόει παρὰ τοῦ πλουσιωτάτου τῶν ἐν τότε καὶ πλοῖα πρὸς τὴν‎ φυγὴν ὑπισχνεῖτο· ἐγγὺς γὰρ ἦν ἡ θάλασσα.

³⁴⁵ Some then advised Phasael to gallop away immediately and not wait; Ophellius especially urged him to do this, having heard the news from Saramalla (the wealthiest man in Syria at that time), and he even promised ships for their flight, as the sea was nearby.

³⁴⁵ Some persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them.

³⁴⁵ Some advised Phasael to ride off immediately and wait no longer, and Ophellius in particular urged this, for he had heard the plan from Saramalla, the richest Syrian of his time, who also promised to provide him ships to take him off, for the sea was beside them.

³⁴⁶ ὁ δὲ ἀπολιπεῖν οὐκ ἠξίου οὐδὲ παρακινδυνεύειν τἀδελφῷ· προσελθὼν δὲ πρὸς τὸν οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν τοιαῦτα βουλευόμενον περὶ αὐτῶν· χρημάτων τε γὰρ δεομένῳ πλείονα ἔσεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ὧν δίδωσιν, καὶ ἄλλως δεινὸν εἶναι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πίστει συνελθόντας πρεσβευτὰς ἀποκτεῖναι μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας.

³⁴⁶ But Phasael did not think it right to abandon Hyrcanus, nor to endanger his brother. Instead, he went to Barzapharnes and told him he was not acting justly by plotting such things against them; for if he needed money, he would receive more from him than Antigonus was giving, and besides, it was a terrible thing to kill ambassadors who had come to him in good faith and had done no wrong.

³⁴⁶ But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done them no injury.

³⁴⁶ But he did not want to desert Hyrcanus, or put his brother in danger, so he went to Barzapharnes and told him he was wrong to make such a plot against them, and if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus, and besides, it was horrible to murder people who had done them no harm and had come as envoys.

³⁴⁷ ὁ δὲ βάρβαρος ταῦτα λέγοντος ὤμνυεν μηδὲν ἀληθὲς εἶναι τῶν ὑπονοουμένων, ἀλλὰ ψευδεῖς αὐτὸν ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ταράξαι, ἀπῄει τε πρὸς ΠάκορονPacorus.	³⁴⁷ But the barbarian, while he was saying these things, swore an oath that none of their suspicions were true, but that false rumors had troubled him. Then, he departed to join Pacorus."
³⁴⁷ But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.	³⁴⁷ The barbarian swore that there was no truth in his suspicions, and that he was worrying about nothing but false rumours, and then went away to Pacorus.

The "Freemen" (Eleutheroi)
The mention of ten "freemen" (eleutheroi) is a technical term for the Parthian nobility or the "Suren" class. By leaving these high-ranking nobles with Herod in Jerusalem, the Parthians were providing "human collateral" to make Herod feel secure. It was a sophisticated layer of the ruse: "We wouldn't leave our princes with you if we were planning to kill your brother."

The Geographical Trap: Ecdippa
Though not named in this specific paragraph, other accounts identify this location as Ecdippa (Achziv), north of Ptolemais (Acre). The proximity to the sea is vital; it offered a binary choice—escape by water or stay and face the desert cavalry.

The Saramalla Connection
Josephus mentions Saramalla, the wealthiest man in Syria. This shows that the Herodian family moved in the highest circles of the international elite. Even the wealthiest merchants in the Roman East were terrified of the Parthian advance and were trying to help their Roman-aligned allies escape.

Phasael’s Noble Fatalism
Phasael’s refusal to flee is his defining character moment. Unlike Herod, who was a political "survivalist," Phasael operated on a code of aristocratic honor.

1) Loyalty to the High Priest: He wouldn't leave the elderly Hyrcanus.

2) Loyalty to Herod: He feared that his escape would trigger Herod’s immediate execution in Jerusalem.

Ironically, his "justice" (dikaia) was his undoing. He tried to shame a "barbarian" general with Roman concepts of diplomatic immunity, not realizing that to Barzapharnes, the 1,000 talents from Antigonus outweighed any abstract "good faith."

The "False Oath"
The passage ends with Barzapharnes swearing a holy oath (ōmnyen) that he was innocent, even as his guards were visible to the naked eye. In Hellenistic literature, the "lying barbarian" is a common trope, but here it serves a specific narrative purpose: to show that the Parthians were not just conquerors, but masters of psychological manipulation.

The "Coordination" Strategy
The Parthians displayed remarkable discipline. They had Phasael in their grasp but refused to arrest him because they didn't want to "spook" Herod. This suggests a highly centralized command structure where the movements in Galilee were perfectly synced with the units 100 miles away in Jerusalem.

³⁴⁸ Οἰχομένου δὲ τῶν ἐδέσμευόν τινες καὶ πολλὰ τῆς κακίζοντα τοὺς . ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν ἀπεσταλμένος εὐνοῦχος ἐντολὰς εἶχεν προαγαγὼν αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους συλλαμβάνειν.

³⁴⁸ "When the [Parthian] leader had departed, certain individuals bound Hyrcanus and Phasael, while the latter bitterly reproached the Parthians for their many violations of their oaths. Meanwhile, the eunuch who had been sent against Herod had instructions to draw him outside the wall and seize him.

³⁴⁸ But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him;

³⁴⁸ When the Parthians had left, some came and chained up Hyrcanus and Phasael, who strongly rebuked the Parthians for their perjury. Now the eunuch who was sent against Herod had orders to get him outside the walls of the city and seize him,

³⁴⁹ ἔτυχον δὲ ἄγγελοι παρὰ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τῆς τῶν ἀπιστίας, οὓς τῶν πολεμίων συλλαβόντων γνοὺς πρόσεισι καὶ τοῖς δυνατοῖς ὡς οὖσιν τῶν ἄλλων δεσπόταις.

³⁴⁹ Now, it happened that messengers sent by Phasael to report the faithlessness of the Parthians were captured by the enemy. Herod, learning of this, approached Pacorus and the powerful Parthians, as they were the masters of the others.

³⁴⁹ but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest,

³⁴⁹ but messengers were sent by Phasael to inform Herod of the Parthians' treachery. When he learned that the enemy had taken them, he went to Pacorus and the most powerful of the Parthians, as those in charge,

³⁵⁰ οἱ δὲ τὸ πᾶν εἰδότες ὑπεκρίνοντο δολερῶς καὶ δεῖν αὐτὸν μετὰ σφῶν ἐξελθόντα πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς τὰ γράμματα κομίζουσιν· οὐδέπω γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰλῆφθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν, ἥκειν μέντοι δηλοῦντας ὅσα κατορθώσειε .

³⁵⁰ But they, knowing the whole truth, played their part deceitfully; they told him that he ought to go out with them beyond the wall to meet those bringing the letters—for they claimed the letters had not yet been seized by his opponents, but were coming to announce all that Phasael had successfully accomplished.

³⁵⁰ who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account of the good success Phasaelus had had.

³⁵⁰ and although they knew about the whole matter, they were deceitful about it, and said he should come out to them outside the walls to meet those who were bringing him his letters, which had not been taken by his opponents, but were coming to tell him that Phasael was fine.

³⁵¹ τούτοις οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν· ἀκηκόει γὰρ τὴν‎ σύλληψιν τἀδελφοῦ παρ᾽ ἑτέρων· καὶ παραινούσης δὲ τῆς θυγατρός, ἧς ἐγγεγύητο τὴν‎ παῖδα, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὑπώπτευε τοὺς . οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι ταύτῃ οὐ προσεῖχον, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπίστευεν λίαν ἔμφρονι γυναικί.

³⁵¹ Herod did not believe these things, for he had heard of his brother’s capture from others. Furthermore, since the daughter of Hyrcanus [Alexandra], to whose child [Mariamne] he was betrothed, also urged him to be cautious, he suspected the Parthians even more. While others paid no attention to her, he himself placed great trust in her as a most sensible woman."

³⁵¹ Herod did not give credit to what they said; for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great wisdom.

³⁵¹ Herod did not trust them, for he had heard from others how his brother had been captured. The daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, also warned him, which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians, for although other people did not heed her, he trusted her as a woman of great wisdom.

The Eunuch as Assassin
The mention of a eunuch (eunouchos) being sent to lure Herod out is a classic detail of Eastern court intrigue. In the Parthian and Persian systems, eunuchs often held high-ranking positions of trust and were used for delicate or "dirty" work—like an arrest or an assassination—because they could move through palaces without raising the same suspicion as a fully armed general.

The Narrative of "Success"
The Parthians attempted a sophisticated psychological "gaslight." They tried to convince Herod that his brother hadn't just survived, but had "succeeded" (katorthōseie). They wanted Herod to believe that the letters he heard were missing actually contained good news. This was designed to make Herod lower his guard and step "outside the wall"—the boundary between his fortified safety and their cavalry-dominated open ground.

Alexandra: The Hasmonean Power Player
This is a pivotal moment for Alexandra (the daughter of Hyrcanus II and mother of Mariamne). Despite the fact that her father, Hyrcanus, was a captive of the Parthians, she correctly read the political tea leaves. She knew that if Herod fell, the last hope for her family's survival against the rival Antigonus would vanish. Josephus describes her as "λίαν ἔμφρονι γυναικί" (an exceedingly sensible/prudent woman). This "sense" would later make her one of Herod's most dangerous internal rivals.

The Intelligence Failure of the "Others"
Josephus notes that "the others" (Herod’s advisors or guards) paid no attention to Alexandra. This reflects a common theme in ancient history where the intuition of women is ignored by "professional" soldiers to their own peril. Herod’s greatness—and his survival—stemmed from his ability to listen to unconventional intelligence and trust his own "paranoia" over the "common sense" of his court.

The Breakdown of "Pistis" (Faith)
The word "ἀπιστίας" (unfaithfulness/bad faith) appears early in the text. This reflects the deep cultural trauma of the Jewish-Roman world dealing with the Parthian Empire. To the Greeks and Romans, the Parthians were the quintessential "oath-breakers." For Herod, this wasn't just a stereotype; it was a tactical reality. Once he realized the Parthians had "broken faith," he stopped being a diplomat and became a fugitive.

³⁵² Βουλευομένων δὲ τῶν , τί χρὴ ποιεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἤρεσκεν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἀνδρὶ τηλικούτῳ, καὶ ὑπερθεμένων εἰς τὴν‎ ὑστεραίαν, ἐν τοιαύταις ταραχαῖς γενόμενος καὶ μᾶλλον οἷς ἤκουσεν περὶ τἀδελφοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἢ τοῖς ἐναντίοις προστιθέμενος, ἑσπέρας ἐπελθούσης ἔγνω ταύτῃ πρὸς φυγὴν χρήσασθαι καὶ μὴ διαμέλλειν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλοις τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κινδύνοις.

³⁵² "While the Parthians were deliberating what they should do—for they did not wish to attack such a man [as Herod] openly—and had postponed matters until the next day, Herod found himself in a state of great turmoil. Convinced more by what he had heard regarding his brother and the Parthian plot than by any counter-arguments, he decided, once evening had come, to make use of it for flight and not to delay in the face of the uncertain dangers from the enemy.

³⁵² Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to be done; for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt upon a person of his character; and while they put off the determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain.

³⁵² While the Parthians were wondering what to do, they did not think it wise to openly attack a man of his mettle and so postponed the decision to the next day. Herod was deeply anxious and rather inclined to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians than to heed what was said on the other side, so when darkness came he decided to avail of it to flee and wait no longer, as though the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain.

³⁵³ ἄρας οὖν σὺν οἷς εἶχεν καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις ἐπιθέμενος μητέρα τε αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἀδελφὴν καὶ ἣν ἔμελλεν ἄξεσθαι πρὸς γάμον θυγατέρα τοῦ παιδὸς τήν τε ταύτης μητέρα, δ᾽ ἦν θυγάτηρ, καὶ τὸν νεώτατον ἀδελφὸν τήν τε θεραπείαν πᾶσαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ὄχλον τὸν σὺν αὐτοῖς, ἐδίωκεν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ λαθὼν τοὺς πολεμίους.

³⁵³ Setting out, therefore, with the armed men he had, he placed the women upon the beasts of burden: his mother [Cypros], his sister [Salome], and the one he was intended to lead in marriage [Mariamne], the daughter of Alexander (the son of Aristobulus), and Mariamne's mother [Alexandra], who was the daughter of Hyrcanus. Along with them were his youngest brother [Pheroras], his entire household of servants, and the rest of the multitude with them; he pursued the road toward Idumaea, having escaped the notice of the enemy.

³⁵³ He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy’s privity pursued his way to Idumea.

³⁵³ So he left with his warriors and put his wives on the pack-animals, and his mother and sister and his fiancée, the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus and his youngest brother and all their servants and the rest of the people who were with him and went off to Idumaea, unknown to the enemy.

³⁵⁴ ὧν οὐδεὶς ἂν οὕτως στερρὸς τὴν‎ φύσιν εὑρέθη, ὃς τότε παρὼν τοῖς πραττομένοις οὐκ ἂν ᾤκτειρεν αὐτοὺς τῆς τύχης, γυναίων ἐπαγομένων νήπια τέκνα καὶ μετὰ δακρύων καὶ οἰμωγῆς ἀπολειπουσῶν τὴν‎ πατρίδα καὶ φίλους ἐν δεσμοῖς καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ἔτι χρηστὸν προσδεχομένων.

³⁵⁴ There was no one so hard-hearted by nature who, had they been present then at what was occurring, would not have pitied them for their fortune: women leading their infant children, and with tears and lamentation leaving behind their fatherland and their friends in chains, expecting nothing good for themselves in the future."

³⁵⁴ Nor could any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy nature.

³⁵⁴ No one who saw him in this plight could be so hard hearted as not to pity him, as the women brought their infant children and left their own country and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes and sad laments and expecting nothing but misfortune.

The Strategic "Hesitation" of the Parthians
Josephus notes that the Parthians were hesitant to attack Herod "openly" (ek tou phanerou). This is a testament to Herod’s military reputation; even with thousands of horsemen, the Parthians feared a cornered Herod in a fortified palace. Their decision to "postpone" until the next day gave Herod the narrow window he needed. In history, an empire's hesitation is often a refugee's salvation.

The Caravan of the Dynasty
This wasn't just a military retreat; it was the evacuation of the entire Herodian-Hasmonean future. Herod took:

1) The Matriarchs: His mother Cypros and the formidable Alexandra.

2) The Future Queen: Mariamne, his bridge to Hasmonean legitimacy.

3) The Heir Apparent: His youngest brother, Pheroras.

By taking the "women and children," Herod ensured that even if Jerusalem fell, the idea of his government remained intact.

Path to Idumaea
Herod fled toward Idumaea (the region south of Hebron). This was his ancestral home. He knew that even if the Jews of Jerusalem hated him, the Idumaeans remained fiercely loyal to his family. The road south through the Judean wilderness is brutal, steep, and easily defensible—perfect for a small group of elite soldiers protecting a slow-moving caravan.

Josephus’s Pathos
Josephus, usually a clinical historian, leans into pathos here. He uses words like "στερρὸς" (hard/stiff-hearted) and "ᾤκτειρεν" (pitied) to describe the scene. This serves a double purpose: it humanizes Herod (making him a protective son/husband) and creates a moral contrast between the "pious" refugees and the "deceitful" Parthians.

The Ghost of Phasael
The "friends in chains" mentioned in the final sentence refers primarily to Phasael and Hyrcanus. The psychological weight of this flight was heavy: Herod was saving his women while knowing his brother was likely being tortured or executed. This guilt and pressure nearly drove Herod to suicide just a few miles into the journey.

The "Multitude" (ho allos ochlos)
Herod didn't just take his family; he took his "entire household" and a "multitude." This suggests a massive logistical operation involving hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people moving silently in the dark. The fact that they "escaped the notice" of the Parthian patrols is a miracle of military discipline.

³⁵⁵ ἐπάνω τῆς ἐκ τοῦ δεινοῦ πληγῆς τὸ φρόνημα ποιησάμενος αὐτός τε ἦν πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν εὔψυχος καὶ παριὼν κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν θαρρεῖν ἕκαστον παρεκελεύετο καὶ μὴ παρέχειν αὑτὸν ἔκδοτον τῇ λύπῃ· τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοὺς βλάπτειν πρὸς τὴν‎ φυγήν, ἐν ᾗ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς μόνῃ κεῖσθαι συμβέβηκεν.

³⁵⁵ "But Herod, raising his spirit above the blow of this calamity, was himself courageous in the face of danger; going along the road, he urged each person to take heart and not surrender themselves to grief, for he said this would hinder them in their flight, in which alone their safety happened to lie.

³⁵⁵ But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had.

³⁵⁵ But Herod focused his thoughts above this unfortunate situation and despite his troubles was in good spirits and went around encouraging them all to take heart and not to give way to sorrow, for it would only slow down their flight, which was now their only hope of safety.

³⁵⁶ καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς παρῄνει φέρειν τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ἐπειρῶντο. μικροῦ δ᾽ αὑτὸν διεχρήσατο τοῦ ζεύγους περιτραπέντος καὶ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ κινδυνευσάσης ἀποθανεῖν, διά τε τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ πάθος καὶ διὰ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, μὴ καταλάβωσιν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι διώκοντες τριβῆς περὶ τὸ πταῖσμα γενομένης.

³⁵⁶ So they, as Herod exhorted them, attempted to bear the disaster. Yet he nearly made away with himself when his carriage overturned and his mother [Cypros] was in danger of dying; he was overcome both by his suffering for her and by his fear that the enemy pursuers would overtake him due to the delay caused by the accident.

³⁵⁶ Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit:

³⁵⁶ At his urging they tried to bear their plight patiently, but at one point when a wagon broke down and his mother’s life was in danger, he was almost tempted to kill himself in his great concern for her and his fear that the enemy would overtake him on account of this delay.

³⁵⁷ σπασάμενον γοῦν αὐτὸν τὸ ξίφος καὶ μέλλοντα πλήττειν αὑτὸν κατέσχον οἱ παρόντες, τῷ τε πλήθει κατισχύσαντες καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς λέγοντες· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι γενναίου τῶν δεινῶν αὑτὸν ἐλευθερώσαντα τοὺς φίλους ἐν αὐτοῖς ὑπεριδεῖν.

³⁵⁷ Indeed, he drew his sword and was about to strike himself, but those present restrained him—overpowering him by their numbers and telling him that he ought not to abandon them to be at the mercy of their enemies; for they said it was not the part of a noble man to free himself from hardships while looking down upon his friends left in the midst of them.

³⁵⁷ but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same distresses also.

³⁵⁷ As he was drawing his sword to kill himself, people nearby restrained him and prevailed over him by their numbers, saying that he must not desert them and leave them at the mercy of their enemies, for it was not right for a brave man to free himself from his own plight while ignoring his friends in theirs.

³⁵⁸ βιασθεὶς οὖν ἀποσχέσθαι τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τολμήματος αἰδοῖ τε τῶν λεγομένων καὶ πλήθει τῶν οὐκ ἐπιτρεπόντων αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ χειρὶ διακονεῖν οἷς ἐντεθύμητο, ἀνακτησάμενος τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ θεραπείας ἧς ὁ καιρὸς ἤπειγεν ἐβάδιζεν τὴν‎ προκειμένην ὁδὸν συντονωτέραν ποιούμενος τὴν‎ πορείαν εἰς Μάσαδαν τὸ ἔρυμα. πολλὰς δὲ μάχας πρὸς τοὺς ἐπεξελθόντας καὶ διώκοντας τῶν μαχεσάμενος πάσας ἐνίκησεν.

³⁵⁸ Forced, therefore, to refrain from his desperate attempt—both out of shame at their words and by the multitude of those who would not permit his hand to serve his intent—he restored his mother to consciousness. Having given her such care as the urgency of the moment required, he pressed on the intended road, making his journey toward the fortress of Masada more intense. Although he fought many battles against the Parthians who came out against him and pursued him, he was victorious in all of them."

³⁵⁸ So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all.

³⁵⁸ So he had to abandon his rash act, ashamed by what they said to him and because of the number of those who would not let him do what he proposed. So he revived his mother and cared for her as best he could at the time. He continued his journey with all speed to the fortress of Masada. While he had many skirmishes with some Parthians who pursued and attacked him, he won them all.

The Breakdown of the "Great Man"
Josephus presents a fascinating psychological paradox. In the first paragraph, Herod is the perfect Stoic leader, exhorting others to ignore grief for the sake of survival. In the second, he suffers a total emotional collapse. This reveals that Herod's "courage" was not an absence of fear, but a tightly wound spring that occasionally snapped under the pressure of family loyalty.

The Cultural Shame of Suicide
The soldiers' argument to stop Herod’s suicide is based on "aidōs" (shame/honor). They don't just appeal to his life, but to his noble character (gennaiou). In their view, for a commander to kill himself while leaving his female relatives and soldiers to be captured was the ultimate act of cowardice. This "shame" was the only thing strong enough to break Herod’s suicidal impulse.

The Birth of Herodium
The "accident" described here (the overturning of the carriage) took place about 7 miles south of Jerusalem. Years later, when Herod became King, he immortalized this moment of near-despair and military victory by building Herodium, a massive artificial mountain-fortress. He transformed the site of his greatest weakness into his most visible monument of strength (and ultimately, his tomb).

Masada as the Ultimate Goal
Herod’s destination was Masada. At this time, Masada was already a formidable Hasmonean stronghold, but Herod would later transform it into the "impregnable" palace-fortress we know today. His focus on Masada shows his strategic mind: he needed a place that was physically unreachable by Parthian cavalry.

Urban vs. Wilderness Warfare
Josephus notes that Herod fought "many battles" on this road and won them all. This highlights Herod’s tactical genius. While he struggled with the political intrigues of the city, he was nearly invincible in the rugged terrain of the Judean wilderness. His professional guard was able to use the narrow mountain passes to nullify the numerical advantage of the Parthian horsemen.

The Mother Figure (Cypros)
The intense reaction to his mother's injury underscores the importance of Cypros in Herod's life. As an Idumaean noblewoman, she was his link to the desert tribes whose support he was currently seeking. Her death would not only have been a personal tragedy but a political disaster, potentially weakening his ties to the Idumaean power base he was fleeing toward.

³⁵⁹ Ἔμεινε δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν‎ φυγὴν οὐδὲ τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἀσφαλῆ, συνεπέθεντο δὲ καὶ οὗτοι γενομένοις ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα τῆς πόλεως προσβάλλοντές τε καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδόν.	³⁵⁹ "Even during his flight, things were not safe for him from the Jews; for these also set upon him when he was about sixty stadia [approx. 7 miles] from the city, attacking and coming to close quarters along the road.
³⁵⁹ Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him,	³⁵⁹ Neither was he safe from the Jews during his flight, for when he was well on his journey, sixty furlongs from the city, they attacked him and fought him hand to hand.

³⁶⁰ οὓς δὴ καὶ τρεψάμενος καὶ κρατήσας οὐχ ὡς ἐν ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ τις τοιαύτῃ καθεστώς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κάλλιστα καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος πρὸς πόλεμον παρεσκευασμένος, ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐν ᾧ τῶν ἐκράτησε, μετὰ χρόνον βασιλεύσας ἔκτισε καὶ βασίλειον κατεσκεύασεν ἀξιολογώτατον καὶ πόλιν περὶ αὐτὸ Ἡρωδίαν .

³⁶⁰ But having routed and overcome them—not as one situated in such distress and necessity, but as one excellently prepared for war with a great surplus of strength—he later, after becoming King, built a most remarkable palace in that very place where he defeated the Jews, and established a city around it, calling it Herodium.

³⁶⁰ whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium.

³⁶⁰ But these he also routed and defeated, not like a man in distress who was forced to fight, but one who was well prepared for war and with plenty of all he needed. In the very place where he defeated the Jews, he later built a splendid palace surrounded by a city and called it Herodium.

³⁶¹ γενομένῳ δὲ τῆς ἐν Θρήσᾳ χωρίῳ οὕτω καλουμένῳ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑπήντησεν καὶ βουλὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἦγε, τί χρὴ ποιεῖν, πολλοῦ μὲν πλήθους ἐπαγομένου καὶ δίχα τῶν μισθοφορούντων αὐτοῖς, τοῦ δὲ χωρίου τῆς Μεσάδας, εἰς ὃ προύκειτο συμφυγεῖν ἐλάττονος ὄντος ὑποδέξασθαι τοσοῦτον ὄχλον.

