FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 13

From death of Judas Maccabeus to death of Queen Alexandra

Chapter 1 Jonathan and Simon help carry on the war against Bacchides
Chapter 2 Alexander Bala makes Jonathan high priest; the death of Demetrius
Chapter 3 Onias befriends Ptolemy Philometor. New Temple planned for Egypt
Chapter 4 Alexander reigns in Syria and honours Jonathan, as does Demetrius II
Chapter 5 Tryphon wins Syria for Antiochus. The envoys of Jonathan
Chapter 6 After Jonathan, Simon becomes general and high priest. War on Tryphon
Chapter 7 Simon is treacherously murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemy
Chapter 8 High priest Hyrcanus ejects Ptolemy; allies with Antiochus, after a war
Chapter 9 Hyrcanus' expedition against Syria. He makes a pact with the Romans
Chapter 10 Hyrcanus demolishes Samaria; changes from Sadducee to Pharisee
Chapter 11 Aristobulus and his mother and brothers; kills Antigonus; his death
Chapter 12 New king, Alexander, angers Ptolemy by double-dealing with Cleopatra
Chapter 13 Alexander destroys Gaza and kills many Jews in rebellion
Chapter 14 Progress and retreat of Demetrius. How many Jews Alexander killed
Chapter 15 Antiochus and Aretas raid Judea. Alexander’s last advice to Alexandra
Chapter 16 Gaining the Pharisees' goodwill, Alexandra rules Judea for 9 years

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-034]
Jonathan takes over the leadership. Continues war against Bacchides, with Simon’s help

☞

¹ Τίνα μὲν οὖν τρόπον τὸ τῶν ἔθνος καταδουλωσαμένων αὐτὸ τῶν ἀνεκτήσατο τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δι᾽ ὅσων καὶ πηλίκων ἀγώνων ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτῶν ἐλθὼν ἀπέθανεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μαχόμενος, ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βίβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν.

¹ "In the preceding book, we showed in what manner the nation of the Jews, after the Macedonians had enslaved them, recovered their liberty, and through how many and how great struggles their general Judas passed before he died fighting for them.

¹ By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles, and how many great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing book;

¹ In the previous volume we showed how the Jewish nation regained its freedom after being enslaved by the Macedonians, and how their general, Judas, died fighting on their behalf after undergoing many struggles and battles.

² μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν τὴν‎ ἸούδουJudas πᾶν ὅσον ἦν ἔτι τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ παραβεβηκότων τὴν‎ πάτριον πολιτείαν ἐπεφύη τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews καὶ πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς ἀκμάζον ἐκάκου.	² After the death of Judas, all those among the Jews who were impious and had transgressed their ancestral constitution rose up and afflicted the Jews, harrying them from every side.
² but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them, and distressed them on every side.	² After his death, all the wicked who transgressed their ancestral ways sprang up again in Judea and troubled them on every side.

³ συνελάμβανε δὲ τῇ τούτων πονηρίᾳ καὶ λιμὸς τὴν‎ χώραν καταλαβών, ὡς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν‎ σπάνιν τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι τοῖς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπό τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν δεινοῖς ἀντέχειν αὐτομολῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς .

³ Contributing to their wickedness was a famine that gripped the country, so that many, because of the scarcity of necessities and the inability to withstand the double terrors of the famine and their enemies, deserted to the Macedonians.

³ A famine also assisted their wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their want of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and their enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went to the Macedonians.

³ A famine that afflicted the country added to their wickedness, for many who were unable to endure the hardships both of hunger and their opponents, went over to the Macedonians.

⁴ δὲ τῶν τοὺς ἀποστάντας τῆς πατρίου συνηθείας καὶ τὸν κοινὸν βίον προῃρημένους συναθροίσας τούτοις ἐνεχείρισεν τὴν‎ τῆς χώρας ἐπιμέλειαν, οἳ καὶ συλλαμβάνοντες τοὺς φίλους καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντας τῷ παρέδοσαν· ὁ δὲ βασανίζων πρῶτον αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν αἰκιζόμενος οὕτως διέφθειρεν.

⁴ Bacchides, having gathered those Jews who had apostatized from their ancestral customs and chosen the common [Hellenized] way of life, entrusted the care of the country to them. These men seized the friends of Judas and those who held his views and delivered them to Bacchides; he, after first torturing them and tormenting them for his own pleasure, then put them to death.

⁴ And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had apostatized from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbors, and committed the care of the country to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he had, in the first place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure, he, by that means, at length killed them.

