topANT--15 prev next

Herod, from the death of Antigonus to completion of the Temple


Chapter 1 Herod kills Antigonus' friends and sacks the city. Antigonus executed
Chapter 2 Hyrcanus returns to Herod. Alexandra vs new high priest Ananelus
Chapter 3 Aristobulus high priest, murdered; Herod's apology. Mariamne and Joseph
Chapter 4 Cleopatra comes to Judea, to be flattered and bribed by Herod
Chapter 5 Herod's war and conquest of Arabia; the great earthquake
Chapter 6 Herod kills Hyrcanus; is confirmed as king by Octavian Caesar
Chapter 7 Herod murders Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends, and the sons of Babbas
Chapter 8 Herod is hated, for his foreign customs. He builds Sebaste and Caesarea
Chapter 9 Famine in Judea and Syria. Herod marries again; builds Greek-style cities
Chapter 10 Herod retains Caesar's goodwill. Description of Pharisees and Essenes
Chapter 11 Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple; builds the Antonia tower
Chapter 1
[001-010]
Herod plunders Jerusalem.
Antony beheads Antigonus
[1] ΣόσσιοςSosius μὲν οὖν καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς κατὰ κράτος ἔλαβον ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ πρὸς τούτοις αἰχμάλωτον ἈντίγονονAntignus , πρὸ ταύτης ἡμῖν ἐδήλωσεν βίβλος · τὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνῃ συνεχῆ νῦν ἐροῦμεν . [2] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τῆς ὅλης ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐνεχειρίσθη τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἩρώδηςHerod , τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν πλήθους ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν ἰδιωτεύοντες ἔτι τἀκείνου φρονοῦντες ἐν προαγωγῇ τούτους ἐποιεῖτο , τοὺς δὲ τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ἑλομένους οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τιμωρούμενος καὶ κολάζων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν . [3] ἐτιμῶντο δὲ μάλιστα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ΠολλίωνPollio ΦαρισαῖοςPharisee καὶ ΣαμαίαςSameas τούτου μαθητής · πολιορκουμένων γὰρ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem οὗτοι συνεβούλευον τοῖς πολίταις δέξασθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , ἀνθ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπελάμβανον . [4] δὲ ΠολλίωνPollio οὗτος καὶ κρινομένου ποτὲ ἩρώδουHerod τὴν‎ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προεῖπεν ὀνειδίζων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ τοῖς δικάζουσιν , ὡς περισωθεὶς ἩρώδηςHerod ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς ἐπεξελεύσεται · καὶ τοῦτο χρόνῳ προύβη τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ‎ τελειώσαντος .

1How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force, and how they took Antigonus prisoner, we have reported in the previous book. We will now go on with the narrative. 2Since Herod had now the government of all Judea in his hands, he promoted the private citizens within the city who belonged to his party, and daily punished and penalized those who had chosen the opposite side. 3Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas his disciple were honoured by him above all others, for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which they were well repaid. 4This Pollio, at the time when Herod was once being tried for his life mockingly foretold to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they had spared, would later come back at them all, and this took place in its time, as God fulfilled the words he had spoken.

[5] Ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε κρατήσας τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem πάντα συνεφόρει τὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κόσμον ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εὐπόρους ἀφαιρούμενος , καὶ συναγαγὼν πλῆθος ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου παντὶ τούτῳ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους . [6] ἀπέκτεινε δὲ τεσσαρακονταπέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἈντιγόνουAntigonus φύλακας περιστήσας ταῖς πύλαις τῶν τειχῶν , ἵνα μή τις συνεκκομισθῇ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι , καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἠρεύνων , καὶ πᾶν τὸ εὑρισκόμενον ἀργύριον χρυσίον τι κειμήλιον ἀνεφέρετο τῷ βασιλεῖ , [7] πέρας τε κακῶν οὐδὲν ἦν · τὰ μὲν γὰρ πλεονεξία τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένου διεφόρει , τὴν‎ δὲ χώραν μένειν ἀγεώργητον τὸ ἑβδοματικὸν ἠνάγκαζεν ἔτος · ἐνεστήκει γὰρ τότε , καὶ σπείρειν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ γῆν ἀπηγορευμένον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν . [8] ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus δέσμιον ἔγνω μέχρι θριάμβου φυλάττειν , ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἤκουσεν νεωτερίζειν τὸ ἔθνος κἀκ τοῦ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μίσους εὔνουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus διαμένον , ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch πελεκίσαι · σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἠρεμεῖν ἠδύναντο οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews. [9] μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ ΣτράβωνStrabo ΚαππάδοξCappadocia λέγων οὕτως · " ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ ἈντίγονονAntignus τὸν ἸουδαῖονJew ἀχθένταto lead εἰς ἈντιόχειανAntioch πελεκίζει . Καὶ ἔδοξε μὲν οὗτος πρῶτος ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin βασιλέα πελεκίσαι , οὐκ οἰηθεὶς ἕτερον τρόπον μεταθεῖναι ἂν τὰς γνώμας τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ὥστε δέξασθαι τὸν ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου καθεσταμένον ἩρώδηνHerōd · οὐδὲ γὰρ βασανιζόμενοι βασιλέα ἀναγορεύειν αὐτὸν ὑπέμειναν · [10] οὕτως μέγα τι ἐφρόνουν περὶ τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέως . τὴν‎ οὖν ἀτιμίαν ἐνόμισε μειώσειν Τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν μνήμης , μειώσειν δὲ καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μῖσος . ταῦτα μὲν ΣτράβωνStrabo.

5Meanwhile, now that he had taken Jerusalem, he took away all the royal ornaments and despoiled the wealthy of what they had acquired. After collecting a large amount of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony and the friends in his circle. 6He also killed forty-five of the officers of Antigonus' party and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be brought out along with the dead. They also searched the corpses and any silver or gold or valuables they found, was brought to the king. 7This was not the last of the troubles he caused, partly due to the greed of the ruler who needed still more and partly because of the Sabbatical year, still in progress, which left the country still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. 8When Antony had taken Antigonus prisoner, he decided to keep him for his triumph, but when he heard how the nation was still rebellious and in their hatred for Herod, still favoured Antigonus, he decided to behead him in Antioch, for in no other way could the Jews be pacified. 9Strabo of Cappadocia supports me in this, when he says: "Antony had Antigonus the Jew brought to Antioch and beheaded there. I believe he was the first Roman to behead a king, thinking there was no other way to change the mind of the Jews to receive Herod, whom he had set in his place, for even tortures could not force them to acknowledge him as king. 10With their great fondness for their former king, he felt that this disgrace would diminish his memory and also lessen their hatred of Herod." Such is Strabo's account.

Chapter 2
[011-038]
Hyrcanus, freed by the Parthians, returns to Herod.
Alexandra angered by new high priest, Ananelus
[11] Κατασχόντος δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἩρώδουHerod πυθόμενος ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἀρχιερεύς , ἦν δὲ παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος , ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολυθεὶς τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ · [12] ΒαζαφράνηςBarzapharnes καὶ ΠάκοροςPacorus οἱ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians στρατηγοί , λαβόντες αἰχμαλώτους ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus τὸν πρῶτον ἀρχιερέα γενόμενον εἶτα βασιλέα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδουHerod ΦασάηλονPhasael εἰς ΠάρθουςParthians ἀνῆγον . [13] καὶ ΦασάηλοςPhasael μὲν οὐ φέρων τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς αἰσχύνην , πάσης δὲ ζωῆς κρείττονα τὸν μετὰ δόξης ἡγούμενος θάνατον αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ γίνεται φονεύς , καθὼς προεῖπον .

11When the high priest Hyrcanus, who had been a prisoner among the Parthians, heard that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he came to Herod after he was set free from his imprisonment in this way. 12The Parthian generals Barzapharnes and Pacorus captured the former high priest and later king, Hyrcanus, along with Herod's brother Phasael, and took them away to Parthia. 13But Phasael, unable to bear the shame of being in chains, and thinking that death with glory was better than merely clinging to life, took his own life, as I have already said.

[14] ὙρκανῷHyrcanus δ᾽ ἀναχθέντι ΦραάτηςPhraates τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιεικέστερον προσηνέχθη , τὸ τῆς εὐγενείας αὐτοῦ‎ διάσημον προπεπυσμένος . διὰ τοῦτο δεσμῶν μὲν ἀφῆκενto send forth , ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon δὲ κατάγεσθαι παρεῖχεν , ἔνθα καὶ πλῆθος ἦν ἸουδαίωνJews . [15] οὗτοι τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐτίμων ὡς ἀρχιερέα καὶ βασιλέα καὶ πᾶν τὸ μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates νεμόμενον ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος · τῷ δ᾽ ἦν ἀγαπητὰ ταῦτα . [16] πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παρειληφέναι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀντιμετεχώρει ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε φιλοστόργως διακείμενος καὶ τῆς χάριτος ἀπομνησθήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν , κρινόμενον ὅτι καὶ μέλλοντα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦσθαι τοῦ κινδύνου καὶ τῆς κολάσεως ἐρρύσατο . λόγους οὖν προσέφερε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰέναι παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδακώς . [17] οἱ δὲ περιείχοντο καὶ μένειν ἠξίουν τὰς ὑπουργίας ἅμα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς λέγοντες , ὡς οὐδὲν ἐνδεὲς αὐτῷ τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς βασιλεῖς τιμῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴη , καὶ τὸ μεῖζον , ὅτι μηδὲ ἐκεῖ τούτων μεταλαβεῖν δύναται κατὰ λώβην τοῦ σώματος , ἣν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus πάθοι , τάς τε χάριτας οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀποδίδοσθαι παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων , ἃς ἔλαβον ἰδιωτεύοντες , ἐξαλλαττούσης αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀλόγως τῆς τύχης .

14When Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia king Phraates treated him more fairly, being already aware of what an illustrious family he came from, and so he set him free from his chains and gave him a residence in Babylon, where there was a large numbers of Jews. 15These honoured Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did the whole Jewish nation as far as the Euphrates, which was gratifying to him. 16But when told that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he took new hope, as he had remained fond of him and expected Herod to remember his past favours, for saving him when during his trial when he stood in peril of execution and rescuing him from the impending punishment. He used to talk of this matter with the Jews who came eagerly to see him. 17They tried to get him to stay on with them, reminding him of the services and honours they showed him which were no less than the honour shown to their high priests or kings, and furthermore, that he could not enjoy such honour at home due to the physical deformity he had suffered under Antigonus, and that kings do not repay people for favours they received as commoners, as their change of fortune understandably changes their outlook too.

[18] Τοιαῦτα κατὰ τὸ συμφέρον ὑποτεινόντων ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus πόθον εἶχεν ἀπιέναι , καὶ γράφων ἩρώδηςHerod παρεκάλει δεῖσθαι ΦραάτουPhraates καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ ἸουδαίωνJews μὴ φθονῆσαι δυνάμει κοινὴν ἕξοντι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν · ἄρτι γὰρ εἶναι καιρὸν αὐτῷ μὲν ἐκτῖσαι τὰς χάριτας ὧν εὖ πάθοι καὶ τραφεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ περισωθείς , ἐκείνῳ δὲ κομίζεσθαι . [19] ταῦτα γράφων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πέμπει καὶ παρὰ τὸν ΦραάτηνPhraates πρεσβευτὴν ΣαραμάλλανSaramallas καὶ δῶρα πλείω , μὴ διακωλῦσαι τὰς εἰς τὸν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes αὐτοῦ‎ χάριτας ὁμοίως φιλανθρωπευόμενον . [20] ἦν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν σπουδή , διὰ δὲ τὸ μὴ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν αὐτὸς ἄρχειν δεδοίκει τὰς ἐξ εὐλόγων μεταβολὰς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὑποχείριον ἔχειν ἔσπευδεν καὶ παντάπασιν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι · τοῦτο γὰρ ἔπραξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .

18Although they argued this with him for his own good, Hyrcanus still wanted to leave, and Herod also wrote urging him to request Phraates and the Jews in that place not to begrudge him the kingship which he would share and that now was his best time for repaying him for supporting and saving him, if Hyrcanus would come to receive it. 19As he wrote this to Hyrcanus, he also sent an envoy, Saramallas, with many gifts to Phraates, and politely asking him not to prevent him from showing this gratitude toward his benefactor. 20This however was not the true motive, but because he had unjustifiably come to power and was reasonably afraid that things might change, he was eager to have Hyrcanus in his power or even to dispose of him entirely, which he did later.

[21] Τότε μέντοι γε ἐπειδὴ παρῆν πεπεισμένος ἐφέντος τε τοῦ ΠάρθουParthia καὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χρήματα παρασχομένων , ἁπάσῃ τιμῇ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν ἔν τε τοῖς συλλόγοις τὸν πρῶτον ἔνεμε τόπον καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίνων ἐξηπάτα πατέρα καλῶν καὶ παντοδαπῶς τὸ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀνύποπτον πραγματευόμενος . [22] ὑποκαθίστατο δὲ καὶ τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τῆς ἀρχῆς , ἐξ ὧν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν ἐστασιάσθη · φυλαττόμενος γάρ τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἀποδεικνύειν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ , μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἱερέα τῶν ἀσημοτέρων Ἀνάνηλον ὀνόματι τούτῳ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν .

21And so, with the permission of the king of Parthia and the help of the Jews who provided him with money, he went and was welcomed with every respect and given the first place at assemblies and banquets, and was thereby deceived. Herod called him his father and tried by all possible means to avert any suspicion that he was plotting against him. 22He also did other things to secure his rule, for which trouble arose in his own family, for, wary of appointing any prominent person as God's high priest, he sent for an obscure priest from Babylon, named Ananelus and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.

[23] Εὐθὺς οὖν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra τὴν‎ ἐπήρειαν , θυγάτηρ μὲν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus , γυνὴ δὲ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus βασιλέως , ἐξ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖδας ἔχουσα τὸν μὲν ὥρᾳ κάλλιστον ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus καλούμενον , τὴν‎ δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod συνοικοῦσαν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne εὐμορφίᾳ διάσημον . [24] ἐτετάρακτο δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερεν τὴν‎ ἀτιμίαν τοῦ παιδός , εἰ περιόντος ἐκείνου τῶν ἐπικλήτων τις ἀξιοῦται τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης , καὶ γράφει ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μουσουργοῦ τινος αὐτῇ συμπραγματευομένου τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ κομιδὴν τῶν γραμμάτων αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τῷ παιδὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην .

23But Alexandra was immediately incensed at this. She was the daughter of Hyrcanus and wife of Alexander the son of king Aristobulus, and had borne Alexander an extremely handsome son called Aristobulus, and a celebrated beauty, Herod's wife Mariamne. 24She was badly shaken by this indignity to her son, that the dignity of the high priesthood should be conferred on someone else during his lifetime. So she wrote to Cleopatra, using a musician to carry her letters, to get her to intercede with Antony to gain the high priesthood for her son.

[25] ἈντωνίουAntōny δὲ ῥαθυμότερον ὑπακούοντος , Φίλος αὐτοῦ‎ ΔέλλιοςDellius εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἐλθὼν ἐπί τινας χρείας ὡς εἶδεν τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus , ἠγάσθη τε τῆς ὥρας καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθαύμασεν , οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne συνοικοῦσαν τῷ βασιλεῖ , καὶ δῆλος ἦν καλλίπαιδά τινα τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra διειληφώς . [26] ἐκείνης δὲ εἰς λόγους ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ πείθει γραψαμένην ἀμφοτέρων εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony διαπέμψασθαι · θεασαμένου γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἀτευκτήσειν ὧν ἀξιοῖ . [27] τούτοις ἐπαρθεῖσα τοῖς λόγοις ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra πέμπει τὰς εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony · καὶ ΔέλλιοςDellius ἐτερατεύετο λέγων οὐκ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτῷ δοκεῖν , ἀλλά τινος θεοῦ γενέσθαι τοὺς παῖδας . ἐπραγματεύετο δὲ δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς τὰς ἡδονὰς ἑλκύσαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny . [28] δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν κόρην ᾐδέσθη μεταπέμπεσθαι γεγαμημένην ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ τὰς εἰς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου διαβολὰς φυλαττόμενος , ἐπέστελλε δὲ πέμπειν τὸν παῖδα σὺν εὐπρεπείᾳ προστιθείς , εἰ μὴ βαρὺ δοκοίη . [29] τούτων ἀπενεχθέντων πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔκρινεν ὥρᾳ τε κάλλιστον ὄντα τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἑκκαιδεκαέτης γὰρ ὢν ἐτύγχανεν , καὶ γένει προύχοντα πέμπειν παρὰ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny , ἰσχύοντα μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος ἐν τῷ τότε ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin , ἕτοιμον δὲ τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς αὐτὸν ὑποθεῖναι καὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀπαρακαλύπτως ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι ποριζόμενον . [30] ἀντέγραψεν οὖν ὡς , εἰ μόνον ἐξέλθοι τῆς χώρας τὸ μειράκιον , ἅπαντα πολέμου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπλησθήσεται ἸουδαίωνJews ἐλπισάντων μεταβολὴν καὶ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ βασιλεῖ .

25While Antony delayed in granting this request, his friend Dellius came to Judea on some business. When he saw Aristobulus, he admired the boy's height and beauty and not less the king's wife Mariamne, and was unstinting in his praises of Alexandra, as the mother of the most beautiful children. 26When she came to talk with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both and to send them to Antony. For when he saw them, he would deny her nothing she might ask. 27Elated by these words, Alexandra sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly and said that these children seemed not to come from mere mortals but from some god or other, although his plan in doing so was to stir the lust of Antony. 28He indeed was ashamed to send for the girl, as she was Herod's wife and also so as not to have it reported to Cleopatra. But he sent, as decently as he could, for the young man, adding "unless this seems too much to ask." 29When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe to send so handsome a lad as Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age and of such a noble family, and particularly not to Antony, who was then the most powerful of the Romans, who was ready to submit him to eroticism for he publicly indulged without measure in all the pleasures his power allowed him. 30So he wrote back to him, that all would be up in arms and uproar if the lad even left the country, as the Jews were full of hopes for change and revolution under another king.

[31] Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην , καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων , ἵνα μηδ᾽ ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν τετιμημένῳ , σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra , [32] κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra πράττειν , ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν‎ ἀρχήν , τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny . [33] καὶ ταῦτα βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐκείνην οὐ δικαίως , ὁπότε καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα συναποστεροίη τῆς οὔσης αὐτῇ τιμῆς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγματεύοιτο , πολλὰ πονήσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ κτησαμένου κινδύνοις οὐ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν . [34] οὐ μὴν ἀπομνημονεύσας αὐτὸς ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἐκείνη πράξειεν ἀποστήσεσθαι τοῦ δίκαιος εἶναι περὶ αὐτούς , ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἔφη διδόναι τῷ παιδὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ πάλαι προκαταστήσασθαι τὸν Ἀνάνηλον παιδίου παντάπασιν ὄντος ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus . [35] τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος οὐκ ἀσκέπτως , ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ ἠξίου μάλιστα πεφροντισμένως εἰς ἀπάτην γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν συμπαραληφθέντων φίλων , περιπαθὴς ἅμα καὶ χαρᾷ τῶν οὐ προσδοκηθέντων καὶ δέει τῆς ὑποψίας ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra μετὰ δακρύων ἀπελογεῖτο , [36] περὶ μὲν τῆς ἱερωσύνης φαμένη πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας σπουδάσαι , βασιλείᾳ δὲ μήτε ἐπιτίθεσθαι μήτ᾽ ἄν , εἰ καὶ προσίοι , βούλεσθαι λαβεῖν , καὶ νῦν ἀποχρώντως τιμῆς ἔχουσα διὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ἄρχειν αὐτὸν ἅπαντι τῷ γένει περιοῦσαν . [37] νῦν τε νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δέχεσθαι μὲν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὴν‎ τιμήν , ἔσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ὑπήκοος , παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ κἂν εἴ τι διὰ γένος καὶ τὴν‎ οὖσαν αὐτῇ παρρησίαν προπετέστερον ὑπ᾽ ἀναξιοπαθείας δράσειεν . [38] οὕτως ἀλλήλοις ὁμιλήσαντες καὶ σπουδαιότερον θᾶττον ἐν δεξιαῖς διελύοντο πάσης ὑποψίας , ὡς ἐδόκουν , ἐξῃρημένης .

31Having made these excuses to Antony, he knew he could not entirely dishonour the child or Alexandra. But when his wife Mariamne vehemently urged him to restore the high priesthood to her brother, he judged it best to do so. For once he held that dignity, he could not leave the country. However he assembled his friends and accused Alexandra of many things, 32of secretly conspiring against the kingdom and trying through Cleopatra to have him deposed as ruler and getting Antony to give control of the affairs to this youth in his place. 33In this she was acting unjustly, he said, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of her present dignity and bring uproar into the kingdom, for which he had worked so hard and which he had won at such great risk. 34Still, while not forgetting the ugly things she had done, he would not cease doing right and even now would give the high priesthood to the young man, since he had appointed Ananelus earlier simply because Aristobulus was still so young a child. 35He did not say this without forethought but with the utmost subtlety, in order to deceive the women and those friends whom he had taken into consultation, so that Alexandra, overjoyed at this unexpected promise after her fearful suspicions, burst out in tears and apologized to him. 36She said she had cared about the disgrace regarding the priesthood but had no desire to have him made king and would not accept it even if it were offered, and was now satisfied with the dignity offered, while Herod continued to hold power and thereby provided the security that came to all of her family from his special ability in ruling. 37She was now won over by his goodness and welcomed the honour given to her son and would in future be fully obedient and apologized if her lineage and the freedom which she thought it permitted had made her speak rashly or inappropriately. 38When they had spoken to each other in this way they reached agreement and all suspicions seemed to vanish.

Chapter 3
[039-087]
Herod makes Aristobulus high priest, then has him murdered.
Mariamne and Joseph
[39] δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην Ἀνάνηλον ὄντα μέν , ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν , οὐκ ἐπιχώριον , ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ἀπῳκισμένων ἸουδαίωνJews · οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν‎ ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon ἀπῳκίσθησαν . [40] ἔνθεν ἦν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἀρχιερατικοῦ γένους καὶ πάλαι κατὰ συνήθειαν ἩρώδῃHerod σπουδαζόμενος . τοῦτον αὐτὸς μὲν ἐτίμησεν , ὅτε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν , αὐτὸς δὲ κατέλυσεν ἐπὶ τῷ παῦσαι τὰς οἰκείας ταραχὰς παράνομα ποιῶν · οὐ γὰρ ἄλλος γέ τις ἀφῃρέθη τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἅπαξ παραλαβών . [41] ἀλλὰ πρῶτος μὲν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes ἔλυσε τὸν νόμον ἀφελόμενος μὲν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua , καταστήσας δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὈνίανOnias , δεύτερος δὲ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀφείλετο τὸν ἀδελφόν , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τρίτος ἀντιπαρέδωκεν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ παιδί .

39King Herod immediately removed the high priesthood from Ananelus, who as we said earlier was not native born but one of the Jews that had been deported beyond the Euphrates, for many thousands of the people had been deported to the area around Babylonia. 40That was where Ananelus came from, a man of high-priestly stock and from of old a close friend of Herod, who when he came to the kingship conferred this honour on him, and now removed it again, to calm the troubles in his family, an unlawful thing since one should not deposed from the honour after taking it up. 41Antiochus Epiphanes was the first to break that law by deposing Joshua and making his brother Onias high priest in place of him. Aristobulus was the second, by removing his brother Hyrcanus. Herod was the third, by transferring the rule to the youth Aristobulus.

[42] Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐδόκει τεθεραπευκέναι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν . οὐ μὴν ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν ἐν διαλλαγαῖς ἀνυπόπτως διετέλει , τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐγχειρηθεῖσιν ἤδη καὶ καιρὸν εἰ λάβοιτο νεωτέρων πραγμάτων ἠξιωκὼς δεδοικέναι . [43] προσέταττεν οὖν ἔν τε τοῖς βασιλείοις διατρίβειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας δρᾶν , ἐπιμελεῖς τε ἦσαν φυλακαί , λανθάνοντος οὐδ᾽ εἴ τι πρὸς τὴν‎ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δίαιταν ἐπιτηδεύοιτο . [44] ταῦτα πάντα κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηγρίου αὐτὴν καὶ μῖσος ἐπεφύετο · φρονήματος γὰρ ἔμπλεως οὖσα γυναικείου τὰς ἐκ τῆς ὑποψίας ἐπιμελείας ἀνηξιοπάθει , παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν ἀξιοῦσα μᾶλλον τῆς παρρησίας στερομένη τιμῆς εὐπρεπείᾳ μετὰ δουλείας καὶ φόβων καταζῆν . [45] ἔπεμπεν οὖν παρὰ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐν οἷς εἴη συνεχὲς ὀδυρομένη καὶ παρακαλοῦσα προσβοηθεῖν αὐτῇ κατὰ δύναμιν . δὲ λαθοῦσαν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt σὺν τῷ παιδὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀποδιδράσκειν . [46] ἐδόκει ταῦτα καὶ τεχνάζεται τοιάδε · δύο λάρνακας ὡς εἰς ἐκκομιδὴν νεκρῶν παρασκευασαμένη ταύταις αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐνέβαλεν , ἐπιτάξασα τῶν οἰκετῶν τοῖς συνειδόσιν διὰ νυκτὸς ἐκφέρειν . ἦν δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ὁδὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖον , διαπλεύσειν εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἔμελλεν , παρεσκευασμένον . [47] ταῦτα ΣαββίωνιSabbion τῶν ἐκείνης φίλων ΑἴσωποςAesop οἰκέτης αὐτῆς ἀπαγγέλλει προπεσὼν ὡς εἰδότι φράσαι . πυθόμενος δὲ ΣαββίωνSabbion , καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐχθρὸς ἩρώδουHerod [πρότερον] , ὅτι τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater κατὰ τὴν‎ φαρμακείαν εἷς ἐνομίζετο , τὸ μῖσος ὑπαλλάξεσθαι τῇ περὶ τὴν‎ μήνυσιν εὐνοίᾳ προσεδόκησεν καὶ καταλέγει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἐπιβουλήν . [48] δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν ἕως τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἐάσας προελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ τοῦ δρασμοῦ συνέλαβεν , παρῆκεν δὲ τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν , χαλεπὸν μὲν οὐδέν , εἰ καὶ σφόδρα βουλομένῳ ἦν αὐτῷ , διαθεῖναι τολμήσας , οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν μίσει λαβοῦσαν , ἐμφαίνων δὲ μεγαλοψυχίαν μᾶλλον ἐξ ἐπιεικείας αὐτοῖς συνεγνωκέναι . [49] προύκειτο μέντοι παντάπασιν αὐτῷ τὸ μειράκιον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι , τὸ δὲ μὴ ταχὺ μηδ᾽ ἅμα τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐδόκει πιθανώτερον εἰς τὸ λανθάνειν .

42Herod seemed to have pacified his family, but remained suspicious as is normal after a reconciliation. He thought that as Alexandra had already attempted something she might lead a revolt if she found a good moment to do so. 43So he ordered her to stay within the palace and not meddle with matters of authority. Her guards took care that nothing she did in her everyday life was hidden from him. 44Little by little all this wore her down, and she began to hate Herod, for as she was chock full of womanly pride she was furious at this suspicious watch kept on her, wishing rather to undergo anything whatsoever than be deprived of her freedom of speech, and, under the fiction of a guard of honour, to live in a state of slavery and terror. 45So she sent to Cleopatra, complaining repeatedly of her circumstances and imploring her to help her in any way she could. So she [Cleopatra] advised her to take her son with her and hurry away to her in Egypt. 46This advice was accepted and she planned it as follows. She had two coffins made as if to transport two corpses, and put herself into one and her son into the other. She ordered those of her servants who were in the know to take them away by night. Their route was to be from there to the coast, where a ship was ready to take them to Egypt. 47When Aesop, one of her servants, happened to meet Sabbion, one of her friends, he spoke to him of the affair thinking he was already aware of it. When Sabbion (who had formerly been hostile to Herod and been regarded as one of the plotters who gave the poison to Antipater) heard it, he told the king of Alexandra's scheme expecting that telling him would change his hatred for him to goodwill. 48He [Herod] let her proceed with her project and caught her in the act and then pardoned her offence. Although he had a great wish to do so, he dared not punish her severely, for he knew that Cleopatra would not endure it, due to her hatred of him. So he let it appear that it was his magnanimity and fairness that made him pardon them. 49Still, he was determined one way or another to be rid of the youth but thought the act would be better concealed if he did not do it soon after what had lately occurred.

[50] Καὶ τῆς ἐπεχούσης , ἑορτὴ δέ ἐστιν αὕτη παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα τηρουμένη , ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ὑπερεβάλλετο καὶ πρὸς εὐφροσύναις αὐτός τε καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἦν . ἐκίνησεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὅμως κἀκ τῶν τοιούτων ἐπισπεῦσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν ἐμφανῶς παροξύνων φθόνος . [51] τὸ γὰρ μειράκιον ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἕβδομον ἐπὶ τοῖς δέκα γεγονὸς ἔτος , ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ἀνῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν συντελέσων τὰ θύματα , τόν τε κόσμον ἔχων τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἐκτελῶν , κάλλει τε κάλλιστος καὶ μεγέθει πλέον πρὸς τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ὑπεράγων , τοῦ γε μὴν περὶ τὸ γένος ἀξιώματος πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ μορφῇ διαφαίνων , [52] ὁρμή τε τῷ πλήθει πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας ἐγένετο καὶ τῶν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ πάππῳ πεπραγμένων ἐναργὴς μνήμη παρέστη , νικώμενοί τε κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηλέγχοντο τὰς διαθέσεις χαίροντες ὁμοῦ καὶ συγχεόμενοι καὶ φωνὰς εὐφήμους εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφιέντες εὐχαῖς μεμιγμένας , ὡς ἐμφανῆ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων καὶ προπετεστέραν ἐν βασιλείᾳ δοκεῖν τὴν‎ ὧν πεπόνθεσαν ὁμολογίαν . [53] ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅπασιν ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγνω τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν , ἣν εἶχεν εἰς τὸ μειράκιον , ἐξεργάσασθαι . Καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἱστιᾶτο μὲν ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho δεχομένης αὐτοὺς τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra , φιλοφρονούμενος δὲ τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προέλκων εἰς ἀδεῆ πότον ἕτοιμος ἦν συμπαίζειν καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ . [54] τοῦ δὲ περὶ τὸν τόπον ἰδιώματος θερινωτέρου τυγχάνοντος συνειλεγμένοι τάχιον ἐξῆλθον ἀλύοντες , καὶ ταῖς κολυμβήθραις ἐπιστάντες , αἳ μεγάλαι περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ἐτύγχανον , ἀνέψυχον τὸ θερμότατον τῆς μεσημβρίας . [55] καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἑώρων τοὺς νέοντας τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ φίλων , ἔπειτα προαχθέντος καὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ καὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παροξῦναι , τῶν φίλων οἷς ταῦτα ἐπιτέτακτο σκότους ἐπέχοντος βαροῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ βαπτίζοντες ὡς ἐν παιδιᾷ νηχόμενον οὐκ ἀνῆκαν , ἕως καὶ παντάπασιν ἀποπνῖξαι . [56] καὶ διεφθάρη μὲν οὕτως ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus , ὀκτωκαίδεκα μὲν οὐ πάντα βιοὺς ἔτη , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἱερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐνιαυτόν , ἣν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἐκομίσατο πάλιν .