³⁶¹ When he arrived at a place in Idumaea called Thresa, his brother Joseph met him. They held a council concerning the whole situation and what ought to be done; for a vast multitude was following them, even apart from their mercenaries, and the fortress of Masada, where they intended to take refuge, was too small to receive such a great crowd.

³⁶¹ And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude;

³⁶¹ On reaching Idumaea, his brother Joseph met him at a place called Thressa. He discussed everything and what should be done in his situation, since he had many who followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers. Masada, the place to which he meant to flee, was too small to hold so great a crowd.

³⁶² τοὺς μὲν οὖν πλείους ἀπέλυσεν ὑπὲρ ἐννέα χιλιάδας ὄντας ἄλλον ἀλλαχῆ κελεύσας διὰ τῆς σώζειν αὑτούς, δοὺς · ὅσοι δ᾽ ἦσαν κοῦφοι καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους ἀναλαβὼν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα παραγίνεται καὶ καταθέμενος αὐτόθι τάς τε γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς , ἦσαν δὲ ὡς ὀκτακόσιοι, σίτου τε ὄντος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ καὶ ὕδατος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων διαρκούντως αὐτοῖς ἐξώρμησεν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς .

³⁶² He therefore dismissed the majority of them, being over nine thousand men, commanding them to save themselves by going different ways through Idumaea, and providing them with travel expenses. But taking those who were lightly equipped and his closest kin, he arrived at the fortress. Having placed the women and their followers there—numbering about eight hundred—and since there was sufficient corn, water, and all other necessities in the place, he himself set out for Petra in Arabia.

³⁶² so he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra, in Arabia.

³⁶² So he sent away most of his company, more than nine thousand, telling them to go off in various directions and to find safety in Idumaea, and gave them the price of provisions for their journey. He took with him those who were most lightly armed and were closest to him. When he reached the fortress he placed there his wives and his followers, in number eight hundred, and in the place there was a sufficient supply of corn and water and other essentials, while he continued onward for Petra, in Arabia.

³⁶³ ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem διήρπαζον οἱ ΠάρθοιParthians καὶ τὸ βασίλειον, μόνων δὲ ἀπείχοντο τῶν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus χρημάτων· τὰ δ᾽ ἦν ὡς τριακόσια τάλαντα.	³⁶³ At daybreak, the Parthians plundered all the property in Jerusalem and the palace, abstaining only from the money of Hyrcanus, which amounted to about three hundred talents.
³⁶³ But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was three hundred talents.	³⁶³ When daylight came, the Parthians looted the whole of Jerusalem and the palace and refrained from nothing but Hyrcanus' money, which was three hundred talents.

³⁶⁴ πολλὰ δὲ τῶν διέφυγεν καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅσα προκομισθῆναι κατὰ προμήθειαν τἀνδρὸς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐφθάκει. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν οὐκ ἀπέχρησε τοῖς , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν ἐξιόντες ἐκάκουν καὶ Μάρισάν τε πόλιν δυνατὴν ἀνέστησαν.

³⁶⁴ Much of Herod’s property escaped them, especially whatever had already been moved into Idumaea through the man's foresight. The plunder within the city did not satisfy the Parthians, so they went out and ravaged the countryside, and they utterly destroyed the powerful city of Marisa."

³⁶⁴ A great deal of Herod’s money escaped, and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa.

³⁶⁴ Most of Herod’s money escaped them, mainly all that he had so prudently sent in advance into Idumaea. But what was in the city was not enough for the Parthians, for they went out into the country and looted it and demolished the city of Marissa.

The Battle of the 60th Stadium
The attack by the "Jews" (the pro-Hasmonean rebels) 60 stadia from Jerusalem is the event that defined Herod's landscape. Josephus emphasizes that Herod fought with "a surplus of strength" (polloi tou periontos), suggesting that even in retreat, his professional discipline was superior to the local militias. This victory was so psychologically foundational that he literally reshaped the earth to commemorate it.

The Logistics of 9,000 Refugees
The scale of this flight is often underestimated. Herod was leading a column of over 9,000 people. The decision to dismiss the majority at Thresa was a cold, strategic necessity. Masada is a massive plateau, but its water and food storage (before Herod's later massive expansions) could only sustain a small garrison of 800. By giving the 9,000 "travel expenses" (ephodia), Herod maintained their loyalty while shedding the logistical burden that would have led to a mass starvation during a siege.

The Desert Pivot: Petra
Herod’s departure for Petra is a move of desperation. He was heading to the Nabataean King, Malchus, seeking repayment for past favors. He left his family—the most valuable hostages in the world at that moment—on a rock in the middle of a desert, protected by only 800 men. This shows his absolute confidence in Masada’s natural defenses.

The Fate of Marisa
The destruction of Marisa (Maresha) is a major archaeological marker. Once a powerful Idumaean city, it never truly recovered from this Parthian sack. The Parthians were not interested in "governing" the countryside; they were interested in plunder (diērpazon). Their frustration at not finding Herod’s hidden wealth led to the "scorched earth" policy that turned the Judean populace further against the Hasmonean-Parthian alliance.

Herod’s "Foresight" (Promētheian)
Josephus repeatedly credits Herod’s "foresight." He had been smuggling his wealth out of Jerusalem for months, anticipating exactly this kind of disaster. While the Parthians found 300 talents belonging to the "legitimate" leader Hyrcanus, they found almost nothing of Herod's. Herod understood that in the Roman world, a general without a city was nothing, but a general with a hidden treasury could buy a new kingdom.

Thresa: The Hidden Rally Point
Thresa (likely Khirbet et-Tayyib) served as the "triage" center for the Herodian cause. It was here that the transition from a government-in-exile to a guerrilla movement was finalized. Joseph, Herod's brother, took command of the "shadow government" in the south while Herod began his international quest for Roman intervention.

³⁶⁵ Καὶ μὲν οὕτως καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δεσμώτας παραλαμβάνει. σφόδρα δ᾽ ἦν ἄθυμος τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτὸν διαφυγουσῶν, ἃς τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνεθυμεῖτο δώσειν, τοῦτον αὐτοῖς τὸν μισθὸν μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων ὑποσχόμενος.

³⁶⁵ "And Antigonus, having been brought back into Judea in this manner by the King of the Parthians, took custody of Hyrcanus and Phasael as prisoners. He was exceedingly dejected that the women had escaped him, whom he had intended to give to the enemy, having promised them as their reward along with the money.

³⁶⁵ And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward:

³⁶⁵ That is how Antigonus was brought back to Judea by the king of the Parthians and took Hyrcanus and Phasael as prisoners, but he was disappointed that the women had escaped, whom he had intended to give to the enemy, along with the money, as their reward.

³⁶⁶ φοβούμενος δὲ τὸν , μὴ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀποκαταστήσῃ, παραστάς, ἐτηρεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν , ἐπιτέμνει αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ ὦτα πραγματευόμενος μηκέτ᾽ αὖθις εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην διὰ τὸ λελωβῆσθαι, τοῦ νόμου τῶν ὁλοκλήρων εἶναι τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἀξιοῦντος.

³⁶⁶ Fearing Hyrcanus, lest the multitude should restore the kingship to him—for he [Hyrcanus] was being guarded by the Parthians—Antigonus stepped forward and cut off his ears. He did this to ensure that the High Priesthood could never again fall to him, since he was now maimed, and the Law requires that this honor belong only to those who are physically whole.

³⁶⁶ but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire.

³⁶⁶ Fearing that Hyrcanus, who was under guard by the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the people, he cut off his ears, thereby making sure that the high priesthood could never come to him, now that he was maimed, for the law requires the holder this dignity to be whole and entire.

³⁶⁷ δ᾽ ἄν τις θαυμάσειε τῆς εὐψυχίας, ὃς γνοὺς αὑτὸν ἀποσφάττεσθαι μέλλοντα οὐχὶ τὸν θάνατον ἡγήσατο δεινόν, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐχθροῦ τοῦτο παθεῖν πικρότατον καὶ αἴσχιστον ὑπολαβών, τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἔχων ἐλευθέρας ὑπὸ δεσμῶν πρὸς ἀναίρεσιν πέτρᾳ προσαράξας τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἐξήγαγε μὲν αὑτὸν ὡς ἐδόκει κάλλιστα τοῦ ζῆν παρὰ τοιαύτην ἀπορίαν, τῆς δ᾽ ἐξουσίας τοῦ κτεῖναι πρὸς ἡδονὴν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο τὸν πολέμιον.

³⁶⁷ As for Phasael, one might marvel at his courage (eupsychias); for knowing that he was about to be put to death, he did not consider death itself to be the terror, but regarding it as most bitter and shameful to suffer it at the hands of an enemy, and not having his hands free from bonds to kill himself, he dashed his head against a rock. Thus, he departed from life in what seemed the most honorable way possible under such desperate circumstances, depriving his enemy of the power to kill him for his own pleasure.

³⁶⁷ But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased.

³⁶⁷ One cannot but admire the fortitude of Phasael, who, knowing that he was to be executed, showed no fear of death but thought it bitter and disgraceful to be killed by his enemy in this way. As his hands were not free on account of his chains and he could not kill himself with them, he dashed his head against a great stone and so took his own life, which he thought the best thing to do in such a plight, with the enemy free to execute him in any way he pleased.

³⁶⁸ λέγουσι δ᾽, ὡς τραύματος μεγάλου γενομένου φαρμάκοις αὐτὸν ὑποπέμψας ἰατροὺς ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ὡς ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ διέφθειρεν θανασίμοις χρησαμένων εἰς τὸ τραῦμα.	³⁶⁸ It is said, however, that after a great wound was made, Antigonus sent physicians to him ostensibly for treatment, but destroyed him by having them apply deadly drugs to the wound.
³⁶⁸ It is also reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed him.	³⁶⁸ They say that when he had badly wounded his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, but they poured poison into the wound and killed him.

³⁶⁹ πρὸ μέντοι τοῦ τελέως ἀφεῖναι τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ὁ ἀκούσας παρά τινος γυναίου τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοὺς πολεμίους διαπεφευγότα σφόδρα τὴν‎ τελευτὴν εὐθύμως ὑπέμεινεν καταλιπὼν τὸν ἐκδικῆσαι τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς δυνάμενον.

³⁶⁹ Nevertheless, before Phasael completely breathed his last, he heard from a certain woman that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy; he then endured his end with great cheerfulness, knowing he had left behind one who was capable of avenging his death and punishing his enemies."

³⁶⁹ However, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge his death, and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies.

³⁶⁹ It is also said that before Phasael gave up the ghost a woman told him that his brother Herod had escaped from the enemy, and so was very cheerful in the face of death because he was leaving behind one who would avenge his death and punish his enemies.

The Mutilation of the High Priest
Antigonus’s decision to cut off Hyrcanus’s ears was a calculated move of "canonical warfare." According to Leviticus 21:17–23, any priest with a physical blemish (mūm) is disqualified from offering sacrifices. By maiming his uncle, Antigonus didn't just hurt him; he legally "killed" his political career. A High Priest without ears could never stand before the Altar, effectively forcing the religious establishment to accept Antigonus as the only viable Hasmonean ruler.

The Failed "Human Ransom"
Josephus reveals how central the women (Mariamne, Alexandra, and Cypros) were to the Parthian contract. Antigonus had promised the Parthians 500 women as "payment." When Herod successfully smuggled them to Masada, Antigonus was left in breach of his contract with the superpower that put him on the throne. This "dejection" (athyma) highlights that Antigonus was already in a weak bargaining position with his own allies.

Phasael’s "Socratic" End
Phasael’s death is portrayed as a Stoic/Noble suicide. To a Greek or Roman reader (and Josephus’s audience), choosing your own death over the humiliation of an enemy’s execution was the ultimate mark of a "noble soul" (eupsychias). By using a rock because his hands were bound, Phasael demonstrated a will that iron chains could not restrain.

The "Poisoned Medicine" Trope
Josephus includes a second version of the story: that Antigonus finished Phasael off with poisoned bandages. This serves to cast Antigonus as a "villain of the shadows"—a man who uses doctors as assassins. Whether true or not, it highlights the total breakdown of family trust; the Hasmoneans and Herodians were now locked in a blood feud that would span generations.

The "Good News" of Herod’s Escape
The detail of the "certain woman" whispering to the dying Phasael that Herod was safe is a powerful narrative device. It transforms Phasael’s death from a tragedy into a victory. He dies "cheerfully" (euthymōs) because he knows the Herodian cause is not dead. This sets the stage for Herod's return: he is no longer just fighting for a title; he is fighting as an avenger.

The Exile of Hyrcanus
Because Hyrcanus was "guarded by the Parthians," he was eventually carried away to Babylon. This irony is thick: the man who had been the most powerful Jew in the world for decades was now a mutilated captive in the very land where the Jewish exile had begun centuries earlier.

Chapter 14
[370-393]
Herod escapes to Egypt, then to Rome.
Mark Antony helps him to become king of the Jews

☜ ☞

³⁷⁰ δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν περιεστηκότων αὐτὸν κακῶν οὐ κατέπληττεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐποίει δεινὸν εὑρίσκειν ἐπιβολὰς ἔργων παραβόλων. πρὸς γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα πολλὰ πρόσθεν εὐεργετημένον ἀπῄει τὴν‎ ἀμοιβὴν κομιούμενος, ὅτε μάλιστα ἐδεῖτο, χρήματα ληψόμενος εἴτε δάνειον εἴτε δωρεὰν ὡς ἂν πολλῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τετυχηκότος.

³⁷⁰ "But the magnitude of the evils surrounding him did not strike Herod with panic; instead, it made him keen to devise plans for daring deeds. For he went to Malchus, the King of the Arabians, who had previously received many benefits from him, to receive a return [for those favors] now when he most needed it. He hoped to get money, either as a loan or a gift, since Malchus had received so much from him.

³⁷⁰ As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him;

³⁷⁰ Undismayed by the scale of the hardships heaping upon him, Herod was spurred by them into remarkable action. He went to Malichus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly treated very well, in order to receive something in return in his time of need. He asked him for money, either by way of a loan or as a free gift, in return for all he had received from him.

³⁷¹ οὐ γὰρ εἰδὼς τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔσπευδεν λυτρώσασθαι παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτὸν λύτρον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ καταβαλὼν νόμισμα ἕως τριακοσίων ταλάντων. ἐπήγετο δὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδα διὰ ταύτην τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἑπταετῆ τυγχάνοντα, παρασχὼν αὐτὸν ἐνέχυρον τοῖς .

³⁷¹ For, not knowing what had befallen his brother, he was in a hurry to ransom him from the enemy, intending to pay a price for him up to three hundred talents. For this reason, he even brought along the son of Phasael, who was then seven years old, to offer him as a hostage to the Arabians.

³⁷¹ for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money.

³⁷¹ Not knowing what had become of his brother, he was eager to buy him back from the hand of his enemies, and was prepared to pay three hundred talents to ransom him. He took with him Phasael’s son, a child just seven years old, to serve as hostage to the Arabs, for the money.

³⁷² ἀγγέλων δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπαντησάντων παρὰ τοῦ , δι᾽ ὧν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἀναχωρεῖν· παρηγγελκέναι γὰρ αὐτῷ μὴ δέχεσθαι· ταύτῃ δ᾽ ἐχρῆτο προφάσει ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ἀποδοῦναι τὰ χρέα καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει παρὰ τοῖς εἰς τοῦτο ἐναγόντων, ὅπως ἀποστερήσωσιν τὰς παρακαταθήκας, ἃς παρὰ λαβόντες ἔτυχον,

³⁷² But messengers from Malchus met him, through whom he commanded Herod to depart; for he claimed the Parthians had ordered him not to receive Herod. However, he used this as a pretext so as not to repay his debts; moreover, the leading men among the Arabians urged him toward this so that they might rob him of the deposits which they had received from [Herod's father] Antipater.

³⁷² But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had committed to their fidelity.

³⁷² But messengers came to him from Malichus, asking him to leave, since the Parthians had ordered him not to receive Herod. This was just his pretext so as not to be obliged to repay him his debt. He was further prompted to it by the Arabs, so as to cheat him of the money that Antipater had lodged with them.

³⁷³ ἀπεκρίνατοto answer αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἐνοχλήσων ἀφικνεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, μόνον δὲ διαλεξόμενος περὶ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων αὐτῷ πραγμάτων.	³⁷³ Herod answered them that he was not coming to trouble them, but only to speak about matters most necessary to him."
³⁷³ He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his coning thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest importance.	³⁷³ He replied that he had not come to trouble them, but only to talk with them about matters very important to him.

The Psychology of "Boldness" (Parabolōn)
Josephus notes that instead of being crushed (kataplētten) by disaster, Herod became "δεινὸν" (keen/skillful) at devising "παραβόλων" (daring or "thrown-alongside") deeds. This is the hallmark of the Herodian personality: he was at his most dangerous when he had his back against the wall. His "greatness" was often born from a refusal to accept the finality of a defeat.

The Tragedy of the Ransom
The most poignant detail is that Herod was rushing to raise 300 talents to save a brother who was already dead. He even brought his seven-year-old nephew to be used as human collateral ("ἐνέχυρον"). This reveals the deep familial bond between the sons of Antipater and the high personal stakes of the conflict. Herod was prepared to pawn his own family's future to save Phasael.

The Arab Betrayal: Money over "Xenia"
King Malchus I of the Nabataeans (centered in Petra) provides a classic example of political opportunism. Despite the "many benefits" he had received from Herod’s father, he chose the "pretext" (prophasei) of Parthian orders to avoid repaying his debts. Josephus is cynical here: the real motivation was greed. The Nabataeans were holding vast sums of "black money" deposited by Antipater for safe-keeping, and they realized that if Herod died in the desert, they could keep the cash forever.

The "Deposits" of Antipater
We learn here that Herod’s father, Antipater, had a sophisticated international banking strategy. He didn't keep all his wealth in Jerusalem; he used the Nabataeans as a "Swiss bank" of the ancient world. This "παρακαταθήκας" (trust/deposit) was meant to be the family's safety net, but it became a motive for their allies to murder them.

Diplomacy Under Fire
Even after being told to leave, Herod didn't lose his temper. His response—that he only wanted to discuss "necessary matters"—shows his restraint. He was a fugitive in a foreign land with no army; he couldn't afford an ego. He was already pivoting; if the Arabians wouldn't help him, he would find someone who would.

³⁷⁴ Ἔπειτα δόξαν ἀναχωρεῖν ἀπῄει μάλα σωφρόνως τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ . Καὶ τότε μὲν ἔν τινι ἱερῷ κατάγεται, καταλελοίπει γὰρ αὐτόθι πολλοὺς τῶν , τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ παραγενόμενος εἰς ἐκεῖ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἤκουσεν.

³⁷⁴ "Then, deciding to withdraw, he set out quite prudently on the road toward Egypt. At that time, he stayed at a certain temple, for he had left behind many of his followers there; but the next day, arriving at Rhinocorura, he heard the news concerning his brother [Phasael].

³⁷⁴ Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was that he heard what was befallen his brother.

³⁷⁴ Eventually he decided to leave and wisely took the road to Egypt, and then lodged in a certain temple, where he had left many of his followers. The following day, he came to Rhinocolura and there heard what was happened to his brother.

³⁷⁵ δὲ μεταγνόντι καὶ μεταθέοντι τὸν οὐδὲν τούτου περισσότερον ἐγένετο· πορρωτάτω γὰρ ἦν ἤδη σπεύδων τὴν‎ ἐπὶ . ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα νῆες ὁρμοῦσαι αὐτόθι εἶργον τοῦ ἐπ᾽ πλοῦ, τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐντυγχάνει, ὑφ᾽ ὧν κατ᾽ αἰδῶ καὶ πολλὴν ἐντροπὴν προπεμφθεὶς εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, ὑπὸ κατείχετο.

³⁷⁵ As for Malchus [the Arabian King], though he changed his mind and pursued Herod, it came to nothing; for Herod was already far away, hurrying toward Pelusium. When he arrived, the ships anchored there prevented him from sailing to Alexandria, so he met with the commanders. By them, he was escorted into the city with great respect and deference, where he was received by Cleopatra.

³⁷⁵ Though Malehus soon repented of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra;

³⁷⁵ Malichus soon repented of what he had done and sped after Herod, unsuccessfully, for he had gone a long way, and hurried to Pelusium. When the ships that were moored there blocked him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose help and for their great respect for him, he was brought to the city, where he was entertained by Cleopatra.

³⁷⁶ πεῖσαι μέντοι μένειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἠδυνήθη εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐπειγόμενον χειμῶνός τε ὄντος καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸταλίανItaly ἐν ταραχῇ καὶ σάλῳ πολλῷ δηλουμένων.	³⁷⁶ However, she was unable to persuade him to stay, as he was hurrying toward Rome, even though it was mid-winter and reports indicated that affairs in Italy were in great turmoil and agitation.
³⁷⁶ yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great disorder.	³⁷⁶ She could not persuade him to stay because he was in a hurry to Rome, despite the fact that the weather was stormy and that he heard that the situation in Italy was very rowdy and unsettled.

³⁷⁷ Ἀναχθεὶς οὖν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Παμφυλίας καὶ χειμῶνι σφοδρῷ περιπεσὼν μόλις εἰς διασώζεται φορτίων ἀποβολῆς γενομένης. Καὶ δύο μὲν ἐνταυθοῖ τῶν φίλων αὐτῷ συνήντησαν, Σαππῖνός τε καὶ .

³⁷⁷ Setting sail from there for Pamphylia, he encountered a violent storm and barely escaped to Rhodes, having been forced to cast his cargo overboard. There, two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemy, met him.

³⁷⁷ So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship’s burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him;

³⁷⁷ From there he sailed to Pamphylia and he was caught in a violent storm. After the ship’s cargo had been thrown overboard, he barely made it ashore at Rhodes, where two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met him.

³⁷⁸ εὑρὼν δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πρὸς πολέμου κεκακωμένην οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἀπόροις ὢν εὖ ποιεῖν αὐτὴν ὤκνησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν αὐτὴν . τριήρη τε κατασκευάσας, καὶ ἀναχθεὶς ἐκεῖθεν σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ἐπ᾽ εἰς κατάγεται.

³⁷⁸ Finding the city [Rhodes] devastated by the war against Cassius, he did not hesitate to do it a service even in his own time of need, but restored it even beyond his means. Having built a three-banked ship [trireme] and set out from there with his friends for Italy, he arrived at Brundisium.

³⁷⁸ and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium;

³⁷⁸ When he found the city much damaged by the war against Cassius, although he was in need himself, he did not fail to help it and did what he could for its rebuilding. He built there a three-decker ship and from there set sail with his friends for Italy, arriving at Brundusium.

³⁷⁹ κἀκεῖθεν εἰς ἀφικόμενος πρῶτον μὲν φράζει τὰ συμβάντα αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν‎ , καὶ πῶς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ὑπὸ ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν αἰχμάλωτος ἔχοιτο, καὶ ὡς καταστήσειαν βασιλέα χρήματα δώσειν ὑποσχόμενον χίλια τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας πεντακοσίας, αἳ τῶν πρώτων κἀκ τοῦ γένους τοῦ αὐτῶν ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ὅτι ταύτας νυκτὸς ἐκκομίσειεν καὶ διαφύγοι τὰς τῶν ἐχθρῶν χεῖρας πολλὰς ὑπομείνας ταλαιπωρίας.

³⁷⁹ From there he came to Rome and first told Antony of the things that had befallen him in Judea: how his brother Phasael had died after being seized by the Parthians, how Hyrcanus was held as their captive, and how they had set up Antigonus as king—who had promised to give them a thousand talents and five hundred women, who were to be from the foremost families and of their own kin—and how he had smuggled these women out by night and escaped the hands of his enemies, having endured many hardships.

³⁷⁹ and when he was come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies;

³⁷⁹ Getting from there to Rome, he first reported to Antony what had happened him in Judea and how Phasael his brother was taken and killed by the Parthians, and how Hyrcanus was their prisoner and how they had made Antigonus king, for promising them a thousand talents of money and five hundred women of the best families in the nation; how he had rescued these women by night, and how, amid many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies.