⁴ Bacchides gathered the Jews who had apostatized from their old ancestral lifestyle and adopted the new ways, and handed over to them the government of the country. Then these laid hold of the friends of Judas and his partisans and gave them over to Bacchides, and after torturing and tormenting them at his pleasure, he finally put them to death.

⁵ ταύτης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς τηλικαύτης γενομένης, ἡλίκης οὐκ ἦσαν πεπειραμένοι μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ ἐπάνοδον, οἱ περιλειφθέντες τῶν ἑταίρων τῶν βλέποντες ἀπολλύμενον οἰκτρῶς τὸ ἔθνος προσελθόντες αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ ἀδελφῷ μιμεῖσθαι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου περὶ τῶν πρόνοιαν ἠξίουν ἀποθανόντος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίας, καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν ἀπροστάτητον τὸ ἔθνος μηδ᾽ ἐν οἷς φθείρεται.

⁵ While this calamity befell the Jews—the likes of which they had not experienced since the return from Babylon—the remaining companions of Judas, seeing the nation perishing miserably, approached his brother Jonathan. They urged him to imitate his brother and his care for their kinsmen—since he had died for their liberty—and not to overlook the nation while it was without a protector or in a state of ruin.

⁵ And when this calamity of the Jews was become so great, as they had never had experience of the like since their return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be without a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was.

⁵ When this plight of the Jews became worse than anything they had known since the return from Babylon, the remnants of Judas' companions, seeing the nation about to be so miserably destroyed, went to his brother Jonathan and asked him to care for his countrymen just like his brother, who had died for their freedom, and not to leave the nation leaderless, to perish like this.

⁶ ὁ δ᾽ ἸωνάθηςJonathan φήσας ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ νομισθεὶς κατὰ μηδὲν εἶναι χείρων τἀδελφοῦ στρατηγὸς ἀποδείκνυται τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews.	⁶ Jonathan, declaring that he was ready to die for them and being considered in no way inferior to his brother, was appointed general of the Jews."
⁶ And when Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and was indeed esteemed no way inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of the Jewish army.	⁶ When Jonathan declared that he was ready to die for them and was seen as no less than his brother, he was appointed general of the Jews.

The Power Vacuum and the "Apostate" Purge
The death of Judas triggered an immediate counter-revolution. Josephus describes a "triple threat" that nearly ended the Hasmonean line:

1) Political: The Seleucid general Bacchides returned to power.

2) Internal: The Hellenizing Jews (the "impious") were installed as local governors.

3) Biological: A severe famine (λιμὸς) broke the will of the peasantry.

Systematic State Terror
Bacchides did not just occupy Judea; he subcontracted the policing of the country to the "apostates." This was a brilliant, if cruel, strategy: using local collaborators to identify Hasmonean sympathizers. The mention that Bacchides tortured them "for his own pleasure" (πρὸς ἡδονὴν) paints him as a sociopath, a standard trope in Josephus to highlight the moral superiority of the Jewish martyrs.

The Great Famine and Desertion
Josephus notes that the famine forced people to "desert to the Macedonians." This provides a rare glimpse into the economic reality of ancient rebellion. Loyalty to the Law was often balanced against the basic need for bread. By controlling the grain supply, Bacchides was able to peel away the Hasmoneans' popular support base.

Comparison to the Babylonian Exile
Josephus’s claim that this was the worst disaster since the Return from Babylon (c. 538 BCE) is a massive statement. It suggests that the internal civil war and the Seleucid crackdown were viewed as a threat to the very biological and cultural survival of the Jewish people, comparable to the total destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.

Jonathan: The Reluctant Successor
Jonathan is portrayed as being "in no way inferior" to Judas, yet his style of leadership would prove to be very different. While Judas was the "Hammer" (the warrior), Jonathan would become the "Diplomat." He spent years as a fugitive in the desert before using Seleucid internal politics to win back through treaties what had been lost on the battlefield.

The "Protector" (Prostates)
The companions of Judas ask Jonathan not to leave the nation ἀπροστάτητον (without a protector/patron). This reflects the Hellenistic political concept of the Prostates—a leader who stands in front of his people to shield them. For the Maccabean supporters, the "Constitution" was not enough; they needed a living leader from the line of Mattathias to survive the winter of Bacchides’s occupation.