50At the approach of Tabernacles, a festival much observed among us, he waited until the days when both he and the rest of the people who made merry had passed. But the envy which arose in him at this time caused him to carry out his plan all the sooner. 51For when this youth Aristobulus, now in the seventeenth year of age, went up to the altar adorned as high priest to offer the sacrifices required by the law, and when in performing the sacred offices, he appeared very handsome and taller than average for his age and his face seemed full of the noble birth from which he came, 52then a wave of affection toward him appeared among the people. With the memory of the deeds of his grandfather Aristobulus fresh in their minds, their feelings for him made them unable to conceal their preference for him. They were both glad and emotional, and mixed their joyful acclamations with good wishes, until the people's love for him was all too evident. They proclaimed the prosperity they had received from his family more than was fitting under a king. 53All this spurred Herod to carry out his intentions against the youth. When the festival ended and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was very pleasant to the young man and took him aside for a drink and conversed with him in a youthful and playful manner. 54As the place was extremely hot, they soon went out in a group in a light-hearted mood, and as they were beside the large bathing pools around the courtyard, they went to cool themselves from the midday heat. 55At first they just looked on at the young household servants and friends but after a while, prompted by Herod, the young man joined them in the water and then, while as he was swimming those of the friends assigned to it dipped him under in the dark waters as if doing so only in sport and did not let up until he drowned. 56That is how Aristobulus was killed, after living for eighteen years in all, and holding the high priesthood for just one year, an office now restored to Ananelus.

[57] Ἐξαγγελθέντος δὲ τοῦ πάθους ταῖς γυναιξὶν εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ μεταβολῆς θρῆνος ἦν ἐπὶ προκειμένῳ τῷ νεκρῷ καὶ πένθος ἄσχετον , τε πόλις τοῦ λόγου διαδοθέντος ὑπερήλγει πάσης ἑστίας οἰκειουμένης τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ὡς οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίῳ γενομένην . [58] ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκπαθὴς ἦν συνέσει τῆς ἀπωλείας , τὸ μὲν ἀλγοῦν ἐκ τοῦ γινώσκειν ὅπως ἐπράχθη πλεῖον ἔχουσα , τὸ δ᾽ ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἀναγκαῖον ἐπὶ μείζονος κακοῦ προσδοκίᾳ ποιουμένη . [59] καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἦλθεν αὐτοχειρίᾳ περιγράψασθαι τὸν βίον , ἐπέστη δ᾽ ὅμως , εἰ δύναιτο ζῶσα προσαρκέσαι τῷ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὰς ἀνόμως διεφθαρμένῳ , τό τε πλέον ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῇ παρεκρότει τὸν βίον , καὶ τὸ μηδεμίαν ὑποψίαν ἐνδοῦναι τοῦ κατὰ πρόνοιαν ἀπολέσθαι τὸν υἱὸν ἱκανὸν εἰς εὐκαιρίαν ἀμύνης ἐνόμιζε . [60] κἀκείνη μὲν ἐγκρατῶς ἔφερε τὴν‎ ὑποψίαν . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔξωθεν πιθανῶς ἀπεσκευάζετο , μὴ μετὰ προνοίας γενέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ τὸν θάνατον , οὐχ ὅσα πρὸς πένθος ἐπιτηδεύων μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ δάκρυσι χρώμενος καὶ σύγχυσιν τῆς ψυχῆς ἐμφαίνων ἀληθινήν , τάχα μὲν καὶ τοῦ πάθους ἀπονικῶντος αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τῆς τε ὥρας καὶ τοῦ κάλλους , εἰ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν θάνατος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐνομίζετο , δῆλον δ᾽ ὡς ἀπολογίαν αὐτὰ πραγματευόμενος . [61] τά γε μὴν εἰς τὴν‎ πολυτέλειαν τῆς ἐκφορᾶς καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπεδείξατο , πολλὴν μὲν τὴν‎ παρασκευὴν περὶ τε τὰς θήκας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν θυμιαμάτων ποιησάμενος , πολὺν δὲ συγκαταθάπτων κόσμον , ὡς ἐκπλῆξαι τὸ λυπηρὸν τῆς ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀλγηδόνος καὶ παραμυθήσασθαι τούτῳ τῷ μέρει .

57When the tragedy was told to the women, their joy instantly changed and their grieving lamentation was boundless on seeing his corpse lying there. There was great grief in the city too when the news spread, with every family mourning his fate as if it had happened to them. 58Alexandra was the most grief-stricken at his demise, all the more so from knowing how it had been committed, but she was forced to bear up under it, as the lesser evil. 59Though often tempted to put an end to her own life she refrained in hopes of living long enough to revenge the unjust and premeditated murder. And so she went on with her life, giving no reason to suspect that she knew how her son had been deliberately killed and hoping to be able to avenge it when the opportunity arose. 60So she resolutely kept her suspicions hidden. Herod sought to ensure that no one would link the boy's death to him and not only went into mourning, but also wept and appeared deeply distressed, and perhaps he really did feel that way, looking at the lad's young and beautiful face, even though the death had been to secure his own position and his concern was clearly to shield himself from blame. 61He arranged a magnificent funeral, making great preparations for the burial vault and providing a large quantity of spices and burying many ornaments along with him, so that even in their deep sorrow the women were impressed and in some way consoled by it.

[62] τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἥττησε μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν τοιούτων , ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον μνήμη τοῦ κακοῦ παρέχουσα τὴν‎ ὀδύνην ὀδυρτικὴν ἐποίει καὶ φιλόνεικον , καὶ γράφει τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ἩρώδουHerod τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν τοῦ παιδός . [63] δὲ καὶ πάλαι σπεύδουσα προσαρκέσαι δεομένῃ καὶ τὰς ἀτυχίας οἰκτείρουσα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra αὐτῆς ἐποιεῖτο τὸ πᾶν πρᾶγμα καὶ ἈντώνιονAntōny οὐκ ἀνίει τίσασθαι τὸν φόνον τοῦ παιδὸς παροξύνουσα · οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον ἩρώδηνHerōd δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταστάντα βασιλέα τῆς οὐδὲν προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς εἰς τοὺς ὄννως βασιλεῖς τοιαύτας ἐπιδείκνυσθαι παρανομίας . [64] τούτοις ἀναπειθόμενος ἈντώνιοςAntony ὡς ἐπὶ Λαοδικείας ἐστάλη , πέμπει κελεύων ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐλθόντα τῶν εἰς ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἀπολύσασθαι · πεπρᾶχθαι γὰρ οὐκ ὀρθῶς τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν , εἰ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γέγονεν . [65] δὲ τήν τε αἰτίαν δεδοικὼς καὶ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra δυσμένειαν , ὡς οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἐξεργαζομένη κακῶς αὐτῷ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔχειν , ἔγνω μὲν ὑπακούειν , οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄλλο τι πράττειν ἐνῆν , καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ‎ ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐπίτροπον τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων ἐνετείλατο λεληθότως , εἰ πάθοι τι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony , παραχρῆμα καὶ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνελεῖν · [66] αὐτός τε γὰρ ἔχειν φιλοστόργως πρὸς τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ δεδοικέναι τὴν‎ ὕβριν , εἰ καὶ τεθνηκότος ἐκείνη κατ᾽ εὐμορφίαν ἄλλῳ τινὶ σπουδάζοιτο . [67] τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐνέφαινεν ὁρμὴν ἈντωνίουAntōny περὶ τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον , ὅτι καὶ πάλαι παρακηκοὼς ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐμορφίας ἐτύγχανεν . ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν [οὖν ] ἐπιστείλας ταῦτα καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχων ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀπῄει πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny .

62However, none of this could ease Alexandra's sorrow, but the memory of the tragedy made her grief both deep and obstinate. She wrote to Cleopatra about Herod's treachery and of how he had done away with her son. 63She, who pitied the misfortunes of Alexandra and had in the past done all she could to help her, made the case her own. Enraged by the boy's murder, she gave Antony no peace about it, since it was not right that Herod, whom he had helped to make king of a kingdom that in no way belonged to him, should commit such terrible crimes against those who really were of the royal line. 64Antony was persuaded by this and when he came to Laodicea he sent orders for Herod to come and answer for what he had done to Aristobulus, since if he had any hand in such a plot, he had done a great wrong. 65Frightened by the charge and by the ill-will of Cleopatra, who was always speaking evil of him to Antony, he decided to obey, as he had no way to avoid the summons. So he left his uncle Joseph to take care of the kingdom and all his affairs, with private instructions that if he suffered at the hands of Antony, Mariamne should immediately be killed too. 66For he loved his wife with passion and feared the affront to himself if, after his death, she should start afresh with some other man, on account of her beauty. 67The basis for his anxiety was that Antony had fallen in love with her as soon as he had gotten some word about her beauty. When Herod had given these instructions, and with no certainty that he would escape with his life, he went off to Antony.

[68] δὲ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως ὢν τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνεχὲς ἐντυγχάνων τῇ Μαριάμμῃ περὶ τε τὰς πραγματείας καὶ τιμῆς ἕνεκεν , ἣν ἔδει βασιλευούσῃ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι , καθίει συνεχεῖς ὁμιλίας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτὴν εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας . [69] ἐξειρωνευομένων δὲ γυναικείως τοὺς λόγους καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra , ὑπερεσπουδακὼς ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπιδεῖξαι τὴν‎ διάνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως προήχθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐντολὴν εἰπεῖν , πίστιν αὐτὰ ποιούμενος ὡς οὐδὲ χωρὶς ἐκείνης ζῆν δύναται κἂν εἰ πάσχοι δεινόν τι οὐκ ἀξιοῦντος οὐδὲ θανάτῳ διεζεῦχθαι . [70] ταῦτα μὲν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus . αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες , ὡς εἰκός , οὐ τὸ φιλόστοργον τῆς περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαθέσεως , τὸ δὲ χαλεπόν , εἰ μηδ᾽ ἀποθνήσκοντος ὑστερήσειεν ἀπωλείας καὶ θανάτου τυραννικοῦ , προλαμβάνουσαι χαλεπὴν τὴν‎ ὑπόνοιαν τοῦ ῥηθέντος εἶχον .

68While Joseph was administering the affairs of the kingdom and was therefore constantly in contact with Mariamne, for practical reasons and to pay his respects to the queen, he frequently spoke about Herod's fondness and affection for her. 69But when the women, and especially Alexandra, mocked his words in a feminine way, Joseph was so keen to prove the kings affection that he explained the order he had been given, as proof that Herod could not live without her, and could not bear to be parted from her, even by death, if his life was taken. 70Those were Joseph's words; but the women naturally did not take this as proof of Herod's affection but of his severity, that even when he died they could not escape destruction and tyrannical death. What had been said made them suspicious of him in future.

[71] Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ λόγος ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem παρὰ τῶν ἐν ἔχθει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd δυσμενῶς , ὡς ἈντώνιοςAntony αἰκισάμενος αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνειεν . δὲ φήμη πάντας μὲν ἐτάραξεν , ὡς εἰκός , τοὺς περὶ τὸ βασίλειον , μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας . [72] ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀναπείθει τῶν βασιλείων ἐξελθόντα σὺν αὐταῖς προσφυγεῖν τοῖς σημείοις τοῦ ῬωμαικοῦRoman τάγματος , τότε περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τῆς βασιλείας ἐστρατοπέδευεν ἡγουμένου υἱοῦ Ἰούδα· [73] διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο πρῶτον μέν , εἰ καί τις ἀπαντήσειεν ταραχὴ περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλήν , ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ διάξειν αὐτοὶ ῬωμαίουςRomans εὐμενεῖς ἔχοντες · ἔπειτα καὶ τεύξεσθαι παντὸς ἠλπικέναι τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἈντωνίουAntōny θεασαμένου , δι᾽ οὗ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ μηδενὸς ὑστερήσειν ὧν εἰκὸς τοῖς ἐν εὐγενείᾳ βασιλικῇ γεγονόσιν .

71Meanwhile a rumour went around among Herod's enemies in Jerusalem that Antony had tortured and executed him and this report naturally shook the people around the palace, but the women above all. 72Alexandra tried to persuade Joseph to leave the palace and escape with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which was then encamped around the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of the son of Judah. 73For, she said, if any rioting were to take near the palace, they would be more secure by having the Romans on their side and besides, there was every hope, if Antony just saw Mariamne, that through him they could regain the kingdom and then lack for nothing, which was a feasible prospect in view of their royal blood.

[74] Ἐπὶ τούτων δὲ τῶν λογισμῶν τετυχηκόσιν αὐτοῖς γράμματα παρ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἀφίκετο τῆς φήμης ἐναντία καὶ τῶν προλαληθέντων . [75] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐγένετο παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony , ταχὺ μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνεκτήσατο τοῖς δώροις φέρων ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem , ταχὺ δὲ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις παρεστήσατο χαλεπῶς ἔχειν εἰς αὐτόν , οἵ τε τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra λόγοι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐξ ἐκείνου θεραπείαν ἧττον ἠδυνήθησαν · [76] οὐ γὰρ ἔφη καλῶς ἔχειν ἈντώνιοςAntony βασιλέα περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν γεγενημένων εὐθύνας ἀπαιτεῖν · οὕτως γὰρ ἂν οὐδὲ βασιλεὺς εἴη · δόντας δὲ τὴν‎ τιμὴν καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας καταξιώσαντας ἐᾶν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι . τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖσθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς συμφέρειν . [77] ὑπὲρ τούτων ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγραφεν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας διεξῄει τιμάς , ἃς ἔχοι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνθακῶν ἐν ταῖς διαγνώσεσιν καὶ συνεστιώμενος ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας , καὶ τούτων ὅπως τυγχάνοι χαλεπῆς εἰς τὰς διαβολὰς αὐτῷ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra οὔσης · πόθῳ γὰρ τῆς χώρας ἐξαιτουμένη τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτῇ προσγενέσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει ποιεῖσθαι . [78] δικαίου μέντοι τυγχάνων ἈντωνίουAntōny μηδὲν ἔτι δυσχερὲς προσδοκᾶν , ἀλλὰ καὶ θᾶττον ἥξειν βεβαιοτέραν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσειληφὼς τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν . [79] καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μηκέτι προσεῖναι τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς πλεονεξίας ἈντωνίουAntōny δόντος ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἠξίου τὴν‎ κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria καὶ διὰ τούτου παρηγορήσαντος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀποσκευασαμένου τὰς ἐντεύξεις , ἃς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐποιεῖτο .

74But as they were considering this, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs and quite contrary to what had been said earlier. 75For when he came to Antony, he said, he soon regained favour with him through the gifts he had brought with him from Jerusalem, and after some conversation, he soon got him to set aside his anger, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force than the arguments and gifts he had brought to regain his friendship. 76Antony had said that it was not good to hold a king to account about what was done to secure his power, for then he would not be king at all. Rather, those who had given him that authority should let him exercise it. At the same time he told Cleopatra that it would be best for her not to meddle with the government matters. 77Herod wrote of these things and stressed the other honours he had received from Antony; how he sat beside him in the hearing of cases and dined with him every day and that he enjoyed those favours from him, despite Cleopatra's charges against him, as she wanted his country and implored Antony to add the kingdom to her own, and tried by every means to get rid of him. 78But he had always found Antony fair to him and no longer feared any harm from him, and soon after his return received a further assurance of his favour, regarding his rule and government. 79He need no longer fear Cleopatra's greed either, since Antony had given her Coele-Syria instead of what she had asked, thereby pacifying her and putting an end to her pleas to get Judea.

[80] Τούτων τῶν γραμμάτων ἀπενεχθέντων ἐπαύσαντο μὲν ἐκείνης τῆς ὁρμῆς , ἣν ὡς ἀπολωλότος εἶχον καταφυγεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans , οὐ μὴν ἔλαθεν αὐτῶν προαίρεσις , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ παραπέμψας βασιλεὺς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπὶ ΠάρθουςParthians εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπέστρεψεν , εὐθὺς μὲν τε ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ μήτηρ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἣν ἔσχον οἱ περὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἀπεσήμηναν , [81] δὲ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ κατὰ τἀνδρὸς ἸωσήπουJoseph λόγον εἶπεν τὸ ἐν διαβολῇ ποιοῦσα καὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ συγγενόμενον διατελεῖν . ἔλεγεν δὲ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔχουσα πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκ πλείονος , ὅτι κατὰ τὰς διαφορὰς φρονήματι χρωμένη μείζονι τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἐξωνείδιζεν δυσγένειαν . [82] ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θερμῶς ἀεὶ καὶ ἐρωτικῶς πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔχων εὐθὺς ἐξετετάρακτο καὶ τὴν‎ ζηλοτυπίαν οὐκ ἔφερεν , ἐπικρατούμενος δ᾽ ἀεὶ τοῦ μὴ προπετές τι ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα , συντόνῳ τῷ πάθει καὶ τῷ ζήλῳ παρωξυμμένος ἰδίᾳ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνέκρινεν ὑπὲρ τῶν πρὸς τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph . [83] ἀπομνυμένης δ᾽ ἐκείνης καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα τῇ μηδὲν ἁμαρτούσῃ προσῆν εἰς ἀπολογίαν καταλογιζομένης , ἀνεπείθετο κατὰ μικρὸν βασιλεὺς καὶ μετέβαινεν ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς ἡττώμενος τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα φιλοστοργίας , ὡς ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ ὧν ἔδοξεν ἀκούσας πεπιστευκέναι καὶ περὶ τῆς κοσμιότητος αὐτῇ πολλὴν ὁμολογεῖν χάριν . [84] αὐτός τε ὅπως ἔχοι στοργῆς καὶ εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀνωμολογεῖτο καὶ τέλος , ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς φιλεῖ , προύπιπτον εἰς δάκρυα μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς ἐμπεφυκότες ἀλλήλοις . [85] ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ βασιλέως πιστουμένου τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ διάθεσιν " οὐ φιλοῦντος , εἶπεν ΜαριάμμηMariamne , τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐντολήν , εἰ πάσχοι τι χαλεπὸν ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny , κἀμὲ συναπολέσθαι τὴν‎ οὐδενὸς αἰτίαν . [86] τούτου προπεσόντος τοῦ λόγου περιπαθήσας βασιλεὺς εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν αὐτὴν ἀφῆκενto send forth , ἐβόα δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ τριχῶν ἐδράττετο , περιφανὲς φώριον ἔχειν τῆς τοῦ ἸωσήπουJoseph πρὸς αὐτὴν κοινωνίας λέγων · [87] οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξειπεῖν κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἤκουσεν μὴ μεγάλης αὐτοῖς πίστεως ἐγγενομένης . οὕτως δ᾽ ἔχων ὀλίγου μὲν ἀπέκτεινε τὴν‎ γυναῖκα , νικώμενος δὲ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρωτι ταύτης μὲν τῆς ὁρμῆς ἐκράτησεν ἑαυτοῦ διακαρτερήσας ὀδυνηρῶς καὶ δυσχερῶς , τὸν μέντοι ἸώσηπονJoseph οὐδ᾽ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντα διαχρήσασθαι προσέταξεν καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ὡς ἁπάντων παραιτίαν δήσας ἐφύλαττεν .

80Once these letters had arrived, the women left off their attempt to flee to the Romans, which they had planned while they supposed he had died. Their intention was not kept a secret, however, for after conducting Antony on his way against the Parthians the king returned to Judea and his sister Salome and his mother soon told him their views about Alexandra. 81Salome added a calumny against Joseph, that he had often been with Mariamne. She said this because for a long time she had resented the fact that in their disputes Mariamne took the high ground and would mock the others for their lowly birth. 82Herod, whose affection for Mariamne was always very warm, was instantly troubled by this and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was restrained from doing anything rash by his love for her. Still his passion and jealousy together made him ask Mariamne secretly about this matter of Joseph. 83She denied it on her oath and said in her own defence all that an innocent woman could possibly say, so that little by little the king was persuaded to drop his suspicion and calm his anger at her. Overcome with his affection for his wife, he apologized to her for seeming to believe the rumours about her and freely acknowledged the graciousness of her behaviour. 84He declared his love and affection for her, until finally, as is usual between lovers, they both began to weep and embraced each other with most tender affection. 85But as the king went on assuring her of his trust in her fidelity and tried to elicit from her a similar trust in him, Mariamne said, "Was it a sign of your love for me when you ordered that if Antony harmed you, I too should die, for no reason?" 86When she let slip these words, the king was shocked and dropped her from his arms and shouted and tore at his hair, saying that now he had clear proof of Joseph's sexual intercourse with his wife. 87For unless there had been such intimacy and trust between them, he would never have revealed what he had told him in confidence. In this fit of passion he could have killed his wife; but still mastered by his love for her, he restrained his passion, though not without lingering grief and inner conflict. But he ordered them to kill Joseph, without letting him come into his sight, and he took Alexandra and kept her in custody, as the reason for all of this harm.

Chapter 4
[088-107]
Cleopatra comes to Judea,
and is flattered and bribed by Herod
[88] Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ταραχὰς εἶχεν οὐκ ἀνιείσης τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny μὴ πᾶσιν ἐπιχειρεῖν · ἔπειθεν γὰρ ἀφαιρούμενον ἑκάστων τὰς δυναστείας αὐτῇ διδόναι καὶ πλεῖστον ἴσχυεν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπιθυμίας . [89] φύσει δὲ πλεονεξίᾳ χαίρουσα παρανομίας οὐδὲν ἔλιπεν , τὸν μὲν ἀδελφόν , τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ᾔδει γενησομένην , προανελοῦσα φαρμάκοις πεντεκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἔχοντα , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀδελφὴν ἈρσινόηνArsinoe ἱκετεύουσαν ἐν ἘφέσῳEphesus πρὸς τῷ τῆς ἈρτέμιδοςArtemidos ἀποκτείνασα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny · [90] χρημάτων μὲν γὰρ εἵνεκεν , εἴ που μόνον ἐλπισθείη , καὶ ναοὶ καὶ τάφοι παρενομήθησαν , οὔθ᾽ ἱεροῦ τινος οὕτως ἀσύλου δόξαντος , ὡς μὴ περιαιρεθῆναι τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ κόσμον , οὔτε βεβήλου μὴ πᾶν ὁτιοῦν τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων παθόντος , εἰ μέλλοι μόνον εἰς εὐπορίαν τῇ τῆς ἀδικούσης πλεονεξίᾳ . [91] τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον οὐδὲν αὔταρκες ἦν γυναικὶ καὶ πολυτελεῖ καὶ δουλευούσῃ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις , μὴ καὶ τὰ πάντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐπίνοιαν ἐνδεῖν ὧν ἐσπουδάκει . διὰ ταῦτα καὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἤπειγεν ἀεί τι τῶν ἄλλων ἀφαιρούμενον αὐτῇ χαρίζεσθαι , καὶ διαβᾶσα σὺν ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ἐπενόει κτῆμα ποιήσασθαι . [92] ΛυσανίανLysanias μὲν οὖν τὸν ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy ΠάρθουςParthians αἰτιασαμένη τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπάγειν ἀποκτίννυσιν , ᾔτει δὲ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τήν τε ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀξιοῦσα τοὺς βασιλεύοντας αὐτῶν ἀφελέσθαι . [93] τῷ δ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὸ μὲν ὅλον ἡττᾶσθαι συνέβαινεν τῆς γυναικός , ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐκ τῆς ὁμιλίας , ἀλλὰ καὶ φαρμάκοις δοκεῖν ὑπακούειν εἰς τι ἂν ἐκείνη θέλῃ , τὸ μέντοι περιφανὲς τῆς ἀδικίας ἐξεδυσώπει μὴ μέχρι τοσούτου κατήκοον γινόμενον ἐπὶ μεγίστοις ἁμαρτάνειν . [94] ἵν᾽ οὖν μήτ᾽ ἀρνηθῇ παντάπασιν μήθ᾽ ὅσα προσέταττεν ἐκείνη διαπραξάμενος ἐκ φανεροῦ δόξῃ κακός , μέρη τῆς χώρας ἑκατέρου παρελόμενος τούτοις αὐτὴν ἐδωρήσατο . [95] δίδωσιν δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς ἘλευθέρουEleutherus ποταμοῦ πόλεις ἄχρις ΑἰγύπτουEgypt χωρὶς ΤύρουTyre καὶ ΣιδῶνοςSidon , ἐκ προγόνων εἰδὼς ἐλευθέρας , πολλὰ λιπαρούσης αὐτῆς αὐτῇ δοθῆναι .

88By this stage, affairs in Syria were in confusion due to Cleopatra's frequent requests that Antony take a hand in all her schemes. For she urged him to take the realms of each of the rulers and grant them to her, and her influence was strong because of his passion for her. 89Greedy and lawless by nature, she had already poisoned her fifteen-year-old brother, whom she feared would become king, and had her sister Arsinoe killed by Antony, as she was praying at Diana's temple at Ephesus. 90For the sake of money, or even the hope of it, she would violate both temples and tombs and there was no holy place however sacred, that she would not rob of its ornaments, or nowhere so profane but she would treat in the roughest way if it could contribute any profit to her unjust greed. 91But even all this was not enough for a woman so extravagant and enslaved by her desires. For she was always eager for whatever came into her mind and did her utmost to get it. For this reason, she kept nagging Antony to take the dominions of others and give them to her, so that as she crossed Syria with him, she sought to possess it herself. 92She had Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, killed, after accusing him of bringing the Parthians into action there, and she asked Antony to grant her Judea and Arabia, wanting him to take them lands from their kings. 93Antony was so entirely subject to her that it seemed unlikely to be by the woman's conversation alone, but by drugs or some other way that he listened to whatever she wanted. Still, her grossest injustices so embarrassed him that he would not always agree to her most flagrant enormities. 94In order not to refuse her outright, and still not publicly appear an evildoer by doing her wrongful bidding, he took portions of each of those countries and gave them to her. 95So he gave her the cities that were on her side of the river Eleutherus as far as Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon which he knew to have been free cities from of old, although she often cajoled him about them too.

[96] Τούτων ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπ᾽ ἈρμενίανArmenia στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν ἈπαμείᾳApamia καὶ ΔαμασκῷDamascus , παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἩρώδουHerod συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε ἈραβίαςArabia τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν ἹεριχοῦνταJericho προσόδους [ ἩρώδουHerod ] μισθωσαμένου · φέρει δ᾽ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον , τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται , τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν . [97] ἐν τούτοις οὖσα καὶ πλείονος αὐτῇ συνηθείας πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd γινομένης διεπείραζεν εἰς συνουσίαν ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ , φύσει μὲν ἀπαρακαλύπτως ταῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἡδοναῖς χρωμένη , τάχα δέ τι καὶ παθοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐρωτικὸν καὶ τὸ πιθανώτερον ἀρχὴν ἐνέδρας τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ γενησομένην ὕβριν ὑποκατασκευάζουσα · τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας ἡττῆσθαι διέφαινεν . [98] ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν οὐκ εὔνους ἦν τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra χαλεπὴν εἰς ἅπαντας ἐπιστάμενος , τότε δὲ καὶ μισεῖν ἀξιῶν , εἰ δι᾽ ἀσέλγειαν εἰς τοῦτο πρόεισιν , καὶ φθῆναι τιμωρούμενος , εἰ ἐνεδρεύουσα τοιούτοις ἐγχειροίη , τοὺς μὲν λόγους αὐτῆς διεκρούσατο , βουλὴν δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ὑποχείριον ἔχων ἀποκτεῖναι · [99] πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαλλάξειν κακῶν ἅπαντας οἷς ἐγένετό τε ἤδη χαλεπὴ καὶ προσεδοκᾶτο · τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ ἈντωνίῳAnthony λυσιτελήσειν οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνῳ πιστῆς ἐσομένης , εἴ τις αὐτὸν καιρὸς χρεία κατάσχοι τοιούτων δεησόμενον . [100] ταῦτα βουλευόμενον ἐκώλυον οἱ φίλοι , πρῶτον μὲν διδάσκοντες , ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον μείζω πράττοντα κινδύνων τὸν φανερώτατον ἀναλαμβάνειν , ἐγκείμενοι δὲ καὶ δεόμενοι μηδὲν ἐκ προπετείας ἐπιτηδεύειν · [101] οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny , οὐδ᾽ εἰ σφόδρα τις αὐτῷ τὸ συμφέρον στήσειε πρὸ τῶν ὀμμάτων · τόν τε γὰρ ἔρωτα μᾶλλον ὑπεκκαύσειν τὸ δοκεῖν βίᾳ καὶ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῆς στέρεσθαι , μέτριον δὲ οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν φανεῖσθαι , τοῦ μὲν ἐπιχειρήματος εἰς γυναῖκα γεγενημένου μέγιστον ἀξίωμα τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐσχηκυῖαν τὸν χρόνον , τῆς δ᾽ ὠφελείας , εἰ καὶ ταύτην τις οἰηθείη , σὺν αὐθαδείᾳ καὶ καταγνώσει τῆς ἐκείνου διαθέσεως φανουμένης . [102] ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἄδηλον , ὡς μεγάλων καὶ ἀπαύστων κακῶν ἀναπλησθήσεται τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ γένος , ἐξὸν ἀποκρουσάμενον τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν , εἰς ἣν ἐκείνη παρακαλεῖ , θέσθαι τὸν καιρὸν εὐσχημόνως . [103] τοιαῦτα δεδιττόμενοι καὶ τὸ κινδυνῶδες ἐξ εἰκότος παραδηλοῦντες ἐπέσχον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως . δὲ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δωρεαῖς θεραπεύσας ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt προύπεμψεν .

96After gaining these and accompanying Antony on his expedition to Armenia as far as the Euphrates, Cleopatra turned back and came to Apamia and Damascus and on to Judea, where Herod met her and rented from her the parts of Arabia given to her and the revenues from the region about Jericho. That land grows the precious balsam, which grows only there, along with many excellent date palms. 97Being in the area and often in Herod's company, she sought to have sexual intercourse with the king and made no secret that she enjoyed the pleasure of that activity. Perhaps to some extent she fell in love with him though more likely she was trying to trap him and bring him into disrepute, even though in general she seems to have been ruled by her feelings. 98Already Herod felt no love for Cleopatra, knowing her as a supreme nuisance and now she seemed to particularly deserve his hatred, and thought he might put her to death even if her move was one of lust. So he brushed her offer aside and called his friends to advise him on whether to kill her, now that she was in his power. 99This could spare many a misfortune to those whom she now burdened and would still in the future, and he thought it would also be of advantage to Antony, since she would not be faithful to him, if the occasion should ever arise when he would need her. 100His friends dissuaded him from this idea saying above all that he should not embark on so major a thing which would put him in such obvious danger and they urged him to do nothing about this rash idea. 101Antony would never tolerate it, even if one could clearly show him that it was to his advantage, for to deprive him of her company in such a brusque and secretive way would probably warm his love for her. Neither could he offer anything substantial in his own defence, when pitting himself against the most famous woman in the world at that time. Whatever advantage, if any, he could hope for from such a deed should be discarded because of the risk he would run by doing it. 102From all this it was clear that if he did so he would do great and lasting harm both to his position as ruler and to his descendants, whereas he could still reject the evil she wished him to do, and end the matter honourably. 103By making him afraid and showing the risk he would run if he attempted it, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra politely and gave her gifts and conducted her on her way to Egypt.

[104] ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τὴν‎ ἈρμενίανArmenia λαβὼν ἈρταβάζηνArtabazes τὸν ΤιγράνουTigranes σὺν τοῖς παισὶν σατράπαις δέσμιον εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀποπέμπει , δωρούμενος τούτοις τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra καὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ τῆς βασιλείας , ὃν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔλαβεν . [105] ἈρμενίαςArmenia δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀρταξίας πρεσβύτατος τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων διαδρὰς ἐν τῷ τότε . Καὶ τοῦτον ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καὶ ΝέρωνNero ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐκβαλόντες ΤιγράνηνTigranes τὸν νεώτερον ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν κατήγαγον . ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .

104Meanwhile Antony subdued Armenia and sent the son of Tigranes, Artabazes with his children and satraps in chains to Egypt as a gift to Cleopatra, along with all the valuables of that kingdom which he had taken. 105The eldest of that prisoner's children, Artaxias, escaped at that time and took over the kingdom of Armenia, but he was still expelled by Archelaus and Nero Caesar when they restored his younger brother, Tigranes, to the kingdom, which happened a good while later.

[106] περὶ δὲ τοὺς φόρους , οὓς ἔδει τελεῖν τῆς ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny δοθείσης χώρας , μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod δίκαιος ἦν οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος διδόναι τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μίσους αἰτίαν . [107] δ᾽ ἌραψArab ἩρώδουHerod τὴν‎ φορὰν ἐπιδεξαμένου χρόνον μέν τινα παρεῖχεν ἐκείνῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα , μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ κακοήθης ἦν καὶ βραδὺς εἰς τὰς ἀποδόσεις καὶ μόλις εἰ καὶ μέρη τινὰ διαλύσειεν οὐδὲ ταῦτα διδόναι δοκῶν ἀζημίως .

106Herod duly paid the taxes he owed to Cleopatra for the land Antony had granted her, reckoning it unsafe for him to present her with any cause to hate him. 107The Arab [king] whose tax Herod had undertaken to pay her, paid him the two hundred talents for a while, but later became vicious and slow to pay, hardly willing to pay even part of it and refusing to pay even without some bribe.

Chapter 5
[108-160]
Herod's war and conquest of Arabia.
His courage in the face of misfortunes
[108] ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀγνωμονοῦντος καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν δικαίων ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντος εἶχεν μὲν ὡς ἐπεξελευσόμενος , προθεσμίᾳ δὲ ἐχρήσατο τῷ Ῥωμαικῷ πολέμῳ . [109] τῆς γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης προσδοκωμένης , ἣν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος συνέβη γενέσθαι , ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν ἈντωνίῳAnthony περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἔμελλεν ἀγωνιεῖσθαι πραγμάτων , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τῆς χώρας εὐβοτουμένης αὐτῷ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον καὶ προσόδων καὶ δυνάμεως εὑρημένων , ἈντωνίῳAnthony συμμαχίαν κατέλεξεν ἐπιμελέστατα ταῖς παρασκευαῖς χρησάμενος . [110] ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐκείνου συμμαχίας οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖσθαι , τὸν δὲ ἌραβαArabian , καὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόει παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὴν‎ ἀπιστίαν , ἐπεξελθεῖν προσέταττεν . ἠξίου γὰρ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra ταῦτα λυσιτελεῖν αὐτῇ τὸν ἕτερον ὑπὸ θατέρου κακῶς πάσχειν ἡγουμένη . [111] τούτων αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny λεχθέντων ὑποστρέψας ἩρώδηςHerod συνεῖχεν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ὡς εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἐμβαλῶν , καὶ παρασκευασθέντος ἱππικοῦ καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως εἰς ΔιόσπολινDiospolis ἀφικνεῖται τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκεῖ συναντώντων · οὐ γὰρ ἐλελήθει τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτούς · καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης ἐκράτησαν οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews . [112] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλὴ στρατιὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian εἰς ΚάναταCana συνῄει · χωρία δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria · ἩρώδηςHerod τε προπεπυσμένος ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλεῖστον ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως , καὶ πλησιάσας ἐν καλῷ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι διεγνώκει χάρακά τε βαλόμενος ἐξ εὐκαίρου ταῖς μάχαις ἐπιχειρεῖν . [113] ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ διατάττοντος ἐβόα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews παρελόμενον τῆς τριβῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs · ὥρμητο δὲ καὶ τῷ συντετάχθαι πιστεύειν καλῶς καὶ ταῖς προθυμίαις ἄμεινον δυσμενῶς ὅσοι τὴν‎ πρώτην μάχην νενικήκεσαν οὐδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψαντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις . [114] θορυβούντων οὖν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπιδεικνυμένων σπουδὴν ἔγνω τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους βασιλεὺς ἀποχρήσασθαι , καὶ προειπών , ὡς οὐ λελείψεται τῆς ἐκείνων ἀρετῆς , πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἡγήσατο πάντων κατ᾽ οἰκεῖα τέλη συνακολουθησάντων . [115] ἔκπληξις δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἌραψινArabs · ἀντιστάντες γὰρ εἰς ὀλίγον ὡς ἑώρων ἀμάχους ὄντας καὶ μεστοὺς φρονήματος , ἔφευγον οἱ πλείους ἐγκλίναντες κἂν διεφθάρησαν ἈθηνίωνοςAthenion μὴ κακώσαντος ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews . [116] οὗτος γὰρ ὢν στρατηγὸς μὲν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ , διάφορος δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod , τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπαρασκεύως ἐσκόπει , δρασάντων μέν τι λαμπρὸν τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐγνωκὼς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν , ἡττωμένων δέ , καὶ συνέβη , τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνεληλυθόσι τῶν οἰκείων παρεσκευασμένος ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews . [117] καὶ τότε κεκμηκόσι τε καὶ νικᾶν οἰομένοις ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιπεσὼν πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον · τάς τε γὰρ προθυμίας εἰς τοὺς ὁμολογουμένους ἐχθροὺς ἐκδαπανήσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ τῷ νικᾶν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας χρώμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἐπιχειρησάντων ἡττῶντο καὶ πολλὰς ἐλάμβανον πληγὰς ἐν χωρίοις ἀφίπποις καὶ πετρώδεσιν , ὧν πλείω τὴν‎ ἐμπειρίαν εἶχον οἱ τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν ποιησάμενοι . [118] κακῶς δὲ πασχόντων οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs αὑτοὺς ἀνειλήφεσαν καὶ πάλιν ὑποστρέψαντες ἔκτεινον ἤδη τετραμμένους . ἐγένοντο δὲ παντοδαπαὶ κτιννυμένων ἀπώλειαι , καὶ τῶν διαπιπτόντων οὐ πολλοὶ συνέφευγον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον . [119] δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀπεγνωκὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ μάχην ἀφιππάζεται βοήθειαν ἄξων · οὐ μὴν ἔφθη καίπερ ἐσπουδακὼς ἐπαρκεῖν , ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον ἥλω τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , οἱ δ᾽ ἌραβεςArabs οὐδὲ μετρίως εὐτυχήκεσαν ἐκ παραλόγου νίκην τε ἧς πλεῖστον ἀπεδέησαν ἀνειληφότες καὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀφῃρημένοι δύναμιν . [120] τοὐντεῦθεν μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod λῃστείαις ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ πολλὰ κατατρέχων τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκάκου ταῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς στρατοπεδευόμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων , καὶ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐξίστατο κατὰ τοὐμφανὲς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν , οὐκ ἀζήμιος δὲ γινόμενος τῇ συνεχείᾳ καὶ τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν τε οἰκείων ἐπεμελεῖτο παντὶ τρόπῳ τὸ πταῖσμα διορθούμενος .

108Herod prepared to make war on him for his ingratitude and because in the end he had done him wrong. But he was delayed doing so on account of the Roman war. 109Just now, a battle was expected at Actium, which took place in the hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, when Caesar and Antony would contest for the supreme power. Herod, whose land had for a long time had fruitful harvests and who had thereby raised large revenues and resources, gathered an allied force for Antony and equipped them with care. 110Then Antony said that he had no need of his help, but sent him off to punish the king of Arabia, after hearing from him and from Cleopatra about the man's disloyalty. For this was Cleopatra's own wish, thinking it would be to her advantage if these two kings inflicted damage on each other. 111When he got Antony's message, Herod turned aside but he kept his army together to invade Arabia immediately. When his cavalry and infantry were ready, he marched to Diospolis, where the Arabs came to meet them because they were not unaware of his war plans. A great battle was fought, which the Jews won. 112Later however, another large army of Arabs gathered at Cana, a place in Coele-Syria. Forewarned of it, Herod marched against them with most of his forces. As he approached, he decided to camp at a good place, and fortified it as a vantage point from which to launch his attack. 113While he was arranging this, a crowd of the Jews shouted that he should lead them against the Arabs without delay. They were driven by the belief that they were in fine order, and especially as they had been victorious in the earlier battle, when their enemies had not even got close enough to fight them hand to hand. 114As they were so fierce and showed such zeal for battle, the king resolved to avail of the people's ardour. After assuring them he would not be outdone by them in courage, he led the way in his armour with all of them following in their assigned regiments. 115A panic seized the Arabs at seeing the Jews looking so invincible, and most of them fled to avoid the battle. Indeed they would have been destroyed, if Athenius had not attacked Herod and the Jews. 116This man was a general of Cleopatra's forces there and was Herod's foe. He was watching carefully to see what would be the outcome of the battle. His plan was to remain inactive if the Arabs performed very well. But if, as it turned out, they were defeated, he would attack the Jews with his own forces and the local forces that had joined him. 117So he made an unexpected attack with a great slaughter when they were tired and thought they had already beaten the enemy. Since the Jews had expended their force upon their known enemies and were enjoying their victory in unguarded mood, they were easily beaten by these who attacked them afresh and they suffered badly in rocky places unsuitable for their horses and where their attackers were familiar with the terrain. 118After this reversal, the defeated Arabs took new heart and turned around to slaughter those who fled before them. Many were killed. Of those who escaped, only a few returned to the camp. 119King Herod, despairing of the battle, rode up to help them; although he tried hard, he was not in time to be of much service. The Jewish camp was taken and the Arabs had an unusually lucky success, gaining a victory which had been beyond their grasp and killing most of the opposing army. 120In the aftermath, Herod resorted to brigandage and raided many parts of Arabia, harassing them by sudden attacks. Camping in the mountains, he avoided ever coming to a pitched battle, but harassed the enemy by his incessant activity, taking care of his own forces and trying in every way to restore his affairs to their former state.

[121] Ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης συνεσταμένης ΚαίσαριCaesar πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἑβδόμου δ᾽ ὄντος ἩρώδῃHerod τῆς βασιλείας ἔτους σεισθεῖσα γῆ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ὡς οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἐδόκει , τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κτηνῶν πολὺν φθόρον ἐποίησεν . [122] ἐφθάρησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ ταῖς πεπτωκυίαις οἰκίαις περὶ τρισμυρίους · τὸ μέντοι στρατιωτικὸν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ διαιτώμενον οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους κατεβλάβη . [123] ταῦτα πυνθανομένοις τοῖς ἌραψινArabs καὶ μᾶλλον κατ᾽ ἀλήθειαν ἐξαγγελλόντων αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων λόγους τῷ μίσει τῶν ἀκουσομένων ἐχαρίζοντο μεῖζον ἐπῄει φρονεῖν , ὡς τῆς τε χώρας ἀνατετραμμένης τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διεφθορότων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν ἔτι μηδ᾽ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀντίπαλον καταλελεῖφθαι δοκεῖν . [124] καὶ τῶν τε ἸουδαίωνJews τοὺς πρέσβεις , ἧκον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις , συλλαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν καὶ μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτῶν . [125] οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς ἀθύμως διακείμενοι προίεντο τὰ πράγματα , πλεῖστον ἀπογνώσεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες · οὐ γὰρ ἦν οὔτε ἰσοτιμίας ἐλπὶς προηττημένοις ἐν ταῖς μάχαις οὔτε βοηθείας κεκακωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν οἴκοι πραγμάτων . [126] οὕτως οὖν δυσμενῶς ἐπῆγεν βασιλεὺς λόγῳ τε πείθων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ πειρώμενος ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτῶν πεπτωκότα τὰ φρονήματα . προδιακινήσας δὲ καὶ παραθαρρύνας τινὰς τῶν ἀμεινόνων ἐτόλμησεν ἤδη καὶ τῷ πλήθει διαλέγεσθαι πρότερον ὀκνῶν αὐτό , μὴ καὶ χαλεπῷ χρήσηται διὰ τὰς ἀτυχίας . παρεκάλει δὲ τοιούτους ποιούμενος εἰς τὸν ὄχλον τοὺς λόγους ·

121Meanwhile, the battle took place at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of Herod's reign. In that year also, there was an earthquake in Judea which was worse than any previous ones. It caused huge destruction to the livestock in the land. 122About thirty thousand people died as houses fell upon them, but the army, camped in the open, was unharmed by this calamity. 123When the Arabs learned about it, for anti-Jewish people who enjoyed aggravating the rumours told them of it, their spirits soared, as if their enemy's land was crushed and the people destroyed. They thought there was now nothing left to oppose them, 124so they took and killed the Jewish envoys who had come to them after all this to make peace with them, and full of confidence attacked their army. 125The Jews did not dare to withstand them, being too downcast by their troubles to take proper care, and yielded to despair, with no hope of ever equalling them again in battle, or of getting help elsewhere while they were so badly off at home. 126In this state of affairs the king addressed the officers and tried to raise their spirits, which were very low. He tried first to stir up and embolden some of the better sort and then ventured to make a speech to the people, which he had previously avoided doing for fear they would be unwilling to listen, after all that had happened. So he urged the people as follows.

[127] « Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν , ἄνδρες , ὅτι πολλὰ παρὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν γεγένηται πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ἡμῖν ἐναντιώματα , καὶ θαρρεῖν εἰκὸς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις οὐδὲ τοὺς πλεῖστον ἀνδραγαθίᾳ διενηνοχότας . [128] ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ κατεπείγει τε πολεμεῖν καὶ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδέν ἐστιν τοιοῦτον , μὴ δι᾽ ἑνὸς ἔργου καλῶς πραχθέντος ἐπανορθώσεται , παρακαλέσαι προειλόμην ὑμᾶς ἅμα καὶ διδάξαι δι᾽ ὧν ἂν ἐμμείναιτε τοῖς οἰκείοις φρονήμασιν . [129] βούλομαι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ὡς δικαίως αὐτὸ ποιοῦμεν ἐπιδεῖξαι , διὰ τὴν‎ ὕβριν τῶν ἐναντίων ἠναγκασμένοι · μέγιστον γὰρ εἰ μάθοιτε τοῦτο προθυμίας ὑμῖν αἴτιον ἔσται‎ · μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεῖξαι , διότι καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν δεινὸν οὐδέν ἐστιν καὶ πλείστας εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἔχομεν τὰς ἐλπίδας . [130] ἄρξομαι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου μάρτυρας ὑμᾶς ποιούμενος ὧν λέγω · τὴν‎ γὰρ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian παρανομίαν ἴστε μὲν δήπου καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας οὕτως ἀπίστως διακειμένων , ὡς εἰκὸς ἔχειν τὸ βάρβαρον καὶ ἀνεννόητον θεοῦ , πλεῖστα μέντοι προσέκρουσαν ἡμῖν πλεονεξίᾳ καὶ φθόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ταραχαῖς ἐφεδρεύοντες ἐξ ὑπογύου . [131] καὶ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν ; ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύοντας αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσεῖν καὶ δουλεύειν ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra τίνες ἄλλοι τοῦ δέους ἀπήλλαξαν ; γὰρ ἐμὴ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλία κἀκείνου πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσις αἰτία γεγένηται μηδὲ τούτους ἀνήκεστόν τι παθεῖν , φυλαττομένου τἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἐπιτηδεύειν , δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ὕποπτον ἡμῖν γενέσθαι . [132] βουληθέντος δὲ ὅμως ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μέρη τινὰ παρασχεῖν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἀρχῆς , καὶ τοῦτο διῳκησάμην ἐγώ , καὶ πολλὰ δῶρα δοὺς ἰδίᾳ τὸ μὲν ἀσφαλὲς ἀμφοτέροις ἐπορισάμην , τὰς δὲ δαπάνας αὐτὸς ἀνέλαβον , διακόσια μὲν δοὺς τάλαντα , διακοσίων δ᾽ ἐγγυητὴς γενόμενος , τῇ μὲν προσοδευομένῃ γέγονεν , αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπεστερήμεθα . [133] καίτοι γε ἄξιον ἦν μηδενὶ τῶν ὄντων ἸουδαίουςJews φόρον τῆς χώρας ἀπόμοιραν τελεῖν , εἰ δ᾽ οὖν , ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπέρ γε τούτων οὓς αὐτοὶ σεσώκαμεν , οὐδὲ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ὁμολογήσαντας ἐντεύξεως καὶ χάριτος ὅτι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐδόκουν τυγχάνειν ἀδικεῖν ἡμᾶς ἀποστεροῦντας , καὶ ταῦτα οὐ πολεμίους ὄντας , ἀλλὰ φίλους . [134] ὡς γε πίστις ἔχουσα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιωτάτους τόπον τοῖς γε φίλοις ἀναγκαιοτάτη τετηρῆσθαι , ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τούτοις , οἳ τὸ μὲν κερδαίνειν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου κάλλιστον ὑπειλήφασιν , τὸ δ᾽ ἄδικον οὐκ ἐπιζήμιον , εἰ μόνον κερδαίνειν δυνηθεῖεν . [135] ἔστιν οὖν ἔτι ζήτησις ὑμῖν , εἰ δεῖ τοὺς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι , τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλομένου καὶ παραγγέλλοντος ἀεὶ μισεῖν τὴν‎ ὕβριν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν , καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μόνον δίκαιον , ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον πόλεμον ἐξιόντων ; [136] γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται παρανομώτατα τοῖς τε ἝλλησινGreek καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις , ταῦτα ἔπραξαν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀποσφάξαντες αὐτούς , τῶν μὲν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἱεροὺς καὶ ἀσύλους εἶναι φαμένων τοὺς κήρυκας , ἡμῶν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν δογμάτων καὶ τὰ ὁσιώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δι᾽ ἀγγέλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων · τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα καὶ ἀνθρώποις θεὸν εἰς ἐμφάνειαν ἄγει καὶ πολεμίους πολεμίοις διαλλάττειν δύναται . [137] ποῖον οὖν μεῖζον ἂν γένοιτο ἀσέβημα πρέσβεις ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου διαλεγομένους ; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι δύναιντο περὶ τὸν βίον εὐσταθεῖν περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐτυχεῖν τοιούτων αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένων ; ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδαμῶς δοκοῦσιν . [138] ἴσως τοίνυν τὸ μὲν ὅσιον καὶ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν , ἀνδρειότεροι δὲ πλείους ἐκεῖνοι τετυχήκασιν . ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν ἀνάξιον ὑμῖν ταῦτα λέγειν · μεθ᾽ ὧν γὰρ τὸ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μετ᾽ ἐκείνων θεός , θεοῦ δὲ παρόντος καὶ πλῆθος καὶ ἀνδρεία πάρεστιν .
[139] ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐξετάσωμεν , ἐνικήσαμεν τῇ πρώτῃ μάχῃ · συμβαλόντες τὴν‎ δευτέραν οὐδὲ ἀντέσχον ἡμῖν , ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον εὐθὺς οὐχ ὑπομείναντες τὴν‎ ἔφοδον καὶ τὰ φρονήματα · νικῶσιν ἡμῖν ἈθηνίωνAthenion ἐπέθετο πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον ἐπάγων . [140] πότερον ἀνδραγαθία τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἐκείνων δευτέρα παρανομία καὶ ἐνέδρα ; τί οὖν ἔλαττον φρονοῦμεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς μείζους ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας ; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν καταπλαγείημεν τοὺς ὅταν μὲν ἐξ ἀληθείας ἀγωνίζωνται πάντοτε νικωμένους , ὅταν δὲ κρατεῖν νομισθῶσιν ἐξ ἀδικίας αὐτὸ ποιοῦντας ; [141] πῶς δ᾽ ἄν , εἰ καὶ γενναίους ἡγεῖταί τις αὐτούς , οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ὁρμηθείη ; τὸ γὰρ εὔψυχον οὐκ ἐν τῷ τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις ἐπιχειρεῖν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι καὶ τῶν ἰσχυροτέρων κρατεῖν . [142] εἰ δέ τινα καταπλήξεται τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν σεισμὸν συμβεβηκότα , πρῶτον μὲν ἐννοηθήτω , διότι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἐξαπατᾷ μείζω τὰ γενόμενα τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπειληφότας , ἔπειτα ὡς οὐ καλὸν ἐκείνοις τε τόλμης καὶ ἡμῖν δειλίας τὴν‎ αὐτὴν αἰτίαν γενέσθαι · [143] οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείου τινὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ εὔψυχον ἔχουσιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς περὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς κάμνοντας ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλπίδος , ἡμεῖς δὲ χωρήσαντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς παραιρησόμεθα μὲν ἐκείνων τὸ μεῖζον φρονεῖν , ἀναληψόμεθα δ᾽ αὐτοὶ τὸ μηκέτι θαρροῦσιν μάχεσθαι . [144] καὶ γὰρ οὔτε κεκακώμεθα τοσοῦτον οὔθ᾽ , ὅπερ οἴονταί τινες , ὀργὴν θεοῦ παρέχει τὸ γεγονός , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα συμπτώματα γίνεται καὶ πάθη τινά . Καὶ εἰ κατὰ θεοῦ γνώμην πέπρακται , δῆλον ὡς καὶ πέπαυται κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου γνώμην ἀρκουμένου τοῖς γεγονόσιν · βουλόμενος γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖν , οὐκ ἂν μετεβάλετο . [145] τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ὅτι καὶ θέλει τοῦτον ἐνεργεῖσθαι καὶ δίκαιον οἶδεν , δεδήλωκεν αὐτός · ἐνίων γὰρ ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ περὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀπολομένων οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις , ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐσώθητε , φανερὸν ποιοῦντος τοῦ θεοῦ , διότι κἂν εἰ πανδημεὶ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐστρατεύεσθε , περιῆν ἂν ὑμῖν μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν . [146] ταῦτα ἐνθυμηθέντες καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ὅτι παρὰ πάντα καιρὸν προιστάμενον ἔχετε τὸν θεόνGod, ἐπεξέλθετε δικαίαις ἀνδραγαθίαις τοὺς ἀδίκους μὲν πρὸς φιλίαν , ἀσπόνδους δὲ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις , ἀνοσίους δὲ εἰς πρέσβεις , ἀεὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἡττημένους

127"Men, you are all aware that this past while our plans have met many obstacles, and probably even the bravest can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances. 128But since we cannot avoid fighting and nothing that has happened is so bad that we cannot set things right by one well-done action, I want to encourage you and to tell you something to help you hold onto your usual courage. 129First, I will show that ours is a just war forced upon us by the insolence of our opponents, for once you grasp this, it will strengthen your resolve. Then I will show that our present troubles are not so dire and that we have every reason to hope for victory. 130I shall begin with the first and you can testify to what I say. You surely know of the lawlessness of the Arabs, who are faithless to all other men, as is to be expected from a barbarous race, ignorant of God. Their conflict with us is mainly due to greed and envy, and they attacked us from hiding, in our time of confusion. 131Need I say much about this? When they were in danger of losing their autonomy and being enslaved by Cleopatra, who was it but ourselves who set them free from that fear? For it was my friendship with Antony and his good disposition toward us that saved these Arabs from ruination, since he was careful not to do anything to which we might take exception. 132When he wished to bestow parts of each of our kingdoms to Cleopatra, I managed, by giving him gifts of my own, to obtain security for both of us, and became guarantor for the money while giving him two hundred talents and promised two hundred more for her revenue, of which they have defrauded us. 133If it is not right for Jews to pay tax to anyone, or to let part of their land be taxed, even if this should happen, we surely ought not pay the tax for those whom we have saved; nor is it right for the Arabs, who have us to thank for helping them keep their autonomy, to wrong us by withholding what is our due, when we were not enemies but friends to them. 134Whereas a pledge is kept even between the greatest enemies, it is essential that it be kept between friends; but among these people they are not kept, for they value profit above all things, and see no harm in injustice if they can only make profit by it. 135Are you still asking whether the unjust should be punished or not, when God himself wills it, and urges us always to hate insolence and injustice, even if it leads to a just but necessary war? 136These Arab have done to our envoys what both the Greeks and barbarians declare to be the grossest crime, for they beheaded them, though the Greeks say that envoys are sacred and inviolable. It was through messengers that we ourselves learned from God the best of our doctrines and the holiest of our laws, and they bring God to the knowledge of mankind and can reconcile enemies one to another. 137What crime then can be worse than to kill envoys, coming to discuss a fair solution? And after doing such a thing, how can they live a secure life or be successful in war? I feel it is impossible! 138Maybe some might object that while godliness and justice are on our side, the Arabs are more courageous or more numerous. But it is wrong for you to say so in the first place, for God is with those who are on the side of justice, and where God is, both numbers and courage will not be lacking.
139Just look at our own situation. We won the first battle. When we fought again, they could not stand up to us, but fled. They were unable to resist our assault and our courage. We had beaten them when Athenion came and made undeclared war against us. 140Was this an act of courage on their part, or not just a second crime and treachery? Why are we downhearted then, in a situation which should spur us to stronger hopes? Why are we terrified of people, who are always defeated in an honest fight, and whose only victories are gained by treachery? 141But even if one were to reckon them as men of real courage, would this not spur us to greater efforts against them? For true bravery is not shown by fighting weaker men but in being able to overcome the stronger. 142Now if anyone has become fearful by our hardships and the effects of the earthquake, let him first consider that this will lead the Arabs astray into thinking that what has happened to us is greater than it really is. 143Then too, what emboldens them should not discourage us, for their audacity is not based on any merit of their own, but on their belief that we are worn down by our troubles. But if we march against them, we shall soon pull down their high conceit and they will not be so bold when it comes to battle. 144Our woes are not so great, nor do they prove, as some imagine, that God is angry with us, for such things are natural events and misfortunes. Even if we think that they happened by God's will, now by his will they are clearly over, and enough has happened, for if he wished to afflict us still more, he would not have already changed his mind. 145He has actually indicated that he wants us to continue with the just war we are engaged in, for while some people in the country have died, none of the army has suffered anything, but all were spared. By this God makes plain to us, that if our whole people, including children and wives, had taken the field with us, none might have suffered irreparable harm. 146Think on these things, and above all that you have God for your Protector always, and with due bravery pursue those who betray their friendship, are treacherous in battle, sacrilegious toward envoys and always inferior to you in bravery."

[147] Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews πολὺ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀμείνους ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θυσίας κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs διαβὰς τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan ποταμὸν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδεύεται πλησίον . [148] ἐδόκει δ᾽ αὐτῷ φρούριον ἐν μέσῳ κείμενον καταλαβεῖν · οὕτως γὰρ αὐτὸς μὲν ὠφεληθήσεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θᾶττον συνάψαι τὴν‎ μάχην καὶ εἰ παρέλκειν δέοι ἐρυμνὸν αὐτῷ πεπορισμένος τὸ στρατόπεδον . [149] τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian προνοούντων ἅμιλλα γίνεται περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς , εἶτα δὴ καὶ πλείους εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἕως ἡττηθέντες οἱ παρὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀπεχώρουν . [150] τοῦτο εὐθὺς εἰς ἐλπίδας τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews οὐ μικρὸν ἐγεγόνει . Καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐννοούμενον πάντα μᾶλλον πρὸς μάχην ἰέναι βουλόμενον θρασύτερον ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα διασπᾶν καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσάγων ἅπτεσθαι · τούτοις γὰρ ἐκβιασθέντες προῄεσαν ἄτακτοι καὶ προθυμίας τῆς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἐλπίδος οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἐσχηκότες . [151] ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν εἰς χεῖρας ᾔεσαν πλείους τε ὄντες καὶ διὰ τὸ κατεπείγειν ἐπὶ τὸ τολμηρὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης στρατηγούμενοι , καὶ μάχη γίνεται καρτερὰ πιπτόντων ἑκατέρωθεν οὐκ ὀλίγων , τέλος δὲ τραπέντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἔφευγον . [152] ἦν δὲ φόνος ἐγκλινάντων , ὡς μὴ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θνήσκειν , ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς παραιτίους γίνεσθαι τῶν κακῶν , ὑπό τε πλήθους καὶ φορᾶς ἀτάκτου συμπατουμένων καὶ περιπιπτόντων τοῖς οἰκείοις ὅπλοις · [153] πεντακισχίλιοι γοῦν αὐτῶν ἐγένοντο νεκροί . τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔφθη μὲν εἰς τὸ χαράκωμα συμφυγεῖν , εἶχεν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων καὶ μᾶλλον ὕδατος . οἵ τε ἸουδαῖοιJews διώκοντες συνεισπεσεῖν μὲν οὐ κατίσχυσαν , [154] περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ τῷ ΧάρακιCharax καὶ παρατηροῦντες εἰσόδου τε τοὺς ἐπαρκοῦντας καὶ ἐξόδου φυγεῖν βουλομένους εἶργον .

147Hearing all this, the Jews were in better spirits and more disposed for the fight. Herod sacrificed according to the law and hurried to lead them against the Arabs, crossing the Jordan and pitching camp near that of the enemy. 148He decided to seize a stronghold in the territory in between, hoping it would be an advantage and would sooner lead to a battle, and that if there were any delay, it would add to the strength of his camp. 149Since the Arabs had a similar plan, the place was contested, at first simply by skirmishes, but then more soldiers came on both sides, and they fought until the Arabs were defeated and retreated. 150This was immediately a significant boost to the Jews, and as he noted that the enemy forces wanted anything rather than an open battle, he ventured a bold attack on their defences, hoping to pull them down so as to get nearer to their camp and fight them. When they were forced out in this way, they advanced in disorder with no eagerness or hope of victory. 151Still they fought hand to hand, because of their greater numbers, and their necessity made them reckless; the fighting was very stubborn and not a few fell on both sides, but in the end the Arabs fled. 152As they fell back there was a slaughter, for not only were they killed by their enemies, but they also harmed each other and were trodden down by the crowd in a great disorderly rush, and were impeded by their own armour, so that five thousand of them met their death. 153The rest of the crowd fled for safety inside the fortress, but it provided no security, because of the lack of essentials and especially of water. 154The Jews pursued them, but could not get in among them, so they besieged the stronghold and prevented any help from getting in to them and stopped anyone from escaping.

[155] Ἐν τοιούτοις οὖν ὄντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως , ἔπειτα , τὸ γὰρ δίψος ἤπειγεν , πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑφιστάμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἀδείας ἠξιωκότες . [156] δ᾽ οὔτε πρέσβεις οὔτε λύτρα τῶν ἡλωκότων οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο τι μέτριον προσίετο φιλόνεικος ὢν ἐκδικῆσαι τὰς παρανομίας τὰς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων γεγενημένας . καταναγκαζόμενοί τε τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ τῷ δίψει προιόντες αὑτοὺς ἐνεχείριζον ἄγειν καὶ δεῖν , [157] [καὶ ] πέντε μὲν ἡμέραις τετρακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως ἑάλωσαν , τῇ δ᾽ ἕκτῃ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ διέγνωσαν ἐξιέναι πολέμου νόμῳ χωρήσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐγχειρεῖν , καὶ εἰ δέοι τι πάσχειν , αἱρούμενοι καὶ μὴ διαφθείρεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἀδόξως . [158] ταῦτα δὲ γνόντες ἐξῆλθον μὲν τοῦ χαρακώματος , διήρκεσαν δ᾽ οὐδαμῶς τῇ μάχῃ , λαμπρῶς μὲν ἀγωνίσασθαι κεκακωμένοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα τόπον οὐκ ἔχοντες , κέρδος δ᾽ εἰ θνήσκοιεν ἐν συμφορᾷ τὸ ζῆν ποιούμενοι , καὶ πίπτουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ περὶ ἑπτακισχιλίους . [159] τοιαύτῃ δὲ πληγῇ χρησαμένων φρονήματος μὲν ὅσον ἦν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἀφῄρηντο , τεθαυμακότες δὲ ἐν ταῖς οἰκείαις συμφοραῖς τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod στρατηγίαν εἴς τε τὸ λοιπὸν εἶξαν καὶ προστάτην ἀπεφήναντο τοῦ ἔθνους . [160] δὲ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς εὐημερήμασιν ἠξιωκὼς φρονεῖν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν , προσειληφὼς ἀξίωμα καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν‎ ἀνδραγαθίαν .