³⁸⁰ εἶτ᾽ ἐπιδιακινδυνεύειν † αὐτῷ τοὺς οἰκείους πολιορκουμένους πλεύσειέ τε διὰ χειμῶνος καὶ παντὸς καταφρονήσειε δεινοῦ σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας τὰς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ μόνην βοήθειαν.	³⁸⁰ He added that his relatives were in extreme danger while being besieged, and that he had sailed through the winter and despised every danger, hurrying toward the hopes he placed in Antony as his only source of help."
³⁸⁰ as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and condemned all these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.	³⁸⁰ He told how his own relatives shared his danger and were under siege and how he had sailed through a storm and risked its dangers to quickly reach him, who was his hope and only source of help.

The Sinai Crossing: Pelusium and Rhinocorura
Herod’s route took him through the "Way of Horus" (the coastal road across the Sinai). Rhinocorura (modern El Arish) was the border between the Nabataean/Judean sphere and Egypt. It was here, in the middle of a desolate desert, that he received the news of Phasael’s death. Most men would have collapsed; Herod simply increased his pace toward Pelusium, the gateway to Egypt.

Cleopatra’s Offer
The meeting between Cleopatra VII and Herod is a fascinating "what if" of history. Cleopatra was a master at recruiting talented, desperate men to her cause. She likely saw in Herod a brilliant general who could help her secure her eastern borders. Herod’s refusal to stay—choosing the uncertainty of Rome over the luxury of the Ptolemaic court—shows his singular focus on reclaiming his own kingdom.

The Perils of Winter Sailing
In the ancient world, the Mediterranean was considered "closed" (mare clausum) from November to March due to unpredictable storms. To sail from Alexandria to Rhodes and then to Italy in "mid-winter" (cheimōnos ontos) was considered a suicidal act. Herod’s willingness to dump his cargo to survive the storm off Pamphylia illustrates his "all or nothing" stakes.

Rhodes: The "Investment" in Ruins
Even as a fugitive, Herod acted like a king. Finding Rhodes ravaged by the previous civil war (Cassius had looted the city in 43 BCE), he funded its reconstruction. This wasn't just charity; Rhodes was a major naval hub. By building a trireme there, he ensured he arrived in Italy not as a shipwrecked beggar, but as a dignified statesman with his own vessel.

The Pitch to Antony
When Herod reached Rome, his "pitch" to Antony was perfectly calibrated. He didn't just talk about his own loss; he focused on the Parthians and the 1,000 talents. He framed Antigonus as a "Parthian puppet" who had bought his throne. This played directly into Roman fears: the Parthians had just humiliated Rome at the Battle of Carrhae years earlier, and any ally of the Parthians was an enemy of Rome.

The 500 Women (Again)
Notice that Herod mentions the 500 women to Antony. He highlights that he "smuggled them out" (ekkomiseien). This served to prove his own competence and his loyalty to his family, qualities the Romans (especially Antony, who valued "manliness" and "loyalty") highly respected.

³⁸¹ δ᾽ οἶκτος εἰσέρχεται τῆς μεταβολῆς, καὶ τῷ κοινῷ χρησάμενος λογισμῷ περὶ τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι τοσούτῳ καθεστώτων ὡς κἀκείνων ὑποκειμένων τῇ τύχῃ, τὰ μὲν κατὰ μνήμην τῆς ξενίας,

³⁸¹ "Antony was moved by pity at the reversal of Herod's fortunes, considering in his common reasoning how those established in such high dignity are subject to the whims of Fortune. Partly out of memory for the hospitality (xenia) of Antipater,

³⁸¹ This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod’s condition; and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater

³⁸¹ Antony felt pity for the change in Herod’s condition, and made the usual reflection on how often it happens that people who reach such high dignity are subject to the changes of fortune, recalling his old friendship with Antipater.

³⁸² τὰ δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ χρημάτων ὧν αὐτῷ δώσειν , εἰ γένοιτο βασιλεύς, ὑπέσχετο καθὼς καὶ πρότερον τετράρχης ἀπεδέδεικτο, πολὺ μέντοι μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ πρὸς μῖσος, στασιαστὴν γὰρ καὶ ἐχθρὸν αὐτὸν ὑπελάμβανεν, πρόθυμος ἦν οἷς παρεκάλει συλλαμβάνεσθαι.

³⁸² and partly because of the money Herod promised to give him if he became king—just as he had previously done when appointed Tetrarch—but much more so because of his hatred toward Antigonus (whom he considered a rebel and an enemy to Rome), Antony was eager to assist Herod in what he requested.

³⁸² because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly given it to him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod’s dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired,

³⁸² He remembered how Herod had offered him money to make him king, as he had earlier given it to him to make him tetrarch, but even more, his hatred for Antigonus, whom he took to be a rebel and an enemy to the Romans, and was eager to give Herod the help he asked for.

³⁸³ μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ τὰς στρατείας, ἃς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ πατρὶ συνδιήνεγκεν, καὶ τὴν‎ ξενίαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν ἅπασιν εὔνοιαν, καὶ χαριζόμενος δὲ σφόδρα περὶ τὸν ἐσπουδακότι, πρὸς τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ὧν ἐβούλετο συνεργίαν ἑτοιμότερος ἦν.

³⁸³ Caesar [Octavian], for his part, was even more ready to cooperate in Herod’s ambition and provide help, both because of the campaigns Antipater had shared with his father [Julius Caesar] in Egypt, and because of their guest-friendship and general goodwill in all matters; he also wished to gratify Antony, who was so zealously devoted to Herod.

³⁸³ on account of the toils of war which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod.

³⁸³ Caesar too, because of his wartime experience alongside his father Antipater in Egypt, and the hospitality and favour he had always shown him, as well as to gratify Antony, who was strongly on Herod’s side, was more than willing to raise Herod’s rank and cooperate with his wishes.

³⁸⁴ συναγαγόντες δὲ τὴν‎ βουλὴν καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν , παραστησάμενοι τὸν τάς τε τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργεσίας αὐτοῦ‎ διεξῄεσαν καὶ ἣν αὐτὸς πρὸς εἶχεν εὔνοιαν ὑπεμίμνησκον, κατηγοροῦντες ἅμα καὶ πολέμιον ἀποφαίνοντες τὸν οὐκ ἐξ ὧν τὸ πρῶτον προσέκρουσεν αὐτοῖς μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ παρὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν λάβοι ὑπεριδών.

³⁸⁴ Messala, and after him Atratinus, convened the Senate. Bringing Herod forward, they recounted his father's benefactions and reminded the senators of the goodwill Herod himself bore toward the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus and declared him an enemy, not only because of his earlier clashes with them but because he had received his government from the Parthians, in contempt of the Romans.

³⁸⁴ So a senate was convocated; and Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians.

³⁸⁴ Messala and Atratinus convened the senate and introduced Herod, dwelling on his father’s good work and recalling his goodwill to the Romans. They also accused Antigonus of hostility, pointing out his former opposition and that he was now ignoring the Romans and accepting the throne from the Parthians.

³⁸⁵ τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις παρωξυμμένης παρελθὼν ἈντώνιοςAntony ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ ΠάρθωνParthians πόλεμον ἩρώδηνHerōd βασιλεύειν συμφέρει. Καὶ δόξαν τοῦτο πᾶσι ψηφίζονται.	³⁸⁵ When the Senate had been incited by these speeches, Antony came forward and instructed them that it was even advantageous for the war against the Parthians that Herod should be King. And this being the opinion of all, they passed the decree."
³⁸⁵ Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.	³⁸⁵ This angered the senate and Antony came and told them it was to their advantage in the Parthian war for Herod to be king, and they all voted accordingly.

The Power of "Xenia" and "Pietas"
Josephus highlights that Octavian (the future Emperor Augustus) supported Herod because of Antipater's loyalty to his adoptive father, Julius Caesar. This is a classic example of Roman pietas (duty to ancestors). By helping Herod, Octavian was honoring a debt his father owed to Herod's father. This "intergenerational diplomacy" was the bedrock of Herodian power in Rome.

The "Parthian Puppet" Argument
The speeches by Messala and Atratinus were masterfully crafted. They didn't just argue that Herod was a "good guy"; they argued that Antigonus was a "threat to Rome." By framing Antigonus’s kingship as a Parthian creation, they turned a local Judean dispute into a matter of Roman national security. The Senate, still stinging from Roman defeats in the East, was easily "incited" (parōxymmenēs) by the idea of a Parthian-backed king on their border.

Antony's Pragmatism: Money and War
While Josephus mentions "pity," he is honest about the darker motivations. Antony wanted money (chrēmatōn), and Herod was a proven fundraiser. Furthermore, Antony was planning a massive invasion of Parthia. He realized that having a loyal, capable, and Roman-appointed King in Judea was far more "advantageous" (sympherei) than dealing with a high priest who might lean toward the East.

The Transformation of the Goal
When Herod left Masada, he likely only hoped to be restored as a Tetrarch or to have a Hasmonean prince (like the young Aristobulus III) named King while he served as regent. The decision to make Herod himself King was a radical break from tradition. It bypassed the Hasmonean bloodline entirely and placed the crown on a "New Man" whose only legitimacy came from a Roman decree.

Messala Corvinus: The Legal Shark
We see Messala again (he had previously defended Herod at Daphne). Messala was one of the most respected men in Rome. His sponsorship of Herod in the Senate gave the "Idumaean upstart" an air of Roman aristocratic legitimacy that money couldn't buy.

The End of the "Republic" in Judea
The Senate’s decree effectively ended the Hasmonean era of semi-independence. From this moment on, the King of Judea was a "Client King"—he held his crown "at the pleasure" of the Roman people. Herod walked out of the Senate building as a King, but he also walked out as a man who owed his entire existence to the two most powerful men in Rome.

³⁸⁶ Καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέγιστον ἦν τῆς περὶ τὸν σπουδῆς, ὅτι μὴ μόνον αὐτῷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν οὐκ ἐλπίζοντι περιεποιήσατο, οὐ γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνέβη ταύτην αἰτησόμενος, οὐ γὰρ ἐνόμιζεν αὐτῷ τοὺς παρέξειν τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ γένους ἔθος ἔχοντας αὐτὴν διδόναι,

³⁸⁶ "This was the greatest sign of Antony’s zeal for Herod: that he procured for him the kingship when he was not even hoping for it. For Herod had not gone up to him to ask for this, as he did not believe the Romans would grant it to him, since they were accustomed to giving it only to those of the [royal] lineage.

³⁸⁶ And this was the principal instance of Antony’s affection for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family,

³⁸⁶ This was the greatest sign of Antony’s affection for Herod. Not only did he gain the kingship for him beyond his expectation—for he had not come intending to ask it for himself, not thinking the Romans would grant it to him, as they used to grant it to some of the royal family,

³⁸⁷ ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ τῷ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφῷ λαβεῖν ἀξιώσων υἱωνῷ τυγχάνοντι πρὸς μὲν πατρὸς πρὸς δὲ μητρὸς , ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ ἑπτὰ ταῖς πάσαις ἡμέραις παρέσχεν αὐτῷ τυχόντι τῶν οὐδὲ προσδοκηθέντων ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς .

³⁸⁷ Rather, he had come to request it for his wife's brother, Aristobulus [III], who was the grandson of Aristobulus on his father’s side and of Hyrcanus on his mother’s side. Yet, Antony provided this for him—something he had not even expected—so that he departed from Italy in only seven days in total.

³⁸⁷ but intended to desire it for his wife’s brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in all.

³⁸⁷ but also planning to request it for his wife’s brother, who was a grandson to Aristobulus by his father and to Hyrcanus by his mother—but he made it possible from him to leave Italy with this unexpected grant in as little as seven days.

³⁸⁸ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν νεανίσκον ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν· λυθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς μέσον ἔχοντες καὶ προαγόντων ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς τῶν ὑπάτων θύσοντές τε καὶ τὸ δόγμα καταθησόμενοι εἰς τὸ .

³⁸⁸ (Herod eventually killed this young man, as we shall relate in the proper place.) When the Senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar [Octavian] went out with Herod between them, preceded by the consuls and other magistrates, in order to offer sacrifices and to deposit the decree in the Capitol.

³⁸⁸ This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their decrees in the capitol.

³⁸⁸ Herod later made sure to have the boy [his grandson] killed, as we shall tell in its proper place. When the senate adjourned, Antony and Caesar left with Herod between them, preceded by the consuls and other officers, to offer sacrifices and to deposit their decrees in the capitol.

³⁸⁹ ἑστιᾷ δὲ τὴν‎ πρώτην ἡμέραν τῆς βασιλείας . Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτως τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαμβάνει τυχὼν αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς καὶ τετάρτης ὀλυμπιάδος ὑπατεύοντος τὸ δεύτερον καὶ .

³⁸⁹ Antony gave a feast for him on the first day of his reign. Thus did he receive the kingship, obtaining it during the 184th Olympiad, in the consulship of Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus (for the second time) and Gaius Asinius Pollio."

³⁸⁹ Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].

³⁸⁹ Antony held a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign; and that is how he received the kingship, on the hundred and eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Gaius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, with Gaius Asinius Pollio.

The "Accidental" King
Josephus makes a startling historical claim: Herod didn't go to Rome to become King. He went to lobby for his young brother-in-law, Aristobulus III. This would have made Herod a "King-Maker" or "Regent," a role similar to his father Antipater’s. Antony’s decision to skip the Hasmonean heir and crown the Idumaean general instead was a radical departure from Roman tradition ("ἔθος"), which usually respected hereditary royal lines.

The Seven-Day Revolution
The timeframe is staggering. Herod arrived in Rome a shipwrecked fugitive and left seven days later as a King recognized by the Senate. In a world where news traveled by sail and horse, this speed reflects the total control Antony and Octavian exerted over the Roman state. It was a "blitzkrieg" of diplomacy.

The Capitol and the Decree
The procession to the Capitol was the ultimate Roman validation. The Capitol (the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus) was the religious heart of the Republic. By placing the bronze tablet of the decree there, the Romans signaled that Herod’s kingship was "divinely" sanctioned by the Roman gods. Walking between the two Triumvirs—the most powerful men on earth—was a visual signal to the world that Herod was now "untouchable."

The Shadow of Aristobulus III
Josephus includes a chilling "flash-forward" (prolepsis) regarding the young boy for whom Herod had supposedly come to plead. Aristobulus III was the "perfect" Hasmonean candidate (combining the bloodlines of both rival branches). Herod eventually realized that as long as this boy lived, his own kingship was illegitimate in the eyes of the Jews. He later had the boy "accidentally" drowned in a swimming pool at Jericho.

The Consuls of 40 BCE
Josephus provides the exact dating using the Consular Fasti: Calvinus and Asinius Pollio. Pollio is particularly famous as the patron of the poet Virgil, who wrote his "Messianic" Fourth Eclogue during this very consulship. The irony is profound: while Virgil was writing about a "child who would bring a Golden Age," the Roman Senate was crowning a man who would become the "Herod the Great" of the Nativity stories.

The 184th Olympiad
By cross-referencing the Consuls and the 184th Olympiad, Josephus confirms the date as late 40 BCE. This precise dating is his way of giving the account "historical weight" for his Greco-Roman readers, ensuring they know this wasn't a myth, but a documented event of the Roman state.

³⁹⁰ Τοῦτον δὲ ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον ἐπολιόρκει τοὺς ἐν , τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτοῖς ὑπαρχόντων, μόνου δὲ σπανίζοντος ὕδατος, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν σὺν διακοσίοις τῶν οἰκείων ἀποδρᾶναι βουλεύσασθαι πρὸς · ἀκηκόει γὰρ ὡς τῶν εἰς ἁμαρτημάτων μετανοεῖ.

³⁹⁰ "During all this time, Antigonus was besieging those in Masada. While they had a supply of other necessities, they were deficient only in water; so much so that Herod's brother Joseph planned to escape to the Arabians with two hundred of his kinsmen, for he had heard that Malchus repented of his offenses against Herod.

³⁹⁰ All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod’s brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to Herod;

³⁹⁰ All during this time Antigonus was besieging the people in Masada, who had plenty of all other essentials and were only short of water. At length Herod’s brother Joseph was planning to escape from it, with two hundred of his dependants, to the Arabs, for he had heard that Malichus repented of the wrong he had done to Herod.

³⁹¹ κατέσχε δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὕσας διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ὁ θεός· τῶν γὰρ ἐκδοχείων πλησθέντων τοῦ ὕδατος οὐκέτι τῆς φυγῆς ἐδεῖτο, ἀλλὰ τεθαρσηκότες ἤδη καὶ πλέον ἢ κατὰ τὴν‎ εὐπορίαν τοῦ σπανίζοντος, ὡς ἐκ θεοῦ προνοίας ταύτης αὐτοῖς γεγενημένης, ἐπεξιόντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι τοῖς περὶ τὸν τοῖς μὲν φανερῶς, τοῖς δὲ καὶ λάθρα, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν διέφθειραν.

³⁹¹ But God prevented him by sending rain during the night; for the reservoirs being filled with water, he no longer had need of flight. Instead, they took courage, feeling they had more than an abundance of what had been scarce, as if this had happened to them through divine providence. Making sallies and engaging Antigonus’s men—sometimes openly and sometimes by ambush—they destroyed many of them.

³⁹¹ but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus’s soldiers, (with some openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them.

³⁹¹ But God prevented him from leaving by sending rain during the night, which filled their cisterns so that he had no need to escape on account of it. Now they were in better spirits too, since the sending of plenty of water when they needed it seemed a mark of divine Providence, so they made a sortie and fought hand to hand with Antigonus' soldiers, some in the open and some under cover, and killed many of them.

³⁹² κἀν τούτῳ ὁ στρατηγὸς πεμφθεὶς ἐκ ὥστε ἀνείργειν, μετ᾽ ἐκείνους εἰς τὴν‎ παρέβαλεν τῷ λόγῳ μὲν συμμαχήσων, τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον ἦν αὐτῷ στρατήγημα χρήματα παρ᾽ λαβεῖν· ἔγγιστα γοῦν στρατοπεδευόμενος ἀποχρώντως ἠργυρίσατο τὸν .

³⁹² In the meantime, Ventidius, the Roman general, having been sent from Syria to drive back the Parthians, crossed over into Judea after them. Nominally, he came to assist Joseph, but his entire strategy was to extract money from Antigonus. At any rate, encamping very near Jerusalem, he took a sufficient amount of silver from Antigonus.

³⁹² At the same time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money,

³⁹² At the same time the Roman general, Ventidius, was sent from Syria, to drive out the Parthians, and pursued them into Judea, under pretext of helping Joseph, but in reality as a means of getting money from Antigonus. They encamped very near Jerusalem and took a lot of money from Antigonus.

³⁹³ καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν σὺν τῇ πλείονι δυνάμει, ἵνα δὲ μὴ κατάφωρον γένηται τὸ λῆμμα, μετὰ μέρους τινὸς τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατέλιπεν, ὃν καὶ αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευεν , ὅπως μηδὲν ἐνοχλοίη, προσδοκῶν καὶ πάλιν αὐτῷ ἐπαμυνεῖν.

³⁹³ He himself then withdrew with the greater part of his force; but so that his bribe (lēmma) might not be too obvious, he left Silo behind with a portion of the soldiers. Antigonus courted Silo as well, so that he might not cause any trouble, while he [Antigonus] expected the Parthians to come to his aid once again."

³⁹³ and then he retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of might not be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come again and defend him.

³⁹³ Then he retreated with most of the army, but left Silo there along with some of his soldiers, that his absence might not be noticed. Antigonus sought Silo’s friendship so that he would cause him no disturbance, but still held out hopes that the Parthians would return to defend him.

The Hydrology of Masada
Josephus highlights the Achilles' heel of Masada: water. While the fortress was nearly impregnable to soldiers, it was at the mercy of the weather. Before Herod later built his massive sophisticated system of aqueducts and giant cisterns, the garrison relied entirely on "ekdocheiōn" (reservoirs/cisterns) catching seasonal rainfall. The "miraculous" rain wasn't just a weather event; it was the difference between the survival of the Herodian dynasty and its total extinction.

"Divine Providence" (Pronoias)
Josephus, writing for a Jewish and Roman audience, frames the rain as an act of God. This is a recurring theme in his biography of Herod: that despite Herod's flaws, the Heavens seemed to conspire to keep him in power. The psychological shift in the defenders is notable—the rain turned them from "refugees" into "aggressors" who began taking the fight to Antigonus.

Ventidius Bassus: The Profiteer
Publius Ventidius Bassus is a fascinating historical figure—a former mule-driver who rose to become a Roman consul and the only general of the era to celebrate a triumph over the Parthians. However, Josephus paints him here as a quintessential corrupt Roman official. His "assistance" to the Herodian cause was a shakedown. He positioned his legions near Jerusalem not to take the city, but to signal to Antigonus: "Pay me, or I attack."

The "Lēmma" (The Bribe)
The word used for the bribe is "λῆμμα" (literally "a thing received"). Ventidius practiced a form of "strategic neutrality" that was common during the Triumvirate. By taking money from Antigonus, he effectively prolonged the civil war for personal profit. This forced Herod, upon his return, to not only fight Antigonus but also to "out-bribe" or manage his own Roman "allies."

Silo and the Double-Dip
When Ventidius left, he left behind a commander named Silo. Antigonus "εθεράπευεν" (courted/served) him as well. This shows the desperation of Antigonus; he was paying off Roman officers to simply "not interfere" while he prayed for the Parthians to return from the East. Antigonus knew he couldn't beat a Roman legion, so he tried to buy their apathy.

The Guerilla Shift
The defenders at Masada moved from a defensive posture to "ambushes" (lathra). This is the birth of the Herodian military style: using the rugged topography of the Judean wilderness to conduct asymmetric warfare. Even without Herod, his brother Joseph proved that the Idumaean-Herodian forces were superior in mountain combat compared to the Hasmonean levies of Antigonus.

Chapter 15
[394-467]
Herod returns to Judea, to defeat Antigonus and win the kingdom

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³⁹⁴ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἤδη καταπεπλευκὼς εἰς καὶ συναγηοχὼς δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην ξένων τε ἅμα καὶ ἤλαυνε διὰ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν . συνελάμβανον δ᾽ αὐτῷ τε καὶ πεισθέντες ὑπὸ συγκατάγειν τοῦ πεμφθέντος ὑπ᾽ .

³⁹⁴ "Now Herod, having already sailed from Italy to Ptolemais and having gathered a force of no small size—consisting of both foreigners and fellow countrymen—marched through Galilee against Antigonus. Silo and Ventidius assisted him, having been persuaded by Dellius to help restore Herod, as he had been sent by Antony for this purpose.

³⁹⁴ By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod.

³⁹⁴ By this time Herod had sailed from Italy to Ptolemais and had gathered a not inconsiderable army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo and Ventidius took his side, persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to bring Herod back with him.

³⁹⁵ μὲν οὖν ἐτύγχανεν τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς διὰ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν οὔσας καθιστάμενος, δ᾽ ἐν χρήμασιν ὑπ᾽ διεφθαρμένος. μέντοι προιόντι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἡ δύναμις ηὔξετο καὶ πᾶσα πλὴν ὀλίγων αὐτῷ προστέθειτο.

³⁹⁵ Ventidius, as it happened, was busy settling the disturbances caused by the Parthians in the cities, while Silo remained in Judea, having been corrupted by the money of Antigonus. Nevertheless, as Herod advanced, his power grew every day, and nearly all of Galilee, with a few exceptions, joined his side.

³⁹⁵ Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him;

³⁹⁵ Ventidius was engaged in calming the disturbances caused by the Parthians in the cities, and Silo was in Judea, seduced by Antigonus. As Herod continued on his way, his army increased every day and all the Galileans, with few exceptions, joined him.

³⁹⁶ ὡρμηκότα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν Μεσάδα, ἀναγκαῖον γὰρ ἦν τὸ σῶσαι τοὺς ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ πολιορκουμένους συγγενεῖς ὄντας, ἐμποδὼν γίνεται· πολεμίαν γὰρ οὖσαν αὐτὴν ἐχρῆν ἐξελεῖν πρότερον, ὅπως μηδὲν ὑπολείπηται κατὰ νώτου τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔρυμα χωροῦντος ἐπὶ .