⁷ Ὁ δὲ ΒακχίδηςBacchides ἀκούσας καὶ φοβηθείς, μὴ παράσχῃ πράγματα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς ΜακεδόσινMacedonians ὁ ἸωνάθηςJonathan, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἸούδαςJudas, ἀποκτεῖναι δόλῳ τοῦτον ἐζήτει.	⁷ "But Bacchides, having heard [of Jonathan's appointment] and fearing lest Jonathan cause trouble for the King and the Macedonians—just as Judas had done before—sought to kill him by treachery.
⁷ When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might be very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery.	⁷ Hearing of this Bacchides was afraid that Jonathan might pose a problem for the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had done before him, so he sought a way to kill him by treachery.

⁸ ταύτην δὲ ἔχων τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν οὐκ ἔλαθεν τὸν οὐδὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ , ἀλλὰ γὰρ μαθόντες οὗτοι καὶ παραλαβόντες τοὺς ἑταίρους ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν‎ ἐρημίαν τὴν‎ ἔγγιστα τῆς πόλεως τὸ τάχος ἔφυγον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ καλούμενον λάκκου Ἀσφὰρ αὐτόθι διῆγον.

⁸ However, his intention did not escape Jonathan nor his brother Simon; for having learned of it and taking all their companions, they fled in haste into the wilderness nearest the city, and arriving at the water called the Pool of Asphar, they remained there.

⁸ But this intention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his brother Simon; but when these two were apprised of it, they took all their companions, and presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city; and when they were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there.

⁸ But his intentions were not unknown to Jonathan and his brother Simon, and alerted to it, they quickly took all their companions and fled into the wilderness nearest to the city, and when they had come to the waters called lake Asphar, they stayed there.

⁹ ὁ δὲ ΒακχίδηςBacchides αἰσθόμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπηρκότας καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ τόπῳ τυγχάνοντας ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πέραν τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἀνελάμβανε τὴν‎ δύναμιν.	⁹ When Bacchides perceived that they had departed and were in that place, he set out against them with his entire force; encamping on the other side of the Jordan, he rested his army.
⁹ But when Bacchides was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jordan, he recruited his army.	⁹ Bacchides knew that they had left and were in that place, and hurried to attack them with all his forces and camping beyond the Jordan, he gathered his forces.

¹⁰ δὲ γνοὺς τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα πέμπει τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν καὶ λεγόμενον πρὸς τοὺς , ἵνα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀποθῆται τὴν‎ ἀποσκευὴν ἕως οὗ πολεμήσουσι πρὸς · ἦσαν γὰρ φίλοι.

¹⁰ Jonathan, knowing that Bacchides was coming against him, sent his brother John (also called Gaddis) to the Nabataean Arabs, so that he might deposit their baggage with them while they fought against Bacchides; for they were friends.

¹⁰ But when Jonathan knew that Bacchides Was coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were the Jews' friends.

¹⁰ Knowing that Bacchides was marching on him, Jonathan sent his brother John, also known as Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, to leave his baggage with them until after the battle with Bacchides, for they were his friends.

¹¹ τὸν δὲ ἀπιόντα πρὸς τοὺς ἐνεδρεύσαντες ἐκ πόλεως οἱ παῖδες αὐτόν τε συλλαμβάνουσι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ, καὶ διαρπάσαντες ὅσα ἐπεκομίζετο κτείνουσι τὸν καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτοῦ‎ πάντας. δίκην μέντοι γε τούτων ὑπέσχον τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν, ἣν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν.

¹¹ But the sons of Amaraeus from the city of Medaba, having laid an ambush for John as he was going to the Nabataeans, seized him and those with him; having plundered all that he was carrying, they killed John and all his companions. However, they soon paid the deserved penalty to his brothers for these deeds, as we shall relate shortly."

¹¹ And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, and plundered all that they had with them. They also slew John, and all his companions. However, they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John’s brethren, as we shall relate presently.

¹¹ As John was going to the Nabateans, the sons of Ambri ambushed him from the city of Medaba and looted all that they had with them and killed John and all his companions. But they were well punished by John’s brothers for what they did, as we shall soon relate.

Bacchides’s Preemptive Strike
Bacchides recognizes a pattern: the Hasmonean family is the "engine" of the revolt. His shift from open warfare to δόλῳ (treachery/stealth) suggests he wanted to avoid creating another martyr like Judas. By trying to assassinate Jonathan quietly, he hoped to decapitate the movement before it could regain momentum.