155In this situation the Arabs sent envoys to Herod, first, to propose an agreement and then, so driven by thirst, to submit to any condition, just to be freed from their present distress. 156But being determined to revenge their unjust actions against his people, he would accept no envoys and no ransom price, nor any other moderate terms. So they were forced especially by their thirst to come out and surrender to him, to be bound in chains. 157After four thousand were taken prisoner within five days, all the rest resolved to come out and fight their enemies, preferring to risk disaster than to die gradually and ingloriously. 158With this in mind they came out from their defences, but could not keep up the fight, being so depleted in mind and body and with no chance of victory. They thought it better to be killed and a misery to survive, so at the first battle about seven thousand of them fell. 159After this blow all their earlier courage failed and they were impressed by Herod's warlike spirit despite his own reverses, so thereafter they yielded and made him ruler of their nation. 160He was very proud of such a timely success and returned home with great prestige after his courageous exploit.

Chapter 6
[161-201]
Herod kills Hyrcanus and is confirmed as king of Judea by Augustus Caesar, whom he royally entertains
[161] Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα καλῶς εἶχεν αὐτῷ δυσεπιχειρήτῳ κατὰ πάντα γεγενημένῳ , κίνδυνος δ᾽ ἐμπίπτει τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν ἐξάγων ἈντώνιονAntōny ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐν τῇ κατ᾽ ἌκτιονActium μάχῃ νενικηκότος · [162] τότε γὰρ ἀπέγνωστο αὐτῷ τε ἩρώδῃHerod τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ἐχθροῖς τε καὶ φίλοις · οὐ γὰρ ἦν εἰκὸς ἀτιμώρητον μενεῖν τοσαύτης αὐτῷ φιλίας πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny γεγενημένης . [163] ἦν οὖν τοῖς μὲν φίλοις ἀπόγνωσις τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλπίδων , ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐχθρῶς εἶχον ἐδόκουν μὲν ἐξ ἐμφανοῦς συνάχθεσθαι , πάθος δὲ λεληθὸς ἐφηδομένων εἶχον ὡς ἀμείνονος τευξόμενοι τῆς μεταβολῆς . [164] αὐτός τε ἩρώδηςHerod τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὁρῶν μόνον ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος βασιλικοῦ συμφέρειν ᾤετο μηκέτ᾽ ἐμποδὼν ἐᾶν , εἰ μὲν περισωθείη καὶ διαφύγοι τὸν κίνδυνον , ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ τοῖς τοιούτοις αὐτοῦ‎ καιροῖς ἐφορμεῖν ἄνδρα τυχεῖν τῆς βασιλείας ἀξιώτερον , εἰ δὲ καὶ πάσχοι τι διὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , φθόνῳ τὸν μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας γενησόμενον ἐπιθυμῶν ἐξελεῖν .

161All else was now prospering for Herod and there was no easy way to attack him on any side. But a danger still loomed that could put his entire kingship at risk, when Antony was defeated by Caesar at the battle of Actium. 162At that time both his enemies and his friends thought Herod was finished, since he was unlikely to remain unpunished after showing such friendship to Antony. 163His friends utterly despaired of his survival, while all his enemies outwardly appeared to be anxious on his behalf, but were secretly delighted, hoping for a change for the better. 164Herod himself knew that there was no one of royal dignity left, apart from Hyrcanus. He reckoned it would be to his advantage, in case he himself survived his present danger, not to leave him any longer as an obstacle in his way, but to forestall this man, more worthy of the kingship than himself, from making any move against him. At any rate, if he himself was going to be killed by Caesar, envy prompted him to kill the man who otherwise would be king after him.

[165] Ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δι᾽ ἐννοίας ἔχοντος ἐνεδόθη τι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων · μὲν γὰρ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐπιεικείᾳ τρόπου καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὐκ ἠξίου πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ νεωτέρων ἅπτεσθαι , συγχωρῶν τῇ τύχῃ πᾶν τὸ δι᾽ ἐκείνης γινόμενον ἠγαπηκέναι . [166] φιλόνεικος δ᾽ ἦν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς ἀκρατῶς φέρουσα λόγους ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα , μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀναμεῖναι τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod παρανομίαν εἰς τὸν αὐτῶν οἶκον , ἀλλὰ προλαβεῖν ἀσφαλείᾳ τὰς αὖθις ἐλπίδας , [167] καὶ γράφειν ἠξίου περὶ τούτων ΜάλχῳMalchus τῷ τὴν‎ ἀραβαρχίαν ἔχοντι δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν καὶ δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἔχειν · ὑπεξελθόντων γὰρ εἰ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd οὕτως χωρήσειεν , ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν ἔχθρᾳ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τοὺς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντας μόνους καὶ διὰ τὸ γένος καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων . [168] ταῦτα πειθούσης μὲν ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus διωθεῖτο τοὺς λόγους , φιλόνεικον δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον αὐτῆς πεπονθυίας καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπολειπομένης , ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ περὶ τούτων καὶ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιβουλῆς διαλεγομένης , ἀνεπείσθη τέλος ἐπιστολὴν δοῦναι ΔοσιθέῳDositheus τινὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν φίλων , ἐν συντέτακτο πέμπειν αὐτῷ τὸν ἌραβαArabian τοὺς ἀναληψομένους καὶ παραπέμψοντας ἱππέας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis λίμνην · αὕτη δ᾽ ἀπέχει τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem ὅρων σταδίους τριακοσίους . [169] ἐπίστευεν δὲ τῷ ΔοσιθέῳDositheus θεραπεύοντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd δυσνοίας οὐ μικρὰς αἰτίας ἔχοντος · ἸωσήπουJoseph τε γάρ , ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἀνῃρήκει , συγγενὴς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἐν ΤύρῳTyre φονευθέντων ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny πρότερον ἀδελφός . [170] οὐ μὴν ἐπήγαγεν ταῦτα τὸν ΔοσίθεονDositheus ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πιστὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπηρεσίαν γενέσθαι , προτιμήσας δὲ τῶν ἐκείνου τὰς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐλπίδας ἐπιδίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν . [171] δὲ τῆς εὐνοίας ἀποδεξάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσυπουργῆσαι παρεκελεύετο , πτύξαντα τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατασημηνάμενον ἀποδοῦναι τῷ ΜάλχῳMalchus καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου γράμματα λαβεῖν · οὐ γὰρ μικρὸν τὸ διάφορον καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου γνώμην αὐτὸν εἰδέναι . [172] ταῦτα δὲ τοῦ ΔοσιθέουDositheus προθύμως ὑπουργήσαντος μὲν ἌραψArab ἀντεπέστελλεν αὐτόν τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus δέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦσιν , δύναμίν τε πέμψειν τὴν‎ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς κομιοῦσαν καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ἐνδεήσειν ὧν ἠξίου . [173] ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod ἐδέξατο τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν , εὐθύς τε Μεταπέμπεται τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ περὶ τῶν γενομένων αὐτῷ συνθηκῶν πρὸς τὸν ΜάλχονMalichus ἀνέκρινεν . ἀρνησαμένου δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δείξας τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεχειρίσατο τὸν ἄνδρα .

165While he thought over these things a good chance presented itself. Hyrcanus was so mild mannered, both then and at other times, that he did not involve himself in public affairs nor seek to change things, but left everything to fate and was satisfied with whatever it brought. 166But Alexandra loved conflict and wanted change. So she urged her father not to put up forever with the wrong Herod had done their family. But to work for their hopes as he could safely do, 167and to write to Malichus, who was then ruler of Arabia, to receive him and keep them in security. For if they went away, and Herod's affairs turned out as now seemed likely because of Caesar's hostility to him, they would be the only ones who could be called upon to rule, due to their royal background and the people's goodwill toward them. 168Despite her persuasions, Hyrcanus ignored her at first. But with her combative, womanly nature she would not let up, night or day, always going on about these matters and Herod's treacherous intent. Finally she persuaded him to send Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter declaring his resolve, and asking the Arab to send him some cavalry to take and lead him to lake Asphaltitis, which is three hundred furlongs from the borders of Jerusalem. 169He entrusted this letter to Dositheus who had faithfully served him and Alexandra and had good reason to hate Herod, who had killed a relative of his named Joseph, and a brother of his had earlier been killed by Antony, in Tyre. 170But not even these could keep Dositheus faithful in serving Hyrcanus, for, preferring his chances from the actual king, he handed over the letter to Herod. 171The king took this as a sign of loyalty and urged him to serve him further by rolling up and sealing the letter again and delivering it to Malichus and then bringing back the letter from him, for it would be a significant advantage to know what that man intended. 172As Dositheus promptly served him in this way too, the Arab wrote back that he would receive Hyrcanus and all his men, including all the Jews who were on his side. He would send a force to guard them on their journey, and supply everything he needed. 173When Herod received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus and questioned him about his agreement with Malichus, and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrin and had the man put to death.

[174] Ταῦτα δὲ γράφομεν ἡμεῖς , ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἩρώδουHerod περιείχετο . τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις οὐ κατὰ ταῦτα συμφωνεῖ · τὸν γὰρ ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δοκοῦσιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς μᾶλλον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐπάγοντα κατὰ τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τρόπον ἀποκτεῖναι · [175] γράφουσι γὰρ οὕτως , ἐν συμποσίῳ τινὶ μηδὲν ὑποψίας ἐνδιδόνταto give in λόγον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus προσφέρειν , εἴ τινας ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τοῦ Μάλχου λάβοι , καὶ τὸν μὲν ὁμολογῆσαι προσαγορευτικὰ γράμματα κομίσασθαι , [176] τὸν δ᾽ , εἰ καί τινα δωρεὰν εἰληφὼς εἴη , πάλιν ἐπερέσθαι · τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον κτηνῶν ἀναβατικῶν τέτταρα πέμψαντος αὐτῷ λαβεῖν , εἰς αἰτίαν τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐπαναφέροντα δωροδοκίας καὶ προδοσίας ἀπάγχειν προστάξαι τὸν ἄνδρα . [177] τεκμήρια δὲ τοῦ μηδὲν ἁμαρτόντα τοιούτῳ τέλει περιπεσεῖν καταλογίζονται τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν τοῦ τρόπου καὶ τὸ μήτ᾽ ἐν νεότητι θράσους προπετείας ἐπίδειξιν πεποιῆσθαι μήθ᾽ ὅτε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν , ἀλλὰ κἀν ταύτῃ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ διοίκησιν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater παρακεχωρηκέναι . [178] τότε δ᾽ ἐντῶ πλείω μὲν ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν ἔτη , κρατοῦντα δὲ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἠπίστατο , διαβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates τοὺς ἐν τῷ πέραν τιμῶντας αὐτὸν καταλιπὼν ὡς ὅλος ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενησόμενος · ἐγχειρεῖν οὖν τι καὶ καινοτέρων ἅπτεσθαι πάντων ἀπιθανώτατον καὶ οὐ πρὸς τῆς ἐκείνου φύσεως , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα σκῆψιν ἩρώδουHerod γενέσθαι .

174We give this account as it is found in the annals of king Herod. Others do not accept it, believing that Herod did not find, but rather invented, this excuse for putting Hyrcanus to death, and laid a trap for him. 175According to their account, they were once at a banquet and without any basis, Herod asked Hyrcanus if he had received any letters from Malichus. When he replied that he had, but letters of greeting only, 176he asked him further if he had not received a gift from him. He replied that he had received no more than four riding horses that he had sent him. They say that Herod took these as proof of bribery and treason and had him taken away and killed. 177To prove that he had committed no offence for which he should have been executed, they allege his gentleness and how even in his youth he had given no signs of insolence or rashness and that it was the same when he came to be king, for at that time he left the management of most things to Antipater. 178Now that he was more than eighty years old he knew that Herod's government was secure. He had come back across the Euphrates, leaving beyond the river those who greatly honoured him, and putting himself entirely in Herod's hands, so it was very unlikely and not at all in character for him to risk anything by way of revolt, so that the whole thing was a plot of Herod's.

[179] Τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος ὙρκανῷHyrcanus συνέπεσεν τοῦ βίου ποικίλαις καὶ πολυτρόποις χρησαμένῳ ταῖς ἐν τῷ ζῆν τύχαις · εὐθὺς μὲν [γὰρ ] ἐν ἀρχῇ βασιλευούσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἀρχιερεὺς καταστὰς τοῦ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνους ἔτεσιν ἐννέα τὴν‎ τιμὴν κατέσχεν . [180] παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀποθανούσης τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ταύτην κατασχὼν τρεῖς μῆνας ἐκπίπτει μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ , κατάγεται δ᾽ αὖθις ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius καὶ πάσας τὰς τιμὰς ἀπολαβὼν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα διετέλεσεν ἐν αὐτοῖς . [181] ἀφαιρεθεὶς δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus καὶ λωβηθεὶς τὸ σῶμα παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος ἐγένετο . κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐπανῄει χρόνῳ διὰ τὰς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod προτεινομένας ἐλπίδας , ὧν οὐδὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἀπήντα πολυπαθείᾳ βίου χρησαμένῳ , τὸ δυσχερέστατον δέ , ὡς προειρήκαμεν , ἐν γήρᾳ τέλους οὐκ ἀξίου τυχεῖν · [182] δοκεῖ γὰρ ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος ἐν πᾶσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ διοικηταῖς ἄγειν , οὐ πολυπράγμων οὐδὲ δεινὸς ὢν βασιλείας ἐπιστατεῖν , ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τε καὶ ἩρώδῃHerod μέχρι τοῦδε προελθεῖν ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου , καὶ τὸ πέρας οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτ᾽ εὐσεβὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν εὕρατο τοιούτου τέλους .

179This was how Hyrcanus was destined to meet his end, after suffering many different turns of fortune in his lifetime. At the very start of the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was made high priest of the Jewish nation an honour he held for nine years. 180When, after his mother's death, he took on the kingship himself, after three months he lost it to his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey to all his honours and enjoyed them for forty years. 181But he was again deposed by Antigonus and maimed in body, and was imprisoned by the Parthians. After some time, he returned home from there due to the hopes held out to him by Herod. But nothing turned out as planned, and he endured many troubles throughout his life. Worst of all, as we have said, he came to an unworthy end. 182He was of a mild and gentle character, who generally left the state to be administered by others under him, being reluctant to mix with the public, and without the shrewdness to govern a kingdom. Both Antipater and Herod were promoted because of his mildness, and his treatment by them in the end was neither right nor reverential.

[183] δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐκποδὼν ἐποιήσατο , σπεύδων πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ μηδὲν ἐλπίσαι περὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ πραγμάτων δυνάμενος χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς γενομένης αὐτῷ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλίας , ὕποπτον μὲν εἶχεν τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra , μὴ τῷ καιρῷ συνεπιθεμένη τὸ πλῆθος ἀποστήσῃ καὶ στασιάσῃ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πράγματα . [184] παρετίθετο δὲ πάντα ΦερώρᾳPheroras τἀδελφῷ , καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα ΚύπρονCyprus καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν‎ γενεὰν ἅπασαν ἐν Μασάδοις κατεστήσατο παρακελευσάμενος , εἴ τι περὶ αὐτὸν ἀκούσαιεν δυσχερές , ἔχεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων . [185] ΜαριάμμηνMariamne δὲ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ γυναῖκα , δυνατὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἦν ἐν διαφορᾷ τῇ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἐκείνου δίαιταν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἔχειν , ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείῳ σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ μητρὶ κατεστήσατο ἸώσηπονJoseph τὸν ταμιαίαν καὶ τὸν Ἰτουραῖον ΣόαιμονSohemus ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν καταλιπών , πιστοτάτους μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γενομένους αὐτῷ , τότε δὲ προφάσει τιμῆς φρουρεῖν ἀπολειφθέντας τὰς γυναῖκας . [186] ἦν δὲ κἀκείνοις ἐντολὴ μαθόντας τι περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ δυσχερὲς ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀμφοτέρας μεταχειρίσασθαι , τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς δύναμιν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ‎ σὺν τἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras διατηρεῖν .

183Having disposed of Hyrcanus, Herod hurried to Caesar, but not expecting to find favour with him after his friendship with Antony, he suspected that Alexandra would take her chance to get the people to rebel and embroil the kingdom in a revolt. 184So he entrusted the care of everything to his brother Pheroras and placed his mother Cypros and his sister and the whole family at Masada and told him to take charge if any bad news about himself should arrive. 185But he placed his wife Mariamne at Alexandreion, with Alexandra her mother, because of the quarrel between her and his sister and the sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together. In charge of the fortress he left his treasurer, Joseph, and Soemus of Iturea who were most faithful to him from the beginning and were now left as bodyguards to the women. 186They had instructions to kill both of them, if they heard that any harm had happened to him, and, as far as they could, to preserve the kingdom for his sons and for his brother Pheroras.

[187] Ταύτας δοὺς τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτὸς εἰς ῬόδονRhodes ἠπείγετο ΚαίσαριCaesar συντυχεῖν . κἀπειδὴ κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν , ἀφῄρητο μὲν τὸ διάδημα , τοῦ δ᾽ ἄλλου περὶ αὐτὸν ἀξιώματος οὐδὲν ὑφεικώς , ὅτε καὶ κοινωνῆσαι λόγου κατὰ τὴν‎ συντυχίαν ἠξιώθη , πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐνέφηνεν τὸ μεγαλεῖον τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν φρονήματος , [188] οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἱκεσίαν , ὡς εἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις , τραπόμενος οὔτε δέησίν τινα προτείνων ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἡμαρτημένοις , ἀποδοὺς δὲ τὸν λογισμὸν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀνυποτιμήτως . [189] ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ δύναμιν , ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα , στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian , πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ . [190] καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι μετριώτερα τῶν ἐπιβαλλόντων αὐτῷ γενέσθαι · τὸν γὰρ ὁμολογοῦντα μὲν εἶναι φίλον , ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes δ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενον , παντὶ μέρει καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ περιουσίας συγκινδυνεύειν δέον ὧν αὐτὸς ἔλαττον καλῶς εἶχεν ἀναστραφεὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γε συνειδέναι καλῶς ἑαυτῷ πεποιηκότι τὸ μηδ᾽ ἡττηθέντα τὴν‎ ἐν ἈκτίῳActium μάχην καταλιπεῖν , [191] μηδὲ συμμεταβῆναι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν φανερῶς ἤδη μεταβαινούσης καὶ τῆς τύχης , φυλάξαι δ᾽ αὑτὸν , εἰ καὶ μὴ συναγωνιστὴν ἀξιόχρεων , ἀλλὰ σύμβουλόν γε δεξιώτατον ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὴν‎ μίαν αἰτίαν τοῦ κἂν σώζεσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκπεσεῖν ὑποδεικνύντα , ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐπανελέσθαι · [192] προανῃρημένης γὰρ ἐκείνης αὐτῷ τε τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ὑπεῖναι καὶ τὰς πρὸς σὲ συμβάσεις ῥᾷον εὑρίσκεσθαι τῆς ἔχθρας . ὧν οὐδὲν ἐκεῖνος ἐννοηθεὶς ἀλυσιτελῶς μὲν αὐτῷ , συμφερόντως δὲ σοὶ προετίμησεν τὴν‎ ἀβουλίαν . [193] νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν τῇ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ὀργῇ κρίνεις καὶ τὴν‎ ἐμὴν προθυμίαν , οὐκ ἂν εἴη μοι τῶν πεπραγμένων ἄρνησις οὐδ᾽ ἀπαξιώσω τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ λέγειν , εἰ δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀνελών , τίς εἰμι πρὸς τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ ὁποῖος Φίλος ἐξετάζοις , ἐνέσται σοι πείρᾳ τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι · τοῦ γὰρ ὀνόματος ὑπαλλαγέντος οὐδὲν ἔλαττον αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς φιλίας βέβαιον ἐν ἡμῖν εὐδοκιμεῖν δυνήσεται ."

187Leaving these instructions, he hurried to Rhodes to meet Caesar. After sailing into that city, he left off his crown, but neglected nothing else of his usual splendour. When at their meeting, he asked permission to speak to him. He showed a noble example of his courage by not launching into petitions as people usually do on such occasions. 188He did not ask for anything, as if he were an offender, but boldly gave an account of his actions. 189He told Caesar that he had been great friends with Antony and had done everything he could to help him gain the leadership. If he had not been with him in the battle, it was because the Arabs had sidetracked him. But he did send him money and corn. 190Even this was less than what he wished to do for him. "For if a man calls himself a friend and regards the other as a benefactor, he is obliged to risk everything, and use every faculty of his soul, every limb of his body and all his wealth on his behalf, in which I confess mine was not enough. But I know that I did the right thing in not deserting him on his defeat at Actium. 191Nor did I shift my loyalty from him to another, after the evident change of his fortunes, but remained to Antony, if not a valuable military colleague, at least a faithful counsellor. I told him that his only way to save himself and not lose all his authority, was to kill Cleopatra. 192Once she was dead, he could have retained his authority and could have brought you to make peace with him, rather than continue any longer at enmity. He listened to none of this advice, preferring his own rashness which turned out badly for him, but good for you. 193So if you judge me and my zeal in serving Antony in the light of your anger at him, I cannot deny what I have done, nor am I ashamed to publicly admit the great fondness I had for him. But if you forget him and consider my behaviour toward my benefactors and what sort of friend I am, you will find that I will do and be the same to you. It will be just a changing of names, and you will have no cause to doubt the firmness of my friendship toward you."

[194] Τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παράπαν ἐμφαίνων τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐλευθέριον οὐ μετρίως ἐπεσπᾶτο τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar φιλότιμον ὄντα καὶ λαμπρόν , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας σύστασιν ἤδη τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας πραγματεύεσθαι . [195] καὶ τό τε διάδημα πάλιν ἀποκαθίστησιν αὐτῷ καὶ προτρεψάμενος μηδὲν ἐλάττω περὶ αὐτὸν πρότερον ἦν περὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny φαίνεσθαι , διὰ πάσης ἦγε τιμῆς , προσθεὶς ὅτι καιταιδιος γράψειεν , ἁπάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ συλλαβέσθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd . [196] τοσαύτης ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιωμένος καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν αὐτῷ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς βεβαιοτέραν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν δόσει ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ δόγματι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin , ὅπερ ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ βέβαιον ἐπραγματεύσατο , παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΚαίσαραCaesar , δωρησάμενος ὑπὲρ δύναμιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ πᾶσαν ἐμφαίνων μεγαλοψυχίαν . [197] ᾐτεῖτο δὲ καὶ τῶν ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνήθων ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὡς μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν , ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν ὅρκῳ προκατειλημμένου ΚαίσαροςCaesar · [198] ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ᾽ εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος . εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν‎ ὑποδοχὴν ἐγεγόνει ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος . [199] κἀπειδὴ παρῆν , δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais πάσῃ‎ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ , παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονίαν . κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις . [200] παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἄνυδρον διερχομένοις τὴν‎ τῶν ἐπειγόντων χορηγίαν , ὡς μήτε οἴνου μήτε ὕδατος , καὶ μᾶλλον ἦν ἐν χρείᾳ τοῖς στρατιώταις , ὑστερηθῆναι . αὐτόν γε μὴν ΚαίσαραCaesar ταλάντοις ὀκτακοσίοις ἐδωρήσατο καὶ παρέστησεν ἅπασιν ἔννοιαν λαβεῖν , ὅτι τῆς βασιλείας ἧς εἶχεν πολὺ μείζω καὶ λαμπρότερα κατὰ τὰς ὑπουργίας ἐπεδείκνυτο . [201] τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς πίστιν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας ἐπισυνίστη καὶ πλεῖστον ἠνέγκατο τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ καιροῦ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἁρμόσας . δὲ καὶ πάλιν ἐπανιόντων ἀπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τῶν πρώτων οὐδενὸς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας ἥττων ἐφάνη .

194By this speech and his demeanour, which showed his freedom of spirit, he greatly impressed Caesar, who was himself generous and noble. So that the very actions for which he had been accused gained him the other's goodwill. 195He restored to him his crown, and urged him to prove himself no less a friend to him than to Antony, and showed him every sign of esteem, adding how Quintus Didius had written to him how Herod had most willingly taken his side in the matter about the gladiators. 196After being so well received and, beyond all his hopes, getting his crown confirmed more firmly than ever by Caesar's grant, and by the Roman decree which Caesar issued for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, giving to both him and his friends gifts beyond his means, and in general acting with great generosity. 197He petitioned against the execution of Alexander, one of Antony's companions, but Caesar had proscribed the man under oath, and so could not grant that request. 198Returning to Judea with more honour and assurance, he struck fear into those who had expected the contrary, having greater glory than ever due to the dangers he had survived and God's favour to him, and prepared to welcome Caesar on his way from Syria to invade Egypt. 199On Caesar's arrival he entertained him with royal splendour at Ptolemais, giving gifts to his army and bringing them loads of provisions. He also showed himself very well disposed and put the army on parade and rode with him and had a hundred and fifty apartments, comfortably and richly equipped, to welcome him and his friends. 200He also provided for their needs in crossing the desert, so that they lacked neither wine nor water, which the soldiers chiefly required. Besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents and won the goodwill of them all, for helping them so much more lavishly than the kingdom he had obtained could afford. 201Increasingly he was trusted for his friendship and readiness to help him, and especially since his generosity came at the right time. On their return from Egypt, his services were no less than he had formerly shown them.

Chapter 7
[202-266]
Murders by Herod: Mariamne, Alexandra,
various friends and the sons of Babbas
[202] Τότε μέντοι γενόμενος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τεταραγμένην αὐτῷ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν καταλαμβάνει καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐχούσας τήν τε γυναῖκα ΜαριάμμηνMariamne καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἐκείνης ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra . [203] οἰηθεῖσαι γάρ , ὅπερ ἦν ὕποπτον , οὐκ εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῶν σωμάτων εἰς ἐκεῖνο κατατεθῆναι τὸ χωρίον , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς φρουρᾷ μηθενὸς μήτε τῶν ἄλλων μήθ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοιεν , χαλεπῶς ἔφερον . [204] τε ΜαριάμμηMariamne τὸν μὲν ἔρωτα τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπόκρισιν ἄλλως καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον αὐτῷ γινομένην ἀπάτην ὑπελάμβανεν , ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ μηδ᾽ εἰ πάσχοι τι δεινὸν ἐκεῖνος ἐλπίδα τοῦ βιώσεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσχηκέναι καὶ τὰς ἸωσήπῳJoseph δοθείσας ἐντολὰς ἀνεμνημόνευεν , ὥστ᾽ ἤδη διὰ θεραπείας εἶχεν τοὺς φρουροὺς καὶ μᾶλλον τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus , ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὸ πᾶν ἐπισταμένη . [205] Σόαιμος δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἀρχὰς πιστὸς ἦν οὐδὲν ὧν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνετέταλτο παριείς , λόγοις δὲ καὶ δωρεαῖς λιπαρέστερον τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκθεραπευουσῶν αὐτὸν ἡττᾶτο κατὰ μικρὸν ἤδη καὶ τέλος ἐξεῖπεν ἁπάσας τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως , μάλιστα μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐλπίσας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὑποστρέψειν ἐξουσίας · [206] ἐν καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκφυγὼν τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κίνδυνον οὐ μικρὰ χαριεῖσθαι ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὑπελάμβανεν , αἷς ἦν εἰκὸς οὐκ ἀποτεύξεσθαι τοῦ περιόντος ἀξιώματος , ἀλλὰ καὶ πλέον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀμοιβὴν ἕξειν εἰ βασιλευούσας τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἀγχοῦ γενησομένας . [207] ἐπήλπιζε δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐχ ἧττον , εἰ καὶ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν πράξας ὑποστρέψειεν ἩρώδηςHerod , μηδὲν ὅτι τῇ γυναικὶ δυνήσεσθαι βουλομένῃ γε ἀντειπεῖν · ἠπίστατο γὰρ τὸν πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔρωτα μείζονα λόγου τῷ βασιλεῖ . [208] ταῦτα προσεκλύσαντα τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐξαγγεῖλαι ΜαριάμμηMariamne χαλεπῶς ἤκουσεν , εἰ μηδὲν πέρας αὐτῇ τῶν ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod κινδύνων ἔσται‎ , χαλεπῶς δὲ διέκειτο , μηδενὸς μὲν τυχεῖν αὐτὸν τῶν ἴσων εὐχομένη , δυσύποιστον δ᾽ εἰ τύχοι τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βίον κρίνουσα . Καὶ τοῦτο διέδειξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ μηδὲν ἐπικρυψαμένη τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πάθους .

202However, when he returned to his kingdom, he found that his house was in turmoil and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra were very distressed. 203They judged, quite reasonably, that they had not been placed in that place for their own safety but imprisoned in a fortress, with no power over others or over themselves, and they took it very badly. 204Mariamne reckoned that the king's love for her was a pretense intended for his own use, rather than real. She was also upset that he would not leave her any hopes of surviving him, if he himself came to any harm, remembering the orders he had given to Joseph. Now fully aware of her situation, she tried to cultivate favour with her custodians, and especially Soemus. 205At first Soemus faithfully observed all of Herod's instructions. But when by words and gifts the women had made him more malleable to them, he gradually gave in and finally revealed to them all of the king's commands, mainly because he [Soemus] could hardly hope to hold the same authority in the future. 206So it seemed that there was little danger from him [Herod], while he could greatly gratify the women, who were unlikely to be ignored in the settling of the leadership. And they would then be able to richly reward him, since they would either be co-regents themselves or be very close to whoever was king. 207He had a further ground of hope that even if Herod had all the success he could wish for and returned again, he could not reject the desires of his wife, for he knew that the king was inexpressibly fond of Mariamne. 208These were what persuaded Soemus to reveal his orders. Mariamne was distressed to hear that she stood in limitless danger from Herod. She hoped that he would get none of what he wanted. She considered it as insupportable to live with him any longer, which she declared later, without concealing her resentment.

[209] μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ μεγάλοις οἷς παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας εὐτυχήκει καταπεπλευκὼς πρώτῃ μέν , ὡς εἰκός , τῇ γυναικὶ περὶ τούτων εὐηγγελίζετο , μόνην δὲ ἐκ πάντων διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα καὶ τὴν‎ οὖσαν αὐτῷ συνήθειαν προτιμῶν ἠσπάζετο . [210] τῇ δ᾽ οὔτε τὰς εὐημερίας διηγουμένου χαίρειν μᾶλλον χαλεπῶς φέρειν συνέβαινεν οὔτ᾽ ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὸ πάθος δυνατὸν ἦν . ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας καὶ τῆς περιούσης εὐγενείας πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀσπασμοὺς ἀνέστενεν , τοῖς δὲ διηγήμασιν ἄχθεσθαι μᾶλλον συγχαίρειν ἐνέφαινεν , ὡς οὐχ ὕποπτα μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ καταφανῆ γινόμενα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπιταράττειν . [211] ἠδημόνει μὲν γὰρ ὁρῶν τὸ παράλογον τῆς γυναικὸς εἰς αὐτὸν μῖσος οὐκ ἀποκεκρυμμένον , ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ πράγματι καὶ τὸν ἔρωτα φέρειν ἀδυνατῶν ταῖς τε ὀργαῖς καὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς οὐκ ἐνέμενεν , ἀεὶ δὲ ἀπὸ θατέρου μεταβαίνων εἰς θάτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρῳ πολλὴν εἶχεν ἀπορίαν . [212] οὕτως οὖν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ στυγεῖν καὶ στέργειν ἀποληφθεὶς καὶ πολλάκις ἕτοιμος ὢν ἀμύνασθαι τῆς ὑπερηφανίας αὐτὴν διὰ τὸ προκατειλῆφθαι τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀσθενέστερος εἰς τὸ μεταστήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἐγίνετο . τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἡδέως ἂν ἐκείνην κολάσας ἐδεδοίκει , μὴ λάθοι μείζονα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν ἀποθανούσης εἰσπραττόμενος.