³⁹⁶ As he set out toward those in Masada—for it was necessary to save his besieged relatives in the fortress—Joppa stood in his way. Since it was a hostile city, it was necessary to take it first, so that no stronghold of the enemy would remain in his rear as he marched toward Jerusalem.

³⁹⁶ but as he was marching to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem.

³⁹⁶ But as he wanted to head for Masada, to try to save his relatives who were under siege in that fortress, he was delayed by Joppa, for he first had to take that city opposed to him, that no stronghold might be left behind him in enemy hands when he went to Jerusalem.

³⁹⁷ ποιησαμένου δὲ καὶ ταύτην πρόφασιν τῆς ἀπαναστάσεως καὶ τῶν διωκόντων αὐτὸν μετ᾽ ὀλίγου στίφους ἐπέξεισιν καὶ τρέπεται μὲν τοὺς , δὲ σώζει κακῶς ἀμυνόμενον, τε τὴν‎ ἔσπευδεν ῥυσόμενος τοὺς ἐν οἰκείους.

³⁹⁷ When Silo made this [hostility] a pretext for withdrawing, and the Jews were pursuing him, Herod went out against them with a small band and routed the Jews, saving Silo who was defending himself poorly. Having captured Joppa, he hurried on to rescue his kinsmen in Masada.

³⁹⁷ And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that were in Masada.

³⁹⁷ When Silo made this a pretext for leaving Jerusalem and was immediately pursued by the Jews, Herod attacked them with a small group of men and routed the Jews and saved Silo, when he was hardly able to defend himself, and when Herod had taken Joppa, he hurried to free his relatives in Masada.

³⁹⁸ τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίων οἱ μὲν αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν προσεχώρουν φιλίαν, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ δόξαν, ἄλλοι δὲ κατ᾽ ἀμοιβὴν τῆς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων εὐεργεσίας, οἱ πλείους δὲ διὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἃς ὡς ἐπὶ βασιλεῖ βεβαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν εἶχον.

³⁹⁸ Of the local people, some joined him out of friendship for his father, others because of his own reputation, some in return for benefits received from both, but the majority did so because of the hopes they now held in him as a secure and stable king."

³⁹⁸ Now of the people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.

³⁹⁸ Some of the local people joined him because of their friendship for his father and some because of the splendid showing he made and others to repay the benefits they had received from both of them, but most came hoping for favours from him later, once his kingship was established.

The Strategic Landing at Ptolemais
Herod chose Ptolemais (Acre) as his base of operations. It was a Phoenician city-state with a deep-water port, firmly outside the control of Antigonus but close enough to Galilee to launch a land campaign. By landing there, he avoided the hostile Judean coast and could build his army in relative safety before crossing the Galilean hills.

Dellius: The Diplomatic Fixer
Josephus mentions Dellius, a key figure in Mark Antony's inner circle. Dellius was the "man on the ground" who had to force the Roman generals, Ventidius and Silo, to actually follow Antony's orders. This shows that the Roman command structure in the East was highly fractured; without a direct representative of the Triumvir present, the local generals would have ignored Herod entirely.

The "Rear-Guard" Problem of Joppa
Herod’s strategic mind is evident in the siege of Joppa (Jaffa). A lesser general might have rushed straight to Masada to save his family. Herod, however, knew that leaving a hostile port city like Joppa behind him would allow Antigonus to cut off his supply lines from the sea. Taking Joppa secured the coast and cleared the path for a permanent siege of Jerusalem later on.

Silo’s Incompetence and Corruption
Josephus paints a scathing portrait of the Roman general Silo. Not only was he "corrupted by money" (chrēmasin diephtharmenos), but he was also a poor soldier. Herod had to personally rescue Silo’s troops with a "small band" (oligon stiphous). This dynamic is crucial: Herod had to prove he was a better general than the Romans if he wanted to maintain their respect and prevent them from defecting back to Antigonus.

The Four Types of Loyalty
Josephus provides a fascinating breakdown of why people were joining Herod:

1) Ancestral Loyalty: Debt to his father, Antipater.

2) Charisma: Herod’s own growing "fame" (doxan).

3) Reciprocity: Those who had been bribed or helped by the family previously.

4) Pragmatism: The majority (hoi pleious) joined because they wanted stability. After years of civil war between Hasmonean factions, Herod represented a "secure" (bebaiō) future backed by the might of Rome.

The Galvanization of Galilee
The fact that nearly all of Galilee joined him is a testament to his early career as governor there. Despite the Parthian invasion, the Galileans remembered Herod’s efficiency in clearing out bandits and managing the region. For Herod, Galilee was not just a province; it was the engine of his military machine.

³⁹⁹ ἤθροιστο δὴ δύναμις βαρεῖα, καὶ προιόντος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus τῶν παρόδων τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τόπους ἐνέδραις καὶ λόχοις κατελάμβανεν καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν ἐκ τούτου τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ μικρὰ παντάπασιν ἔβλαπτεν.	³⁹⁹ "A heavy force had now been gathered, and as Herod advanced, Antigonus occupied the advantageous places along the passes with ambushes and concealed troops; yet from this, he harmed the enemy not at all, or only very slightly.
³⁹⁹ Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy.	³⁹⁹ He gathered a strong force and as he progressed, though Antigonus set traps and ambushes in the passes and other suitable places he foresaw them, and they seldom or never harmed the enemy at all.

⁴⁰⁰ δὲ τοὺς ἐκ οἰκείους παραλαβὼν καὶ τὸ φρούριον ᾔει πρὸς τὰ , συνῆπτε δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸ μετὰ στρατιωτικὸν καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν καταπλαγέντες.

⁴⁰⁰ Herod, having recovered his relatives from Masada and also the fortress of Rhesa, went toward Jerusalem. The military force with Silo joined him, as did many from the city who were struck with awe at his strength.

⁴⁰⁰ So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power;

⁴⁰⁰ So Herod rescued his relatives from the fortress of Masada and Ressa and then headed for Jerusalem. The soldiers who had been with Silo accompanied him as did many of the citizens, fearing his power.

⁴⁰¹ στρατοπεδευσαμένου δὲ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς δύσιν τῆς πόλεως κλίμα οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τεταγμένοι φύλακες ἠκόντιζόν τε καὶ ἐτόξευον εἰς αὐτούς,	⁴⁰¹ When he had encamped on the western side of the city, the guards stationed there hurled javelins and shot arrows at them.
⁴⁰¹ and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their darts at him;	⁴⁰¹ While he was camped to the western edge of the city, the soldiers guarding that side shot arrows and spears at him.

⁴⁰² δὲ καὶ κατὰ στῖφος ἐξιόντων καὶ τοῖς προτεταγμένοις εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχομένων, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκέλευσεν κηρύσσειν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τε παρείη τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς πόλεως, μηδὲν μηδὲ τοῖς φανεροῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶν μνησικακήσων, ἀλλὰ παρέξων καὶ τοῖς διαφορωτάτοις ἀμνηστίαν τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἁμαρτημάτων.

⁴⁰² As some also came out in groups and engaged the front ranks in hand-to-hand combat, Herod first commanded that a proclamation be made around the wall: that he had come for the good of the people and for the salvation of the city, bearing no grudge even against his open enemies, but offering amnesty for any offenses committed against him, even to his most bitter opponents.

⁴⁰² and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod’s army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him.

⁴⁰² When some sallied out in a crowd to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod’s army, he ordered them, first, to proclaim around the wall that he came for the good of the people and the safety of the city and would not bear any old grudge against even his most declared enemies, but would grant amnesty even to his greatest opponents.

⁴⁰³ τοῦ δὲ πρὸς τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ κηρυχθέντα λέγοντος πρός τε καὶ τὸ τῶν στράτευμα, ὡς παρὰ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν δικαιοσύνην δώσουσιν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἰδιώτῃ τε ὄντι καὶ Ἰδουμαίῳ, τουτέστιν ἡμιιουδαίῳ, δέον τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ γένους οὖσι παρέχειν ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς.

⁴⁰³ But Antigonus, in response to Herod’s proclamations, spoke to Silo and the Roman army, saying that it would be contrary to their own sense of justice if they gave the kingship to Herod—who was a private citizen and an Idumaean, that is, a half-Jew—when they ought to grant it to those of the royal line, as was their custom.

⁴⁰³ But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was;

⁴⁰³ Antigonus replied to Herod’s proclamation in the hearing of the Romans and Silo that it would be wrong to give the kingdom to Herod, a commoner and an Idumaean, that is a half Jew, when they should bestow it on one of the royal family, according to their custom.

⁴⁰⁴ καὶ γὰρ εἰ νυνὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχουσιν χαλεπῶς καὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὡς λαβόντα παρὰ ἀφελέσθαι διεγνώκασιν, εἶναί γε πολλοὺς ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς ληψομένους κατὰ τὸν νόμον τὴν‎ βασιλείαν, οἳ μηδὲν ἐξημαρτηκότες αὐτοὶ πρὸς καὶ ἱερεῖς ὄντες οὐκ ἂν εἰκότα πάσχοιεν τῆς τιμῆς στερόμενοι.

⁴⁰⁴ For he argued that even if they were currently angry with him and had decided to take away the kingship because he received it from the Parthians, there were many of his own lineage who could receive the kingdom according to the Law; since they had committed no offense against the Romans and were priests, they would suffer unjustly if deprived of their honor.

⁴⁰⁴ for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing to put them by.

⁴⁰⁴ If they now hated him and had decided to deprive him of the kingship for having received it from the Parthians, there were many others of his family who could legitimately assume it, who had in no way offended the Romans, and it would be wrong to set them aside as they were of the priestly family.

⁴⁰⁵ ταῦτα πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν λεγόντων καὶ προελθόντων εἰς βλασφημίας ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐπέτρεπεν τοῖς ἰδίοις. οἱ δὲ τοξεύοντες καὶ πολλῇ προθυμίᾳ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν χρώμενοι ῥᾳδίως αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἐτρέψαντο.

⁴⁰⁵ While they were saying these things to one another and descending into insults, Antigonus permitted his men to defend themselves from the wall. They, using their bows and showing great zeal against the enemy, easily drove them back from the towers."

⁴⁰⁵ Now while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.

⁴⁰⁵ While they were saying this to each other and proceeding to recriminations, Antigonus allowed his own men who were upon the wall to defend themselves; but the others shot with their bows and fighting with great courage, easily drove them from the towers.

The Strategy of "Hearts and Minds"
Herod’s first move upon reaching the walls was not a military assault, but a psy-op. His proclamation of "amnestia" (amnesty) was a classic Roman tactic. He wanted to divide the city’s defenders by promising that only Antigonus was the target. By framing his arrival as the "salvation of the city" (sōtēria tēs poleōs), he attempted to cast himself as a liberator rather than a conqueror.

The "Half-Jew" Slur (Hēmiioudaiō)
This is one of the most famous lines in Josephus. Antigonus attacks Herod’s very identity, calling him a "half-Jew." This was a powerful ethnic and religious weapon. The Idumaeans had been forcibly converted to Judaism only a few generations earlier under John Hyrcanus I. By labeling Herod a "private citizen" and a "half-Jew," Antigonus was telling the Roman soldiers that Herod had no "legitimacy" (dikaiosynē) to rule the Jewish people, regardless of what the Senate decreed.

The Legalism of the Hasmoneans
Antigonus’s defense is purely legalistic. He argues that even if he is disqualified for his Parthian alliance, the Romans should pick another Hasmonean priest. He appeals to the Roman sense of "custom" (ethos). This shows the desperation of the Hasmonean house; they were willing to let the Romans pick anyone as long as they were from the priestly bloodline, effectively trying to keep Herod out on a technicality of birth.

The Western Approach
Herod encamped on the western side of Jerusalem. Topographically, this was the most common point of attack for ancient armies (including later by Titus in 70 CE), as the terrain to the east and south was protected by the steep Kidron and Hinnom valleys. The western side allowed for easier deployment of siege engines and large bodies of infantry.

Silo’s Continued Ambiguity
Note that Silo’s troops "joined" Herod, but Silo himself remained a listener to Antigonus’s arguments. Throughout this siege, the Roman commanders remained "flexible." They were waiting to see if Herod’s gold or Antigonus’s arguments (and bribes) would ultimately prevail. Herod’s challenge was not just the walls of Jerusalem, but the shifting loyalties of his own Roman "allies."

The Zeal of the Towers
The passage ends with the failure of diplomacy. The "insults" (blasphēmias) traded between the camps led to a kinetic response. The "zeal" (prothymia) of Antigonus’s archers on the towers proved that, despite Herod’s claims of amnesty, the defenders of Jerusalem were not yet ready to surrender their Hasmonean identity for an Idumaean king.

⁴⁰⁶ Τότε καὶ ἀπεκαλύψατο τὴν‎ δωροδοκίαν· καθῆκε γὰρ τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους σπάνιν τῶν καταβοᾶν καὶ χρήματα εἰς τροφὰς αἰτεῖν καὶ χειμάσοντας ἀπάγειν εἰς τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τόπους, τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὄντων ἐρήμων διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνεσκευάσθαι, ἐκίνει τε τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο.

⁴⁰⁶ "At that time, Silo openly revealed his corruption; for he incited a great number of his own soldiers to cry out about the scarcity of necessities, to demand money for rations, and to insist on being led away to suitable places for winter quarters, claiming the areas around the city [Jerusalem] were a desert because they had been stripped bare by Antigonus's soldiers. Thus, he began to move the camp and attempted to withdraw.

⁴⁰⁶ And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus’s soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away;

⁴⁰⁶ Silo was found to be venal, for he got a number of his soldiers to complain aloud of their lack of provisions and to demand money to buy themselves food, and to be allowed to go to a proper place for winter quarters, since the places near the city were desolate, for Antigonus' soldiers had taken everything. So he set the army in motion and prepared to march away.

⁴⁰⁷ δ᾽ ἐνέκειτο παρακαλῶν τούς τε ὑπὸ τῷ Σίλωνι ἡγεμόνας καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας μὴ καταλιπεῖν αὐτόν, Καίσαρός τε καὶ καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου προτρεψάντων αὐτόν· προνοήσειν γὰρ αὐτῶν τῆς εὐπορίας καὶ παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ὧν ἐπιζητοῦσιν ῥᾳδίως.

⁴⁰⁷ But Herod pressed them, entreating the commanders under Silo and the soldiers not to abandon him, since Caesar, Antony, and the Senate had urged him forward. He promised he would look after their prosperity and would easily provide them with an abundance of everything they sought.

⁴⁰⁷ but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo’s captains and soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required;

⁴⁰⁷ Herod pressed Silo not to depart and urged Silo’s officers and soldiers not to desert him after being sent there by Caesar and Antony and the senate. He claimed he could provide their rations and that he could easily furnish more than they needed.

⁴⁰⁸ καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ δέησιν εὐθὺς ἐξορμήσας εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν οὐκέτ᾽ οὐδεμίαν Σίλωνι τῆς πρόφασιν ὑπελίπετο· πλῆθος γὰρ ὅσον οὐδ᾽ ἤλπισέν τις τῶν ἐκόμισεν, τοῖς τε περὶ ᾠκειωμένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπέστειλεν σῖτα καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ βοσκήματα τά τε ἄλλα πάντα κατάγειν εἰς τοῦ μηδὲ τὰς ἑξῆς ἡμέρας εἰς χορηγίαν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπιλιπεῖν.

⁴⁰⁸ Immediately after this plea, he dashed out into the countryside and left Silo no further pretext for withdrawal. For he brought in a greater multitude of supplies than anyone had hoped for; he sent orders to those in Samaria who were friendly to him to bring corn, wine, oil, livestock, and all other things down to Jericho, so that the soldiers would not lack provisions for the days to come.

⁴⁰⁸ after which entreaty, he immediately went out into the country, and left not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to come.

⁴⁰⁸ Immediately after making this request, he went out into the country and left no pretext for Silo to leave, for he brought an unexpected amount of provisions and sent to those of his friends who lived around Samaria to bring down to Jericho corn, wine, oil and livestock and all other foodstuffs, that in future the soldiers would have no lack of them.

⁴⁰⁹ οὐκ ἐλάνθανε δὲ ταῦτ᾽ , ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀπέπεμψεν κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν τοὺς εἴρξοντας καὶ λοχήσοντας τοὺς σιτηγοῦντας, οἱ δὲ πειθόμενοι τοῖς προστάγμασιν καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν περὶ ἀθροίσαντες παρεφύλασσον ἐπὶ τῶν καθεσθέντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια κομίζοντας.

⁴⁰⁹ These things did not escape Antigonus. He immediately sent men throughout the countryside to block and ambush the supply-bearers. Obeying Antigonus’s commands, they gathered a large multitude of heavy infantry around Jericho and sat upon the mountains to watch for those bringing the supplies.

⁴⁰⁹ Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions.

⁴⁰⁹ Antigonus knew about this and quickly sent people around the country to capture and ambush those who went out seeking provisions. The men obeyed his orders and gathered a large crowd of warriors near Jericho who took up position in the hills, to guard against the bringing in of provisions.

⁴¹⁰ οὐ μὴν τούτων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν , πέντε δὲ ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν‎ πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις.

⁴¹⁰ Herod, however, did not remain idle while this was happening. Taking ten cohorts—five of which were Roman and five Jewish—along with mixed mercenaries and a few cavalry, he arrived at Jericho. He found the city deserted, except for five hundred people with their wives and families who had occupied the heights; these he released after capturing them. But the Romans burst in and plundered the city, finding the houses full of all sorts of precious goods.

⁴¹⁰ However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. *

⁴¹⁰ Meanwhile Herod was not idle for he took ten bands of soldiers, five of Romans and five of Jews, along with some mercenaries and a few cavalry and came to Jericho. Finding the city deserted, except for five hundred of them who had settled on the hilltops with their wives and children, he took and dispersed them. But then the Romans attacked the city and when they found the houses full of all sorts of good things, looted it.

⁴¹¹ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho μὲν οὖν φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπέστρεψεν καὶ χειμάσουσαν τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατιὰν εἰς τὰς προσκεχωρηκυίας διαφῆκεν ἸδουμαίανIdumaea καὶ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria.	⁴¹¹ Having left a garrison in Jericho, the King returned and dismissed the Roman army to spend the winter in the regions that had gone over to him: Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria.
⁴¹¹ So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria.	⁴¹¹ Leaving a garrison at Jericho, the king returned and sent the Roman army to take up winter quarters in the areas that had come over to him, Judea and Galilee and Samaria.

⁴¹² ἔτυχεν δὲ καὶ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus παρὰ ΣίλωνοςSilo ἀντὶ τῆς δωροδοκίας ὥστε ὑποδέξασθαι τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἐν ΛύδδοιςLydda θεραπεύων ἈντώνιονAntōny. Καὶ ῬωμαῖοιRomans μὲν ἐν ἀφθόνοις διῆγον ἀνειμένοι τῶν ὅπλων.	⁴¹² Antigonus also obtained from Silo, in exchange for his bribe, the permission to receive a portion of the army in Lydda, as a way of courting Antony. And so the Romans lived in abundance, having laid down their arms."
⁴¹² And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.	⁴¹² All that Antigonus got from Silo for the bribes he gave him was that part of his army was quartered at Lydda in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid aside their weapons and lived amid plenty.

The "Logistical Hostage" Strategy
Silo attempted a classic Roman military strike: the "Winter Quarter Mutiny." Roman legions were notoriously difficult to manage during the winter months (when active campaigning ceased). By claiming the land was "stripped bare" (aneskeuasthai), Silo was trying to force Herod to pay him to stay or let him move to a more lucrative area to plunder. Herod countered this not with words, but with Samaritan grain.

Samaria: Herod’s Breadbasket
This passage highlights why Samaria was so vital to Herod’s survival. Unlike the Jews of Jerusalem who supported Antigonus, the Samaritans were ancient rivals of the Judeans and saw Herod as a more favorable protector. Herod’s ability to tap into the agricultural wealth of the Sebaste region allowed him to "out-feed" the famine that Antigonus was trying to create.

Jericho: The Plundered Paradise
Jericho was the wealthiest city in the Jordan Valley, famous for its balsam groves and dates. Antigonus tried to use the surrounding mountains to blockade it, but Herod’s lightning strike with ten cohorts (approx. 5,000–6,000 men) cleared the valley. The fact that the Romans found the houses "full of precious goods" shows that while the poor had fled, the aristocratic wealth of Jericho remained—and the Romans, true to form, looted it immediately.

The Mixed Army: Romans and Jews
Josephus provides a rare look at the composition of Herod’s force: five Roman cohorts and five Jewish cohorts. This 50/50 split shows that Herod was not just a Roman puppet; he had successfully raised a professional Jewish army (likely largely Idumaean and Galilean) that was trained to fight alongside Roman legionaries as equals.

The Triple-Wintering Strategy
Herod strategically distributed the Roman troops into three loyalist regions:

1) Idumaea: His ancestral home.

2) Galilee: His military power base.

3) Samaria: His logistical hub.

By doing this, he ensured the Romans were fed by people who wouldn't poison them, while also keeping "garrisons" in his own territories at Rome's expense.

Antigonus and the Lydda Bribe
Even in "defeat," Antigonus was still playing the game. He bribed Silo to let some Roman troops winter in Lydda (Lod). This was a brilliant move; by hosting Roman troops, Antigonus made it look to the outside world (and to Antony) like he was the one supporting the Roman cause. It was a visual "PR" campaign to suggest he was as much a Roman ally as Herod.

⁴¹³ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐδόκει μένειν ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τὸν ἀδελφὸν σὺν δισχιλίοις καὶ τετρακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν ἐξέπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ εἰς παραγενόμενος καὶ καταθέμενος αὐτόθι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἐξεληλυθότας ἤδη ἐκ τῶν Μασάδων ἐπὶ ᾤχετο ἐξαιρήσων τινὰ τῶν χωρίων ὑπ᾽ φρουραῖς κατειλημμένα.

⁴¹³ "Herod, however, did not think it best to remain in idleness. He sent his brother Joseph to Idumaea with two thousand heavy infantry and four hundred horsemen; he himself arrived at Samaria, where he settled his mother and the relatives who had already come out of Masada, and then departed for Galilee to seize certain strongholds held by the garrisons of Antigonus.

⁴¹³ But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, and took certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus;

⁴¹³ Herod was not pleased with inactivity but sent his brother Joseph against Idumaea with two thousand armed infantry and four hundred cavalry, while he himself came to Samaria where he left his mother and his other relatives after they had left Masada. He went into Galilee to take some places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus.

⁴¹⁴ διελθὼν δὲ εἰς ΣέπφωρινSepphoris νίφοντος τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν ἈντιγόνουAntigonus φρουρῶν ὑπεξελθόντων ἐν ἀφθόνοις ἦν τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις.	⁴¹⁴ He arrived at Sepphoris during a snowstorm sent by God, and since the garrisons of Antigonus had withdrawn, he found himself in an abundance of supplies.
⁴¹⁴ and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus’s garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions.	⁴¹⁴ As he reached Sepphoris, God sent a snowfall and Antigonus' garrison left quietly. He was well supplied there with provisions.

⁴¹⁵ εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν λῃστῶν τινων ἐν σπηλαίοις κατοικούντων ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴλην ἐκπέμπει καὶ ὁπλιτικοῦ τρία τέλη παῦσαι κακουργοῦντας ἐγνωκώς·	⁴¹⁵ From there, having resolved to stop the crimes of certain bandits living in caves, he sent out a troop of horsemen and three divisions of infantry against them; these caves were very near a village called Arbela.
⁴¹⁵ He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village called Arbela;	⁴¹⁵ From there he went on and decided to destroy the brigands who lived in the caves for they were a great plague upon the area. He sent against them a troop of cavalry and three companies of armed infantry near a village called Arbela.

⁴¹⁶ ἔγγιστα δ᾽ ἦν ταῦτα κώμης λεγομένης. εἰς δὲ τεσσαρακοστὴν ἡμέραν αὐτὸς ἧκεν πανστρατιᾷ, καὶ θρασέως ἐξελθόντων τῶν πολεμίων κλίνεται μὲν τὸ εὐώνυμον αὐτῶν κέρας τῆς φάλαγγος, ἐπιφανεὶς δ᾽ αὐτὸς μετὰ στίφους τρέπει μὲν εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς πάλαι νικῶντας, ἀναστρέφει δὲ τοὺς φεύγοντας.

⁴¹⁶ Forty days later, he arrived himself with his entire army. When the enemy boldly came out to meet him, their left wing of the phalanx was pushed back; but Herod himself appearing with a body of troops, he routed those who had previously been winning and turned back his own fleeing men.

⁴¹⁶ and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that ran away.

⁴¹⁶ Forty days later, he came himself with his whole army. As the enemy sallied out boldly against him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appeared with a troop and put to flight those who were already victorious and recalled his men who had fled.

⁴¹⁷ ἐνέκειτο δὲ διώκων τοὺς πολεμίους ἄχρι ποταμοῦ φεύγοντας κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδούς, καὶ προσάγεται μὲν πᾶσαν τὴν‎ πλὴν τῶν ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις κατοικούντων, διανέμει δὲ καὶ ἀργύριον κατ᾽ ἄνδρα δοὺς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα δραχμάς, τοῖς δὲ ἡγεμόσιν πολὺ πλέον, εἰς τὰ χειμάδια διέπεμψεν.

⁴¹⁷ He pressed on, pursuing the enemy as they fled by various routes as far as the Jordan River, and he brought all of Galilee over to his side, except for those living in the caves. He also distributed money, giving one hundred and fifty drachmae to each soldier and much more to the officers, and sent them to their winter quarters.

⁴¹⁷ He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters;

⁴¹⁷ He continued pursuing the enemy as far as the river Jordan, though they fled by different roads. In this way, he won over all of Galilee except for the inhabitants of the caves. He distributed money to each of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece and much more to their officers and then sent them to winter quarters.

⁴¹⁸ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἧκεν παρ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῶν ἐν τοῖς χειμαδίοις τροφὰς παρέχειν οὐ θέλοντος· μῆνα γὰρ οὐ πλέον αὐτοὺς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἔθρεψεν, διέπεμψεν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κύκλῳ κελεύων τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀνασκευάσασθαι καὶ εἰς τὰ ὄρη φεύγειν, ὡς μηδὲν ἔχοντες λιμῷ διαφθαρεῖεν.

⁴¹⁸ At this time, Silo and the commanders from the winter quarters came to him because Antigonus was unwilling to provide them with food—for that man had fed them for no more than a month. Antigonus had also sent word to the surrounding people, commanding them to strip the countryside bare and flee to the mountains, so that the Romans, having nothing, might be destroyed by famine.

⁴¹⁸ at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine.

⁴¹⁸ Meanwhile Silo came to him with his officers because Antigonus no longer provided for them, for he supplied them only for a month. He had them sent to all the region around, ordering them to remove whatever food there was and retreat to the mountains, so that the Romans might have nothing to live on and would die of hunger.

⁴¹⁹ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν τούτων πρόνοιαν τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιτρέπει κελεύσας αὐτὸν ἅμα τειχίζειν καὶ . ὁ δὲ ταχέως τε τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐν ἀφθονίᾳ πολλῇ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐποίησεν τό τε ἠρημωμένον ἀνέκτισεν.

⁴¹⁹ Herod entrusted the care of these matters to Pheroras, the youngest of his brothers, ordering him also to fortify Alexandrium. Pheroras quickly provided the soldiers with a great abundance of necessities and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been lying in ruins."

⁴¹⁹ But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.

⁴¹⁹ Herod entrusted the care of this matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother and told him to fortify Alexandreion. He quickly provided the needs of the soldiers in abundance and rebuilt Alexandreion which had lain desolate.

The Winter Blitz: Sepphoris and the Snow
Herod’s capture of Sepphoris (the "Jewel of Galilee") is framed as a divine favor. The snowstorm (niphontos tou theou) acted as a tactical screen; the Hasmonean garrison likely didn't expect a major movement in such weather and abandoned the city. For Herod, Sepphoris provided a massive logistical windfall, as it was a central granary and administrative hub.

The Nature of the "Bandits" (Lēstōn)
Josephus refers to the opposition in the caves of Arbela as "bandits," but modern historians recognize them as pro-Hasmonean partisans or nationalist guerillas. These were not mere criminals; they were disciplined fighters capable of pushing back a Roman-style phalanx, as evidenced by the fact that Herod's left wing initially buckled.

Tactical Leadership at Arbela
This battle shows Herod as a "Soldier’s General." When his men began to flee, he personally appeared with a "stiphous" (a compact body of elite troops) to stabilize the line. His pursuit to the Jordan River was intended to drive the rebels out of the Galilee district entirely, pushing them into the Decapolis or Perea where they would be less of a threat to his supply lines.

The Economy of Loyalty
Herod understood that Roman loyalty was bought, not earned. The payment of 150 drachmae per man was a significant sum (roughly five to six months' wages for a standard soldier). By paying this out of his own pocket (or from the spoils of Sepphoris), he effectively hijacked the soldiers' loyalty from their own general, Silo, and tethered it to himself.

Antigonus’s Scorched Earth Policy
Antigonus attempted a classic insurgent strategy: starving the occupier. By ordering the population to "strip the countryside bare" (anaskeuasasthai), he hoped the Roman appetite would do the work his army could not. If the Romans grew hungry, they would either turn on Herod or abandon the campaign.

Pheroras and Alexandrium
Herod’s youngest brother, Pheroras, emerges as a key logistical officer. His task was twofold:

1) The Breadline: He had to out-organize Antigonus’s famine.

2) The Fortress: Rebuilding Alexandrium (Sartaba). This fortress sat on a high peak overlooking the Jordan Valley. By controlling it, Herod could signal between Jerusalem and Galilee and monitor any Parthian movements from the east.

⁴²⁰ Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον μὲν διέτριβεν ἐν Ἀθήναις, κατὰ δὲ Οὐεντίδιος μεταπεμπόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐπέστελλεν πρῶτον μὲν συλλαμβάνεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν σφέτερον καλεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους.

⁴²⁰ "At that same time, Antony was staying in Athens, while in Syria, Ventidius sent for Silo to go against the Parthians, instructing him first to assist Herod in the war and then to summon the allies to their own cause.

⁴²⁰ About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in;

⁴²⁰ About this time Antony spent some time in Athens and Ventidius, but who was now in Syria. He sent for Silo and told him to help Herod to end the war and then to send for their allies to help them in their own struggle.

⁴²¹ ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις λῃστὰς ἐπειγόμενος ΣίλωναSilo μὲν ἐξέπεμψεν Οὐεντιδίῳ, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐξώρμησεν.	⁴²¹ But Herod, being in a hurry to deal with the bandits in the caves, sent Silo off to Ventidius and set out against them himself.
⁴²¹ but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them.	⁴²¹ But Herod sent Silo back to Ventidius and went on his own against the brigands in the caves.

⁴²² ἦν δ᾽ ἐν ὄρεσιν τὰ σπήλαια τελέως ἐξερρωγόσιν καὶ κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον ἀποκρήμνους ἔχοντα τὰς παρόδους καὶ πέτραις ὀξείαιςkeen, sharp ἐμπεριεχόμενα·	⁴²² The caves were located in mountains that were completely fractured and sheer; their entrances were situated midway up precipices surrounded by sharp rocks. In these caves, they lived in hiding with all their families.
⁴²² These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them;	⁴²² These caves were in very steep mountains in the middle of which were steep precipices, and the entrances to the caves were surrounded by jagged rocks and there the brigands lurked, with all their families.

⁴²³ ἐν δὴ τούτοις μετὰ πάντων τῶν οἰκείων ἐφώλευον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς λάρνακας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πηξάμενος καθίει ταύτας σιδηραῖς ἁλύσεσιν ἐκδεδεμένας διὰ μηχανῆς ἀπὸ κορυφῆς τοῦ ὄρους, μήτε κάτωθεν ἀνιέναι διὰ τὴν‎ ὀξύτητα τοῦ ὄρους δυναμένων μήτε ἄνωθεν καθέρπειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς.

⁴²³ The King, therefore, constructed chests (larnakas) and lowered them—bound with iron chains and operated by a machine—from the summit of the mountain, since they could neither climb up from below due to the steepness, nor creep down upon them from above.

⁴²³ but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above.

⁴²³ The king had some large containers made, bound with iron chains, and hung from the top of the mountain by a mechanism, as with the steepness of the mountain it was impossible to get up to them, or to creep down to them from above.

⁴²⁴ αἱ δὲ λάρνακες πλήρεις ὁπλιτῶν ὑπῆρχον ἅρπας μεγάλας ἐχόντων, αἷς ἔμελλον ἐπισπώμενοι τοὺς ἀνθεστῶτας τῶν λῃστῶν κτείνειν καταφερομένους. τὴν‎ μέντοι γε κάθεσιν τῶν λαρνάκων σφαλερὰν εἶναι συνέβαινεν κατὰ βάθους ἀπείρου γινομένην· ἔνδον μέντοι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παρῆν αὐτοῖς.

⁴²⁴ These chests were full of heavy infantrymen carrying large hooks, with which they intended to pull out those of the bandits who resisted and kill them by casting them down the cliff. The lowering of the chests, however, happened to be a precarious business, taking place over an infinite depth; yet they had all their supplies inside with them.

⁴²⁴ Now these chests were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing;

⁴²⁴ These containers were filled with warriors, armed with grappling hooks to pull out any who resisted them and then to throw them down and kill them. Letting the containers down was very dangerous because of the vast depth beneath them, and they brought their provisions with them.

⁴²⁵ ὡς δὲ καθιμήθησαν αἱ λάρνακες, ἐτόλμα δ᾽ οὐδεὶς προσελθεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν στομίων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δέους ἠρέμουν, μάχαιράν τις περιζωσάμενος τῶν ὁπλοφόρων καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ἀμφοτέραιν δραξάμενος ἁλύσεως, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἤρτητο ἡ λάρναξ, κατῄει ἐπὶ τὰ στόμια δυσχεράνας τὴν‎ τριβὴν τῶν ἐπεξιέναι μὴ τολμώντων.

⁴²⁵ When the chests were lowered, no one dared to approach those at the mouths of the caves, but remained still out of fear. Then, one of the armored men, girding on a sword and grasping the chain from which the chest hung with both hands, descended to the cave mouths, frustrated by the delay caused by those who did not dare to advance.

⁴²⁵ but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although they had their provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves;

⁴²⁵ When the containers were let down, none of those in the mouths of the caves dared to come near them, but stayed still in fear, until one of the soldiers put on his sword and with both hands grabbed the chain by which the container was lowered and went into the mouth of the caves.

⁴²⁶ καὶ γενόμενος κατά τι στόμιον πρῶτα μὲν παλτοῖς ἀνακόπτει τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου, ἔπειτα ἅρπῃ τοὺς ἀνθεστῶτας ἐπισπασάμενος ὠθεῖ κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ, καὶ τοῖς ἔνδον ἐπεισελθὼν ἀποσφάττει τε πολλοὺς καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ λάρνακα ἡσύχασεν.

⁴²⁶ Upon reaching an entrance, he first drove back the majority at the mouth with javelins, then used his hook to drag those resisting and shoved them over the precipice; entering within, he slaughtered many and then returned to the chest to rest.

⁴²⁶ and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still there;

⁴²⁶ When he reached the mouth of any cave he first used spears on anyone there and later with the hooks pulled out those who resisted and tossed them down the precipices and later went into the caves and killed many more and then returned to the container to rest.

⁴²⁷ φόβος δὲ εἶχε τοὺς ἄλλους τῆς οἰμωγῆς ἀκούοντας καὶ περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπόγνωσις, τὸ μέντοι γε πᾶν ἔργον ἐπέσχεν ἐπεξελθοῦσιν· καὶ πολλοὶ συγχωρήσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπικηρυκευσάμενοι παρέδοσαν σφᾶς ὑπηκόους εἶναι.

⁴²⁷ Fear seized the others as they heard the lamentation, and they despaired for their safety; yet the work continued as the soldiers advanced. Many, having appealed to the King, surrendered themselves as subjects.

⁴²⁷ but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer.

⁴²⁷ The others were terrified when they heard the screaming and they despaired of escaping. But as nightfall put an end to that day’s action the king, through a herald, proclaimed a pardon for any who surrendered to him. Many accepted the offer.

⁴²⁸ τῷ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιοῦσανthe next day ἐχρήσαντο τῇ προσβολῇ, μᾶλλον ἔτι τῶν ἐν τοῖς πήγμασιν ἐπεξιόντων αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ θύρας μαχομένων πῦρ τε ἐνιέντων.	⁴²⁸ The following day, they used the same method of attack, with those in the wooden frames advancing even further, fighting at the very doors and hurling fire within.
⁴²⁸ The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them.	⁴²⁸ The same method of attack was used the next day, and they went further and got out in baskets to fight them and fought them at their doors and threw fire among them to burn their caves for there was a large amount of combustible matter inside.

⁴²⁹ ἐξαφθέντων τε τῶν ἄντρων, πολλὴ γὰρ ἦν ἐν αὐτοῖς ὕλη, πρεσβύτης τις ἀπειλημμένος ἔνδον σὺν ἑπτὰ τέκνοις καὶ γυναικί, δεομένων τούτων ἐᾶσαι σφᾶς ὑπεξελθεῖν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου τὸν ἀεὶ πρῶτον ἐξιόντα τῶν παίδων ἀπέσφαττεν, εἰς ὃ πάντας διεχρήσατο, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα, καὶ ῥίψας κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐπικατέβαλεν ἑαυτὸν θάνατον πρὸ δουλείας ὑπομένων.

⁴²⁹ As the caves were set ablaze—for there was much wood inside—an old man was trapped within with seven children and a wife. As they begged him to let them go out to the enemy, he stood at the entrance and slaughtered each child as they tried to exit, until he had dispatched them all; then he killed his wife and, casting the corpses down the cliff, threw himself after them, preferring death to slavery.

⁴²⁹ Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave’s mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery:

⁴²⁹ Within one of these caves, one old man was caught with seven children and a wife. They begged him to let them go out and surrender to the enemy, but he stood at the cave’s mouth and killed any of his children who went out, until he had killed them all. After he killed his wife and threw their corpses down the precipice, he threw himself after them and so suffered death rather than slavery.

⁴³⁰ πολλὰ δὲ πρῶτον ὠνείδισεν τὸν εἰς ταπεινότητα καί τοι τοῦ βασιλέως, ἦν γὰρ ἄποπτα αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα, δεξιάν τε προτείνοντος καὶ πᾶσαν χρόνου. τὰ μὲν οὖν σπήλαια τούτων γενομένων ἤδη πάντα ἐκεχείρωτο.

⁴³⁰ First, however, he bitterly reproached Herod for his low birth, even though the King—for the events were in his plain sight—stretched out his right hand and offered him full amnesty. In this manner, all the caves were finally subdued."

⁴³⁰ but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.

⁴³⁰ Before doing so, he reviled Herod for his mean spirit even though the king had witnessed the deed and stretched out his hand offering him every security for his life. In this way all these caves were finally subdued.

The Engineering of the Larnakes
Herod’s solution to the Arbel caves was a masterpiece of siege engineering. Traditional siege towers were useless on a vertical cliff. By using "μηχανῆς" (cranes/windlasses) and "σιδηραῖς ἁλύσεσιν" (iron chains), Herod created the ancient equivalent of a mobile fighting platform. The use of chains instead of ropes was a crucial detail; it prevented the rebels from simply cutting the lines from within the cave.

The Hook and the Void
The use of "ἅρπας μεγάλας" (large hooks/grappling irons) reveals the psychological horror of this combat. The goal wasn't just to stab the enemy, but to physically yank them out of the cave and into the "βάθους ἀπείρου" (infinite depth). This verticality turned the bandits' greatest defensive asset—the height—into their cause of death.

The Anonymous Hero
Josephus highlights a single soldier who broke the stalemate. His action of climbing out of the safety of the chest and swinging into the cave mouth while holding the chain is a classic Aristeia (moment of excellence). This detail likely came from the memoirs of Nicolaus of Damascus, Herod's court historian, who recorded these feats of bravery to emphasize the high caliber of Herod's officer corps.

The Ideological Suicide: "Death Before Slavery"
The story of the old man and his seven children is a haunting precursor to the mass suicide at Masada in 73 CE. It shows that the "bandits" were not mere criminals, but religious and political nationalists. The old man's refusal to accept Herod's "dexian" (the right hand of friendship/pledge) and his insults regarding Herod's "ταπεινότητα" (lowly origin/humility) reinforce the Hasmonean view of Herod as an illegitimate "half-Jew" and a Roman lackey.

Fire as a Siege Weapon
The use of fire against the caves was a tactical necessity. Once the soldiers had established a foothold at the "doors" (thyras) of the caves, they used the rebels' own supplies (the wood stored for winter) to smoke them out. This transformed the caves into ovens, forcing a choice between burning to death, surrendering, or the "cliff-jump" suicide.

Herod's Visual Presence
Josephus notes that Herod was "ἄποπτα" (within sight) of the tragedy. He was personally directing the operation. His offer of amnesty was likely genuine; Herod preferred to rule over productive subjects rather than corpses, but the old man’s suicide represented a total rejection of Herodian "peace."

⁴³¹ Καταστήσας δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς αὐτόθι στρατηγὸν ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy εἰς ΣαμάρειανSamaria ᾤχετο σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ἑξακοσίοις ὁπλίταιςarmed warrior δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὡς μάχῃ κριθησόμενος πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus.	⁴³¹ "The King, having appointed Ptolemy as general over the people there [in Galilee], departed for Samaria with six hundred horsemen and three thousand heavy infantry, intending to decide the issue with Antigonus in battle.
⁴³¹ And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus.	⁴³¹ When the king had set Ptolemy as his general over those parts of the country, he went to Samaria with six hundred cavalry and three thousand armed infantry, intending to fight Antigonus.

⁴³² οὐ μὴν τῷ προυχώρησεν τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατηγίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ καὶ πρότερον τὴν‎ ταράξαντες ἐπεξελθόντες αὐτὸν διεχρήσαντο καὶ τοῦτο δράσαντες συμφεύγουσιν εἴς τε τὰ ἕλη καὶ τὰ δύσαρκτον τῶν χωρίων, ἄγοντες καὶ διαρπάζοντες τὴν‎ αὐτόθι πᾶσαν.

⁴³² However, things did not go well for Ptolemy in his command; for those who had previously disturbed Galilee came out against him and made away with him. After doing this, they fled into the marshes and the inaccessible parts of the country, driving off and plundering everything in that region.

⁴³² But still this command of the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places.

⁴³² But Ptolemy’s leadership was not successful, for those who had earlier given trouble in Galilee attacked and killed him, and having done so, fled among the lakes and almost inaccessible places, laying waste and looting everything they could find.

⁴³³ τιμωρεῖται δὲ τούτους ἐπανελθών· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ἀποστάντων, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀναφυγόντας εἰς ἐρυμνὰ χωρία πολιορκίᾳ παραστησάμενος αὐτούς τε ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ τὰ ἐρύματα κατέσκαψεν. ἐζημίωσε δὲ παύσας οὕτως τὴν‎ νεωτεροποιίαν καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις.

⁴³³ But Herod, upon returning, took vengeance on them; for he slew some of the rebels, and having reduced by siege those who had fled into the strongholds, he killed them and razed the fortifications. Having thus quelled the revolt, he fined the cities one hundred talents.

⁴³³ But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them, and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.

⁴³³ But Herod soon returned and punished them by killing some of these rebels and besieging others who had fled to the strongholds. After demolishing their strongholds, he did away with them. After putting an end to their rebellion, he fined the cities a hundred talents.

⁴³⁴ Ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ ΠακόρουPacorus πεσόντος ἐν μάχῃ καὶ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians πταισάντων πέμπει βοηθὸν ὁ ΒεντίδιοςVentidius ἩρώδῃHerod ΜαχαιρᾶνMacheras σὺν δυσὶ τάγμασι καὶ χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν ἐπισπεύδοντος ἈντωνίουAntōny.	⁴³⁴ In the meantime, after Pacorus had fallen in battle and the Parthians had been defeated, Ventidius, at the urging of Antony, sent Machaeras as an assistant to Herod with two legions and a thousand horsemen.
⁴³⁴ In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste.	⁴³⁴ Meanwhile, Pacorus had fallen in a battle. The Parthians were defeated when Ventidius sent Macheras and two legions and a thousand cavalry to Herod’s aid, with Antony hurrying him on.

⁴³⁵ μὲν οὖν καλοῦντος αὐτὸν παρὰ τὴν‎ γνώμην χρήμασι διεφθαρμένος ἀπῄει ὡς κατασκεψόμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ πράγματα. τὴν‎ δὲ διάνοιαν ὑπιδόμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ τῆς ἀφίξεως οὐδὲ προσεδέξατο, ἀλλὰ σφενδόναις βάλλων αὐτὸν , καὶ διεδήλου τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ προαίρεσιν.

⁴³⁵ Now Machaeras—though Antigonus had invited him against Herod’s advice—had been corrupted by money and went off ostensibly to investigate the situation. But Antigonus, suspecting his motive for coming, did not even receive him, but kept him away by hurlng stones from slings at him, thus making his own intentions clear.

⁴³⁵ But Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant.

⁴³⁵ At the request of Antigonus and against Herod’s wishes, Macheras was lured by money to take his time and reconnoitre the situation. But Antigonus, suspecting his reason for coming, did not let him into the city but kept him at a distance, hurling missiles at him and showing his intentions plainly.

⁴³⁶ αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὰ βέλτιστα αὐτῷ παραινοῦντα καὶ αὐτὸν διημαρτηκότα παρακούσαντα τῆς ἐκείνου συμβουλίας, ἀνεχώρει μὲν εἰς πόλιν, οἷς δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν περιετύγχανεν τούτους ἀπέσφαττεν ἐχθρούς τε καὶ φίλους ὀργιζόμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν πεπόνθει.

⁴³⁶ Machaeras, perceiving that Herod had given him the best advice and that he had failed by disregarding it, retreated to the city of Emmaus. On the way, he slaughtered whatever Jews he encountered—whether friends or enemies—venting his rage for what he had suffered.

⁴³⁶ But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone.

⁴³⁶ Realizing that Herod had given him good advice and that he had made a mistake not to listen to it, he retreated to the city of Emmaus. In his rage at the hardships he had endured, he killed any Jew he met, whether foes or friends.

⁴³⁷ παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ ᾔει· πρὸς γὰρ ἐγνώκει περὶ τούτων ἀφικέσθαι· δεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐχὶ τοιούτων συμμάχων, οἳ βλάψουσι μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους· ἐξαρκεῖν δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν‎ καθαίρεσιν.

⁴³⁷ Provoked by these events, the King set out for Samaria; for he had decided to go to Antony concerning these matters, saying he had no need of such allies who would harm him more than the enemy, and that he himself was sufficient for the overthrow of Antigonus.

⁴³⁷ The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus.

⁴³⁷ Furious at this, king Herod went to Samaria intending to go to Antony about it and to tell him he needed no helpers like this who harmed him more than his enemies, and that he could defeat Antigonus on his own.

⁴³⁸ παρακολουθῶν δ᾽ ὁ ἐδεῖτο μένειν· εἰ δὲ οὕτως ὥρμηκεν, ἀλλὰ τόν γε ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ παρακαθιστάνειν σφίσι προσπολεμοῦσιν . Καὶ διαλλάττεται μὲν πολλὰ τοῦ δεηθέντος, καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν αὐτόθι σὺν στρατῷ παρῄνεσεν μὴ ἀποκινδυνεύειν μηδὲ τῷ Μαχαιρᾷ διαφέρεσθαι.

⁴³⁸ But Machaeras, following him, begged him to stay; or if he were so determined to go, at least to leave his brother Joseph behind to join them in the war against Antigonus. After Machaeras pleaded many times, Herod was reconciled; leaving Joseph there with an army, he warned him not to risk a battle nor to quarrel with Machaeras."

⁴³⁸ But Macheras followed him, and desired that he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.

⁴³⁸ But Macheras followed him and asked him not to go to Antony; or if he intended to go, to leave his brother Joseph with them and let them go on with fighting Antigonus. He gave in to Macheras' earnest pleas and left Joseph there with his army, with orders to run no risks and not to quarrel with Macheras.