209But he sailed home brimming with unexpected success. Apparently he went first to his wife to tell her the good news privately, giving her priority because of his fondness and intimacy with her. 210But when he told her of his good fortune, far from rejoicing she was rather grieved by it, nor could she conceal her feelings. But relying on her dignity and the nobility of her birth, in reply to his greetings, she groaned. She kept making it clear that she was more sorry than glad at his success until Herod was not merely uneasy but visibly shaken. 211It troubled him to see that his wife's surprising hatred of him was unconcealed, and he took this hard and yet was so unable to cope with it, due to his passion for her, that he could not stay long in the same mood, being at one time angry with her and at another reconciled to her, and was very confused, shifting from one mood to the other. 212Thus caught between hatred and love, he often felt like punishing her for her insolence. But being captivated by her in his soul, he could not set this woman aside. In short, though he would gladly have her punished, he feared that putting her to death might unwittingly cause a greater punishment to himself.

[213] Συνιδοῦσαι δ᾽ οὕτως αὐτὸν ἔχοντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ μήτηρ κάλλιστον ᾠήθησαν τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ πρὸς ἐκείνην μίσους εἰληφέναι καὶ διελάλουν οὐ μικρῶς παροξύνουσαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαβολαῖς μῖσος ὁμοῦ καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν ἐμποιεῖν δυνησομέναις . [214] δ᾽ οὔτε τῶν τοιούτων ἀηδῶς ἤκουσεν λόγων οὔτε δρᾶν τι κατὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ὡς πεπιστευκὼς ἀπεθάρρει , χεῖρον μέντοι πρὸς αὐτὴν εἶχεν ἀεὶ καὶ τὸ πάθος ἀντεξεκαίετο , τῆς μὲν οὐκ ἀποκρυπτομένης τὴν‎ διάθεσιν , τοῦ δὲ τὸν ἔρωτα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀεὶ μεταλαμβάνοντος . [215] κἂν εὐθὺς ἐπράχθη τι τῶν ἀνηκέστων · νῦν δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀγγελθέντος κρατεῖν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τεθνηκότων ἈντωνίουAntōny καὶ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἔχειν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , ἐπειγόμενος εἰς τὸ ΚαίσαριCaesar ἀπαντᾶν κατέλιπεν ὡς εἶχεν τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν . [216] ἐξιόντι δὲ ΜαριάμμηMariamne παραστησομένη τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus πολλήν τε χάριν τῆς ἐπιμελείας ὡμολόγει καὶ μεριδαρχίαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτήσατο . [217] κἀκεῖνος μὲν τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ γενόμενος ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν ὡς ἤδη Φίλος καὶ μεγίστων ἠξιώθη · τῶν τε γὰρ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δορυφορούντων ΓαλατῶνGalatian τετρακοσίοις αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ πάλιν , ἣν δι᾽ ἐκείνης ἀφῃρέθη . προσέθηκεν δὲ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ΓάδαραGadara καὶ ἽππονHippos καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἔτι δὲ τῆς παραλίου ΓάζανGaza καὶ ἈνθηδόναAnthedon καὶ Ἰόπην καὶ ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον .

213When his sister and mother saw how he stood regarding Mariamne, they thought they now had an excellent opportunity to vent their hatred for her and provoked Herod's fury by telling him long stories and calumnies about her, calculated to arouse his hatred and jealousy. 214Although he willingly listened to them he didn't dare to do anything to her on the strength of what they said. But he became ever more hostile to her and his anger inflamed more. Nor did she hide her feelings as his love for her turned into anger. 215Just before doing anything drastic, the news came that Caesar had won the war. With Antony and Cleopatra both dead, he had become master of Egypt. So he hurried to go and meet Caesar, setting aside his family affairs. 216As he was setting out, Mariamne recommended Soemus to him, saying that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her and asking the king for a local governorship for him, so he gained that honour. 217When Herod reached Caesar in Egypt, he spoke to him with great freedom as an old friend much honoured by him. As a gift Caesar gave him the four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's bodyguards and restored to him the land which had been taken from him on her account, and added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos and Samaria, plus the maritime cities of Gaza and Anthedon and Joppa and Strato's Tower.

[218] Ἐπιτυχὼν δὲ καὶ τούτων λαμπρότερος ἦν , καὶ τὸν μὲν ΚαίσαραCaesar παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch , αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν ὅσον ᾤετο τὰ πράγματα αὐτῷ διὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιδιδόναι πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν , τοσοῦτον ἔκαμνεν τοῖς οἰκείοις καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὸν γάμον , ἐν καὶ μᾶλλον εὐτυχεῖν ἐδόκει πρότερον · ἔρωτα γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἐλάττω τῶν ἱστορουμένων ἐπεπόνθει μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne . [219] δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα σώφρων καὶ πιστὴ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦν , εἶχεν δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον ὁμοῦ καὶ χαλεπὸν ἐκ φύσεως , ἱκανῶς μὲν ἐντρυφῶσα δεδουλωμένῳ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν ἄλλον αὐτῆς οὐ συγκαταλογιζομένη τῷ καιρῷ πολλάκις μὲν ὑβριστικῶς αὐτῷ προσηνέχθη καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐξειρωνευόμενος ἔφερεν ἐγκρατῶς καὶ μειζόνως , [220] ἀναφανδὸνvisibly, openly δὲ τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ἐπὶ δυσγενείᾳ διεχλεύαζεν καὶ κακῶς ἔλεγεν , ὥστ᾽ ἤδη στάσιν ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν εἶναι καὶ μῖσος ἄσπονδον , ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε καὶ διαβολὰς μείζονας . [221] τε ὑποψία τρεφομένη παρέτεινεν ἐνιαυτοῦ μῆκος ἐξ οὗ παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπεστρόφει . τέλεον μέντοι προοικονομούμενον ἐκ πλείονος ἐξερράγη τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἐγγενομένης · [222] κατακλινόμενος βασιλεὺς ὡς ἀναπαύσασθαι μεσημβρίας οὔσης ἐκάλει τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ὑπὸ φιλοστοργίας , ἧς ἀεὶ περὶ αὐτὴν εἶχεν . δὲ εἰσῆλθεν μέν , οὐ μὴν καὶ κατεκλίθη σπουδάζοντος ἐκφαυλίσασα καὶ προσλοιδορηθεῖσα , τόν τε πατέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ὡς ἀπεκτόνοι . [223] χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν‎ ὕβριν ἐνηνοχότος καὶ γεγονότος εἰς προπέτειαν ἑτοίμου , τῆς ταραχῆς αἰσθομένη μείζονος τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome παρεσκευασμένον ἐκ πλείστου τὸν οἰνοχόον εἰσπέμπει κελεύουσα λέγειν , ὡς πείθοι ΜαριάμμηMariamne φίλτρον αὐτῇ συγκατασκευάσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ . [224] κἂν ταραχθῇ καὶ πυνθάνηται , τί ποτε τοῦτ᾽ ἦν , λέγειν ὅτι φάρμακον ἐκείνης μὲν ἐχούσης αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ διακονῆσαι παρακαλουμένου , μὴ κινηθέντος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ φίλτρῳ τὸν λόγον ἀργὸν ἐᾶν · οὐδένα γὰρ αὐτῷ κίνδυνον φέρειν . τοιαῦτα προδιδάξασα κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν εἰσπέμπει διαλεξόμενον . [225] δὲ πιθανῶς ἅμα καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰσῄει , δῶρα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne παρεσχῆσθαι λέγων , ἀναπείθειν δὲ φίλτρον αὐτῷ διδόναι . πρὸς τοῦτο διακινηθέντος καὶ τί τὸ φίλτρον εἴη ἐρωτήσαντος , φάρμακον εἶπεν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης διδόμενον , οὗ τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰδέναι , διὸ καὶ προσαγγεῖλαι τοῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ διειληφότα . [226] τοιούτων ἀκούσας ἩρώδηςHerod λόγων καὶ πρότερον κακῶς διακείμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠρεθίσθη , τόν τ᾽ εὐνοῦχον , ὃς ἦν τῇ Μαριάμμῃ πιστότατος , ἐβασάνιζεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ φαρμάκου γινώσκων , ὡς οὐ χωρὶς ἐκείνου τι δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτε ἔλαττόν τι πεπρᾶχθαι . [227] γενόμενος δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ἄνθρωπος , οὐδὲν μὲν ὧν ἕνεκεν ἐβασανίζετο λέγειν εἶχεν , τὸ μέντοι τῆς γυναικὸς ἔχθος εἰς αὐτὸν ἔφη γενέσθαι διὰ τοὺς λόγους , οὓς Σόαιμος αὐτῇ φράσαι . [228] ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔτι λέγοντος μέγα βοήσας βασιλεὺς οὐκ ἂν ἔφη ΣόαιμονSohemus πιστότατον ὄντα τόν γε ἄλλον χρόνον αὐτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ καταπροδοῦναι τὰς ἐντολάς , εἰ μὴ καὶ περαιτέρω προεληλύθει τῆς πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne κοινωνίας . [229] καὶ τὸν μὲν ΣόαιμονSohemus εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀποκτεῖναι συλλαβόντας · τῇ δὲ γυναικὶ κρίσιν ἀπεδίδου συναγαγὼν τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ κατηγορίαν ἐσπουδασμένην ποιούμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὰς διαβολὰς φίλτρων καὶ φαρμάκων . ἦν δὲ ἀκρατὴς ἐν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ κρίσεως ὀργιλαίτερος , καὶ τέλος οὕτως ἔχοντα γινώσκοντες αὐτὸν οἱ παρόντες θάνατον αὐτῆς κατεψηφίσαντο . [230] διενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ὑπεγίνετο μέν τι καὶ τοιοῦτον αὐτῷ τε καί τισιν τῶν παρόντων μὴ προπετῶς οὕτως ἀναιρεῖν , καταθέσθαι δὲ εἰς ἕν τι τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ φρουρίων . [231] ἐσπουδάσθη δὲ ταῖς περὶ τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον καὶ μᾶλλον ἔπεισαν τὸν βασιλέα τὰς ταραχὰς τοῦ πλήθους , εἰ ζῶσα τύχοι , φυλάξασθαι συμβουλεύουσαι . ΜαριάμμηMariamne μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἤγετο τὴν‎ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ .

218Glowing with these new acquisitions, he conducted Caesar as far as Antioch. But in contrast to his prospering through the additional territories, on his return, there was further trouble in his own family. This was mainly in the matter of his wife with whom, at first, he had seemed so fortunate. For his love for Mariamne was no less than those which are rightly celebrated in history. 219She was indeed a chaste woman and faithful to him, but had some feminine sharpness in her nature and treated imperiously the man who was infatuated by his passion for her. Heedless of being subject to the king and of being under another's power, she often behaved impertinently to him, and this he usually took in a jesting spirit, equably and with good temper. 220For she publicly mocked his mother and his sister for their lowly origins and spoke unkindly of them, so that there was already a hard, unyielding hatred between the women and now they began to accuse her all the more. 221Suspicions continued to grow for a whole year after Herod's return from Caesar. They were kept for a long time under a semblance of decency, until on a particular occasion they suddenly burst into the open. 222One day about noon when the king was lying down for siesta, he called for Mariamne, with his usual affection for her. She came in, but though he was eager for her to lie down with him, she would not do so. Instead she expressed her contempt for him, adding the jibe that he had caused the death of her father and her brother. 223When he took this insult badly and was about to strike her, the king's sister Salome, seeing him so troubled, sent in the royal cup-bearer, who had been prepared long in advance for such a moment, and had him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to help her prepare a potion for the king. 224Then, if he seemed worried and asked what it was, he should say that she had poured the drug and she had only asked him to give it to him. If however he did not seem troubled about this potion, he was to say nothing, in which case no harm would come to him. With these instructions, she sent him in to talk to him. 225Obediently and quickly he went in and said that Mariamne had given him gifts to persuade him to give him a potion. When asked what this potion was he said it was a concoction she had given him, whose effects he did not know, and so he had decided to tell him about it, as the safest course for himself and for the king. 226When he heard this Herod was in a bad mood already but now he was further incenced. He had the eunuch, who was very faithful to Mariamne, tortured about this potion, knowing that nothing great or small could be done without his knowledge. 227Even under such pressure, the man could say nothing about the matter for which he was being tortured; but that as far as he knew, his wife's hatred for him came from something that Soemus had told her. 228As he said this, Herod shouted aloud that Soemus, who otherwise had always been most faithful to him and to his rule, would not have betrayed his orders, unless he had gone too far in intimacy with Mariamne. 229So he immediately gave orders for Soemus to be arrested and killed, but let his wife go for her trial. Assembling his closest retinue, he accused her in detail about the alleged drugs and potions. Then he spoke without restraint and was too angry for proper judgment. When those present saw his condition, they condemned her to death. 230But after sentence was passed, both he and some others present felt that she should not be executed in haste, but should be kept in prison in one of the fortresses of the kingdom. 231On the other side, Salome and her party worked hard to have the woman executed, and persuaded the king to do so by warning him that the people might rebel if she were left alive, and so Mariamne was led to her death.

[232] Συνθεωρήσασα δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra , καὶ διότι μικρὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοι μὴ καὶ αὐτὴ τῶν ὁμοίων ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod τυχεῖν , ἐναντίως πρὸς τὸ πρῶτον θράσος καὶ λίαν ἀπρεπῶς μετεβάλετο · [233] βουλομένη γὰρ ἐμφῆναι τὴν‎ ἄγνοιαν ὧν ἐκείνη τὰς αἰτίας εἶχεν , ἐκπηδήσασα καὶ λοιδορουμένη τῇ θυγατρὶ πάντων ἀκουόντων ἐβόα κακὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ἀχάριστον γενέσθαι καὶ δίκαια πάσχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις τολμήσασαν · οὐ γὰρ ἀμείψασθαι δεόντως τὸν πάντων αὐτῶν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes . [234] τοιαῦτα μεταξὺ καθυποκρινομένης ἀσχημόνως καὶ τολμώσης ἐφάπτεσθαι καὶ τῶν τριχῶν , πολλὴ μέν , ὡς εἰκός , καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων κατάγνωσις ἦν τῆς ἀπρεποῦς προσποιήσεως , μᾶλλον δὲ ἐνεφάνη παρ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀπολλυμένης · [235] οὔτε γὰρ λόγον δοῦσα τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν οὔτε ταραχθεῖσα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνης δυσχέρειαν ἐπέβλεπεν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὸ φρονήματος τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ μᾶλλον ἄχθεσθαι περιφανῶς ἀσχημονούσης ἐνέφηνεν . [236] αὐτή γε μὴν ἀτρεμαίῳ τῷ καταστήματι καὶ τῇ χρόᾳ τῆς σαρκὸς ἀμεταβλήτῳ πρὸς τὸν θάνατον ἀπῄει , τὴν‎ εὐγένειαν οὐδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ἄδηλον τοῖς ἐπιθεωροῦσιν αὐτὴν ἐμφαίνουσα .

232When Alexandra saw the situation and what little hope she had of escaping similar treatment from Herod, she quite indecently changed her behaviour to the reverse of her former boldness. 233Wanting to show how totally unaware she was of the alleged crimes, she jumped up and rebuked her daughter in everyone’s hearing for being wicked and displeasing to her husband, and said that she was being justly punished for her insolence, for not showing proper gratitude to the man who was everyone’s benefactor. 234After saying hypocritical, ugly things like that and going so far as to tear her hair, she was despised by others for her indecent pretense, but most clearly by the condemned woman herself. 235Seemingly untroubled by her abusive words, she said not a word at first; but only looked at her, seeming disgusted at her offence and especially for speaking out so unworthily. 236Then she went off to her death with an unshaken mind and with the colour of her face unchanged, showing her nobility to the onlookers even in her last moments of life.

[237] Κἀκείνη μὲν οὕτως ἀπέθανεν γυνὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ πρὸς μεγαλοψυχίαν ἄριστα γεγενημένη , τὸ δ᾽ ἐπιεικὲς ἔλιπεν αὐτῇ καὶ πλεῖον ἦν ἐν τῇ φύσει τὸ φιλόνεικον · κάλλει δὲ σώματος καὶ τῷ περὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις ἀξιώματι μειζόνως φράσαι τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπερῆγεν , [238] τε πλείων ἀφορμὴ τοῦ μὴ κεχαρισμένως τῷ βασιλεῖ μηδὲ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ζῆν ἐντεῦθεν ἐγεγόνει · θεραπευομένη γὰρ διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα καὶ δυσχερὲς οὐδὲν ἐξ ἐκείνου προσδοκῶσα τὴν‎ παρρησίαν ἀσύμμετρον εἶχεν . [239] ἠνία δ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ ταῦτα πάντα πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὡς ἐπεπόνθει λέγειν ἠξίου , καὶ πέρας ἐξενίκησεν ἐχθρὰς αὐτῇ γενέσθαι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως κἀκεῖνον αὐτόν , μόνῳ τὸ μὴ παθεῖν τι δυσχερὲς ἀπεπίστευεν .

237And so she died, an excellent woman both for her chastity and magnanimity. Although lacking in prudence and of too quarrelsome a nature, she had all that could be desired in physical beauty and majesty of demeanour. 238Yet these proved the reasons why she did not agree with the king or live pleasantly with him. For while he lovingly paid attention to her and never wished to treat her harshly in anything, she took unmeasured liberties when speaking to him. 239What troubled her the most was the matter of her relatives. She dared to speak of all they had suffered from him. Finally she provoked hatred from the king's mother and sister, and from himself too, on whom alone she depended to escape an unpleasant end.

[240] Ἀναιρεθείσης δ᾽ αὐτῆς τότε καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἔχοντος μὲν οὕτως , ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐδηλώσαμεν · οὐ γὰρ ἀπαθὴς οὐδ᾽ οἷος ἂν ἐκ συνηθείας ἦν πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρως , ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον ἦρξεν ἐνθουσιαστικῶς καὶ τῇ παρρησίᾳ τῆς συμβιώσεως οὐκ ἀπενικήθη μὴ πλείων ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι · [241] τότε μέντοι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει κατὰ νέμεσίν τινα τῆς κατὰ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀπωλείας ἐπιθέσθαι , καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἀνακλήσεις ἦσαν αὐτῆς , πολλάκις δὲ καὶ θρῆνος ἀσχήμων , ἐπενόει δὲ πᾶν εἴ τι δυνατὸν εἰς ψυχαγωγίαν πότους καὶ συνουσίας αὐτῷ πραγματευόμενος , καὶ τούτων οὐδὲν ἤρκει . [242] τὰς οὖν διοικήσεις τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρῃτεῖτο καὶ τοσοῦτον ἥττητο τοῦ πάθους , ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤδη καὶ καλεῖν τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ὡς ζῶσαν ἔτι καὶ δυναμένην ὑπακούειν . [243] οὕτως δὲ ἔχοντος ἐπιγίνεται λοιμώδης νόσος , καὶ τῶν ὄχλων τοὺς πλείους καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς ἐντιμοτάτους διέφθειρεν καὶ παρέσχεν ἅπασιν ἐξυπονοῆσαι κατὰ μῆνιν τοῦτο συνενεχθῆναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ γενομένην παρανομίαν ἐπὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ . [244] χεῖρον οὖν διετίθει καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸν βασιλέα , καὶ τέλος εἰς τὰς ἐρημίας αὑτὸν διδοὺς καὶ προφάσει κυνηγεσίων ταύταις ἐναδημονῶν οὐκ ἔφθη πλείους διενεγκεῖν ἡμέρας καὶ περιπίπτει νόσῳ δυσχερεστάτῃ · [245] φλόγωσις γὰρ ἦν καὶ πεῖσις ἰνίου καὶ τῆς διανοίας παραλλαγή · τῶν τε θεραπευμάτων οὐδὲν τι καὶ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ἐξήνυεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντιούμενα τέως εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν ἦγεν . [246] ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν ἰατροὶ τὰ μὲν οἷς αὐτοὶ προσέφερον βοηθήμασιν οὐδὲν ὑπεικούσης τῆς νόσου , τὰ δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως οὐκ ἔχοντος ἄλλως κατὰ τὸ βιαζόμενον τῆς ἀρρωστίας διαιτᾶσθαι , πάνθ᾽ οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἐπενεχθείη παρέχειν ἠξίουν , τὸ δύσελπι τῆς σωτηρίας ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς διαίτης ἀνατιθέντες τῇ τύχῃ . κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐν ΣαμαρείᾳSamaria τῇ κληθείσῃ Σεβαστῇ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐνοσηλεύετο .

240When she died, the king's feelings for her, that old passion that we have already described, flamed up hotter than ever. His love for her was not of the usual, apathetic kind but was ardent from the start, and the familiarity of their life together never quenched it, but it was always growing greater. 241Now more than ever his love for Mariamne seemed to seize him like a nemesis for destroying her; as he often called her name and wailed unbecomingly about her. He tried all he could to turn his mind elsewhere and arranged feasts and parties for that purpose, to no avail. 242It caused him to neglect the administration and he was so subject to his passion that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as though she were still alive and could still hear them. 243When he was in this mood there came an infectious illness that claimed the lives of many of the people and even of his dearest friends and all suspected that this had been brought upon them as a punishment for his crime against Mariamne. 244The king grew even worse until finally, under the pretext of hunting, he went off to remote places where he bitterly chided himself. Not many days had passed before he grew dangerously ill. 245He had an inflammation and a pain in the back of his head and felt that he was going mad The remedies they tried did him no good but made him worse and drove him to despair. 246Since the medicines his doctors brought him did nothing to cure his illness, and in his weakness the king could eat nothing but what he was forced to. Eventually those around him told him to eat whatever he wished. So the little hopes they had of his recovery by his diet were gone, they entrusted him to fortune. Such was the progress of his illness, while he was in Samaria, which is now called Sebaste.

[247] Διατρίβουσα δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ πυνθανομένη τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν φρουρίων ἐγκρατὴς γενέσθαι . [248] δύο δ᾽ ἦν , ἓν μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως , ἕτερον δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ , καὶ τούτων οἱ κρατοῦντες ὑποχείριον τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐσχήκασιν · τὰς μὲν γὰρ θυσίας οὐκ ἄνευ τούτων οἷόν τε γενέσθαι , τὸ δὲ μὴ ταύτας συντελεῖν οὐδενὶ ἸουδαίωνJews δυνατὸν τοῦ ζῆν ἑτοιμότερον ἂν παραχωρησάντων τῆς θρησκείας , ἣν εἰς τὸν θεὸν εἰώθασιν συντελεῖν . [249] τοῖς οὖν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν φυλακτηρίων ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra προσήνεγκεν τοὺς λόγους , ὡς δέον αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod παιδίοις παραδοῦναι , μὴ καὶ φθῇ τις ἐκείνου μεταλλάξαντος ἕτερος ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων · ῥωσθέντι μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἀσφαλέστερον τῶν οἰκειοτάτων διατηρήσει . [250] τούτους τοὺς λόγους αὐτῆς οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἤνεγκαν , ἀλλὰ πιστοὶ καὶ τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον ὄντες ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τῷ τότε διέμειναν μίσει τε τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra καὶ τῷ μηδ᾽ ὅσιον ὑπολαμβάνειν ζῶντα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀπεγνωκέναι · φίλοι γὰρ ἄνωθεν ἦσαν , εἷς δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀνεψιὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ἈχίαβοςAchiabus. [251] εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξήγγειλαν πέμψαντες ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ γνώμην τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra . δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν οὐδὲν ἀναβαλλόμενος ἀποκτεῖναι προσέταξεν , αὐτὸς δὲ μόλις καὶ σὺν κακοπαθείᾳ διαφυγὼν τὴν‎ νόσον χαλεπὸς ἦν ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι κεκακωμένος ὁμοῦ πρὸς τὸ δυσάρεστον καὶ πάσαις ταῖς αἰτίαις ἑτοιμοτέρως εἰς τιμωρίαν τῶν ὑποπεσόντων ἐχρῆτο . [252] φονεύει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους αὐτῷ φίλους ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ Λυσίμαχον καὶ τὸν Γαδία καλούμενον ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἔτι δὲ ΔοσίθεονDositheus ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης ·

247At that time Alexandra was living in Jerusalem and, on hearing of Herod's condition, tried to seize control of the city's fortresses. 248These were two, one for the city itself and the other for the temple. Whoever held them had control of the whole nation, for without them it was impossible to offer their sacrifices. Abandoning those is unthinkable to every Jew, as they are prepared to lose their lives rather than abandon the rituals which they are accustomed to offer to God. 249Alexandra told those in charge of these defences to hand them over to her and Herod's sons in case anyone else should seize the leadership at his death, and even if he recovered no one could more safely hold them for him than his own family. 250Unimpressed by these reasons, they decided to stick more than ever to their earlier loyalty. For they hated Alexandra and thought it indecent to despair of Herod's recovery while he was still alive, since they had been his old friends, and one of them, Achiabus, was the king's nephew. 251Immediately they sent messengers to the king to tell about Alexandra's plan. So he waited no longer and ordered her death, though it was only with difficulty and much pain that he was rid of his own illness. He was still suffering in mind and body and readier than ever to punish any who for any reason fell under his wrath. 252He even killed the closest of his friends, Costobarus and Lysimachus and Cadias, also called Antipater, and Dositheus, for reasons we shall now relate.

[253] ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἦν γένει μὲν ἸδουμαῖοςIdumaean, ἀξιώματος τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ προγόνων ἱερατευσάντων τῷ Κωζαι · θεὸν δὲ τοῦτον Ἰδουμαῖοι νομίζουσιν . [254] ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus δὲ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ἩρώδηςHerod παραλαβὼν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea καὶ ΓάζηςGaza ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ΣαλώμηνSalome ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν , ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν . [255] ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus δὲ τούτων τυχὼν ἀσμένως καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἤρθη μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξέβαινεν , οὔθ᾽ αὑτῷ καλὸν ἡγούμενος ἄρχοντος ἩρώδουHerod τὸ προσταττόμενον ποιεῖν οὔτε τοῖς ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews μεταλαβοῦσιν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εἶναι . [256] καὶ διαπέμπεται πρὸς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra τὴν‎ ἸδουμαίανIdumaea φάμενος ἀεὶ τῶν ἐκείνης προγόνων γεγενῆσθαι , καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι δίκαιον αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τὴν‎ χώραν · αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕτοιμος εἶναι μεταφέρειν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν εἰς ἐκείνην . [257] ἔπραττεν δὲ ταῦτα τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὲν οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀρεσκόμενος , εἰ δὲ παραιρεθείη τῶν πλειόνων ἩρώδηςHerod , εὐεπιχείρητον ἤδη νομίζων καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄρξαι τοῦ τῶν ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea γένους καὶ μεῖζον πράξειν · ἐπιδιέβαινεν γὰρ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἀφορμὰς ἔχων γένους καὶ χρημάτων , μετὰ διηνεκοῦς αἰσχροκερδείας ἐπεπόριστο , καὶ μικρὸν οὐδὲν ἐπενόει . [258] ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra μὲν οὖν ἈντωνίουAntōny δεηθεῖσα περὶ τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἀποτυγχάνει . λέγονται δὲ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οἱ λόγοι κἀκεῖνος ἕτοιμος ὢν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus ὅμως τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ‎ δεηθείσης καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀφίησιν καὶ συγγνώμης ἠξίωσεν , οὐκ ἀνύποπτον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχων τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως τῆς τότε .

253Costobarus was by birth an Idumaean and a leader highly regarded among them, whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumaeans regard as a god. 254But Hyrcanus had changed their system, imposing Jewish customs and law upon them , and when Herod took over the kingdom he made Costobarus ruler of Idumaea and Gaza and gave him his sister Salome in marriage, after doing away with her former husband Joseph, as we have said. 255Pleased to be promoted beyond his expectations, Costobarus was puffed up by his success and pushed on by little stages until he refused to obey Herod as ruler, or have the Idumaeans subjected to Jewish ways. 256He sent to Cleopatra to say how the Idumaeans had always been subject to her ancestors and asking her to request that country from Antony, promising to transfer his allegiance to her. 257He did this, not because he preferred to be under Cleopatra's rule, but thinking that, as Herod's power diminished, it would be easier for himself to become ruler of the Idumaean nation and perhaps achieve even more. His hopes were high, due to his birth and the wealth he had amassed by his constant attention to money, and so he was aiming high. 258Cleopatra did ask Antony for this region, but to no avail, and when it was reported to Herod, he was ready to kill Costobarus, but forgave him at the request of his sister and mother, though he never ceased to view him with suspicion on account of this attempt.

[259] Χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ἐπισυνέβη τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome στασιάσαι πρὸς τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus , καὶ πέμπει μὲν εὐθὺς αὐτῷ γραμμάτιον ἀπολυομένη τὸν γάμον οὐ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίωνJews νόμους · ἀνδρὶ μὲν γὰρ ἔξεστιν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν , γυναικὶ δὲ οὐδὲ διαχωρισθείσῃ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γαμηθῆναι μὴ τοῦ πρότερον ἀνδρὸς ἐφιέντος . [260] οὐ μὴν ΣαλώμηSalome τὸν ἐγγενῆ νόμον , ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ἑλομένη τήν τε συμβίωσιν προαπηγόρευσεν καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἔλεγεν ὑπὸ τῆς εἰς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας ἀποστῆναι τἀνδρός · ἐγνωκέναι γὰρ αὐτὸν μετ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ ΛυσιμάχουLysimachus καὶ ΔοσιθέουDositheus νεωτέρων ἐφιέμενον . Καὶ πίστιν παρεῖχεν τοῦ λόγου τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας , ὅτι διασώζοιντο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῶν ἤδη δεκαδύο . [261] τοῦτο δὲ εἶχεν οὕτως καὶ πολλὴν ἔκπληξιν ἐνεποίησεν τῷ βασιλεῖ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀκουσθέν , ἐκεκίνητό τε μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τοῦ λόγου · τὰ γὰρ περὶ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας ἐσπουδάσθη μὲν αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐπεξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς δυσμενεῖς γενομένους τῇ διαθέσει , τότε δὲ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῆς μνήμης ἐξεληλύθεσαν . [262] δὲ ἔχθρα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ μῖσος ἀπὸ τοιούτων ἦν · ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔχοντος ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν ἐπολιόρκει δυνάμει τὴν‎ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πόλιν , ὑπὸ δὲ χρείας κακῶν , ὅσα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις παρίσταται , πλείους ἦσαν οἱ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπικαλούμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπονεύοντες ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν . [263] ὄντες δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος οἱ τοῦ ΣάββαSabbas παῖδες καὶ παρὰ τῷ πλήθει δυνατοί , πιστοὶ διετέλουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus τόν τε ἩρώδηνHerōd διέβαλλον ἀεὶ καὶ συμφυλάττειν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν τὴν‎ ἐκ γένους ἀρχὴν προύτρεπον . ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ἅμα καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτὰ νομίζοντες ἐπὶ τοιούτων ἐπολιτεύοντο . [264] τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἁλισκομένης καὶ κρατοῦντος τῶν πραγμάτων ἩρώδουHerod ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἀποδειχθεὶς τὰς διεκβολὰς ἀναφράττειν καὶ φρουρεῖν τὴν‎ πόλιν , ὡς μὴ διαπίπτειν ἐξ αὐτῆς τοὺς ὑπόχρεως τῶν πολιτῶν τἀναντία τῷ βασιλεῖ πολιτευομένους , εἰδὼς ἐν ὑπολήψει καὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas τῷ παντὶ πλήθει καὶ νομίζων μέγα μέρος αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πραγμάτων τὴν‎ ἐκείνων σωτηρίαν ὑπεξέθετο καὶ κατέκρυψεν ἐν οἰκείοις χωρίοις . [265] καὶ τότε μὲν ἩρώδηνHerōd , διεληλύθει γὰρ τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποψία , πιστωσάμενος ὅρκοις μὴν οὐδὲν εἰδέναι τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀφεῖτο τῆς ὑπονοίας . αὖθις δὲ κηρύγματα καὶ μήνυτρα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκτιθέντος καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐρεύνης ἐπινοοῦντος οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ὁμολογίαν , ἀλλὰ τῷ τὸ πρῶτον ἔξαρνος γενέσθαι τὸ φωραθῆναι τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἀνυποτίμητον αὐτῷ πεπεισμένος οὐ μόνον ἐκ τῆς εὐνοίας , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἤδη τοῦ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς περιείχετο . [266] περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους , ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν , ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν , ὥστ᾽ εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus συγγενείας , ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις .

259Some time later when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus she sent him a bill of divorce and dissolved her marriage to him, contrary to Jewish law, for with us only the man may do so, but if a wife leaves her husband, she cannot be remarried unless her former husband sets her aside. 260Salome chose to follow not the law of her own people but renounced her marriage on her own authority and told her brother Herod that she was leaving her husband for his sake, knowing how he planned a revolt against him along with Antipater, Lysimachus and Dositheus. As evidence she alleged that he had kept alive the sons of Sabbas these past twelve years. 261This proved to be true, although the king was amazed and shaken to hear it and it seemed incredible to him. He had formerly been at pains to execute these sons of Sabbas as enemies of his rule, but with the passage of time they had slipped from his memory. 262The reason for his enmity and hatred toward them was that when Antigonus was king, Herod and his army had besieged Jerusalem, where the distress of the besieged was so desperate that the majority invited Herod into the city and already placed their hopes on him. 263The children of Sabbas held rank and power among the people and stayed faithful to Antigonus and were always telling lies against Herod and encouraged the people to keep the leadership within the royal family, which held it by inheritance. These men had acted politically in this way, and, as they thought, for their own advantage. 264But when the city was taken and Herod was in control, Costobarus was appointed to guard the city and stop anyone from leaving by the gates to prevent guilty citizens who had opposed the king from escaping, knowing that the sons of Sabbas were held in respect and honour by all and thinking that if he saved them it could benefit him in any future change of government, he singled them out and hid them in his own farms. 265When this was suspected, he assured Herod on oath that he knew nothing about it and so turned his suspicion aside. Later on, when the king publicly offered a reward for finding them and tried by every means to clarify the matter, he would not admit it, convinced that having denied it at the start, he would be punished if the men were found. Therefore he was forced to keep them secret, not only for their sake but also for his own. 266But when this was reported to the king by his sister, he sent men to the places where he heard that they were hiding, with orders that they be killed as well as those accused along with them. As a result no relatives of Hyrcanus remained. The kingdom was fully in Herod's power since there was no prominent person who could put a stop to his transgressions.

Chapter 8
[267-298]
Plot against Herod, for introducing foreign customs.
He builds Sebaste and Caesarea
[267] Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέβαινεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὑποδιέφθειρεν τὴν‎ πάλαι κατάστασιν ἀπαρεγχείρητον οὖσαν , ἐξ ὧν οὐ μικρὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὖθις χρόνον ἠδικήθημεν ἀμεληθέντων ὅσα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν ἦγεν τοὺς ὄχλους · [268] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ θέατρον ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδόμησεν , αὖθίς τ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον , περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ , τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔθους ἀλλότρια · χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται . [269] τὴν‎ μέντοι πανήγυριν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιφανεστάτην τὴν‎ τῆς πενταετηρίδος συνετέλει καταγγείλας τε τοῖς περὶ καὶ συγκαλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους . οἱ δ᾽ ἀθληταὶ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἀπὸ πάσης γῆς ἐκαλοῦντο κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῶν προκειμένων καὶ τῆς νίκης εὐδοξίᾳ , συνελέγησάν τε οἱ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν · [270] οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοῖς περὶ τὰς γυμνικὰς ἀσκήσεις , ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ μουσικῇ διαγινομένοις καὶ θυμελικοῖς καλουμένοις προυτίθει μέγιστα νικητήρια · καὶ διεσπούδαστο πάντας τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἅμιλλαν . [271] προύθηκεν δὲ καὶ τεθρίπποις καὶ συνωρίσιν καὶ κέλησιν οὐ μικρὰς δωρεάς , καὶ πάνθ᾽ , ὅσα κατὰ πολυτέλειαν σεμνοπρέπειαν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐσπούδαστο φιλοτιμίαι τοῦ διάσημον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπίδειξιν ἐξεμιμήσατο . [272] τό γε μὴν θέατρον ἐπιγραφαὶ κύκλῳ περιεῖχον ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τρόπαια τῶν ἐθνῶν , πολεμήσας ἐκεῖνος ἐκτήσατο , χρυσοῦ τε ἀπέφθου καὶ ἀργύρου πάντων αὐτῷ πεποιημένων . [273] τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν οὐδὲν οὕτως ἦν οὔτ᾽ ἐσθῆτος τίμιον οὔτε σκευῆς λίθων , μὴ τοῖς ὁρωμένοις ἀγωνίσμασιν συνεπεδείκνυτο . παρασκευὴ δὲ καὶ θηρίων ἐγένετο λεόντων τε πλείστων αὐτῷ συναχθέντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων , ὅσα καὶ τὰς ἀλκὰς ὑπερβαλλούσας ἔχει καὶ τὴν‎ φύσιν ἐστὶν σπανιώτερα · [274] τούτων αὐτῶν τε πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μάχαι πρὸς αὐτὰ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων ἐπετηδεύοντο , τοῖς μὲν ξένοις ἔκπληξις ὁμοῦ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ψυχαγωγία τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ θέαν κινδύνων , τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίοις φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν · [275] ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας , ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς . [276] πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλύπει τὰ τρόπαια · δοκοῦντες γὰρ εἰκόνας εἶναι τὰς τοῖς ὅπλοις περιειλημμένας , ὅτι μὴ πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα σέβειν , οὐ μετρίως ἐδυσχέραινον .

267This was how Herod abandoned the ancestral laws and by foreign practices corrupted their ancient lifestyle which should have been kept inviolable. As a result much harm befell us later, when the devotions that used to lead the people to piety were neglected. 268In the first place, he established athletic games to be celebrated every fifth year in honour of Caesar, and built a theatre in Jerusalem, and a huge amphitheatre in the plain. Both of them were ornate works, but contrary to Jewish custom, for our tradition does not include the exhibiting of shows like that. 269Every five years he celebrated these games most solemnly and splendidly, sending out proclamations around and calling together people from every nation. The athletes and the rest of the contestants were invited from every land by the hope of winning the prizes and by the glory of victory, and the influential people assembled for the competitions. 270Large prizes were offered for victory, not only to the naked athletes, but also to those who played music and were called Thymelici. He sought to induce all who were most famous to come to the contest. 271Furthermore, he offered considerable prizes for the chariot-races drawn by four or two horses, imitating whatever was costly or magnificent in other nations, in his ambition to give the most public proof of his grandeur. 272Inscriptions of the great actions of Caesar and trophies from the nations he had conquered in his wars, all made of the purest gold and silver, surrounded the theatre itself. 273Anything that could serve his purpose, be it sumptuous clothing or vessels of precious stones, was also on display during these games. He had many wild beasts including lions and other beasts of unusual strength, or of a kind rarely seen. 274These were set either to fight each other, or with men condemned to die. Visitors were amazed at the expense and delighted by the dangerous spectacle, while to the natives it was a glaring destruction of the customs they so revered. 275It seemed grossly wrong to throw people to wild beasts for the delight of others, and impious to exchange their own laws for such foreign customs. 276But the trophies were worst of all, since they regarded them as images surrounded by armour that hung around them, and were hugely enraged by them, for it was not their tradition to pay honour to such images.

[277] Ἐλάνθανον δ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐκταραττόμενοι · καὶ βίαν μὲν ἐπάγειν ἌκαιρονEucerus ᾤετο , καθωμίλει δ᾽ ἐνίους καὶ παρηγόρει τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρούμενος . οὐ μὴν ἔπειθεν , ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δυσχερείας ὧν ἐδόκουν ἐκεῖνον πλημμελεῖν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐξεβόων , εἰ καὶ πάντα δοκοῖεν οἰστά , μὴ φέρειν εἰκόνας ἀνθρώπων ἐν τῇ πόλει , τὰ τρόπαια λέγοντες · οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πάτριον αὐτοῖς . [278] ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τεταραγμένους ὁρῶν καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν μεταπεσόντας , εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν παρηγορίας , καλέσας αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρήγαγεν καὶ δείξας τὰ τρόπαια , τί ποτ᾽ ἔστιν δοκεῖ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ἐπύθετο . [279] τῶν δὲ ἐκβοησάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνες , ἐπιτάξας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὸν περιθέσιμον κόσμον ἐπιδείκνυσιν αὐτοῖς γυμνὰ τὰ ξύλα . τὰ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἦν ἀποσυληθέντα γέλως καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς διάχυσιν ἐδυνήθη τὸ καὶ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἐν εἰρωνείᾳ τίθεσθαι τὰς κατασκευὰς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων .

277Herod was not unaware that they were outraged, and thinking it untimely to use force on them, he addressed some of them with familiarity, seeking to free them from their superstitious fear. Still he could not pacify them, but in displeasure they roared out with one voice against him, that although they could endure all the rest they would never allow images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was contrary to their ancestral laws. 278When Herod saw them so stirred up and that they would not easily move them unless they were satisfied in this point, he called their officers into the theatre and showed them the trophies and asked them what they took them to be. 279When they cried out that they were the images of men, he ordered them stripped of their outward trappings and showed them the bare pieces of wood. Once the trophies were stripped they became a matter of fun to them, but they were confused since previously they had mocked the ornaments as a concealment for graven images.

[280] Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ‎ παρακρουσαμένου τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν ἣν ἐπεπόνθεισαν ἐξ ὀργῆς διαχέαντος , οἱ μὲν πλείους εἶχον ὡς μεταβεβλῆσθαι καὶ μὴ χαλεπαίνειν ἔτι , [281] τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπέμενον τῇ δυσχερείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτηδευμάτων , καὶ τὸ καταλύεσθαι τὰ πάτρια μεγάλων ἡγούμενοι ἀρχὴν κακῶν ὅσιον ᾠήθησαν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι μᾶλλον δοκεῖν ἐξαλλαττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιτείας περιορᾶν ἩρώδηνHerōd πρὸς βίαν ἐπεισάγοντα τὰ μὴ δι᾽ ἔθους ὄντα , καὶ λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα , τῷ δ᾽ ἔργῳ πολέμιον φαινόμενον τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους . [282] ἐκ δὲ τούτου συνομοσάμενοι πάντα κίνδυνον ὑποδύεσθαι δέκα τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες , ξιφίδια τοῖς ἱματίοις ὑποβαλόντες , [283] ἦν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ἀναξιοπάθειαν ὧν ἤκουεν καὶ τῶν διεφθορότων τις τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς συνομωμοσμένος , οὐχ ὡς ἐνεργῆσαί τι καὶ δρᾶν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπιχείρησιν ἱκανός , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἑτοίμῳ κατατιθεὶς αὑτὸν παθεῖν εἴ τι κἀκείνοις συμβαίνοι δυσχερές , ὥστε μὴ μετρίαν τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι δι᾽ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι ,

280In this way, when he had mollified the crowd and cooled the heat of their passion, most of the people tended to be swayed and complain no more about him. 281But some stayed angry with him for introducing new customs. They regarded the violation of their ancestral laws as the start of great evils and so reckoned it a pious duty to risk their lives rather than let Herod change their mode of government and force on them customs they had never known before, for while claiming to be king, he showed himself an enemy to their whole nation. 282Therefore ten of the citizens conspired together against him and swore to each other to risk any dangers in the attempt and took daggers with them under their cloaks. 283Among them was a blind man who had joined the conspirators in his rage at what he heard had been done. Though unable to help the others in the deed, he was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if they came to any harm. So he was a great boost to the others.

[284] ταῦτα γνόντες ἀπὸ συνθήματος εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐχώρουν , ἐλπίσαντες μὲν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαφευξεῖσθαι προσπεσόντων ἐξ ἀφανοῦς , πολλοὺς δ᾽ , εἰ καὶ μὴ τυγχάνοιεν ἐκείνου , τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσειν οἰόμενοι · καὶ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀρκέσειν , εἰ καὶ θνήσκοιεν , εἰς ἔννοιαν ὧν βασιλεὺς ἐξυβρίζειν ἐδόκει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀγαγεῖν . [285] ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν προκαταστάντες ἐπὶ τοιαύτης ἦσαν προθυμίας · εἷς δὲ τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ διαγγέλλειν τὰ τοιαῦτα τεταγμένων ἐξευρηκὼς ὅλην τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιέναι μέλλοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατεμήνυσεν . [286] δ᾽ , οὐ γὰρ ἀνοίκειον ᾠήθη τὸν λόγον εἴς τε τὸ μῖσος ἀφορῶν , συνῄδει παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων αὐτῷ , καὶ τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστα γινομένοις παρυφισταμένας , ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ὀνομαστὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐκάλει . [287] προσπιπτόντων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν αὐτόφωροι λαμβανόμενοι τὸ μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἂν διαφύγοιεν ᾔδεσαν , ἐπεκόσμησαν δὲ τὴν‎ ἀναγκαίαν καταστροφὴν τοῦ τέλους τῷ μηδὲν ὑφιέναι τοῦ φρονήματος · [288] οὐ γὰρ ἐντραπέντες οὐδ᾽ ἀρνησάμενοι τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ἀνέδειξαν μὲν ἤδη κρατούμενα τὰ ξίφη , διωμολογήσαντο δὲ καλῶς καὶ σὺν εὐσεβείᾳ τὴν‎ συνωμοσίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι , κέρδους μὲν οὐδενὸς οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων ἕνεκεν παθῶν , τὸ δὲ πλέον ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν ἐθῶν , καὶ πᾶσιν φυλάττειν θνήσκειν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἄξιον . [289] τοιαῦτα μὲν ἐκεῖνοι τῇ προαιρέσει τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐμπαρρησιασάμενοι περιστάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν βασιλικῶν ἤγοντο καὶ πᾶσαν αἰκίαν ὑπομείναντες διεφθάρησαν . μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τὸν ταῦτα μηνύσαντα κατὰ μῖσος ἁρπασάμενοί τινες οὐκ ἀπέκτειναν μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ μελιστὶ διελόντες προύθεσαν κυσίν . [290] ἑωρᾶτο δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν πολιτῶν τὰ γινόμενα καὶ κατεμήνυσεν οὐδείς , ἕως ἩρώδουHerod πικροτέραν καὶ φιλόνεικον ποιουμένου τὴν‎ ἔρευναν ἐκβασανισθεῖσαι γυναῖκές τινες ὡμολόγησαν πραχθέντα εἶδον . Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐνεργησάντων ἐγένετο τιμωρία πανοικὶ τὴν‎ προπέτειαν αὐτῶν ἐπεξιόντος , [291] δ᾽ ἐπιμονὴ τοῦ πάθους καὶ τὸ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων πίστεως ἀκατάπληκτον οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐποίει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , εἰ μὴ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας κρατοίη , καὶ διέγνω πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τὸ πλῆθος , ὡς μὴ νεωτεριζόντων φανερὰν γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἀπόστασιν .

284When they had decided this by common consent, they went to the theatre hoping that Herod could not escape them if they attacked him unexpectedly. Even if they missed him, they would kill many of his followers. They resolved on this at the risk of their lives, to show up the wrongs the king had done to the people. Having planned it, they were eager to carry it through. 285But one of the spies sent by Herod to investigate and inform him of anything of the kind found out the whole affair. He told the king about it as he was about to go into the theatre. 286Knowing how most of the people hated him and seeing the disturbances that arose on every occasion, he thought the story was not improbable. So he retreated to his palace and called to him by name those who were accused of this conspiracy. 287When the guards attacked them they were caught and knew they could not escape, so they prepared to die as decently as they could, without flinching. 288They showed no regret and did not deny it. But when they were seized, they showed their daggers and claimed that the conspiracy to which they had sworn was a holy and righteous action. It was not meant for gain or to indulge their passions, but for the communal customs which all Jews must observe or be willing to die for. 289This was what they said, openly defending the conspiracy. They were led away to execution surrounded by the king's guards, and patiently endured all the torments inflicted on them until they died. Before long the spy who had revealed them was captured by some who hated him. He was not only killed but also pulled to pieces and thrown to the dogs. 290This was seen by many of the citizens, but no one would reveal who did it until, after Herod held a sharp and severe inquiry. Some women confessed under torture what they had seen done. The doers of this deed were so punished that their entire families were destroyed for their rashness. 291But the people's obstinacy and their unshaken constancy in defending their laws did not make Herod any more lenient to them. But he continued to guard himself more securely and decided to hem in the people on all sides in case such disorders should grow into open rebellion.

[292] Ἐξωχυρωμένης οὖν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς , ἐν διῃτᾶτο , τοῦ δὲ ἱεροῦ τῇ περὶ τὸ φρούριον ὀχυρότητι τὸ καλούμενον ἈντωνίανAntonia κατασκευασθὲν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , τρίτον παντὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν‎ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἐνόησεν ἐπιτείχισμα , καλέσας μὲν αὐτὴν Σεβαστήν , [293] οἰόμενος δὲ κατὰ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἰσχυροποιεῖν τὸν τόπον , ἀπέχοντα μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας , εὔχρηστον δ᾽ ὄντα καὶ κοινὸν ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ γενησόμενον . τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν καλούμενον ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον , ΚαισάρειανCaesarea δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσαγορευθέν . [294] ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ ΓαλιλαίᾳGalilee ΓάβαGaba καλούμενον καὶ τῇ ΠεραίᾳPerea τὴν‎ ἘσεβωνῖτινHesebonitis . [295] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος αἰεί τι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐπεξευρίσκων καὶ διαλαμβάνων φυλακαῖς τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος , ὡς ἥκιστα μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας εἰς ταραχὰς προπίπτειν , αἷς καὶ μικροῦ κινήματος ἐγγενομένου συνεχὲς ἐχρῶντο , λανθάνειν δὲ μηδ᾽ εἰ παρακινοῖεν ἐφεστηκότων αἰεί τινων πλησίον , οἳ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐδύναντο . [296] τότε δὲ τὴν‎ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ὡρμημένος τειχίζειν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν συμμαχησάντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους , πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ὁμόρων συμπολίζειν ἐπετήδευεν , ὑπό τε φιλοτιμίας τοῦ νέον ἐγείρειν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρότερον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς ἐπισήμοις οὖσαν , καὶ μᾶλλον ὅτι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐπετηδεύετο , τήν τε προσηγορίαν ὑπήλλαττε ΣεβαστὴνSebaste καλῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀρίστην οὖσαν τὴν‎ πλησίον κατεμέριζεν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν , ὡς εὐθὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνιόντας οἰκεῖν , [297] καὶ τείχει καρτερῷ τὴν‎ πόλιν περιέβαλεν τό τε τοῦ χωρίου πρόσαντες εἰς ἐρυμνότητα κατασκευαζόμενος καὶ μέγεθος οὐχ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων πόλεων περιλαμβάνων · στάδιοι γὰρ ἦσαν εἴκοσιν . [298] ἐντὸς δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέσην τριῶν ἡμισταδίων τέμενος ἀνῆκεν παντοίως κεκοσμημένον καὶ ναὸν ἐν αὐτῷ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων ἤγειρεν , ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος διὰ πάντων ἐκόσμει τὴν‎ πόλιν , τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὁρῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν περιβόλων ἐρυμνότητι φρούριον αὐτὴν ποιούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ μείζονι , τὸ δ᾽ εὐπρεπὲς ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ φιλοκαλεῖν καὶ μνημεῖα φιλανθρωπίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .

292Since he now had the city fortified by the palace where he lived and the temple with its strong fortress called Antonia beside it, which he had rebuilt, he arranged to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people and called it Sebaste. 293He reckoned that this place too, which was a day's journey from Jerusalem, would secure him against the country, no less than the former, so he fortified it too, to keep both the country and the city in check. He also built another fortress for the whole nation at a place formerly called Strato's Tower, but was named by him Caesarea. 294Moreover, he took some elite cavalry and stationed them in the great plain, and built a place in Galilee, called Gaba and Hesebonitis in Perea. 295These places he built for his own security for he was always thinking of this issue and surrounding the whole nation with guards, to prevent them escaping from under his power, or raising riots, which they continually did on the smallest pretext, to keep them from starting any upheaval unknown to him, and so that his spies in the area would find it out and prevent it. 296When he was busy with building the wall of Samaria, he arranged to bring there many of the allies in his wars and many of the local people too, to whom he granted citizenship. He did this from an ambitious desire to build a temple and make the city more prominent than it was before, but mainly for his own security and to leave a memorial of his magnificence. He changed its name and called it Sebaste, and divided up the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the people of Samaria, that they could prosper when they came to live there. 297Besides, he surrounded the city with a strong wall and used the slope of the place to strengthen its fortifications. The extent of the place was greater than before, so as to make it not inferior to the most famous cities, twenty stadia in circumference. 298In the middle of it he built a sacred precinct measuring a furlong and a half and adorned with decorations of all sorts and in it built a temple renowned for size and beauty. He adorned the various parts of the city also, and for his own security he made the walls very strong and made most of it a citadel, and took care that the building was elegant, to leave to future ages monuments to his fine taste and benevolence.

Chapter 9
[299-341]
Famine in Judea and Syria.
Herod builds Greek-style cities.
[299] Κατὰ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τρισκαιδέκατον ὄντα τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας πάθη μέγιστα τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπέλαβεν , εἴτε δὴ τοῦ θεοῦ μηνίσαντος καὶ κατὰ περιόδους οὕτως ἀπαντήσαντος τοῦ κακοῦ · [300] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐχμοὶ διηνεκεῖς ἐγένοντο , καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄκαρπος γῆ μηδ᾽ ὅσα κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀναβλαστάνειν , ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς διαίτης κατὰ τὴν‎ ἔνδειαν τῶν σιτίων ἐξαλλαττομένης νόσοι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πάθος ἤδη λοιμικὸν ἐκράτει , διηνεκῶς ἀντεφοδιαζομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν . [301] τό τε γὰρ ἠπορῆσθαι θεραπείας καὶ τροφῆς ἐπέτεινεν εἰς πλέον ἀρξαμένην ἰσχυρῶς τὴν‎ λοιμώδη νόσον τε φθορὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀπολλυμένων ἀφῃρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περιόντας εὐθυμίας , ἐπεὶ προσαρκεῖν ταῖς ἀπορίαις ἐξ ἐπιμελείας [οὐκ ] ἐδύναντο . [302] φθαρέντων γε μὴν τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔτος καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ὅσοι πρότερον ἀπέκειντο δεδαπανημένων , οὐδὲν εἰς ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν ὑπελείπετο μᾶλλον κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἐπιτείνοντος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ οὐδὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον , ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὲν οὐδὲν ὑπόλοιπον , ἀπολωλέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν περιόντων τὰ σπέρματα μηδὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀνείσης τῆς γῆς . [303] τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει . Καὶ τὰς ἀπορίαςperplexity οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ , τῶν τε φόρων , οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς , ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν . [304] Ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν τι καὶ βοηθείας ἄξιον ἐδόκει προκατειληφότος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχομένων · τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων .

299That year, the thirteenth of Herod's reign, great misfortune came upon the country either from the wrath of God, or possibly such things recur naturally, at intervals. 300First there were continual droughts and for that reason the ground was barren and did not bring forth its usual extent of fruits. After this barrenness of the soil, the change of food caused by the lack of corn produced illnesses in the bodies of men and disease prevailed, one misery following upon another. 301The fact that they were without healing and food made the illness, which began violently, the more lasting; and the loss of people in such a manner robbed those who survived of all courage, for they had no remedy for their plight. 302So when the fruits of that year were spoiled and all they had laid up in advance was spent, there was no hope of relief, but the hardship still increased upon them contrary to their expectations, and this not only on that year, but also while they had nothing left, and the seed they had sown also rotted, since the land did not bear fruit on the second year. 303The famine made them eat many things they were not accustomed to eat and the king himself was no more exempt from this need than other men, lacking the tax he used to have from the fruits of the earth and having already spent the money he had, in his generosity to the whose cities he had built. 304Anyway he had no people deserving of his help, since this miserable plight had gained him the hatred of his subjects. For troubles are always blamed on those who are in charge.

[305] Ἐν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ · χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον δυσμενῶς ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι , χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων , εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι . [306] καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν‎ βοήθειαν [μὴ ] ἀμελεῖν , τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ‎ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ , μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ᾽ εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος . [307] ἔπεμπε δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὰ χρήματα Πετρωνίου τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν ἀπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰληφότος . Οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταπεφευγότων διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς χρείας , ἰδίᾳ τε Φίλος ὢν ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ διασώσασθαι θέλων τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ , πρώτοις μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐξάγειν τὸν σῖτον , εἰς ἅπαντα δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ὠνὴν καὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν συνήργησεν , ὡς μέγα μέρος τὸ πᾶν γενέσθαι ταύτης τῆς βοηθείας . [308] γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod , τούτων ἀφικομένων ἐν ἀφορμῇ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ προστιθεὶς οὐ μόνον ἀντιμετέστησεν τὰς γνώμας τῶν πρότερον χαλεπῶς δυσμενῶς , ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο τὴν‎ ἐπίδειξιν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς προστασίας . [309] πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὅσοις οἷόν τε δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκπονεῖν ἔνειμε τοῦ σίτου τὴν‎ ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην ποιούμενος , ἔπειτα πολλῶν ὄντων , οἳ κατὰ γῆρας τινα προσοῦσαν ἄλλην ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἱκανῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς παρασκευάζειν τὰ σιτία , προυνόει καταστήσας ἀρτοποιοὺς καὶ παρέχων ἑτοίμας τὰς τροφάς . [310] ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίαςperplexity , ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων , ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων . [311] ἐκπορισθέντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τούτων ταῖς πλησίον ἤδη πόλεσιν ἐπεβάλλετο τὰς ὠφελείας παρέχειν σπέρματα τοῖς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria διαδούς . Καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ὤνησεν οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸν εὐστοχηθείσης εἰς εὐφορίαν τῆς χάριτος , ὡς ἅπασιν ἱκανὰ τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς γενέσθαι . [312] τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀμήτου περὶ τὴν‎ γῆν ὑποφανέντος οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων , οὓς αὐτὸς ἔθρεψεν καὶ περιεποίησεν , εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν διέπεμψεν , καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κακωθεῖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὑπὸ πάσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κακοπαθείαις ὄντας ἐπεκούφισεν . [313] οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις ὑπὸ χρείας ἐντυχὼν ἀπελείφθη μὴ βοήθειαν εὕρασθαι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν . ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὅσοις ἀπορία διὰ τὸ πλειόνων προίστασθαι συνετύγχανεν , ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταφεύγοντες ἔσχον ὧν ἐδεήθησαν , [314] ὥστε γενέσθαι λογιζομένων τοὺς μὲν ἔξω τῆς ἀρχῆς δοθέντας σίτου κόρους μυρίους , δὲ κόρος δύναται μεδίμνους Ἀττικοὺς δέκα , τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν περὶ ὀκτάκις μυρίους . [315] ταύτην δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς χάριτος εὐκαιρίαν οὕτως ἐν αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰσχῦσαι συνέβη καὶ διαβοηθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις , ὥστε τὰ μὲν πάλαι μίση κινηθέντα διὰ τὸ παραχαράττειν ἔνια τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαιρεθῆναι καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους , ἀντικατάλλαγμα δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν δεινοτάτων φιλοτιμίαν. [316] Εὔκλεια δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦν , καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ δυσχερῆ συμβῆναι μὲν αὐτῷ μείζω λόγου , κακώσαντα δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν οὐχ ἥκιστα πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ὠφελῆσαι · τὸ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις μεγαλόψυχον παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀντιμετέστησε τοὺς πολλούς , ὡς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς δοκεῖν οὐχ οἷον πεῖρα τῶν πάλαι γεγενημένων , ἀλλ᾽ οἷον μετὰ τῆς χρείας ἐπιμέλεια παρεστήσατο .

305In the situation, he pondered how to get some help in time. But this was hard to do since their neighbours had no food to sell them. Their money was spent, even if it were possible to buy a little food at a high price. 306Still, he thought it best not to neglect to help them by all means. So he cut away the silver and gold from the rich furnishings in his palace, not sparing the finest vessels he had or those made with the artisans' elaborate skill. 307He sent the money to Petronius, whom Caesar had made prefect of Egypt. Since quite a few had already fled to him in their necessity and as he was a particular friend to Herod and eager to save his subjects, he let them export wheat and helped them in every way to buy and export it, so that he was their main, if not their only source of help. 308Herod took care that this help was known to come through him, and thereby not only removed their former hatred for him, but also gave them the greatest possible proof of his goodwill and care for them. 309First of all, he measured their ration of wheat very precisely to those who could provide for their own food. But for the many who could not provide for themselves, because of age or infirmity, he arranged that bakers should bake their bread for them. 310He also made provision against the dangers of winter, since they were in great need of clothing on account of the utter ruin of their sheep and goats, so that they had no wool or other material to use to cover themselves. 311When he had provided these for his own subjects, he went further to provide essentials for their neighbours. He gave seed to the Syrians, which resulted to his own advantage, for when this help was seasonably given to their fruitful soil, all now had a plentiful supply of food. 312Finally, as the harvest time approached, he sent into the country no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained. In this way, he both repaired the damage to his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence and eased the problems of his neighbours who were in the same need. 313No one in want was left without suitable help. No populace or city or individual in need of support who had recourse to him to provide for them, failed to receive what they needed. 314It is estimated that the number of cori of wheat, valued at ten Attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand. The amount given in his own kingdom was about eighty thousand. 315His providence and timely intervention had such an influence on the Jews and was so publicized among other nations, that the old hatred he had earned by violating some of their customs and the royal succession was wiped out among all the nation. The generosity of his help in their terrible necessity had made full satisfaction for it. 316He also gained great fame among foreigners. So it looked as if the troubles that had so afflicted his land were sent only to heighten his glory and to serve his advantage. His greatness of spirit in that plight, which he had shown beyond all expectation, changed many people's view of him, so that they were ready to think that from the start he had not been as their experience seemed to show, but the man whose care in supplying their needs he now proved to be.