The Persistence of the Galilean Revolt
Despite the dramatic "crate-and-chain" assault on the caves of Arbel, the resistance in Galilee was not dead. The death of Ptolemy and the retreat of the rebels into the "ἕλη" (marshes) suggests a classic guerrilla transition. When they couldn't hold the caves, they moved to the wetlands of the Hula Valley or the shores of the Sea of Galilee, where heavy infantry struggled to maneuver. Herod's response—razing fortifications and imposing a 100-talent fine—was designed to break the local economy that supported the partisans.

Machaeras: The "Double-Agent" Blunder
The arrival of Machaeras is a masterclass in Roman military corruption. He ignored Herod’s warnings because he smelled a bribe from Antigonus. The fact that Antigonus used slings (sphendonais) to drive off a Roman commander indicates that Antigonus no longer trusted any Roman, correctly guessing that Machaeras was only there to "investigate" (kataskepsomenos) how much money he could squeeze from both sides.

The Emmaus Massacre
The slaughter of Jews at Emmaus by Machaeras is one of the darkest moments of the campaign. It highlights the "wildcard" nature of Roman allies. Machaeras's frustration at being rejected by Antigonus turned into a blind, ethnic rage. For Herod, this was a political disaster: his own allies were murdering the very subjects he was trying to convince to accept his kingship.

Herod’s "Enough is Enough" Moment
Herod’s decision to leave the front and travel to Antony reveals his strategic hierarchy. He realized that a bad Roman ally was more dangerous than a strong Jewish enemy. By threatening to leave and telling Machaeras that he was "sufficient" (exarkein) to defeat Antigonus alone, he asserted his dominance. He was no longer a beggar; he was a King demanding professional standards from his "supervisors."

The Fatal Warning to Joseph
The passage ends with a heavy sense of foreshadowing. Herod leaves his brother Joseph in charge but explicitly tells him "not to risk a battle" (mē apokindyneuein). This warning suggests that Herod knew Joseph was impetuous and that Machaeras was unreliable. As we will see in the next chapter of the history, Joseph’s failure to heed this specific command would lead to his death and the near-collapse of the Herodian cause.

⁴³⁹ αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔσπευδεν, ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ πολιορκῶν ΣαμόσαταSamosata τὸ πρὸς τῷ ΕὐφράτῃEuphrates χωρίον, σὺν ἱππόταις τε καὶ πεζοῖς κατὰ συμμαχίαν αὐτῷ παροῦσιν.	⁴³⁹ "He himself [Herod] hurried toward Antony, who happened to be besieging Samosata, a place near the Euphrates, bringing with him both horsemen and foot-soldiers as a reinforcement for him.
⁴³⁹ But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him.	⁴³⁹ He himself hurried with his troops, both cavalry and infantry, to the support of Antony who was then at the siege of Samosata on the Euphrates.

⁴⁴⁰ παραγενόμενος δ᾽ εἰς καὶ πολλοῖς ἐπιτυχὼν ἠθροισμένοις καὶ πρὸς μὲν σπουδὴν βαδίζειν ἔχουσιν, ὑπὸ δέους δὲ διὰ τὸ κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρεῖν οὐ τολμῶντας ἐξορμᾶν, παραθαρσύνας αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν γίνεται τῆς ὁδοῦ.

⁴⁴⁰ When he arrived at Antioch, he found many gathered there who were eager to go to Antony, but they did not dare to set out because of their fear, since the barbarians [Parthian-aligned tribes] were attacking along the roads and killing many. Herod encouraged them and became the leader of the march himself.

⁴⁴⁰ And when he came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road.

⁴⁴⁰ When he reached Antioch and found a group of men there who wished to join up with Antony, but were afraid to go because the barbarians were attacking and killing many people on the road, he emboldened them and became their leader for the journey.

⁴⁴¹ κατὰ δὲ σταθμὸν δεύτερον Τῶν ἐλόχα μὲν αὐτόθι τῶν βαρβάρων ἐνέδρα τοὺς φοιτῶντας πρὸς , δρυμῶν δὲ τὰς εἰσβολὰς τὰς εἰς τὰ πεδία διαλαμβανόντων προλοχίζουσιν αὐτόθι τῶν ἱππέων οὐκ ὀλίγους ἠρεμήσοντας ἕως ἂν εἰς τὸ ἱππήλατον οἱ διεξιόντες ἔλθοιεν.

⁴⁴¹ At the second station from Samosata, an ambush of barbarians lay in wait for those traveling to Antony. Where the thickets commanded the entrances into the plains, they placed a large number of horsemen in advance to remain quiet until those passing through reached the terrain suitable for cavalry.

⁴⁴¹ Now when they were within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place.

⁴⁴¹ Within two days' march of Samosata, they came to where the barbarians had set an ambush against those coming to Antony, where the woods narrowed the passes leading to the plains. There they set many of their cavalry, who were to keep quiet until those going through reached the place where horses could be used.

⁴⁴² ὡς δ᾽ οἱ πρῶτοι διεξῆλθον, ὀπισθοφυλακεῖ μὲν , προσπίπτουσι δὲ ἐξαπιναίως οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ὄντες εἰς πεντακοσίους, καὶ τρεψαμένων τοὺς πρώτους ἐπιδραμὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῇ ῥύμῃ τῇ περὶ αὐτὸν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἀνακόπτει τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐπεγείρει δὲ τὸ τῶν οἰκείων φρόνημα καὶ θαρραλέους ἀπεργάζεται, καὶ τῶν πάλαι φευγόντων ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς μαχομένων ἐκτείνοντο πάντοθεν οἱ βάρβαροι.

⁴⁴² As the first groups passed through, Herod was guarding the rear; suddenly, the men in ambush—about five hundred—fell upon them. When they had routed the front ranks, the King, rushing forward with the force around him, immediately drove back the enemy and roused the spirit of his own men, making them courageous. As those who had previously been fleeing turned back to fight, the barbarians were slaughtered on every side.

⁴⁴² Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides.

⁴⁴² When the first ranks had passed through, with Herod bringing up the rear, the five hundred lying in ambush suddenly attacked them and when they had put the front ranks to flight, the king came riding hard with his entourage and immediately drove back the enemy, so that he heartened the minds of his men and emboldened them to go on, and those who had earlier fled now returned and the barbarians were slain on all sides.

⁴⁴³ ἐπέκειτο δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναιρῶν καὶ τὰ διηρπασμένα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἦν σκευοφόρα καὶ ἀνδράποδα, πάντα ἀνασωσάμενος προῄει.	⁴⁴³ The King pressed on, killing them and recovering the plunder—which consisted of many baggage animals and slaves—and having rescued everything, he moved forward.
⁴⁴³ The king also went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march;	⁴⁴³ The king went on killing them and recovered all the lost baggage, including many beasts of burden and slaves, and proceeded on with his march.

⁴⁴⁴ καὶ πλειόνων αὐτοῖς ἐπιθεμένων τῶν ἐν τοῖς δρυμῶσιν, οἳ πλησίον τῆς εἰς τὸ πεδίον ἦσαν, καὶ τούτοις προσμίξας αὐτὸς μετὰ στίφους καρτεροῦ τρέπεται καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας ἀδεᾶ τοῖς ἑπομένοις ὁδὸν παρεῖχεν· οἱ δὲ σωτῆρα καὶ προστάτην αὐτὸν ἐκάλουν.

⁴⁴⁴ When even more of those in the thickets attacked them—those near the exit into the plain—he engaged them with a strong body of troops and routed them. Having killed many of them, he provided a safe road for those following him; and they called him their savior and protector."

⁴⁴⁴ and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their savior and protector.

⁴⁴⁴ When attacked by many in the woods near the opening into the plain, he counter-attached with a stout squadron and routed them and killed many of them, thereby making the way safe for those who came after, and these called him their saviour and protector.

Samosata and the Euphrates Frontier
Herod’s journey to Samosata was a massive geopolitical statement. Samosata was the capital of Commagene and a vital strategic point on the Euphrates. Antony was there trying to subdue Antiochus of Commagene. By bringing a hand-picked force of Judean and mercenary troops all the way to the edge of the Roman world, Herod was proving that he could provide "expeditionary forces" for Roman interests far beyond his own borders.

The "Savior" of the Supply Line
The situation in Antioch (the Roman capital of Syria) was embarrassing for Rome. "Barbarian" raiders (likely local Parthian-backed tribes) had paralyzed the main military highway. Herod stepped into a leadership vacuum, turning a disorganized group of fearful travelers into a disciplined column. This allowed him to arrive at Antony's camp not just as a petitioner, but as the man who had cleared the road for Antony's own reinforcements.

The Tactics of the Rear Guard (Opisthophylakei)
Herod showed his tactical maturity by placing himself in the rear guard. In ancient mountain or forest warfare, the rear was the most vulnerable point for an ambush. By staying at the back, he was in the perfect position to react when the "five hundred" struck the tail of the column.

Psychological Warfare and "Phronēma"
Josephus emphasizes that Herod "roused the spirit" (epegerei to phronēma) of his men. In ancient combat, the difference between a rout and a victory was often purely psychological. Herod’s ability to turn fleeing men back into the fight (ex hypostrophēs) is a trait Josephus consistently highlights to justify Herod’s fitness for the throne.

Plunder and Logistics
The mention of "skeuophora kai andrapoda" (baggage animals and slaves) highlights the economic reality of ancient warfare. The "barbarians" weren't just killing; they were raiding supply trains. By recovering these assets, Herod ensured that Antony’s siege of Samosata would not fail due to a lack of supplies, further ingratiating himself with the Triumvir.

The Title of "Sōtēra" (Savior)
The travelers calling Herod their "savior and protector" is a heavy piece of political signaling. In the Hellenistic world, Soter was a divine or royal title. While they were likely using it out of genuine relief, Josephus records it to show that even non-Jews in Syria recognized Herod’s "royal" qualities before he even took Jerusalem.

⁴⁴⁵ Ἐπεὶ δὲ πλησίον τῶν γεγόνει, πέμπει τὸ στράτευμα ὑπαντησόμενον σὺν τῷ οἰκείῳ κόσμῳ τιμὴν ταύτην ἀπονέμων καὶ ἐπικουρίας ἕνεκα· τὴν‎ γὰρ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀκηκόει κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπίθεσιν.

⁴⁴⁵ "When he [Herod] had come near to Samosata, Antony sent his army out to meet him with their own proper regalia, awarding this honor to Herod and for the sake of his protection; for he had heard of the barbarians' attack against them.

⁴⁴⁵ And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea].

⁴⁴⁵ When he was near Samosata, Antony sent out his army in their usual finery to meet him, to show Herod the respect for the help he had given him, as he had heard of the attacks of the barbarians on him.

⁴⁴⁶ καὶ δὴ παρόντα τε εἶδεν ἀσμένως καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν αὐτῷ πεπραγμένα μαθὼν ἐδεξιοῦτο καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐθαύμαζεν, αὐτός τε περιλαβὼν αὐτὸν ὡς εἶδεν ἠσπάζετο προυτίμα τε νεωστὶ βασιλέα ἀποδείξας.

⁴⁴⁶ Antony saw him arrive with pleasure, and having learned of what he had achieved on the road, he welcomed him and marveled at his excellence (aretēs). Antony himself embraced him as soon as he saw him, greeting him and honoring him as the man he had recently appointed King.

⁴⁴⁶ He also was very glad to see him there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king;

⁴⁴⁶ Antony gladly welcomed his appearance, aware of his great exploits on the journey, and admired his courage, embracing affectionately the man he had recently appointed as king.

⁴⁴⁷ δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἔρυμα παραδόντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παυσαμένου τοῦ πολέμου Σοσσίῳ μὲν παραδίδωσιν παρακελευσάμενος δὲ συμμαχεῖν αὐτὸς ἐπ᾽ . Καὶ μὲν δύο τάγματα ἐπικουρικὰ προύπεμψεν εἰς τὴν‎ , αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ πλείονος στρατοῦ ἠκολούθει.

⁴⁴⁷ Not long after, Antiochus [of Commagene] surrendered the fortress, and the war ended because of this; Antony then handed over command to Sosius, instructing him to assist Herod in the war, while he himself departed for Egypt. Sosius sent two auxiliary legions ahead to Herod in Judea, while he followed with the larger part of the army.

⁴⁴⁷ and in a little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army.

⁴⁴⁷ Antiochus soon surrendered the fortress, and so this war came to an end. Then Antony entrusted Sosius to help Herod and he himself left for Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions on ahead into Judea to support Herod and he himself followed with the main army.

⁴⁴⁸ Ἔτυχεν δ᾽ ἤδη κατὰ τὴν‎ τεθνεὼς τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ· λήθην μὲν ὧν αὐτῷ παρήγγειλεν ὁ ἀδελφὸς πρὸς ἀπερχόμενος λαμβάνει, στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη, πέντε γὰρ αὐτῷ σπείρας δόντος ἐπὶ ἠπείγετο βουλόμενος ἐκθερίσαι τὸν σῖτον αὐτῶν,

⁴⁴⁸ In the meantime, it happened that in Judea, Joseph [Herod's brother] died in the following manner: he forgot the instructions his brother had given him upon departing for Antony. Having encamped in the mountains—for Machaeras had given him five cohorts—he hurried toward Jericho, wishing to harvest their grain.

⁴⁴⁸ Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn thereto belonging;

⁴⁴⁸ Joseph had already been killed in Judea, in these circumstances: He forgot the instructions that his brother Herod had given him as he was going to Antony, and after encamping among the mountains with the five regiments Macheras had lent him, he went quickly to Jericho intending to harvest the corn there.

⁴⁴⁹ καὶ νεοσυλλέκτου τοῦ στρατεύματος ὄντος, καὶ πολέμων ἀπείρως ἔχοντος καὶ γὰρ πολὺ ἐκ ἦν τὸ κατειλεγμένον, ἐπιθεμένων αὐτόθι τῶν πολεμίων, ἀποληφθεὶς ἐν δυσχωρίαις αὐτός τε ἀποθνήσκει γενναίως μαχόμενος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν · ἓξ γὰρ σπεῖραι διεφθάρησαν.

⁴⁴⁹ Since the Roman force was newly recruited and inexperienced in war—for many of them had been conscripted from Syria—the enemy attacked them there. Being caught in difficult terrain, Joseph himself died fighting bravely, and he lost the entire army; for six cohorts were destroyed.

⁴⁴⁹ and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain.

⁴⁴⁹ But as his Roman regiments were only newly formed and unskilled in war, for most of them had been recruited from Syria, he was attacked by the enemy and caught in difficult terrain. Not only was he killed himself, fighting bravely, but also the whole army was lost and six regiments were annihilated.

⁴⁵⁰ κρατήσας δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν ἀποτέμνει τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν πεντήκοντα ταλάντων αὐτὴν ῥυομένου τἀδελφοῦ. Καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀποστάντες τῶν παρὰ σφίσι δυνατῶν τοὺς τὰ φρονοῦντας ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ κατεπόντωσαν, καὶ τῆς πολλὰ ἐνεωτερίσθη. δὲ χωρίον Ηττον ἐξωχύρου.

⁴⁵⁰ Antigonus, having gained possession of the dead, cut off Joseph’s head, even though his brother Pheroras offered fifty talents to ransom it. After this, the Galileans revolted; they seized the powerful men among them who favored Herod and drowned them in the lake. Many parts of Judea also fell into rebellion. Meanwhile, Machaeras was fortifying a place called Itton."

⁴⁵⁰ So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph’s head, although Pheroras his brother would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took those of Herod’s party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria].

⁴⁵⁰ When Antigonus took the corpses, he cut off Joseph’s head, which his brother Pheroras later ransomed for fifty talents. After this defeat, the Galileans rebelled from their officers and took and drowned Herod’s supporters in the lake. Judea became very rebellious, but Macheras fortified the place Gitta.

The "Romanization" of Herod
The reception at Samosata is a massive piece of political theater. Antony sending the army in "proper regalia" (oikeiō kosmō) to escort Herod was a signal to every other Eastern king: Herod was not just a client; he was a preferred friend of the Triumvir. By clearing the road of "barbarians," Herod proved he wasn't a liability to Rome, but an asset.

The Shift to Sosius
This is a critical administrative note. Antony was heading to Egypt (to Cleopatra), leaving Gaius Sosius as the Governor of Syria and Cilicia. Sosius was a serious military commander. The "two auxiliary legions" sent ahead were the beginning of the end for Antigonus. The war was no longer a local skirmish; it was now a Roman operational priority.

Joseph’s Fatal "Lēthē" (Forgetfulness)
Josephus uses the word "λήθην" (forgetfulness) to describe Joseph’s failure. Herod had explicitly told him not to risk a battle. Joseph’s desire to "harvest the grain" at Jericho was a tactical blunder; he was lured down from the safety of the mountains into the valley to forage, exactly where Antigonus’s men could ambush him.

The Weakness of the "Syrian Legions"
Josephus provides a rare insight into the quality of Roman troops. These weren't veteran Italian legions; they were "νεοσυλλέκτου" (newly recruited) and "ἀπείρως" (inexperienced) conscripts from Syria. In the "δυσχωρίαις" (difficult terrain) of the Judean wilderness, Roman heavy infantry was famously vulnerable to local ambush if they lacked experience. The loss of six cohorts (roughly 3,000 men) was a staggering defeat.

The Brutality of Antigonus
The decapitation of Joseph and the rejection of a 50-talent ransom (a fortune) shows that the war had turned into a blood feud. Antigonus wasn't interested in money; he wanted to humiliate the Herodian family. This act of mutilation mirrored what Antigonus had done to Hyrcanus’s ears, proving that the Hasmonean king had fully embraced a "no quarter" policy.

The Galilean Counter-Revolution
The news of the defeat at Jericho caused a domino effect. The Galileans, whom Herod thought he had subdued, rose up and executed Herod's supporters by drowning them in the Sea of Galilee. This shows how fragile Herod’s "kingship" actually was; without his physical presence, the country reverted to Hasmonean loyalty almost instantly.

⁴⁵¹ Παρῆσαν δ᾽ ἄγγελοι τῶν πεπραγμένων πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ ἐν Δάφνῃ τῆς ἐδήλωσαν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τύχην, προσδεχομένῳ μέντοι καὶ αὐτῷ διά τινας ὀνείρων ὄψεις τρανῶς προφαινούσας τὸν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ θάνατον.

⁴⁵¹ "Messengers of these events arrived for the King at Daphne near Antioch, revealing to him the fate that had befallen his brother. Indeed, he himself had already been expecting it due to certain visions in dreams that clearly foreshadowed his brother’s death.

⁴⁵¹ At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother’s death.

⁴⁵¹ Meanwhile messengers came to Herod and told him what had transpired. When he reached Daphne beside Antioch, they told him of the misfortune of his brother, which however he expected, from visions which had appeared to him in his dreams, clearly foreshadowing his brother’s death.

⁴⁵² ἐπειχθεὶς οὖν κατὰ τὴν‎ πορείαν ὡς κατὰ τὸ ὄρος γίνεται, ὀκτακοσίους μὲν τῶν αὐτόθι προσλαμβάνει, ἔχων δὲ καὶ ἓν τάγμα εἰς παραγίνεται, κἀκεῖθεν νυκτὸς ἀναστὰς μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ προῄει διὰ τῆς .

⁴⁵² Hurrying, therefore, on his journey, when he reached Mount Lebanon, he took along eight hundred of the men there; and having also one Roman legion, he arrived at Ptolemais. Setting out from there by night with his army, he advanced through Galilee.

⁴⁵² So he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee.

⁴⁵² So he hurried his march and when he came to Mount Libanus he got the support of about eight hundred of the men from there, having already with him one Roman legion and with these he came to Ptolemais. He marched on from there with his army by night and proceeded through Galilee.

⁴⁵³ ὑπήντων δ᾽ οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ κρατηθέντες τῇ μάχῃ κατεκλείσθησαν εἰς χωρίον, ὅθεν ἦσαν ὡρμηκότες τῇ προτεραίᾳ· προσβολὰς δὴ τοὐντεῦθεν [ ἕωθεν] ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ πολλοῦ χειμῶνος καταρραγέντος οὐδὲν ποιεῖν δυνάμενος ἀπάγει τὴν‎ στρατιὰν εἰς τὰς πλησίον κώμας. ἐλθόντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ καὶ δευτέρου τάγματος οἱ τὸ χωρίον ἔχοντες φοβηθέντες νυκτὸς ἐξέλιπον αὐτό.

⁴⁵³ The enemy met him, but being defeated in battle, they were shut up in the stronghold from which they had set out the previous day. He then made assaults starting at dawn; but a great storm having broken out, he was unable to achieve anything and led the army back to the nearby villages. However, when a second legion from Antony arrived for him, those holding the stronghold became terrified and abandoned it by night.

⁴⁵³ Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance, those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night time.

⁴⁵³ Here the enemy met and fought him and were defeated and blocked up in the same stronghold from which they had sallied out the day before. He attacked the place in the morning. But as a storm was violently raging, he could achieve nothing. So he withdrew his army into the neighbouring villages. Then when the other legion sent by Antony came to help him, the garrison of the place grew afraid and deserted during the night.

⁴⁵⁴ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ κατὰ νοῦν ἔχων αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τἀδελφοῦ. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατέζευξεν, εἱστία μὲν τοὺς ἐν τέλει, μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ συνουσίαν παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον ἀπολύσας τοὺς παρόντας.

⁴⁵⁴ The King then hurried toward Jericho, having in mind to take vengeance upon them for his brother. After he encamped, he gave a feast for the officers, and after the gathering, he retired to his chamber, having dismissed those present.

⁴⁵⁴ Then did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired to his own chamber;

⁴⁵⁴ Then the king marched quickly to Jericho, intending to take revenge on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother. There he pitched camp and made a feast for the leaders and when he had dismissed his guests after the meal, he retired to his own chamber.

⁴⁵⁵ ἐνταῦθα ἴδοι τις ἂν τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ εὔνοιαν· πίπτει μὲν γὰρ ἡ στέγη τοῦ οἰκήματος, οὐδένα δὲ ἀπολαβοῦσα διέφθειρεν, ὥστε πάντας πιστεῦσαι τὸν εἶναι θεοφιλῆ, μέγαν οὕτω καὶ παράδοξον διαφυγόντα κίνδυνον.

⁴⁵⁵ Here one might see the goodwill of God toward the King: for the roof of the building collapsed, yet it killed no one, having caught no one inside. Thus, everyone came to believe that Herod was beloved by God, having escaped such a great and unexpected danger."

⁴⁵⁵ and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.

⁴⁵⁵ Here one may see God’s favour toward the king, for the roof of the house fell down but struck and killed no one so that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God for escaping such a great and unexpected danger.

The Psychic Link: Dreams and Omens
Josephus notes that Herod had "visions in dreams" (oneirōn opseis) regarding Joseph’s death. In the ancient world, dreams were considered legitimate intelligence. By including this, Josephus suggests that Herod possessed a "royal" intuition—a sensitivity to the supernatural that separated him from common men. It also softens the blow of the news; Herod isn't just a victim of bad news, but a man mentally prepared for his destiny.

The Logistics of Vengeance
Herod didn't just mourn; he recruited. By picking up 800 Lebanese mercenaries and a Roman legion, he effectively rebuilt his core strike force before even reaching Judea. His movement from Antioch to Ptolemais and then a night march into Galilee shows his relentless pace. Speed was Herod's primary weapon; he wanted to hit Antigonus's forces before they could celebrate the victory at Jericho.

The "General Winter" of Galilee
Once again, the weather plays a major role. The "great storm" (pollou cheimōnos) halted his assault. In the rugged terrain of Galilee, rain and mud turned Roman heavy infantry into sitting ducks. Herod’s tactical patience—withdrawing to villages rather than forcing a bloody failure—shows a maturity he lacked in his younger days.

The Arrival of the Second Legion
The turning point wasn't a sword fight, but the arrival of the second Roman legion sent by Antony. This doubled Herod's heavy infantry. The Hasmonean partisans realized that while they could beat Herod's brother and some Syrian conscripts, they could not withstand two full-strength Roman legions under Herod’s direct command. Their "night flight" was a concession that the momentum had shifted back to the Herodian cause.

The Jericho "Miracle": A Structural Failure
The collapse of the roof in Jericho is a famous "Herodian Escape." Josephus frames it as "the goodwill of God" (tou theou eunoian). To a modern reader, it sounds like the result of shoddy construction or perhaps an assassination attempt (sabotaging the beams). To the ancient mind, however, the timing was proof of divine favor. If Herod had stayed one minute longer, the dynasty would have ended.

The Propaganda of "Theophily"
The conclusion that Herod was "θεοφιλῆ" (beloved by God) was essential for his legitimacy. Since Antigonus had the "high priest" bloodline, Herod needed "divine intervention" to prove he was the rightful King. This story circulated through his court (likely recorded by his historian Nicolaus) to convince the Jewish populace that fighting Herod was equivalent to fighting God’s will.

⁴⁵⁶ Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων ἑξακισχίλιοι ἀπ᾽ ἄκρων κατιόντες τῶν εἰς μάχην ἐφόβουν τοὺς . οἱ δὲ γυμνῆτες προσιόντες τοῖς παλτοῖς ἔβαλλον καὶ λίθοις τοὺς περὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἐξεληλυθότας αὐτόν τε παλτῷ τις παρὰ τὴν‎ λαπάραν ἔβαλεν.

⁴⁵⁶ "On the next day, six thousand of the enemy, descending from the mountain peaks, struck fear into the Romans. Their light-armed troops, advancing, hurled javelins and stones at those who had gone out with the King; someone even struck Herod himself in the flank with a javelin.

⁴⁵⁶ But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king’s guards that were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart.

⁴⁵⁶ The following day, six thousand of the enemy came down from the mountain-tops to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them, and the lightly armed soldiers came near and pelted the king’s men with spears and stones and one of them hit him on the side with a dart.

⁴⁵⁷ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πέμπει στρατηγὸν ὄνομα σὺν δυνάμει πολλῇ βουλόμενος παρασχεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις δόξαν πολεμοῦντος ἐκ περιουσίας. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν Μαχαιρᾷ τῷ στρατηγῷ προσεκάθητο· δὲ πέντε πόλεις καταλαβὼν τοὺς ἐγκαταληφθέντας περὶ δισχιλίους ὄντας ἐφόνευσεν αὐτάς τε τὰς πόλεις ἐμπρήσας ἐπανῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν ·

⁴⁵⁷ Antigonus, meanwhile, sent a general named Pappus to Samaria with a large force, wishing to give the enemy the impression that he was fighting from a position of superior strength. While Pappus sat facing the general Machaeras, Herod captured five cities, slew the approximately two thousand men left in them, and having burned the cities themselves, he returned to face Pappus.

⁴⁵⁷ Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus,

⁴⁵⁷ Antigonus had sent against Samaria a general named Pappus, with some forces, to show the enemy how powerful he was and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He settled down to oppose Macheras, but Herod, after capturing five cities, took the two thousand survivors in them and killed them. After burning the cities, he turned to go against Pappus.

⁴⁵⁸ ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο δ᾽ οὗτος περὶ κώμην Ἰσάνας καλουμένην καὶ πολλῶν αὐτῷ προσρεόντων ἐκ τῆς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης , ἐπεὶ πλησίον γίνεται, τῶν πολεμίων ἐπεξελθόντων αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ θράσους συμβαλὼν κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ τιμωρῶν τἀδελφῷ φεύγουσιν εἰς τὴν‎ κώμην εἵπετο κτείνων.

⁴⁵⁸ Pappus had encamped near a village called Isana. As many followers flocked to him from Jericho and the rest of Judea, Herod approached. When the enemy came out against them with great boldness, Herod engaged them and was victorious in the battle; seeking vengeance for his brother, he pursued those fleeing into the village, slaying them as he went.

⁴⁵⁸ who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they ran away;

⁴⁵⁸ The latter was encamped at a village called Isanas, where many joined him from nearby Jericho and Judea. So strong were the enemy at this time that they attacked and fought his men, but he defeated them and to avenge the slaughter of his brother. He pursued them fiercely, killing them as they fled.

⁴⁵⁹ πεπληρωμένων δὲ τῶν οἰκήσεων ὁπλιτῶν καί τινων ἀναφευγόντων ἐπὶ τὰς στέγας κρατεῖ τούτων, καὶ τοὺς ὀρόφους τῶν οἴκων ἀνασκάπτων ἔμπλεα τὰ κάτω τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἑώρα ἀθρόων ἀπειλημμένων.	⁴⁵⁹ The houses were filled with heavy-armed men, and as some fled up onto the roofs, Herod gained the upper hand over them. Stripping off the roofs of the houses, he saw the lower floors full of soldiers huddled together and trapped.
⁴⁵⁹ and as the houses were full of armed men, and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were caught, and lay all on a heap;	⁴⁵⁹ Since the houses were full of warriors, and many of them ran up to the tops of the houses, he got them into his power and pulled down the roofs of the houses and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers who were caught and lying in a heap.

⁴⁶⁰ τούτους μὲν οὖν πέτραις ἄνωθεν βάλλοντες σωρηδὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἀνῄρουν· καὶ θέαμα τοῦτο δεινότατον ἦν κατὰ τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον νεκρῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀπείρων ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις κειμένων.	⁴⁶⁰ These men they killed from above by hurling stones, piling them one on top of another in heaps. This was the most terrible sight of this war: the multitude of countless dead lying upon one another within the walls.
⁴⁶⁰ so they threw stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them; nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another.	⁴⁶⁰ They threw stones down upon them, killing them as they lay piled up; and there was no more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where outside the walls an immense crowd of dead men lay heaped upon each another.

⁴⁶¹ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον μάλιστα τὰ φρονήματα τῶν πολεμίων ἔκλασεν καραδοκούντων τὸ μέλλον· ἑωρῶντο γὰρ παμπληθεῖς πόρρωθεν συγγενόμενοι περὶ τὴν‎ κώμην· οἳ τότε ἔφευγον, καὶ εἰ μὴ χειμὼν ἐπέσχεν βαθύς, ἧκεν ἂν καὶ ἐπὶ ἡ βασιλέως στρατιὰ θαρροῦσα τῷ νενικηκέναι, καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἦν ἂν εἰργασμένη· καὶ γὰρ ἤδη τὴν‎ παντελῆ φυγὴν ἐσκόπει καὶ ἀπανάστασιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

⁴⁶¹ This deed, more than anything else, broke the spirits of the enemy as they looked toward the future. For vast multitudes had been seen from afar gathered around the village; these now fled. And had a deep winter storm not prevented it, the King’s army—emboldened by victory—would have marched even upon Jerusalem and finished the entire business; for even Antigonus was already contemplating a total flight and withdrawal from the city."

⁴⁶¹ This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then restrained them, the king’s army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away and leave the city.

⁴⁶¹ This action was what mainly broke the spirits of the enemy, who were now resigned to the sequel. A large number of people had come to the village from distant places but these ran away. Only the depth of winter prevented the king’s army, buoyed up by this success, from reaching Jerusalem and finishing the whole operation, especially because Antigonus was already looking for any way to escape and leave the city.

The "Flank" Incident
The detail of Herod being struck in the "λαπάραν" (flank/side) by a javelin serves two purposes in the text. First, it emphasizes Herod's presence in the front lines, reinforcing his image as a "warrior-king." Second, the fact that the wound was not fatal (or perhaps didn't even penetrate his armor) adds to the theme of his "divine protection" mentioned in previous chapters.

Pappus and the Strategy of "Overabundance"
Antigonus’s strategy with Pappus was psychological: "ἐκ περιουσίας" (from a position of surplus/excess). He wanted Herod to believe that despite his recent Roman reinforcements, the Hasmoneans still had inexhaustible reserves of manpower. Herod’s response was characteristically brutal: he bypassed the main army to burn five cities, proving that Antigonus could not actually protect his own territory.

The Siege of Isana: Vertical Warfare
The combat at Isana shifted from a traditional field battle to a horrific urban siege. The pro-Hasmonean troops sought refuge in the houses, effectively turning the village into a series of individual bunkers. Herod’s tactic of "ἀνασκάπτων" (digging up/stripping off) the roofs transformed the houses into open pits.

The "Heaps of Dead": A Psychological Weapon
Josephus describes the piles of bodies as "θέαμα δεινότατον" (a most terrible sight). This wasn't just descriptive flair; the massacre at Isana functioned as a "terror tactic." By literally crushing the trapped soldiers with stones from above, Herod sent a clear message to the "multitudes" watching from the surrounding hills. It broke their "φρονήματα" (spirit/pride) and led to a mass desertion of the Hasmonean cause.

The Role of "General Winter"
For the third time in this narrative, the "χειμὼν βαθύς" (deep winter) intervened. Throughout the war, the weather acted as the only thing capable of slowing Herod down. Here, it saved Antigonus from immediate total defeat. The snow and cold made the final march on Jerusalem impossible, giving the Hasmonean king a few final months of desperate life inside the capital.

Antigonus’s Despair
The battle was so decisive that Antigonus considered "ἀπανάστασιν" (emigration/withdrawal) from Jerusalem. He realized that without a field army, he was merely waiting for the inevitable Roman siege. The "King of the Jews" was now a king of a single city, and his rival was at the gates.

⁴⁶² Τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς, ὀψία γὰρ ἦν, δειπνοποιεῖσθαι κελεύει τοὺς στρατιώτας, αὐτὸς δέ, ἐκεκμήκει γάρ, εἰσελθὼν εἴς τι δωμάτιον περὶ λουτρὸν ἦν. ἔνθα καὶ κίνδυνος αὐτῷ μέγιστος συνέπεσεν, ὃν κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν διέφυγεν·

⁴⁶² "At that time, since it was late evening, the King ordered the soldiers to take their dinner; but he himself, because he was exhausted, went into a certain chamber and was about to take a bath. There, a most great danger befell him, which he escaped according to the providence of God.

⁴⁶² At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God’s providence, he escaped;

⁴⁶² Then the king commanded the soldiers to go for supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to bathe, for he was very weary. Here he encountered a major danger which he escaped by the providence of God.

⁴⁶³ γυμνοῦ γὰρ ὄντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ μετὰ παιδὸς ἑνὸς ἀκολούθου λουομένου [ἐν τῷ] ἐντὸς οἰκήματι τῶν πολεμίων τινὲς ὡπλισμένοι συμπεφευγότες αὐτόθι διὰ φόβον μεταξὺ λουομένου ὁ πρῶτος ὑπεξέρχεται ξίφος ἔχων γυμνὸν καὶ διὰ θυρῶν χωρεῖ, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον δεύτερος καὶ τρίτος ὁμοίως ὡπλισμένοι, οὐδὲν βλάψαντες τὸν βασιλέα ὑπ᾽ , ἀγαπῶντες δὲ τὸ μηδὲν αὐτοὶ παθόντες εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν διεκπεσεῖν.

⁴⁶³ For while he was naked and bathing with only a single servant attending him in the inner room, some of the enemy—armed men who had fled there together out of fear—emerged. As he was bathing, the first one went out holding a drawn sword and passed through the doors; after him a second and a third, likewise armed. They did not harm the King at all out of their sheer stupefaction, being satisfied simply to escape forward without suffering anything themselves.

⁴⁶³ for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come off very well in suffering no harm themselves in their getting out of the house.

⁴⁶³ As he was naked and with only one servant in attendance while he was bathing in an inner room, some enemy warriors who had fled there in fear, were in the place, and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his sword drawn and went out through the doors and after him a second and a third, likewise armed. They were in such a panic that they did not harm the king and thought themselves fortunate to have suffered no harm themselves in escaping from the house.

⁴⁶⁴ τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ τὴν‎ μὲν Πάππου κεφαλήν, ἀνῄρητοto take up γάρ, ἀποκόψας ΦερώρᾳPheroras ἔπεμψεν ποινὴν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ πάθοι· οὗτος γὰρ ἦν αὐτόχειρ ἐκείνου γεγενημένος.	⁴⁶⁴ On the following day, having cut off the head of Pappus (for he had been slain), Herod sent it to Pheroras as a penalty for what his brother [Joseph] had suffered; for Pappus had been the one who killed him with his own hand.
⁴⁶⁴ However, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that slew him with his own hand.	⁴⁶⁴ On the next day he cut off the head of Pappus who was already dead, and sent it to Pheroras in penalty for what their brother had suffered from him, for it was he who had killed him with his own hand.

⁴⁶⁵ λήξαντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν ἐγγὺς τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἔρχεταιto come/go καὶ πλησίον στρατοπεδεύεται τῆς πόλεως· τρίτον δὲ ἔτος τοῦτο ἦν αὐτῷ ἐξ οὗ βασιλεὺς ἐν ῬώμῃRome ἀποδέδεικτο.	⁴⁶⁵ When the winter ended, Herod struck camp and came near Jerusalem, encamping close to the city; this was the third year since he had been appointed King in Rome.
⁴⁶⁵ When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome;	⁴⁶⁵ When winter had abated, Herod moved his army and approached Jerusalem and camped near the city on the third year after he had been appointed king in Rome.

⁴⁶⁶ ἀναστρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ καὶ πλησίον ἐλθὼν τοῦ τείχους κατὰ τὸ ἐπιμαχώτατον πρὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ στρατοπεδεύεται προσβαλεῖν διεγνωκώς, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν ποτε . τρισὶν δὲ διαλαβόντες χώμασιν τὸν τόπον πύργους ἀνίστα πολλῇ τε χειρὶ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον χρώμενος καὶ τέμνων τὴν‎ περὶ ὕλην.

⁴⁶⁶ Moving his camp again and coming close to the wall, he encamped at the most vulnerable point—in front of the Temple—having decided to assault it just as Pompey had once done before. Having divided the ground into three sections with embankments, he erected towers, employing a great multitude of hands for the work and cutting down the surrounding timber.

⁴⁶⁶ and as he removed his camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands about the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the city;

⁴⁶⁶ Then he moved closer to where the wall could be attacked, and camped in front of the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same way as did Pompey. So he surrounded the place with three bulwarks and built towers and employed many hands for the work and cut down all the trees around the city.

⁴⁶⁷ παρακαταστήσας δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους, ἱδρυμένης ἔτι τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτὸς εἰς ἐπὶ τὸν γάμον ᾤχετο ἀξόμενος τὴν‎ τοῦ θυγατέρα· ταύτην γὰρ ἦν ἐγγεγυημένος, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται.

⁴⁶⁷ Having placed suitable men in charge of the works, while the army was still stationed there, he himself departed for Samaria for his marriage, to take the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus [Mariamne]; for he had been betrothed to her, as I have said before."

⁴⁶⁷ and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the works, even while the army lay before the city, he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related.

⁴⁶⁷ After appointing suitable people to oversee the works, and leaving the army in camp he went off to Samaria to marry the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, to whom he was betrothed as I have already said.

The Bathhouse Epiphany
The scene in the bathhouse is one of the most humanizing and bizarre moments in Josephus's history. Herod is at his most vulnerable—"γυμνοῦ" (naked)—yet his enemies are so paralyzed by "ἐκπλήξεως" (stupefaction/shock) that they cannot act. Josephus again credits "θεοῦ πρόνοιαν" (God's providence). Psychologically, it suggests that Herod’s "aura" of victory was so overwhelming that the Hasmonean soldiers saw him as a supernatural figure rather than a target.

Blood Feud: The Head of Pappus
The decapitation of Pappus and the delivery of his head to Pheroras mirrors Antigonus’s treatment of Herod’s brother Joseph. This "eye for an eye" diplomacy signals that the war had moved beyond politics into a tribal blood feud. By sending the head to Pheroras, Herod was fulfilling his duty of pietas to his family, signaling that the shame of Joseph's defeat had been washed away in blood.

The Shadow of Pompey the Great
Herod purposefully chooses to attack Jerusalem from the north, "in front of the Temple." This was the same spot where Pompey the Great had breached the city in 63 BCE. By mimicking Pompey's tactics—using "χώμασιν" (siege ramps/embankments) and towers—Herod was positioning himself as the true successor to Roman power in the region. He wasn't just a local rebel; he was conducting a "proper" Roman siege.

The Three-Year Reckoning
Josephus is careful to note the date: the third year since Rome granted him the title. This is a subtle legal point. Herod had been a "King without a Kingdom" for three years. The siege was not an invasion, but an "eviction notice" served to Antigonus by the legally recognized sovereign.

Mariamne: The Hasmonean Shield
In a move that seems almost cold-bloodedly pragmatic, Herod leaves the siege lines to go get married. By marrying Mariamne, the granddaughter of both Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, Herod was effectively "merging" the rival Hasmonean bloodlines into his own person. He knew that the Jews would never fully accept an Idumaean king, but they might accept the husband of a Hasmonean princess and the father of her future children.

Environmental Devastation
The mention of "τέμνων τὴν πέριξ ὕλην" (cutting down the surrounding timber) highlights the environmental cost of the war. To build his siege engines, Herod deforested the hills around Jerusalem. This landscape of stumps and bare earth would have been a grim visual reminder to the inhabitants of Jerusalem that their "King" was prepared to destroy the land to rule it.

Chapter 16
[468-491]
Herod marries Mariamne and takes Jerusalem.
This ends Hasmonean rule in Judea

☜ ☞

⁴⁶⁸ μετὰ δὲ τοὺς γάμους ἦλθεν μὲν διὰ προεκπέμψας τὴν‎ δύναμιν διὰ τῆς μεσογαίας, ἦλθεν δὲ καὶ ὁ στρατὸς πλῆθος ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν, παρεγένετο δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς οὐκ ὀλίγον πρὸς τῷ πάλαι στρατὸν ἄγων·

⁴⁶⁸ "After the marriage, Sosius arrived by way of Phoenicia, having sent his force ahead through the interior; the army also arrived, a great multitude of both horsemen and foot-soldiers. The King likewise arrived from the region of Samaria, bringing a not insignificant army in addition to his former one—for they numbered about thirty thousand.

⁴⁶⁸ After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand;

⁴⁶⁸ After the wedding, Sosius went through Phoenicia, sending his army ahead of him through the middle of the country. He, the general, was accompanied by many cavalry and infantry. The king himself came from Samaria with a considerable army,

⁴⁶⁹ περὶ τρισμυρίους γὰρ ἦσαν. πάντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ ἠθροίζοντο τεῖχος, καὶ διεκάθητο πρὸς τῷ βορείῳ τείχει τῆς πόλεως στρατιᾶς ἕνδεκα μὲν οὖσα τέλη ὁπλιτικοῦ, ἓξ δὲ χιλιάδες ἱππέων, ἄλλα δὲ ἐπικουρικὰ ἀπὸ τῆς , δύο δ᾽ ἡγεμόνες, μὲν ὑπ᾽ σταλεὶς , δ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎, ὡς ἀφελόμενος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀποδειχθέντα ἐν πολέμιον αὐτὸς ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου βασιλεὺς εἴη κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα.

⁴⁶⁹ They all assembled at the wall of Jerusalem and encamped against the northern wall of the city. There were eleven legions of heavy infantry, six thousand horsemen, and other auxiliary troops from Syria. There were two commanders: Sosius, sent by Antony as an ally, and Herod, fighting on his own behalf, so that having stripped the power from Antigonus—who had been declared an enemy in Rome—he might himself be King in his place according to the decree of the Senate."

⁴⁶⁹ and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared an enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the Senate.

⁴⁶⁹ adding to the about thirty thousand who were already there, and they all met outside the walls of Jerusalem and encamped at the north wall of the city, an army now totalling eleven infantry legions and six thousand cavalry, with other allies from Syria. The two generals were Sosius, sent by Antony as an ally, and Herod for his own sake, to take over power from Antigonus, who had been declared an enemy in Rome, and become king according to the decree of the Senate.

The Immense Scale of the Force
Josephus provides specific numbers that highlight the lopsided nature of this conflict. Eleven legions plus auxiliaries and Herod’s own 30,000 men represent a force likely exceeding 60,000 to 80,000 soldiers. For a single city siege in the 1st century BCE, this was an overwhelming concentration of power—roughly double the force Pompey had used twenty years earlier. It signals that Rome (via Antony) was no longer willing to tolerate a Parthian-aligned king in Judea.

The Logistics of the Approach
Sosius moved his main body through the "μεσογαίας" (the interior/hinterland), while he himself traveled via the Phoenician coast. This "pincer" movement ensured that any remaining Hasmonean pockets in the countryside were crushed or bypassed before the final investment of the capital.

The Northern Wall Strategy
The army encamped against the northern wall. Topographically, Jerusalem is protected by deep ravines on the east (Kidron), south (Hinnom), and west. The north was the only direction where the ground was relatively level with the city walls, allowing for the construction of massive siege ramps and the deployment of battering rams.

The Legal Framing: "King vs. Enemy"
Josephus emphasizes the legal status of the combatants. Antigonus is not just a rival; he is a "πολέμιον" (public enemy) declared by the Roman Senate. Herod, meanwhile, is fighting to uphold the "δόγμα" (decree). This phrasing was crucial for Josephus’s Roman readers to justify the upcoming slaughter: the Romans weren't destroying a nation; they were "enforcing a contract" and removing a "usurper."

Herod’s Personal Stake
While Sosius provided the professional Roman "muscle," Herod brought 30,000 of his own troops. This was a political necessity. If Sosius took the city alone, Jerusalem would be treated as a conquered Roman province (and likely looted to the bone). By providing a massive contingent of his own, Herod ensured he had a "seat at the table" to protect the city’s infrastructure—and his future subjects—from total Roman annihilation.

The Syrian Auxiliaries
The mention of "ἐπικουρικὰ ἀπὸ τῆς Συρίας" (auxiliaries from Syria) is a subtle nod to the deep-seated ethnic tensions of the region. Many of these troops were from Hellenistic cities (like Caesarea or Sebaste) that had long-standing feuds with the Jewish inhabitants of Jerusalem. Their presence added a layer of personal animosity to the siege that would lead to the horrific violence of the city's eventual fall.

⁴⁷⁰ μετὰ δὲ πολλῆς προθυμίας καὶ ἔριδος ἅτε σύμπαντος ἠθροισμένου τοῦ πλήθους οἱ τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἀντεπολέμουν κατειληθέντες ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους, πολλά τε περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ πολλὰ ἐπ᾽ εὐφημίᾳ τοῦ δήμου, ὡς ῥυσομένου τῶν κινδύνων αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ.

⁴⁷⁰ "With great zeal and rivalry, as the entire multitude had been gathered together, the Jews within the walls resisted Herod’s forces. They spread many rumors around the Temple and spoke much to encourage the people, claiming that God would rescue them from these dangers.

⁴⁷⁰ Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in;

⁴⁷⁰ The Jews within the city walls fought against Herod with great force and spirit, for the whole nation was assembled. Many prophecies about the temple and things to appeal to the people were declaimed, promising that God would deliver them from their present danger.

⁴⁷¹ τά τε ἐκτὸς τῆς πόλεως ἀπεσκευάσαντο, ὡς μηδ᾽ ὅσα τροφὴ δύναιτο εἶναι ὑπολιπεῖν ἢ ἀνθρώποις ἢ ὑποζυγίοις, λῃστείαις τε λάθρα χρώμενοι ἀπορίαν παρέσχον.	⁴⁷¹ They had cleared away everything outside the city, so that not even enough food remained for men or beasts of burden; and by using secret predatory raids, they caused a great shortage [for the besiegers].
⁴⁷¹ they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of necessaries greater.	⁴⁷¹ They had also robbed whatever was outside the city, to leave no food there for man or beast, and individual thievery made the lack of essentials even greater.

⁴⁷² ταῦτα δ᾽ συνιδὼν πρὸς μὲν τὰς λῃστείας ἐν τοῖς ἐπικαιροτάτοις τόποις παρελόχιζεν, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πέμπων ὁπλιτικὰ τέλη πόρρωθεν ἀγορὰν συνεκόμιζεν, ὡς ὀλίγου χρόνου πολλὴν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι τῶν ἀναγκαίων.

⁴⁷² Herod, perceiving this, placed ambushes in the most opportune places to counter the raids, and by sending heavy infantry units to bring in provisions from afar, he managed to gather a market so that in a short time they had a great abundance of necessities.

⁴⁷² When Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions.

⁴⁷² Noting this, Herod set ambushes in suitable places against their thieving and sent legions of soldiers to bring provisions from distant places, so that soon they had plenty of provisions.