[317] περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ συμμαχικὸν ἔπεμψεν ΚαίσαριCaesar πεντακοσίους ἐπιλέκτους τῶν σωματοφυλάκων , οὓς ΓάλλοςGallus ΑἴλιοςAelius ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἘρυθρὰνRed θάλασσαν ἦγεν εἰς πολλὰ χρησίμους αὐτῷ γενομένους . [318] πάλιν οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς ἐπίδοσιν εὐθηνουμένων βασίλειον ἐξῳκοδόμει περὶ τὴν‎ ἄνω πόλιν ὑπερμεγέθεις οἴκους ἐγείρων καὶ κόσμῳ κατασκευάζων πολυτελεστάτῳ χρυσοῦ καὶ λίθων καὶ περιαλειμμάτων ὡς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν κλισίας μὲν ἔχειν παμπόλλους ἄνδρας ὑποδέχεσθαι Κατὰ μέτρα δὲ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας · μὲν γὰρ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , δὲ ἈγρίππαAgrippa κέκλητο . [319] προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ γάμον αὐτῷ κινηθεὶς ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς ἐπιθυμίας μηδένα τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἡδονὴν ζῆν ὑπολογισμὸν ποιούμενος . ἀρχὴ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν γάμων ἐγένετο τοιάδε · [320] ΣίμωνSimon ἦν ἹεροσολυμίτηςJerusalem ΝαχώρηςNahor ΒοηθοῦBoethus τινος ἈλεξανδρέωςAlexandria, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις , εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην . [321] ὄντος οὖν λόγου παρὰ τοῖς Ἱεροσολυμίταις(people of ) Jerusalem αὐτῆς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς τὸν ἩρώδηHerod κεκινῆσθαι συνέβαινεν , ὡς δὲ καὶ θεασάμενον τῆς παιδὸς ἐξέπληξεν ‎ὥρα , τὸ μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας χρώμενον διατελεῖν ἅπαν ἀπεδοκίμαζεν ὑποπτεύων ὅπερ ἦν , εἰς βίαν καὶ τυραννίδα διαβληθήσεσθαι , βέλτιον δ᾽ ᾤετο γάμῳ τὴν‎ κόρην λαβεῖν . [322] καὶ τοῦ ΣίμωνοςSimon ὄντος ἀδοξοτέρου μὲν πρὸς οἰκειότητα , μείζονος δὲ καταφρονεῖσθαι , τὸν ἐπιεικέστερον τρόπον μετῄει τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν αὔξων αὐτοὺς καὶ τιμιωτέρους ἀποφαίνων · αὐτίκα γοῦν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua μὲν τὸν τοῦ Φοαβιτος ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην , ΣίμωναSimon δὲ καθίστησιν ἐπὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τὸ κῆδος πρὸς αὐτὸν συνάπτεται .

317About this time he sent five hundred elite troops from his bodyguard as allies to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea and who were of great service to him there. 318When his affairs had so improved and were again flourishing, he built himself a palace in the upper city, with two very high apartments adorned with expensive golden furniture and marble seats and beds, large enough to hold whole groups of men. These were named after Caesar and Agrippa. 319He fell in love again and married another wife, not allowing reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The cause of his marriage was as follows. 320A man of Jerusalem called Simon the son of Boethus of Alexandria, was a priest of great note and had a daughter, who was regarded as the most beautiful woman of the time. 321Since the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in praise of her, Herod was moved by the report. When he saw the girl, he was struck with her beauty, but entirely rejected the idea of using his authority to abuse her, believing, as was the truth, that if he did so he would be blamed for violence and tyranny. So he thought it best to take the girl as his wife. 322Since Simon was of too lowly a dignity to be allied to him, but still too great to be scorned, he reasonably achieved his inclinations by raising the dignity of the family and making them more honourable. So he immediately deposed Joshua son of Phabet from the high priesthood and gave that dignity to Simon and so joined in alliance with him.

[323] τελεσθέντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοῦ γάμου προσκατεσκευάσατο φρούριον ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων , ἐν οἷς ἐνίκα ἸουδαίουςJews , ὅτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσόντος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦν . [324] τοῦτο δὲ τὸ φρούριον ἀπέχει μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem περὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίους , φύσει δὲ ἐχυρὸν καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν ἐπιτηδειότατόν ἐστιν ἐγγὺς ἐπιεικῶς κολωνὸς εἰς ὕψος ἀνιὼν χειροποίητον , ὡς εἶναι μαστοειδὴς τὴν‎ περιφοράν , διείληπται δὲ κυκλοτερέσι πύργοις ὀρθίαν ἔχων ἄνοδον ξεσταῖς βαθμίσιν ἐξῳκοδομημένην εἰς διακοσίους . ἐντὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταγωγαὶ βασίλειοι πολυτελεῖς εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοῦ καὶ κόσμον πεποιημέναι · [325] περὶ δὲ τὴν‎ βάσιν τοῦ λόφου διατριβαὶ κατασκευῆς ἀξιοθεάτου τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῆς εἰσαγωγῆς τῶν ὑδάτων , οὐ γὰρ οὗτος τόπος ἔσχηκεν , ἐκ μακροῦ καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἀναλωμάτων πεποιημένης . τὰ δ᾽ ἐπίπεδα περιῳκοδόμηται πόλις οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλάσσων τὸν λόφον ἀκρόπολιν ἔχουσα τῆς ἄλλης οἰκήσεως .

323When this wedding was over, he built a citadel in that place where he had conquered the Jews when he was driven from the kingship and Antigonus held it. 324This citadel is about sixty furlongs from Jerusalem in a naturally strong place suited to such a building, on a medium-sized hill, raised up higher by man's handiwork, until shaped like a woman's breast. It is surrounded with circular towers and has a narrow ascent to it, composed of steps of polished stones, two hundred in number. Within are very rich royal apartments, that provide both for security and beauty. 325About the bottom of the hill there are dwellings of a structure well worth seeing, among other things, for the water which is brought there from a long way off at a great cost, for the place itself has no water. The plain around this citadel is full of buildings, no less than a city in size and with the hill above it like a castle.

[326] Πάντων δ᾽ αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων εἰς δέον ὧν ἠλπίκει τὰς μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ταραχὰς οὐδ᾽ ὁπωσοῦν δι᾽ ὑποψίας εἶχεν ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπηκόους παραστησάμενος , φόβῳ μὲν ὧν ἀπαραίτητος εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας , τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ ὧν μεγαλόψυχος ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις εὑρίσκετο . [327] περιεβάλλετο δὲ τὴν‎ ἔξωθεν ἀσφάλειαν ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ποιούμενος · πόλεσίν τε γὰρ ὡμίλει δεξιῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως καὶ τοὺς δυνάστας ἐθεράπευεν εὐκαιρίαις ὧν ἑκάστους ἐδωρεῖτο μείζους τὰς χάριτας ἐμποιῶν καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον φύσει πρὸς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εὐπρεπὲς ἔχων , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντα διὰ πάντων αὔξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἀεὶ προχωρούντων . [328] ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας , ἣν ἐθεράπευεν ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους , ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν , πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων , οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , [329] οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένων ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν Ἑλληνικὸν τρόπον , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ περὶ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο , [330] ἸουδαίοιςJews μὲν ἀπολογούμενος μὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐντολῆς καὶ προσταγμάτων αὐτὰ ποιεῖν , ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ καὶ ῬωμαίοιςRomans τὸ μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων ἐθῶν ὅσον τῆς ἐκείνων τιμῆς ἐστοχάσθαι χαριζόμενος , αὐτὸς μέντοι τὸ σύμπαν αὐτοῦ‎ στοχαζόμενος καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος μείζω τὰ μνημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς αὖθις ὑπολιπέσθαι . ὅθεν καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐπισκευὰς τῶν πόλεων ἐκεκίνητο καὶ πλείστας εἰς τοῦτο τὰς δαπάνας ἐποιεῖτο .

326When all his plans had succeeded according to his hopes, he had no suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, for he kept his people obedient both by fear, for he was implacable in punishing, and because of his provident, magnanimous care for them, in their time of need. 327But he still took care to secure his rule and defend himself against his subjects, for his speeches in the [non-Jewish] cities were very fine and full of goodwill, and he cultivated their officers by lavishing gifts on each of them, courting their friendship and using his generosity to secure his grip on the kingdom, until all his concerns were flourishing in every way. 328But his munificence and the submission and generosity he showed to Caesar and the men of power, caused him to overstep the customs of his nation and ignore many of their laws, as he built cities and temples of of ambition. 329These were not in Judea, for that would not have been borne, as we are forbidden to pay honour to images or representations of animals in the style of the Greeks, but outside our boundaries in the surrounding territories. 330To the Jews he explained that this was done not of his own will, but at the command of others, to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he gave less honour to Jewish customs than to those of those Romans. The truth was that it was all for himself for he was keen to leave to posterity great monuments of his realm, and that is why he was so eager to build such fine cities and spent such vast sums upon them.

[331] κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν , πάλαι ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος , τῇ τε διαγραφῇ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπεβάλλετο καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ἀνιστὰς ἅπασαν οὐ παρέργως , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ λευκῆς πέτρας , καὶ διακοσμῶν καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις καὶ διαίταις πολιτικαῖς , [332] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ πλείστην ἐργασίαν παρασχόν , ἀκλύστῳ λιμένι , μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ , καταγωγὰς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ δευτέρους ὑφόρμους , τῇ δὲ δομήσει περίβλεπτον , ὅτι μηδ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τὴν‎ ἐπιτηδειότητα τῆς μεγαλουργίας εἶχεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ πολλαῖς ἐξετελειώθη ταῖς δαπάναις . [333] κεῖται μὲν γὰρ πόλις ἐν τῇ ΦοινίκῃPhoenicia κατὰ τὸν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt παράπλουν ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea μεταξὺ καὶ ΔώρωνDōr , πολισμάτια ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς , αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ πόντου θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας . [334] τοῦτο τὸ δυσδιάθετον τῆς χώρας διορθούμενος καὶ περιγράψας τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἦν αὔταρκες πρὸς τῇ χέρσῳ μεγάλοις στόλοις ἐνορμεῖσθαι λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις καθίει εἰς τὸ βάθος εἰς ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι . πεντήκοντα ποδῶν ἦσαν οἱ πλείους τὸ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος οὐκ ἔλαττον δεκαοκτώ , βάθος δὲ ἐννέα , τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν μείζους οἱ δὲ ἐλάττους . [335] δὲ ἐνδόμησις ὅσον ἦνἐβάλλετο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διακοσίους πόδας . τούτων τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ προβέβλητο κυματωγαῖς , ὡς ἀπομάχεσθαι περικλώμενον ἐκεῖ τὸν κλύδωνα · προκυμία γοῦν ἐκαλεῖτο · τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν περιεῖχεν λίθινον τεῖχος πύργοις διειλημμένον , [336] ὧν μέγιστος ΔρούσιονDrusus ὀνομάζεται , πάνυ καλόν τι χρῆμα , τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν εἰληφὼς ἀπὸ ΔρούσουDrusus τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar προγόνου τελευτήσαντος νέου . [337] ψαλίδες δὲ ἐμπεποίηνται συνεχεῖς καταγωγαὶ τοῖς ναυτίλοις , τὸ δὲ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀπόβασις πλατεῖα κύκλῳ περιεστεφάνωκεν τὸν πάντα λιμένα , περίπατος τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἥδιστος . δ᾽ εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στόμα πεποίηται πρὸς βορέαν ἀνέμων αἰθριώτατον . [338] βάσις δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου παντὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν εἰσπλεόντων πύργος νενασμένος ἐπὶ πολὺ στερρῶς ἀντέχειν , κατὰ δεξιὰν δὲ δύο λίθοι μεγάλοι καὶ τοῦ κατὰ θάτερα πύργου μείζους , ὀρθοὶ καὶ συνεζευγμένοι . [339] περίκεινται δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευὴ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις , ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν ῬώμηςRome , τὸ δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar · τε πόλις αὐτὴ ΚαισάρειαCaesar καλεῖται καλλίστης καὶ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τετυχηκυῖα . [340] τὰ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπόνομοί τε καὶ λαῦραι πραγματείαν οὐκ ἐλάττω τῶν ὑπερῳκοδομημένων ἔχουσαι . τούτων αἱ μὲν κατὰ σύμμετρα διαστήματα φέρουσιν εἰς τὸν λιμένα καὶ τὴν‎ θάλατταν , μία δ᾽ ἐγκαρσία πάσας ὑπέζωκεν , ὡς τούς τε ὄμβρους εὐμαρῶς καὶ τὰ λύματα τῶν οἰκητόρων συνεκδίδοσθαι τήν τε θάλατταν , ὅταν ἔξωθεν ἐπείγηται , διαρρεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ σύμπασαν ὑποκλύζειν πόλιν . [341] κατεσκεύαζεν δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θέατρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον πολὺν ὄχλον ἀνθρώπων δέχεσθαι δυνάμενον καὶ κείμενον ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν‎ θάλασσαν . μὲν δὴ πόλις οὕτως ἐξετελέσθη δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις οὐκ ἐγκαμόντος καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκέσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως .

331Noticing near the sea a site very suited for a city, a place previously called Strato's Tower, he set about planning a magnificent city and diligently built it up with many buildings in white stone. He furnished it with sumptuous palaces and large buildings for gatherings of the people. 332Then, as the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a harbour that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its size was not less than the Pyraeus and had toward the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship, all the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was fitted out with materials from other places, at great expense. 333This city is situated in Phoenicia, on the sea-route to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, smaller coastal cities not suitable for harbours, due to the strong south winds beating upon them, which roll the sands of the sea against the shores, and do not allow for docking, and merchants there are generally forced to ride at anchor, out to sea. 334To rectify this lacuna in the landscape, he laid out a large circular harbour where large ships could safely anchor. This he achieved by letting down vast stones more than fifty feet long, no less than eighteen feet wide and nine feet deep, into twenty fathoms deep, though some were less and some were larger than that. 335This mole which he built along the sea was two hundred feet wide, with half of it facing to the surge of the waves, so as to take the burnt of the waves breaking upon it, and it was called Breakwater. 336The other half had on it a wall with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus and was a work of great excellence, named after Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. 337There were also many arches where the sailors lived, and in front of them a quay which ran around the entire harbour and was a most agreeable walk for anyone so inclined. The entrance or mouth of the port was on the north side, which was the least windy of all in this place. 338The foundations of the whole harbour wall on the left side entering the port is supported around a turret, strongly built to resist the mightiest waves; while on the right side were two huge stones, each larger than the turret, which was across from them; these stood upright and linked together. 339There were buildings all along the circular harbour made of highly polished stone, and a platform in the middle on which was built a temple, visible in the distance by those who were sailing for that harbour. In it were two statues, one of Rome, the other of Caesar, and the city itself was called Caesarea, and was well built of fine materials. 340Even the subterranean vaults and cellars were planned no less than the buildings above ground. Some of these led at equal distances to the harbour and to the sea, but one of them ran at an angle and connected all the others, so that it easily carried away both the rainwater and the citizens sewage, since the sea flowed from outside into the city and washed it all clean. 341He also made there a stone-built theatre, and to the south behind the port, an amphitheatre also, capable of holding a large crowd of people and well situated with a view of the sea. So this city was completed in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to proceed with the work and to pay the necessary expenses.

Chapter 10
[342-379]
Herod retains Caesar's goodwill.
Description of Pharisees and Essenes
[342] Ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δὲ ὢν καὶ τῆς Σεβαστῆς ἤδη πεπολισμένης ἔγνω τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ πέμπειν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus , συντευξομένους ΚαίσαριCaesar . [343] τούτοις ἀνελθοῦσιν καταγωγὴ μὲν ἦν Πολλίωνος οἶκος ἀνδρὸς τῶν μάλιστα σπουδασάντων περὶ τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod φιλίαν , ἐφεῖτο δὲ κἀν τοῖς ΚαίσαροςCaesar κατάγεσθαι · καὶ γὰρ ἐξεδέξατο μετὰ πάσης φιλανθρωπίας τοὺς παῖδας · καὶ δίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὅτῳ βούλεται βεβαιοῦν τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ γεγονότων , καὶ χώραν ἔτι τόν τε ΤράχωναTrachonitis καὶ ΒαταναίανBatanea καὶ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis · ἔδωκεν δὲ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν παραλαβών . [344] Ζηνόδωρός τις ἐμεμίσθωτο τὸν οἶκον τὸν ΛυσανίουLysanias . τούτῳ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὰς προσόδους οὐκ ἤρκει , τὰ λῃστήρια δὲ ἔχων ἐν τῷ ΤράχωνιTrachonitis πλείω τὴν‎ πρόσοδον ἔφερεν · οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἄνδρες ἐξ ἀπονοίας ζῶντες τοὺς τόπους , οἳ τὰ ΔαμασκηνῶνDamascus ἐλῄζοντο , καὶ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus οὔτ᾽ εἶργεν αὐτός τε τῶν ὠφελειῶν ἐκοινώνει . [345] κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν ΚαίσαριCaesar τοῦ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν . ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ἩρώδῃHerod προσένειμεν , ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ᾽ ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον · [346] οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον ἦν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἔθει τὸ λῃστεύειν πεποιημένους καὶ βίον οὐκ ἄλλοθεν ἔχοντας · οὔτε γὰρ πόλεις αὐτοῖς οὔτε κτήσεις ἀγρῶν , ὑποφυγαὶ δὲ κατὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ σπήλαια καὶ κοινὴ μετὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων δίαιτα . μεμηχάνηνται δὲ καὶ συναγωγὰς ὑδάτων καὶ προπαρασκευὰς σιτίων αἳ δύνανται πλεῖστον ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ἀντέχειν . [347] αἵ γε μὴν εἴσοδοι στεναὶ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα παρερχομένων , τὰ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀπίστως μεγάλα πρὸς εὐρυχωρίαν ἐξειργασμένων · τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔδαφος οὐχ ὑψηλόν , ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἐξ ἐπιπέδου . πέτρα δὲ τὸ σύμπαν σκληρὰ καὶ δύσοδος , εἰ μὴ τρίβῳ χρῷτό τις ἐξ ὁδηγίας · οὐδὲ γὰρ αὗται κατ᾽ ὀρθὸν ἀλλὰ πολλὰς ἕλικας ἐξελίττονται . [348] τούτοις ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τοὺς πλησίον κακουργημάτων ἐκωλύοντο , καὶ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἦν τῆς λῃστείας τρόπος , ὡς μηδὲν ἀνομίας ἐν τούτῳ λελεῖφθαι . λαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ χάριν ἩρώδηςHerod παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ὁδηγῶν ἐμπειρίᾳ τούς τε πονηρευομένους αὐτῶν κατέπαυσεν καὶ τοῖς περὶ ἀδεῆ τὴν‎ εἰρήνην παρέσχεν .

342When Herod was engaged in these matters and had already rebuilt Sebaste, he decided to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome to meet with Caesar. 343When they arrived there, they lodged at the house of Pollio, who treasured Herod's friendship. Then they were allowed lodgings in Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with goodwill and allowed Herod to leave his kingdom to whichever of his sons he wished. Besides, he gave him Trachonits and Batanea and Auranitis, for the following reason. 344Zenodorus had rented what was called the house of Lysanias. This man, dissatisfied with its revenues, was supported by the brigands who lived in Trachonitis. So he gained for himself a larger income, for the people of those places lived in a mad way and pillaged the district of Damascus. While Zenodorus did not restrain them, he did however share in what they robbed. 345Since the neighbouring people suffered greatly from this, they complained to the governor, Varro, imploring him to write to Caesar about the crimes of Zenodorus. When this was laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of brigands and to give the land to Herod, that under his care the neighbourhood might be no longer troubled by these doings of the Trachonites. 346For it was no easy thing to restrain them, since a life of robbery had been their usual practice and they had no other way to earn their living, as they owned neither city or lands, but only some caves and dens in the earth where they and their livestock lived all together. But they had arranged for some cisterns of water and had corn in granaries and could offer stiff resistance, by suddenly coming out from their hiding places. 347The entrances of their caves were narrow, and only one at a time could enter. The spaces inside were incredibly large and very wide though the ground over their dwellings was not very high, and rather flat. But the rocky entrances are very difficult to find, unless one gets there by the guidance of another, for the roads are not straight, but wind many times. 348When these are hindered from wickedly preying on their neighbours, their custom is to prey on each other, so that no sort of wrong is foreign to them. When Herod had received his grant from Caesar and came into this area, he got skilled guides and put a stop to their wickedness and provided peace and calm for the neighbouring people.

[349] δὲ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀχθόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἀφαιρέσει , μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ φθόνῳ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἩρώδουHerod μετειληφότος , ἀνῆλθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome κατηγορήσων αὐτοῦ‎ . κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἄπρακτος ἀναστρέφει . [350] πέμπεται δ᾽ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τῶν πέραν ἸονίουIonian διάδοχος ΚαίσαριCaesar · καὶ τούτῳ περὶ ΜιτυλήνηνMitylene χειμάζοντι συντυχὼν ἩρώδηςHerod , ἦν γὰρ εἰς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος καὶ συνήθης , πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀνέστρεφεν . [351] Γαδαρέων δέ τινες ἐπ᾽ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἦλθον κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ τούτους ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς δοὺς ἀναπέμπει τῷ βασιλεῖ δεσμίους . οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs καὶ πάλαι δυσμενῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod διεκεκίνηντο καὶ στασιάζειν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα τότε καὶ μετ᾽ αἰτίας , ὡς ἐδόκουν , εὐλογωτέρας · [352] γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἔφθη τῆς ἐπαρχίας μέρος τι τὴν‎ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis αὐτοῖς ἀποδόσθαι ταλάντων πεντήκοντα . ταύτης ἐμπεριεχομένης τῇ δωρεᾷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὡς μὴ δικαίως ἀφαιρούμενοι διημφισβήτουν , πολλάκις μὲν ταῖς καταδρομαῖς καὶ τῷ βιάζεσθαι θέλειν , ἄλλοτε δὲ καὶ πρὸς δικαιολογίαν ἰόντες . [353] ἀνέπειθον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ δυσμενεῖς , ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νεωτερισμὸν ἐνδιδόντες , μάλιστα χαίρουσιν οἱ κακῶς πράττοντες τῷ βίῳ . ταῦτα δὲ ἐκ μακροῦ πραττόμενα γινώσκων ἩρώδηςHerod ὅμως οὐκ εἰς τὸ δυσμενές , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιλογισμοῦ παρηγόρει ταῖς ταραχαῖς οὐκ ἀξιῶν ἀφορμὰς ἐνδιδόναι .

349Now Zenodorus was agitated, first, at having the leadership taken from him, and still more by his envy of Herod, who had acquired it. So he went to Rome to accuse him, but returned without success. 350Now Agrippa was sent to succeed Caesar in ruling the countries beyond the Ionian Sea. Herod met him when he was wintering near Mitylene, for he was his particular friend and companion, and then returned to Judea again. 351Then some of the Gadarenes came to Agrippa and accused Herod, but he sent them back in chains to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabs, who of old bore ill-will to Herod's rule, were nettled and attempted to raise a rebellion against him, as they thought, for a more justified cause. 352Zenodorus, who already despaired of succeeding in his own affairs, had sold to those Arabs a part of his area, called Auranitis, for fifty talents, and as this was included in the donation of Caesar, they contested it with Herod, as if he unjustly deprived them of what they had bought. Often they did this by making raids upon him and often by attempting force against him and at other times by going to law with him. 353They persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them and caused him trouble, always hoping for a rebellion. In things like this, the poorest people are always to the fore. Although Herod had long known of these attempts, he did not treat them with severity, but aimed to calm things by reason, unwilling to cause any disturbance.

[354] Ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς βασιλείας ἑπτακαιδεκάτου προελθόντος ἔτους ΚαῖσαρCaesar εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἀφίκετο . Καὶ τότε τῶν ΓάδαραGadara κατοικούντων οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεβόων ἩρώδουHerod βαρὺν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτάγμασιν καὶ τυραννικὸν εἶναι . [355] ταῦτα δὲ ἀπετόλμων μάλιστα μὲν ἐγκειμένου καὶ διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus καὶ παρασχόντος ὅρκους , ὡς οὐκ ἐγκαταλείψει μὴ πάντα τρόπον ἀφελέσθαι μὲν τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας , προσθήσειν δὲ τῇ διοικήσει τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar . [356] τούτοις ἀναπεισθέντες οἱ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara οὐ μικρὰν καταβοὴν ἐποιήσαντο θράσει τοῦ μηδὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ ἈγρίππαAgrippa παραδοθέντας ἐν τιμωρίᾳ γενέσθαι διιέντος ἩρώδουHerod καὶ μηδὲν κακὸν εἰργασμένου · καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐδόκει δυσπαραίτητος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις , μεγαλόψυχος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις ἁμαρτόντας ἀφιέναι . [357] κατηγορούντων οὖν ὕβρεις καὶ ἁρπαγὰς καὶ κατασκαφὰς ἱερῶν μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἀταρακτήσας ἕτοιμος ἦν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν , ἐδεξιοῦτο δὲ ΚαῖσαρCaesar αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς τοῦ πλήθους μεταβαλὼν τῆς εὐνοίας . [358] καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὴν‎ πρώτην ἡμέραν οἱ περὶ τούτων ἐρρέθησαν λόγοι , ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς οὐ προῆλθεν διάγνωσις · οἱ γὰρ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara ὁρῶντες τὴν‎ ῥοπὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τε ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ προσδοκήσαντες ὅπερ ἦν εἰκὸς ἐκδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ , κατὰ φόβον αἰκίας οἱ μὲν ἀπέσφαττον αὑτοὺς ἐν τῇ νυκτί , τινὲς δὲ καθ᾽ ὕψους ἠφίεσαν , ἄλλοι δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτοντες ἑκοντὶ διεφθείροντο . [359] ταῦτα δὲ ἐδόκει κατάγνωσις τῆς προπετείας καὶ ἁμαρτίας , ἔνθεν οὐδὲ μελλήσας ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀπέλυεν τῶν αἰτιῶν ἩρώδηνHerōd . ἐπισυμπίπτει δὲ οὐ μέτριον εὐτύχημα τοῖς ἤδη γεγονόσιν · γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ῥαγέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ σπλάγχνου καὶ πολλοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀσθένειαν ὑποχωροῦντος αἵματος ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐκλείπει τὸν βίον . [360] ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ τούτου μοῖραν οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν ἩρώδῃHerod δίδωσιν , μεταξὺ τοῦ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis ἦν καὶ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee , ΟὐλάθανUlatha καὶ ΠανιάδαPaneas καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ χώραν . ἐγκαταμίγνυσιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐπιτροπεύουσιν τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐντειλάμενος μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης τὰ πάντα ποιεῖν . [361] τό τε σύνολον εἰς τοῦτο προῆλθεν εὐτυχίας , ὥστε δύο τούτων τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin διεπόντων τοσήνδε τὸ μέγεθος οὖσαν , ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈγρίππουAgrippa , κατὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν οὐδένα μετὰ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἩρώδουHerod προετίμησεν , ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ μετὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar πρῶτον ἀπεδίδου φιλίας τόπον ἩρώδῃHerod . [362] τοσαύτης δὲ ἐχόμενος παρρησίας τῷ μὲν ἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ᾐτήσατο τετραρχίαν αὐτὸς ἀπονείμας ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας πρόσοδον ἑκατὸν ταλάντων , ὡς εἰ καί τι πάσχοι , τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ μὴ τοὺς υἱεῖς αὐτῆς κρατεῖν . [363] ΚαίσαραCaesar δ᾽ ἐπὶ θάλατταν προπέμψας ὡς ἐπανῆκεν , ἐν τῇ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus περικαλλέστατον αὐτῷ ναὸν ἐγείρει πέτρας λευκῆς πλησίον τοῦ Πανίου καλουμένου . [364] σπήλαιον ἐν ὄρει περικαλλές ἐστιν , ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ δὲ γῆς ὀλίσθημα καὶ βάθος ἀπερρωγὸς ἄβατον ὕδατος ἀκινήτου πλέον , καθύπερθε δ᾽ ὄρος παμμέγεθες , ὑπὸ δὲ τὸ σπήλαιον ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan ποταμοῦ . τοῦτον ἐπισημότατον ὄντα τὸν τόπον καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσεκόσμησεν , ὃν ἀφιέρου ΚαίσαριCaesar .

354When he had ruled for seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria. By then most of the people of Gadara complained that Herod was a heavy-handed tyrant. 355They dared to make these insults, encouraged by Zenodorus, who swore that he would never stop trying until he got them detached from Herod's kingdom and joined to Caesar's province. 356Persuaded by this, the Gadarenes made a major outcry against him all the more boldly because those whom Agrippa had handed over were not punished by Herod, who let them go unharmed. He had the reputation of being inflexible in punishing crimes within his own family, but very generous in forgiving offences committed elsewhere. 357And while they accused Herod of wrongs and of looting and subverting temples, he stood there calmly and was about to make his defence, but Caesar took his hand and in no way changed his esteem for him on account of the people's agitation. 358These things were said on the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further. For noting the mood of Caesar and of the meeting, the Gadarenes expected, with reason, to be handed over to the king. Some of them, dreading the tortures they might undergo, cut their throats that night and some jumped down from a height and others committed suicide by jumping into the river. 359This seemed to condemn their rashness and crimes, so Caesar did not hesitate to clear Herod from the crimes of which he was accused. Something else happened at this time to Herod's great advantage, for Zenodorus' belly burst and in his sickness lost a large amount of blood and departed this life in Antioch in Syria. 360Caesar then bestowed his country, which was a significant one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachonitis and Galilee and contained Ulatha and Paneas and the country around. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria and ordered that they should do everything with his approval. 361In short, he arrived at such a level of prosperity that though there were just two men ruling the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and then Agrippa, who was his principal favourite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod but Agrippa and Agrippa had no closer friend than Herod but Caesar. 362After gaining this confidence, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, and he himself gave him a revenue of a hundred talents from his own kingdom, so that if he came to any harm himself, his brother would be in safe and his sons would not have power over him. 363When he had conducted Caesar to the sea and returned home, he built for him a most beautiful temple, of white stone, in the land of Zenodorus, near the place called Panium. 364This is a lovely cave in a mountainside, under which is a great cavity and the cave is steep and tremendously deep and full of still water. Above it is a huge mountain, and under the cave are the sources of the river Jordan. This place, which was already remarkable, he adorned still further by building a temple dedicated to Caesar.

[365] Τότε καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ , πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν ἐκ τῆς ἀφορίας , τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀνακτώμενος ἔχοντας δυσμενῶς · κατὰ γὰρ τὴν‎ ἐξεργασίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὡς ἂν λυομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ μεταπιπτόντων τῶν ἐθῶν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον , καὶ λόγοι δὲ πόντων ἐγίνοντο παροξυνομένων ἀεὶ καὶ ταραττομένων . [366] δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον πολλὴν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπῆγεν , ἀφαιρούμενος μὲν τὰς εὐκαιρίας , ἐπιτάττων δ᾽ ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι πρὸς τοῖς πόνοις , ἦν δ᾽ οὔτε σύνοδος ἐφειμένη τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν οὔτε κοινωνία Περιπάτου καὶ διαίτης , ἀλλ᾽ ἐτετήρητο τὰ πάντα . Καὶ χαλεπαὶ τῶν φωραθέντων ἦσαν αἱ κολάσεις , πολλοί τε καὶ φανερῶς καὶ λεληθότως εἰς τὸ φρούριον ἀναγόμενοι τὴν‎ Ὑρκανίαν ἐκεῖ διεφθείροντο , κἀν τῇ πόλει κἀν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ἦσαν οἱ τοὺς συνιόντας εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπισκοποῦντες . [367] ἤδη δέ φασιν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν τοῦ τοιούτου μέρους , ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἰδιώτου σχῆμα λαμβάνοντα καταμίγνυσθαι νύκτωρ εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους , καὶ πεῖραν αὐτῶν , ἣν ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς , λαμβάνειν . [368] τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους , τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν‎ πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν . [369] οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου , τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο . [370] συνέπειθεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Πολλίωνα τὸν ΦαρισαῖονPharisee καὶ Σαμαίαν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συνδιατριβόντων τοὺς πλείστους ὀμνύειν · οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε συνεχώρησαν οὔθ᾽ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀρνησαμένοις ἐκολάσθησαν ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα τυχόντες . [371] ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν Ἐσσαῖοι καλούμενοι · γένος δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ᾽ ἝλλησινGreek ὑπὸ ΠυθαγόρουPythagoras καταδεδειγμένῃ . [372] περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι . τοὺς δὲ Ἐσσηνοὺς ἀφ᾽ οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ θνητὴν φύσιν , εἰπεῖν ἄξιον · οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν .

365Then Herod reduced by a third the taxes of those in his kingdom under the pretext of relieving their poverty, but mainly to regain their goodwill. By now they disliked him because of the changes he had made to their tradition and his neglect of their religion and customs. Everywhere the people spoke against him, outraged and provoked by his behaviour. 366He was on guard against such critics, forestalling any chance of their disturbing him by having them always at work. And he did not allow the citizens to meet in groups, or to walk or eat together, but watched all that they did. When any were caught, they were severely punished. Many were brought to the citadel of Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, to be executed. Spies were everywhere, both in the city and on the roads, to keep an eye on any who assembled. 367It is even reported that he himself did not neglect this task, but often dressed up like a private citizen at night and mixed among the people to sound out their opinion of his rule. 368Any who in no way could be forced to submit to his rule were prosecuted in various ways, and he required the rest of the people to take an oath of loyalty to him and made them swear an oath of their goodwill and to continue under him as their leader. 369In fact most people, whether to please him or for fear of him, submitted to his demands, while in one way or another he did away with those of a more generous temper who objected to the compulsion he used on them. 370He even tried to persuade Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas and most of their scholars to take the oath, but though they would not submit to it they were not punished along with the others, on account of his esteem for Pollio. 371The Essenes too, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this obligation. This group live the same kind of life as those called Pythagoreans among the Greeks, and I shall discuss them more fully elsewhere. 372But I should give here the reasons why he honoured these Essenes so much and esteemed them more highly than other mortals. Such an aside is not unsuited to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion people had of them.

[373] Ἦν τις τῶν ἘσσηνῶνEssenes ΜανάημοςManahem ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων . Οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ἸουδαίωνJews προσηγόρευσεν . [374] δ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν . ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν " ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις , ἔφη , καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις · ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ . Καὶ μέμνησο τῶν ΜαναήμουManahem πληγῶν , ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ τύχην μεταπτώσεων . [375] ἄριστος γὰρ τοιοῦτος λογισμός , εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας · ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος . [376] εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου , λήθην δ᾽ εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου . ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν [377] ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης . τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ἩρώδηςHerod , κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς Μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο . [378] ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν · ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ‎ , μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκενto send forth δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τοὺς Ἐσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει . [379] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι , διότι πολλοὶ [διὰ ] τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται .

373One of these Essenes named Manahem not only led an excellent life, but also it is said that God gave him knowledge of future events. This man once saw Herod as a child going to school, and called him king of the Jews. 374Thinking that either he did not know him, or was joking, the boy reminded him that he was just a commoner, but Manahem smiled quietly and gave him a slap on the behind and said, "But you will be king and the beginning of your reign will be happy, for God has found you worthy. But remember how Manahem has struck you, as a sign that your fortune will change. 375Now here is your best policy: to love justice, piety toward God and mercy to the citizens. But knowing your whole future career, you will not always live up to this. 376Though you will prosper like no one else and win everlasting fame, you will forget piety and righteousness, and at the end of your life your crimes will not be hidden from God, who will recall them and punish you for them." 377At the time Herod paid no attention to him, having no hopes of such promotion, but later, when he had the good fortune to rise to royal dignity and was in the height of his reign, he sent for Manahem and asked him how long he would reign. 378Manahem did not speak at all, so as he was silent he asked him again if he would reign for even ten years. He answered, "Yes, twenty, or even thirty years" but would not say the exact limit set to it. Herod was satisfied with these replies and shook Manahem's hand and dismissed him, and from then on he continued to honour the Essenes. 379We thought it right to tell our readers these facts, however strange, and to state what happened among us, for on account their great virtue many of these Essenes have been gifted with the knowledge of divine things.

Chapter 11
[380-425]
Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple,
and builds the Antonia tower
[380] Τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὀκτωκαιδεκάτου τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας γεγονότος ἐνιαυτοῦ μετὰ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις ἔργον οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἐπεβάλετο , τὸν νεὼν τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατασκευάσασθαι μείζω τε τὸν περίβολον καὶ πρὸς ὕψος ἀξιοπρεπέστερον ἐγείρειν , ἡγούμενος ἁπάντων αὐτῷ τῶν πεπραγμένων περισημότερον , ὥσπερ ἦν , ἐκτελεσθήσεσθαι τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς αἰώνιον μνήμην ἀρκέσειν . [381] οὐχ ἕτοιμον δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιστάμενος οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἠξίου λόγῳ προκαταστησάμενος ἐγχειρῆσαι τῷ παντί , καὶ συγκαλέσας αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τοιάδε · [382] " τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πεπραγμένων , ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοι , περισσὸν ὑπολαμβάνω λέγειν . καίτοι τοῦτον ἐγένετο τὸν τρόπον , ὡς ἐλάττω μὲν ἐμοὶ τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κόσμον , πλείω δὲ ὑμῖν τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν φέρειν . [383] οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς δυσχερεστάτοις ἀμελήσας τῶν εἰς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας διαφερόντων οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κατασκευάσμασιν ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐμαυτῷ μᾶλλον καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν τὸ ἀνεπηρέαστον , οἶμαι σὺν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσει πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὅσον οὐ πρότερον ἀγηοχέναι τὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος . [384] τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσας ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν , περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν . τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως , νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἐπιβάλλομαι , παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ · [385] τὸν γὰρ ναὸν τοῦτον ᾠκοδόμησαν μὲν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ πατέρες ἡμέτεροι μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἐπάνοδον , ἐνδεῖ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος εἰς ὕψος ἑξήκοντα πήχεις · τοσοῦτον γὰρ ὑπερεῖχεν πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος , ὃν Σολομῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν . [386] καὶ μηδεὶς ἀμέλειαν εὐσεβείας τῶν πατέρων καταγνώτω · γέγονεν γὰρ οὐ παρ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐλάττων ναός , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα καὶ ΚῦροςCyrus καὶ ΔαρεῖοςDarius ὙστάσπουHystaspes τὰ μέτρα τῆς δομήσεως ἔδοσαν , οἷς ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις δουλεύσαντες καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ΜακεδόσινMacedonians οὐκ ἔσχον εὐκαιρίαν τὸ πρῶτον τῆς εὐσεβείας ἀρχέτυπον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν μέγεθος . [387] ἐπειδὴ δὲ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄρχω θεοῦ βουλήσει , περίεστιν δὲ καὶ μῆκος εἰρήνης καὶ κτῆσις χρημάτων καὶ μέγεθος προσόδων , τὸ δὲ μέγιστον φίλοι καὶ δι᾽ εὐνοίας οἱ πάντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν κρατοῦντες ῬωμαῖοιRomans , πειράσομαι τὸ παρημελημένον ἀνάγκῃ καὶ δουλείᾳ τοῦ πρότερον χρόνου διορθούμενος τελείαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ τὴν‎ ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἔτυχον τῆσδε τῆς βασιλείας εὐσέβειαν ."

380In the eighteenth year of his reign and after the actions already mentioned, Herod undertook a great work, to build the temple of God, and make it larger in size and raise it to a magnificent height, thinking it the most glorious of all his actions, as indeed it really was, and that to complete it would make him forever remembered. 381Since he knew that the people were not ready or willing to help him in so vast a plan, he sought to prepare them first with words before setting about the work itself. So he called them together and said : 382"I hardly need to tell you, my countrymen, about the other works I have done since I came to power, although I may say they were done more for your security for than my own glory. 383I have not neglected what was for your good in the most difficult times, nor were the building I have not aimed at my own security rather than yours. I dare say that, with God's help, I have brought the Jewish nation to a level of prosperity they never enjoyed before. 384It seems needless to tell you of the buildings in our own country and in the cities we have lately acquired, which we have built up and adorned, thereby adding to the dignity of our nation, as you know them well yourselves. Let me rather speak of the work I now want to undertake, the most pious and excellent we could possibly achieve. 385Our fathers, after their return from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, but its height is sixty feet less than the first temple built by Solomon. 386No one should condemn our fathers for laziness or lack of piety in this, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher, for it was Cyrus and Darius the son of Hystaspes who decided the dimensions for its rebuilding, and since our fathers were subject to them and their descendants and after them to the Macedonians, they lacked the chance to restore this holy building to its original form and size. 387But since by God's will I am now your ruler and we have had a long period of peace with abundant wealth and large revenues, and above all, since the Romans, who, so to speak, are masters of everything, are friendly disposed toward me, I will try to set right what was lacking due to the scarcity and slavery of former times, in thanksgiving to God for giving me this kingdom."

[388] μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν , ἐξέπληξε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς λόγος παρὰ δόξαν ἐμπεσών . Καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἄπιστον οὐκ ἐπήγειρεν αὐτούς , ἠδημόνουν δέ , μὴ φθάσας καταλῦσαι τὸ πᾶν ἔργον οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει πρὸς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν · τε κίνδυνος αὐτοῖς μείζων ἐφαίνετο καὶ δυσεγχείρητον ἐδόκει τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς . [389] οὕτως δ᾽ αὐτῶν διακειμένων παρεθάρρυνεν βασιλεύς , οὐ πρότερον καθαιρήσειν φάμενος τὸν ναὸν μὴ πάντων αὐτῷ τῶν εἰς συντέλειαν παρεσκευασμένων . Καὶ ταῦτα προειπὼν οὐκ ἐψεύσατο · [390] χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας , αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους , ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς , καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους , ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας , ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων .

388Herod said this and what he said astonished the crowd as something unexpected, but as it seemed unrealizable it did not enthuse but rather depressed them. They feared he would pull down the whole structure and then be unable to carry out his rebuilding plans, a danger all the greater since the size of the project made it hard to achieve. 389While they were in this mood the king encouraged them by saying he would not pull down their temple until everything was ready for building it up again. This he promised them in advance, and it was no lie. 390He got ready a thousand wagons to carry the stones and chose ten thousand of the most skilled workmen and bought a thousand vestments for as many priests and had some trained as stone-cutters, others as carpenters; only then did building begin, when he had everything well prepared.

[391] Ἀνελὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀρχαίους θεμελίους καὶ καταβαλόμενος ἑτέρους ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ναὸν ἤγειρεν μήκει μὲν ἑκατὸν ὄντα πηχῶν , τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος εἴκοσι περιττοῖς , οὓς τῷ χρόνῳ συνιζησάντων τῶν θεμελίων ὑπέβη . Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ΝέρωνοςNerō καιροὺς ἐπεγείρειν ἐγνώκειμεν . [392] ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ναὸς ἐκ λίθων λευκῶν τε καὶ κραταιῶν τὸ μέγεθος ἑκάστων περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πήχεις ἐπὶ μῆκος , ὀκτὼ δὲ ὕψος , εὖρος δὲ περὶ δώδεκα . [393] καὶ παντὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καθότι καὶ τῆς βασιλείου στοᾶς τὸ μὲν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν ταπεινότατον , ὑψηλότατον δὲ τὸ μεσαίτατον , ὡς περίοπτον ἐκ πολλῶν σταδίων εἶναι τοῖς τὴν‎ χώραν νεμομένοις , μᾶλλον δ᾽ εἴ τινες κατ᾽ ἐναντίον οἰκοῦντες προσιόντες τύχοιεν . [394] θύρας δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς εἰσόδου σὺν τοῖς ὑπερθυρίοις ἴσον ἐχούσας τῷ ναῷ ποικίλοις ἐμπετάσμασιν κεκόσμητο , τὰ μὲν ἄνθη ἁλουργέσιν , κίονας δὲ ἐνυφασμένους . [395] καθύπερθε δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τριχώμασιν ἄμπελος διετέτατο χρυσῆ τοὺς βότρυας ἀπαιωρουμένους ἔχουσα , θαῦμα καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς τέχνης τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν , οἷον ἐν πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης τὸ κατασκευασθὲν ἦν . [396] περιελάμβανεν δὲ καὶ στοαῖς μεγίσταις τὸν ναὸν ἅπαντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀναλογίαν ἐπιτηδεύων καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τῶν πρὶν ὑπερβαλλόμενος , ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος τις δοκεῖ ἐπικεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναόν . ἄμφω δ᾽ ἦσαν μετὰ τοῦ τείχους , αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ τεῖχος ἔργον μέγιστον ἀνθρώποις ἀκουσθῆναι . [397] λόφος ἦν πετρώδης ἀνάντης ἠρέμα πρὸς τοῖς ἑῴοις μέρεσιν τῆς πόλεως ὑπτιούμενος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κορυφὴν ἄκραν . [398] τοῦτον πρῶτος ἡμῶν βασιλεὺς Σολομῶν κατ᾽ ἐπιφροσύνην μεγάλαις ἐργασίαις ἀπετείχιζεν τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἄκραν ἄνωθεν , ἀπετείχιζεν δὲ κάτωθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ῥίζης ἀρχόμενος , ἣν βαθεῖα περιθεῖ φάραγξ ἠλιβάτοις πέτραις μολίβδῳ δεδεμέναις πρὸς ἀλλήλας , ἀπολαμβάνων αἰεί τι τῆς ἔσω χώρας καὶ προβαίνων εἰς βάθος , [399] ὥστ᾽ ἄπειρον εἶναι τό τε μέγεθος τῆς δομῆς καὶ τὸ ὕψος τετραγώνου γεγενημένης , ὡς τὰ μὲν μεγέθη τῶν λίθων ἀπὸ μετώπου κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν ὁρᾶσθαι , τὰ δ᾽ ἐντὸς σιδήρῳ διησφαλισμένα συνέχειν τὰς ἁρμογὰς ἀκινήτους τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ . [400] τῆς δ᾽ ἐργασίας οὕτω συναπτούσης εἰς ἄκρον τὸν λόφον ἀπεργασάμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ κορυφὴν καὶ τὰ κοῖλα τῶν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐμπλήσας ἰσόπεδον τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν τὴν‎ ἄνω καὶ λεῖον ἐποίησεν . τοῦτ᾽ ἦν τὸ πᾶν περίβολος τεττάρων σταδίων τὸν κύκλον ἔχων , ἑκάστης γωνίας στάδιον μῆκος ἀπολαμβανούσης . [401] ἐνδοτέρωinner δὲ τούτου καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν‎ ἄκραν ἄλλο τεῖχος ἄνω λίθινον περιθεῖ , κατὰ μὲν ἑῴαν ῥάχιν ἰσομήκη τῷ τείχει στοὰν ἔχον διπλῆν , ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ νεὼ τετυχηκότος ἀφορῶσαν εἰς τὰς θύρας αὐτοῦ‎ . [402] ταύτην πολλοὶ βασιλεῖς οἱ πρόσθεν κατεσκεύασαν . τοῦ δ᾽ ἱεροῦ παντὸς ἦν ἐν κύκλῳ πεπηγμένα σκῦλα βαρβαρικά , καὶ ταῦτα πάντα βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀνέθηκαν προσθεὶς ὅσα καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἔλαβεν .

391He removed the old foundations and laid others and on them built the temple, a hundred feet long and twenty additional feet high, which subsided as the foundations settled, and this was the part we resolved to build again in the days of Nero. 392The temple was built of large white stones, each twenty-five feet long and eight feet high and about twelve wide. 393The whole structure, and the royal portico, was much lower on each side and the middle much higher, so that they were visible for many furlongs by those living in the country, but mainly by those living across from them or approaching them. 394The temple had entrance doors topped by lintels as high as the temple itself, adorned with embroidered veils, interwoven with flowers of purple and designs of pillars. 395Under the cornice stretched out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down, whose size and workmanship amazed the viewers by the costly materials of which it was made. 396He surrounded the entire temple with large porticoes, having them in due proportion to it, spending so much more than his predecessors that no one else seemed to have adorned the temple. There was a large wall supporting both porticoes, the most mighty work that people ever heard of. 397The hill was a rocky slope gradually rising toward the eastern parts of the city, until it reached its summit. 398This was the topmost part which, by divine revelation, Solomon first surrounded with a wall of fine workmanship. Below, in the part surrounded by a deep valley, he laid rocks side by side, fastening them together with lead, always enclosing more within it as it grew taller, 399so that the size and height of the square building were immense and the huge stones in front were plainly visible on the outside, while their inner sides were fastened with iron to hold them immovable for all time. 400When this work reached the top of the hill, he joined the whole outer surface into one and filled up the hollow places near the wall and smoothly levelled its upper surface. The perimeter wall of this hill measured four furlongs, each side being a furlong. 401Within this wall at its highest part ran another stone wall, with a double portico on the east side, the full length of the wall, facing the doors of the temple. 402This had been adorned by many former kings, and around the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarians; all of them dedicated by Herod, including those he had taken from the Arabs.

[403] Κατὰ δὲ τὴν‎ βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι . ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ Ἀσαμωναίων γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν , ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν‎ ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν , ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται . [404] ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod βασιλεὺς ἐφύλαξεν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τελευτὴν ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἦν μέχρι τῶν ΤιβερίουTiberius ΚαίσαροςCaesar χρόνων . [405] ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμὼν ἐπιδημήσας τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem , δεξαμένου τοῦ πλήθους αὐτὸν λαμπρότατα πάνυ θέλων αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐποιίας ἀμείψασθαι , ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσαν τὴν‎ ἱερὰν στολὴν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν , ἔγραψεν περὶ τούτων ΤιβερίῳTiberius ΚαίσαριCaesar κἀκεῖνος ἐπέτρεψεν , καὶ παρέμεινεν ἐξουσία τῆς στολῆς τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews μέχρις ἐτελεύτησεν βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa . [406] μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ΚάσσιοςCassius ΛογγῖνοςLonginus τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria τότε διοικῶν καὶ ΚούσπιοςCuspius ΦᾶδοςFadus τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐπίτροπος κελεύουσιν τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia καταθέσθαι τὴν‎ στολήν · ῬωμαίουςRomans γὰρ αὐτῆς εἶναι δεῖν κυρίους , καθὼς καὶ πρότερον ἦσαν . [407] πέμπουσιν οὖν ἸουδαῖοιJews πρέσβεις πρὸς ΚλαύδιονClaudius ΚαίσαραCaesar περὶ τούτων παρακαλέσοντας . ὧν ἀναβάντων νεώτερος βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐν ῬώμῃRome τυγχάνων αἰτησάμενος παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἔλαβεν ἐντειλαμένου Οὐιτελλίῳ τῷ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἀντιστρατήγῳ . [408] πρότερον δ᾽ ἦν ὑπὸ σφραγῖδα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων , καὶ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin φρούραρχον ἀναβαίνοντες οἱ γαζοφύλακες καὶ καταμανθάνοντες τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν σφραγῖδα τὴν‎ στολὴν ἐλάμβανον . εἶτ᾽ αὖθις τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν κομίσαντες τόπον καὶ τῷ φρουράρχῳ δείξαντες σύμφωνον τὴν‎ σφραγῖδα κατετίθεντο . [409] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τῶν ἐπισυμβεβηκότων παρεδηλώθη . τότε δ᾽ οὖν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ ταύτην τὴν‎ βᾶριν ὀχυρωτέραν κατασκευάσας ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ ἱεροῦ , χαριζόμενος ἈντωνίῳAnthony φίλῳ μὲν αὐτοῦ‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δὲ ἄρχοντι προσηγόρευσεν ἈντωνίανAntonia .

403On the north side was built a citadel, with squared and exceptionally solid walls, built by the kings of the Hasmonean family, who were high priests before Herod. They called it the Tower, and in it was deposited the high priestly vestment, which the high priest wore only when he was to offer sacrifice. 404King Herod kept the vestment in that place, and after his death it was under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar. 405In his reign the governor of Syria, Vitellius, on a visit to Jerusalem got a splendid reception from the people and wanted to give them something in return for their goodwill toward him, so they asked to have this holy vestment back in their own power, and he wrote about it to Tiberius Caesar, who allowed it. So the priestly vestment remained in the custody of the Jews until the death of king Agrippa. 406After that the governor of Syria, Cassius Longinus, and Cuspius Fadus, procurator of Judea, ordered the Jews to return the vestment to the Antonia tower, to be under the Romans as before. 407The Jews sent envoys to Claudius Caesar to petition him about it. When they arrived, king Agrippa, junior, who was then in Rome, asked for and obtained from the emperor charge over it, and he ordered Vitellius, then commander in Syria, to give it to them. 408Up to then it was kept under the seal of the high priest and the treasurers, and on the day before a festival, the treasurers went to the Roman officer of the temple guards and checked their own seal and received the vestment. Again, after the festival, they would bring it back to the same place and showing the corresponding seal to the officer of the temple guards, re-deposit it there. 409That this was the state of affairs is shown by the misfortunes that happened to us later. But when Herod was king of the Jews he fortified the tower more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, and to gratify Antony, who was his friend and the leading Roman, he named it the Antonia Tower.

[410] Ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσιν τοῦ περιβόλου πύλαι τέτταρες ἐφέστασαν , μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια τείνουσα τῆς ἐν μέσῳ φάραγγος εἰς δίοδον ἀπειλημμένης , αἱ δύο δὲ εἰς τὸ προάστειον , λοιπὴ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἄλλην πόλιν βαθμίσιν πολλαῖς κάτω τε εἰς τὴν‎ Φάραγγα διειλημμένη καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἄνω πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πρόσβασιν · ἄντικρυς γὰρ πόλις ἔκειτο τοῦ ἱεροῦ θεατροειδὴς οὖσα περιεχομένη βαθείᾳ φάραγγι κατὰ πᾶν τὸ νότιον κλίμα . [411] τὸ δὲ τέταρτον αὐτοῦ‎ μέτωπον τὸ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν εἶχε μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ πύλας κατὰ μέσον , ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ τὴν‎ βασίλειον στοὰν τριπλῆν κατὰ μῆκος διιοῦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας φάραγγος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἑσπέριον · οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἐκτεῖναι προσωτέρω δυνατόν . [412] ἔργον δ᾽ ἦν ἀξιαφηγητότατον τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἡλίῳ · μεγάλου γὰρ ὄντος τοῦ τῆς φάραγγος ἀναλήμματος καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἀνεκτοῦ κατιδεῖν , εἴ τις ἄνωθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν εἰσκύπτοι , παμμέγεθες ὕψος ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ τῆς στοᾶς ἀνέστηκεν , ὡς εἴ τις ἀπ᾽ ἄκρου τοῦ ταύτης τέγους ἄμφω συντιθεὶς τὰ βάθη διοπτεύοι , σκοτοδινιᾶν οὐκ ἐξικνουμένης τῆς ὄψεως εἰς ἀμέτρητον τὸν βυθόν . [413] κίονες δ᾽ ἐφέστασαν κατ᾽ ἀντίστοιχον ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ μῆκος τέτραχα , συνεδέδετο γὰρ τέταρτος στοῖχος λιθοδομήτῳ τείχει , καὶ πάχος ἦν ἑκάστου κίονος εἰς τρεῖς ἐπισυναπτόντων ἀλλήλοις τὰς ὀργυιὰς περιλαβεῖν , μῆκος δὲ ποδῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι διπλῆς σπείρας ὑπειλημένης . [414] πλῆθος δὲ συμπάντων δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν κιονοκράνων αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ΚορίνθιονCorinthian τρόπον ἐπεξειργασμένων γλυφαῖς ἔκπληξιν ἐμποιούσαις διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ παντὸς μεγαλουργίαν . [415] τεττάρων δὲ στίχων ὄντων τρεῖς ἀπολαμβάνουσι τὰς διὰ μέσου χώρας ταῖς στοαῖς . τῶν δὲ αἱ μὲν δύο παράλληλοι τὸν αὐτὸν γεγόνασι τρόπον , εὖρος ἑκατέρας πόδες τριάκοντα , μῆκος δὲ στάδιον , ὕψος δὲ πόδες ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα · τῆς δὲ μέσης εὖρος μὲν ἡμιόλιον , ὕψος δὲ διπλάσιον · ἀνεῖχεν γὰρ πλεῖστον παρὰ τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν . [416] αἱ δ᾽ ὀροφαὶ ξύλοις ἐξήσκηντο γλυφαῖς πολυτρόποις σχημάτων ἰδέαις , καὶ τὸ τῆς μέσης βάθος ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἠγείρετο περιδεδομημένου τοῖς ἐπιστυλίοις προμετωπιδίου τοίχου κίονας ἔχοντος ἐνδεδομημένους καὶ ξεστοῦ παντὸς ὄντος , ὡς ἄπιστα τοῖς οὐκ εἰδόσιν καὶ σὺν ἐκπλήξει θεατὰ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εἶναι . [417] τοιοῦτος μὲν πρῶτος περίβολος ἦν . ἐν μέσῳ δὲ ἀπέχων οὐ πολὺ δεύτερος , προσβατὸς βαθμίσιν ὀλίγαις , ὃν περιεῖχεν ἑρκίον λιθίνου δρυφάκτου γραφῇ κωλῦον εἰσιέναι τὸν ἀλλοεθνῆ θανατικῆς ἀπειλουμένης τῆς ζημίας . [418] εἶχεν δ᾽ μὲν ἐντὸς περίβολος κατὰ μὲν τὸ νότιον καὶ βόρειον κλίμα τριστοίχους πυλῶνας ἀλλήλων διεστῶτας , κατὰ δὲ ἡλίου βολὰς ἕνα τὸν μέγαν , δι᾽ οὗ παρῄειμεν ἁγνοὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν . [419] ἐσωτέρω δὲ κἀκείνου γυναιξὶν ἄβατον ἦν τὸ ἱερόν . ἐκείνου δ᾽ ἐνδοτέρωinner τρίτον , ὅπου τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσελθεῖν ἐξὸν ἦν μόνοις . [ ναὸς ἐν τούτῳ ] καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βωμὸς ἦν , ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς θυσίας ὡλοκαυτοῦμεν τῷ θεῷ . [420] τούτων εἰς οὐδένα τῶν τριῶν βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod παρῆλθεν · ἐκεκώλυτο γὰρ οὐκ ὢν ἱερεύς . ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ἔργοις τὰ περὶ τὰς στοὰς καὶ τοὺς ἔξω περιβόλους ἐπραγματεύετο καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἔτεσιν ὀκτώ .

410In the western side of the temple court there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace via a passage over the intervening valley. Two more led to the suburbs, and the last led to the other side of the city, where the road descended by many steps down into the valley and from there back up again. The city lay opposite the temple as in a theatre and was surrounded with a deep valley along its entire south side. 411The fourth face of the temple, to the south, had gates in the middle, and the triple royal portico, stretching from the east valley to that on the west, the farthest it could possibly reach. 412This structure is more noteworthy than any other under the sun, for the valley was so deep that its bottom was invisible looking down into it from above, and the added elevation of the portico made it higher still. If one looked down from the top of the battlements, with these combined altitudes, he would be light-headed, and his vision could not penetrate such a measureless depth. 413The pillars stood in four parallel rows along the length of the portico, for the fourth row was embedded in the stone wall. Each pillar was so thick that three men with outstretched arms could barely encircle it, and was twenty-seven feet long, with a double spiral at its base. 414There were a hundred and sixty-two pillars in all. Their capitals were carved in the Corinthian style and were remarkable for the grandeur of the whole effect. 415These four rows of pillars incorporated three aisles; two of which were parallel and had the same form; each of them was thirty feet wide, a furlong long and fifty feet high. The middle aisle of the portico was half as wide again as the others and its height was twice that of the side aisles. 416The ceilings were adorned with carvings in wood, representing many sorts of figures, with the middle one being much higher than the others. Its front wall was adorned with beams resting on pillars that were interwoven into it and was all made of polished stone, so that its splendour was incredible to those who had not seen it, and truly amazing to those who had. 417Such was the outer enclosure. Enclosed by it and close by, was the second, reached by a few steps. This was surrounded by a stone wall as a partition, with an inscription, forbidding any foreigner to go in under pain of death. 418On its southern and northern sides this inner enclosure had three gates equidistant from each other, but facing the sunrise there was one large gate, through which the purified could come in, with their wives. 419Farther in than that no women were allowed, and still farther in there was a third temple area, which none but the priests could enter. The actual temple was within this, in front of which stood the altar on which we offer our sacrifices and holocausts to God. 420None of these three spaces was entered by king Herod, for they were forbidden to him, not being a priest. But he was involved in building the porticoes and the outer enclosures and these were built in eight years.

[421] Τοῦ δὲ ναοῦ διὰ τῶν ἱερέων οἰκοδομηθέντος ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ μησὶν πέντε ἅπας λαὸς ἐπληρώθη χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τάχους πρῶτον μὲν τῷ θεῷ τὰς εὐχαριστηρίους ἐποιοῦντο , μετὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς προθυμίας τοῦ βασιλέως ἑορτάζοντες καὶ κατευφημοῦντες τὴν‎ ἀνάκτισιν . [422] δὲ βασιλεὺς τριακοσίους ἔθυσε τῷ θεῷ βοῦς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ κατὰ δύναμιν , ὧν οὐχ οἷόν τε τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰπεῖν · ἐκφεύγει γὰρ τὸ δύνασθαι πρὸς ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν · [423] συνεπεπτώκει γὰρ τῇ προθεσμίᾳ τοῦ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἔργου καὶ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἀρχῆς , ἣν ἐξ ἔθους ἑώρταζον , ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν , καὶ περισημοτάτην ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν γενέσθαι .

421The actual temple was built by the priests in a year and six months; then all the people were filled with joy, and prompt to give thanks, first of all to God, and then for the zeal shown by the king, and they feasted and celebrated this rebuilding. 422The king sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the others, each according to his ability, and its countless sacrifices were offered, more than we can properly estimate. 423Coinciding with this celebration for the temple was the day of the king's inauguration, which by ancient custom he kept as a festival and as it now coincided with the other, it was a very glorious festivity indeed.

[424] κατεσκευάσθη δὲ καὶ κρυπτὴ διώρυξ τῷ βασιλεῖ , φέρουσα μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia μέχρι τοῦ ἔσωθεν ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀνατολικὴν θύραν , ἐφ᾽ ἧς αὐτῷ καὶ πύργον κατεσκεύασεν , ἵν᾽ ἔχῃ διὰ τῶν ὑπογέων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀνιέναι , τὸν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου νεωτερισμὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι φυλαττόμενος . [425] λέγεται δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν οἰκοδομουμένου τοῦ ναοῦ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας οὐχ ὕειν , ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶ γίνεσθαι τοὺς ὄμβρους , ὡς μὴ κωλυσιεργεῖν . Καὶ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῖν παρέδωκαν , οὐδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπιστον , εἰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἀπίδοι τις ἐμφανείας τοῦ θεοῦ . τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐξῳκοδομήθη τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον .

424A secret passage was built for the king, from the Antonia to inside the temple area, at the eastern gate, over which he had built himself a tower, to provide him with a subterranean access to the temple, for security against any revolt the people might make against their kings. 425It is also reported that while the temple was being built in the daytime it never rained, but the showers fell at night so that the work was not held up. This is what our fathers passed this on to us; nor is it incredible, if one pays heed to how God manifests himself. And that is how the temple was rebuilt.