⁴⁷³ ἦρτο δὲ συνεχῶς ἤδη πολλῆς χειρὸς ἐργαζομένης καὶ τὰ τρία χώματα εὐπετῶς· θέρος τε γὰρ ἦν καὶ οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀνάστασιν οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀέρος οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐργαζομένων, τά τε μηχανήματα προσάγοντες κατέσειον τὸ τεῖχος καὶ πάσαις ἐχρῶντο πείραις.

⁴⁷³ The three embankments were raised continually by a vast number of working hands and were completed easily; for it was summer, and nothing hindered the construction, neither the weather nor the workers. As they brought up the engines, they began to shake the wall and employed every device of siegecraft.

⁴⁷³ Now the three bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get it;

⁴⁷³ Three walls were easily built, because so many hands were continually at work on them, for it was summer time and there was nothing, either the weather or any lack of workers, to hinder the building. Then bringing up their machinery they shook the walls of the city and tried in every way to take it.

⁴⁷⁴ οὐ μὴν ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἔνδον, ἀλλὰ ἀντετεχνῶντο κἀκεῖνοι πρὸς τὰ παρὰ τούτων γινόμενα οὐκ ὀλίγα, ἐπεκθέοντές τε τὰ μὲν ἡμίεργα ἐνεπίμπρασαν τὰ δ᾽ ἐξειργασμένα, εἴς τε χεῖρας ἰόντες οὐδὲν κακίους τὰς τόλμας ἦσαν, ἐπιστήμῃ δ᾽ ἐλείποντο.

⁴⁷⁴ Yet those inside were not dismayed; they devised many counter-stratagems against what was being done. They made excursions and set fire to the engines—some half-finished, others completed. When they came to hand-to-hand combat, they were in no way inferior to the Romans in daring, though they lacked their military skill.

⁴⁷⁴ yet did not those within discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill.

⁴⁷⁴ But those inside showed no fear, and even built some machines to set against the enemy machines. They also made sorties out and burned not only the machines that were not yet completed, but even some that were. When they came hand to hand, they were no less brave than the Romans, though they were below them in skill.

⁴⁷⁵ πρός τε τὰς μηχανὰς ἀντετείχιζον ἐρειπομένων τῶν πρώτων οἰκοδομημάτων, ὑπὸ γῆν τε ἀπαντῶντες ἐν ταῖς μεταλλεύσεσιν διεμάχοντο, ἀπονοίᾳ δὲ τὸ πλέον ἢ προμηθείᾳ χρώμενοι προσελιπάρουν τῷ πολέμῳ εἰς τοὔσχατον, καὶ ταῦτα μεγάλου στρατοῦ περικαθημένου σφᾶς καὶ λιμῷ ταλαιπωρούμενοι καὶ σπάνει τῶν · τὸν γὰρ ἑβδοματικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν συνέβη κατὰ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι.

⁴⁷⁵ As the first structures fell, they built counter-walls; meeting the enemy underground in mining galleries, they fought there. Driven more by desperation than by foresight, they persisted in the war to the very end, despite being besieged by a vast army and suffering miserably from famine and the lack of provisions—for it happened to be a Sabbatical Year.

⁴⁷⁵ They also erected new works when the former were ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic year.

⁴⁷⁵ They also set up new machines when the first ones were ruined, and tunnelling underground, they met each other and fought there. Relying more on raw courage than skill, they persisted in this war to the very last, although surrounded by a huge army and distressed by hunger and shortage of provisions, for it was a Sabbatical year.

⁴⁷⁶ ἀναβαίνουσιν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος πρῶτον μὲν λογάδες εἴκοσι, ἔπειτα δὲ ἑκατόνταρχοι · ᾑρέθη γὰρ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τεῖχος ἡμέραις τεσσαράκοντα, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον πεντεκαίδεκα· καί τινες τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνεπρήσθησαν στοῶν, ἃς ἐμπρῆσαι διέβαλεν, μῖσος αὐτῷ πραγματευόμενος παρὰ τῶν γενέσθαι.

⁴⁷⁶ Twenty select men first mounted the wall, followed by the centurions of Sosius. The first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen. Some of the porticoes around the Temple were burnt—Herod blamed Antigonus for this to make him hated by the Jews.

⁴⁷⁶ The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius’s centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews.

⁴⁷⁶ The first to scale the walls were twenty picked men, and next came Sosius' centurions, and the first wall was taken in forty days and the second in fifteen more. Then some of the porticoes around the temple were burned, which Herod claimed were burned by Antigonus, in order to make him hated by the Jews.

⁴⁷⁷ ᾑρημένου δὲ τοῦ ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς κάτω πόλεως εἰς τὸ ἔσωθεν ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν‎ ἄνω πόλιν οἱ συνέφυγον, δείσαντες δὲ μὴ διακωλύειν αὐτοὺς οἱ τὰς καθημερινὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖν τῷ θεῷ, πρεσβεύονται ἐπιτρέψαι παρακαλοῦντες θύματα αὐτοῖς μόνον εἰσκομίζεσθαι· ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἐνδωσόντων αὐτῶν συνεχώρει ταῦτα.

⁴⁷⁷ When the outer Temple and the Lower City were taken, the Jews fled into the Inner Temple and the Upper City. Fearing the Romans might prevent them from performing the daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassy asking only for permission to bring in sacrificial animals; Herod, thinking they would then surrender, granted this.

⁴⁷⁷ And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield;

⁴⁷⁷ When the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple and to the upper city. Then, fearing that the Romans should stop them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent envoys, asking to be allowed to bring in beasts just for sacrifice. This he granted, hoping that they were going to yield.

⁴⁷⁸ καὶ ἐπεὶ μηδὲν ἑώρα γινόμενον παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὧν ὑπενόει, ἀλλὰ ἰσχυρῶς ἀντέχοντας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἈντιγόνουAntigonus βασιλείας, προσβαλὼν κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν τὴν‎ πόλιν.	⁴⁷⁸ But when he saw they did nothing he expected, but held out strongly for Antigonus’s kingship, he launched a general assault and took the city by force.
⁴⁷⁸ but when he saw that they did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by storm;	⁴⁷⁸ However, seeing them not doing as he expected, but strongly opposing him in order to keep the kingship for Antigonus, he attacked the city and took it by storm.

⁴⁷⁹ καὶ πάντα εὐθὺς φόνων ἦν ἀνάπλεα τῶν μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐπὶ τῇ τριβῇ τῆς πολιορκίας διωργισμένων, τοῦ δὲ περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd ἸουδαικοῦJewish μηδὲν ὑπολιπεῖν σπεύδοντος ἀντίπαλον.	⁴⁷⁹ Immediately, everything was filled with slaughter. The Romans were infuriated by the length of the siege, and the Jews on Herod’s side were eager to leave no opponent alive.
⁴⁷⁹ and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod’s side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive;	⁴⁷⁹ Very soon all parts were full of slaughter, from the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege and the zeal of the Jews on Herod’s side, unwilling to leave any of their opponents alive.

⁴⁸⁰ ἐσφάττοντο δὲ παμπληθεῖς ἔν τε τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας συνωθούμενοι καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντες, ἦν τε οὔτε νηπίων οὔτε γήρως ἔλεος οὔτε ἀσθενείας γυναικῶν φειδώ, ἀλλὰ καίτοι περιπέμποντος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ φείδεσθαι παρακαλοῦντος οὐδεὶς ἐκράτησεν τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ μεμηνότες πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ἐπεξῄεσαν.

⁴⁸⁰ They were butchered in great numbers, crowded together in the narrow streets and houses, and as they fled to the Temple. There was no mercy for infants, no respect for old age, nor any sparing of the weakness of women. Although the King sent messengers around urging them to show mercy, no one stayed their hand; as if possessed by madness, they fell upon every age.

⁴⁸⁰ so they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction;

⁴⁸⁰ There was bloodshed in the narrow streets and in the houses, crowds being killed as they fled to the temple for shelter and no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare the weaker sex. Even though the king sent around imploring them to spare the people, no one refrained from slaughter, but like madmen, they attacked persons of every age.

⁴⁸¹ ἔνθα καὶ μήτε τῆς πάλαι μήτε τῆς τότε τύχης ἔννοιαν λαβὼν κάτεισι μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς βάρεως, προσπίπτει δὲ τοῖς ποσίν, κἀκεῖνος μηδὲν αὐτὸν οἰκτείρας πρὸς τὴν‎ μεταβολὴν ἐπεκρότησεν μὲν ἀκρατῶς καὶ ἐκάλεσεν, οὐ μὴν ὡς γυναῖκά γε φρουρᾶς ἐλεύθερον , ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν δεθεὶς ἐφυλάττετο.

⁴⁸¹ Then Antigonus, taking no thought of his past or present fortune, came down from the Baris [fortress] and fell at Sosius’s feet. Sosius, showing no pity for the change in his status, laughed immoderately and called him 'Antigone' [the feminine form of his name]. Yet he did not leave him free of guard like a woman; rather, he was bound and kept under watch."

⁴⁸¹ and then Antigonus, without regard to either his past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody.

⁴⁸¹ Then Antigonus, heedless of his past or present dignity, came from the citadel and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him in his change of fortune, but bitterly insulted him and called him "Antigone." Yet he did not set him free as a woman, but chained him and kept him under guard.

The Sabbatical Year Factor
Josephus mentions that it was the Sabbatical Year (ebdomatikon eniauton). This is a crucial historical and theological detail. According to Jewish law (Leviticus 25), the land must lie fallow every seventh year. This meant there were no new harvests, making the famine during the siege exponentially worse. The defenders' refusal to surrender despite starvation underscores their belief that divine intervention was imminent.

Tunnel Warfare and Counter-Stratagems
The mention of "μεταλλεύσεσιν" (mining/tunnelling) highlights the complexity of the siege. Both sides were digging beneath the walls—the Romans to collapse them, and the Jews to intercept the Roman tunnels. This "subterranean war" was a hallmark of sophisticated ancient sieges, where combat occurred in pitch-black, narrow crawlspaces.

The Psychology of the Breach
The city fell in stages:

1) The First Wall (40 days): Likely the "Third Wall" or northern outskirts.

2) The Second Wall (15 days): The main northern defense.

This incremental progress shows that the Hasmonean defense was extremely disciplined, forcing the Romans to win the city yard by yard.

The Political Spin on the Fire
The burning of the Temple porticoes (stoōn) was a disaster for Herod’s future PR. Josephus notes that Herod "blamed Antigonus" (diebalen) for the fire. Herod knew that being the king who burned the Temple would make him a pariah; by shifting the blame to Antigonus, he attempted to preserve his legitimacy even as the city burned.

The Gendered Insult: "Antigone"
Sosius’s insult—calling the defeated King "Antigone"—was a devastating Roman slur. By using the feminine name, Sosius was mocking Antigonus for his "unmanly" surrender at the feet of a Roman general. It signaled the end of the Hasmonean "warrior-priest" ideal and the total humiliation of the dynasty by Rome.

The "Madness" of the Soldiers
Josephus describes the Roman and Herodian soldiers as "μεμηνότες" (acting like madmen). This wasn't just battle fury; it was a combination of ethnic hatred (from the Syrian auxiliaries) and the "siege mentality" that occurs when soldiers are kept at a high pitch of tension for months. Herod’s inability to stop his own troops from slaughtering his future subjects would lead to the very next chapter of his reign: buying the city back from his own allies.

⁴⁸² Πρόνοια δ᾽ ἦν ἩρώδῃHerod κρατοῦντι τῶν πολεμίων τοῦ κρατῆσαι καὶ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων συμμάχων· ὥρμητο γὰρ τὸ ξενικὸν πλῆθος ἐπὶ θέᾳ τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἁγίων.	⁴⁸² "Now that he was master of his enemies, Herod’s chief concern was to remain master of his foreign allies as well; for the multitude of foreigners was rushing to gaze upon the Temple and the holy things within the sanctuary.
⁴⁸² And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple;	⁴⁸² After defeating his enemies, Herod’s first care was to control the foreigners who had helped him, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple and the sacred things in the temple.

⁴⁸³ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοὺς μὲν παρακαλῶν τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπειλῶν ἔστιν δ᾽ οὓς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνέστελλεν, ἥττης χαλεπωτέραν ἡγούμενος τὴν‎ νίκην, εἴ τι τῶν ἀθεάτων παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὀφθείη.	⁴⁸³ The King, by entreating some, threatening others, and even restraining some by force of arms, held them back—for he considered the victory more grievous than a defeat if any of the things forbidden to be seen were beheld by them.
⁴⁸³ but the king, thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to restrain them.	⁴⁸³ Thinking that victory would be worse than defeat if they saw any of those things which it was not lawful to see, the king restrained them by pleas and threats and even by force.

⁴⁸⁴ διεκώλυέ τε καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἁρπαγάς, πολλὰ διατεινάμενος πρὸς , εἰ χρημάτων τε καὶ ἀνδρῶν τὴν‎ πόλιν κενώσαντες καταλείψουσιν αὐτὸν ἐρημίας βασιλέα, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ πολιτῶν φόνῳ βραχὺ καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ἀντάλλαγμα κρίνει.

⁴⁸⁴ He also attempted to prevent the plundering throughout the city, arguing forcefully to Sosius: asking whether the Romans, by emptying the city of both money and men, would leave him king of a desert; and stating that he judged even the sovereignty of the entire world a small exchange for such a slaughter of citizens.

⁴⁸⁴ He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his citizens';

⁴⁸⁴ He stopped them from ravaging the city and often asked Sosius if the Romans wished to empty the city both of money and people and leave him king of a desert, saying that he regarded even rule over the whole world as not enough to compensate for such murder of his citizens.

⁴⁸⁵ τοῦ δὲ ἀντὶ τῆς πολιορκίας τὰς ἁρπαγὰς δικαίως τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπιτρέπειν φαμένου, αὐτὸς ἔφη διανεμεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρημάτων τοὺς μισθοὺς ἑκάστοις.	⁴⁸⁵ When Sosius replied that it was only just to permit the soldiers to plunder as a reward for the hardships of the siege, Herod promised that he would distribute the rewards to each man out of his own private funds.
⁴⁸⁵ and when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one his reward out of his own money;	⁴⁸⁵ When the other said that it was right to allow the soldiers this looting after the siege they had endured, he replied that he would give each their reward from his own money.

⁴⁸⁶ οὕτως τε τὴν‎ λοιπὴν ἐξωνησάμενος πόλιν τὰς ὑποσχέσεις ἐπλήρωσεν· λαμπρῶς μὲν γὰρ ἕκαστον στρατιώτην, ἀναλόγως δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, βασιλικώτατα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο , ὡς πάντας ἀπελθεῖν χρημάτων εὐποροῦντας.

⁴⁸⁶ In this way, having bought back what remained of the city, he fulfilled his promises: he rewarded every soldier magnificently, the officers in proportion, and Sosius himself in a most princely manner, so that they all departed wealthy with riches."

⁴⁸⁶ and by this means he redeemed what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away full of money.

⁴⁸⁶ In this way be reckoned to save what remained of the city from destruction, and he kept his promise by giving a decent gift to every soldier and a proportionate gift to their officers, but a most royal gift to Sosius himself, so that they all went away well rewarded.

The Paradox of Victory: "More Grievous than Defeat"
Herod’s realization that his victory could be "ἥττης χαλεπωτέραν" (more grievous than a defeat) shows his acute political survival instinct. He knew that if the Roman "pagans" entered the Holy of Holies, the Jewish population would never forgive him. By physically using his own weapons ("τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνέστελλεν") to block his allies from the Temple, Herod was performing a desperate act of religious defense to salvage his future legitimacy.

King of a Desert (Erēmias Basilea)
Herod’s plea to Sosius contains a profound rhetorical question: "Will you leave me king of a desert?" This reveals the central tension of client-kingship. A Roman general's goal was a quick, profitable triumph; a client-king's goal was a functioning tax base. Herod had to convince Sosius that a living city was more valuable to Rome in the long term than a looted one in the short term.

The "Buying Back" of Jerusalem
This is perhaps the most expensive real estate transaction in Judean history. Herod effectively paid a ransom for his own capital. By promising to pay the soldiers’ "donatives" (bonuses) from his "ἰδίων χρημάτων" (private funds), he took on a massive personal debt to ensure the city remained intact. This investment paid off: Jerusalem remained the commercial and religious hub of his kingdom rather than becoming a ruin like Carthage or Corinth.

Sosius: The Transactional Ally
Sosius’s response represents the standard Roman military mind of the late Republic. To him, "ἁρπαγάς" (plunder) was a legal right of the soldier. The fact that he was willing to trade that "right" for Herod’s cash shows that the alliance was purely transactional. Once the money was paid "βασιλικώτατα" (most princely), Sosius was happy to leave.

Herod’s Wealth
Where did this money come from? After years of war, Herod’s "private funds" were likely a mix of loans from wealthy Samaritans/Idumaeans and the treasures he had seized from the cities he burned earlier in the campaign (like those near Isana). This passage underscores that Herod’s power was built as much on financial liquidity as it was on military might.

The Departure of the Legions
The departure of the Romans "wealthy with riches" ended the immediate threat of total destruction, but it left Herod alone in a city that hated him. He had saved the Temple from being seen by pagans, but he had entered it over the bodies of thousands of its defenders. The war was over, but the "reign of terror" required to keep the throne was only beginning.

⁴⁸⁷ Τοῦτο τὸ πάθος συνέβη τῇ πόλει ὑπατεύοντος ἐν καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ὀγδοηκοστῆς καὶ πέμπτης ὀλυμπιάδος τῷ τρίτῳ μηνὶ τῇ ἑορτῇ τῆς νηστείας, ὥσπερ ἐκ περιτροπῆς τῆς γενομένης ἐπὶ τοῖς συμφορᾶς·

⁴⁸⁷ "This disaster befell the city of Jerusalem while Marcus Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were consuls at Rome, in the 185th Olympiad, in the third month, on the festival of the Fast, as if in a recurring cycle of the calamity that had come upon the Jews under Pompey.

⁴⁸⁷ This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under Pompey;

⁴⁸⁷ This calamity befell Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome, in the hundred eighty-fifth Olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast. It was as though a periodical cycle of troubles had returned since that which happened the Jews under Pompey,

⁴⁸⁸ καὶ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τῇ αὐτῇ ἑάλωσαν ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ ἔτη εἰκοσιεπτά. ΣόσσιοςSosius δὲ χρυσοῦν ἀναθεὶςto run up; to lay upon τῷ θεῷ στέφανον ἀνέζευξεν ἀπὸ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἈντίγονονAntignus ἄγων δεσμώτην ἈντωνίῳAnthony.	⁴⁸⁸ For they were captured by him on the very same day, twenty-seven years later. Sosius, after dedicating a golden crown to God, marched away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus as a prisoner to Antony.
⁴⁸⁸ for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony;	⁴⁸⁸ for the Jews were captured by him on the same date, twenty-seven years earlier. When Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, bringing Antigonus with him in chains to Antony.

⁴⁸⁹ δείσας δὲ μὴ φυλαχθεὶς ὑπ᾽ καὶ κομισθεὶς εἰς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δικαιολογήσηται πρὸς τὴν‎ σύγκλητον, ἐπιδεικνὺς αὐτὸν μὲν ἐκ βασιλέων, δὲ ἰδιώτην, καὶ ὅτι προσῆκεν αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλεύειν τοὺς παῖδας διὰ τὸ γένος, εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐξήμαρτεν·

⁴⁸⁹ But Herod, fearing that if Antigonus were kept under guard by Antony and brought by him to Rome, he might plead his cause before the Senate—pointing out that he himself was of royal descent, while Herod was a commoner, and that it was fitting for his [Antigonus’s] children to reign because of their lineage, even if he himself had offended the Romans—Herod, fearing these things, persuaded Antony with a great sum of money to put Antigonus to death.

⁴⁸⁹ but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account of the family they were of,

⁴⁸⁹ But Herod was afraid that Antony might keep Antigonus only in prison and that when he brought him to Rome to answer to the senate, he could prove that as he was of royal stock while Herod was just a private citizen, his sons should be kings, due to their stock, despite his personal offence to the Romans.

⁴⁹⁰ ταῦτα φοβούμενος πολλοῖς χρήμασι πείθει τὸν ἀνελεῖν . οὗ γενομένου τοῦ δέους μὲν ἀπαλλάσσεται, παύεται δ᾽ οὕτως ἡ τοῦ ἀρχὴ μετὰ ἔτη ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιέξ. οἶκος λαμπρὸς οὗτος ἦν καὶ διάσημος γένους τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς ὧν τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ‎ διεπράξαντο.

⁴⁹⁰ When this was done, Herod was delivered from his fear; and thus ended the rule of the Hasmonean house [the Asamonaeans] after one hundred and twenty-six years. This had been a splendid and illustrious house, famous both for its lineage and its priestly honor, and for the things their ancestors had achieved on behalf of the nation.

⁴⁹⁰ in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod’s fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation;

⁴⁹⁰ Fearing this, he paid Antony a large amount of money to kill Antigonus, for after that Herod’s fear could be set aside. And so the Hasmonean rule ended, a hundred twenty-six years after it began. It was a splendid and distinguished house, ennobled by the high priesthood, and what their ancestors had done for our nation.

⁴⁹¹ ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσιν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀπέβαλον, μετέβη δ᾽ εἰς τὸν οἰκίας ὄντα δημοτικῆς καὶ γένους ἰδιωτικοῦ καὶ ὑπακούοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος τῆς γενεᾶς παρειλήφαμεν.

⁴⁹¹ But they lost their sovereign power through their strife against one another, and it passed to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of a common house and of private lineage, and one subject to the kings. This is the account of the end of the Hasmonean generation as we have received it."

⁴⁹¹ but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.

⁴⁹¹ But through their internal strife they threw away the leadership, which passed to Herod the son of Antipater, who was from an ordinary private family in subjection to the monarchy. This is what history tells us of the end of the Hasmonean family.

The Synchronicity of Disaster
Josephus highlights a chilling historical coincidence: Jerusalem fell to Herod on the exact same day it had fallen to Pompey the Great in 63 BCE (27 years prior). By noting it happened during the "festival of the Fast" (likely the Day of Atonement, Yom Kippur), he emphasizes a sense of tragic irony. To the Jewish mind, such patterns were signs of divine abandonment or a "revolving door" of judgment.

The Legitimacy Panic
Herod’s fear of a trial in Rome reveals the central weakness of his reign: Legitimacy. Even with the city captured, Herod knew that according to Roman law and Hellenistic tradition, a "commoner" (idiōtēn) could not legally displace a "king" (ek basileōn) if a trial occurred before the Senate. His only solution was judicial murder. By bribing Antony to execute Antigonus, he ensured there was no "rightful" alternative left for the Romans to turn to.

The Execution of Antigonus: A Roman Taboo
Though not explicitly detailed in this short paragraph, other sources (like Plutarch and Strabo) note that Antony had Antigonus scourged and beheaded. This was highly unusual; Romans typically paraded kings in Triumphs and then strangled them in prison. Beheading a king like a common criminal was a favor to Herod, intended to strip away the last shreds of Hasmonean dignity so the Jews would stop looking to that family for leadership.

The 126-Year Reckoning
Josephus counts the Hasmonean era from the start of the Maccabean Revolt (c. 164/163 BCE) to 37 BCE. He eulogizes them as a "λαμπρὸς οἶκος" (splendid house). This reflects Josephus’s own complicated identity; as a priest and a relative of the Hasmoneans himself, he mourns the fall of the priestly aristocracy even as he justifies the transition to the "New Order" of Herod and Rome.

"Strife Against One Another" (Stasin)
Josephus identifies the root cause of the Hasmonean collapse as internal civil war (stasin). He argues that the dynasty didn't fail because of external enemies, but because the brothers (Hyrcanus and Aristobulus) invited Rome in to settle their domestic dispute. This serves as a "cautionary tale" to Josephus’s later audience during the Great Revolt of 66-70 CE: internal division leads to national ruin.

The Rise of the "Commoner"
The contrast is sharp: the Hasmoneans were Priest-Kings; Herod was "δημοτικῆς" (of the common people/plebeian) and "ὑπακούοντος" (one who obeys kings). Herod’s rise represents the shift from a traditional, religious monarchy to a meritocratic, "new-money" despotism backed by a foreign superpower.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 14

Last of the Hasmoneans. Roman rule begins. Herod is made king

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 14