The Geography of Survival: The Pool of Asphar
The brothers fled to the Wilderness of Tekoa. The "Pool of Asphar" (likely Bir-ez-Za'feran) provided a water source in an otherwise arid landscape. This was a classic guerrilla move—withdrawing to "terrain-denial" zones where the heavy Seleucid phalanx would struggle to operate effectively.

The Nabataean Connection
This is a significant early mention of the Nabataeans. The Hasmoneans were not isolated; they had a network of "friendship" (φίλοι) with the rising Arab power to the east. By attempting to send their ἀποσκευήν (baggage/supply train) to the Nabataeans, Jonathan was trying to strip his unit down to a light, mobile fighting force capable of evading Bacchides.

The Death of John Gaddis
John was the eldest of the five brothers. His death at the hands of the sons of Amaraeus (a local clan in Medaba, modern Jordan) highlights the "wild west" nature of the Transjordan at the time. It wasn't just the Greeks the Maccabees had to fear, but local tribes taking advantage of the chaos to plunder "the baggage."

The "Maccabean Vengeance" Motif
Josephus ends the section with a "teaser" regarding the δίκην (penalty/justice) the brothers would later exact. The Hasmonean narrative consistently emphasizes that the family never leaves a blood-debt unpaid. This internal loyalty and the "eye-for-an-eye" ethic were key to maintaining the discipline and morale of their few remaining followers.

The Shift in Stakes
With John’s death, the family is down to three active brothers (Jonathan, Simon, and the younger brothers). The stakes are no longer about "capturing Jerusalem," but about the sheer biological survival of the family line against an empire that wants them dead and neighbors who want their supplies.

¹² Ὁ δὲ ΒακχίδηςBacchides γνοὺς τὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan κατεστρατοπεδευμένον παραφυλάξας τὴν‎ τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἧκεν ὡς οὐ μαχούμενον ἐκείνῃ διὰ τὸν νόμον.	¹² "But Bacchides, knowing that Jonathan was encamped in the marshes of the Jordan, watched for the day of the Sabbath and came upon him, assuming he would not fight on that day because of the Law.
¹² But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp among the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their Sabbath day came, and then assaulted him, (as supposing that he would not fight because of the law for resting on that day):	¹² As Bacchides knew that Jonathan encamped among the lakes of the Jordan, he waited until the sabbath day and then attacked, not expecting him to fight on that day because of the law.

¹³ ὁ δὲ παρορμήσας τοὺς ἑταίρους καὶ περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὸν κίνδυνον εἰπὼν μέσοις ἀπειλημμένοις τοῦ τε ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ὡς φυγὴν οὐκ ἔχουσιν, οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν ἐπῄεσαν ὁ ποταμὸς δ᾽ ἦν κατόπιν αὐτῶν, εὐξάμενος δὲ καὶ τῷ θεῷ νίκην αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν συνάπτει τοῖς πολεμίοις.

¹³ But Jonathan, having incited his companions and told them that the danger was for their very lives—since they were trapped in the middle between the river and the enemy with no way to flee, for the enemy was advancing in front and the river was behind them—prayed to God to grant them victory and engaged the enemy.

¹³ but he exhorted his companions [to fight]; and told them that their lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by the river, and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed upon them before, and the river was behind them. So after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle with the enemy,

¹³ But he urged on his companions, saying that their lives were at stake as they were between the river and by their foes, with no way to escape, with enemies in front of them and the river at their back; and praying to God for victory, he tackled the enemy.

¹⁴ ὧν πολλοὺς καταβαλὼν ἐπεὶ τολμηρῶς εἶδεν ἐπερχόμενον αὐτῷ τὸν , ἐξέτεινε τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ὡς πλήξων αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ προιδομένου καὶ τὴν‎ πληγὴν ἐκκλίναντος ἀποπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν διενήξατο, καὶ τοῦτον διασώζονται τὸν τρόπον εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ , τῶν πολεμίων οὐκέτι τὸν ποταμὸν ἀντιδιαβάντων ὑποστρέψαντος εὐθὺς τοῦ εἰς τὴν‎ ἐν ἄκραν.

¹⁴ Having struck down many of them, when he saw Bacchides boldly advancing toward him, Jonathan stretched out his right hand to strike him. But the other, foreseeing the blow and dodging it, Jonathan leaped away with his companions into the river and swam across. In this manner they were saved to the other side of the Jordan, while the enemy did not cross over after them, Bacchides returning immediately to the Akra in Jerusalem.

¹⁴ of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite him; but the other foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, and by that means escaped beyond Jordan while the enemies did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned presently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army.

¹⁴ Many of them he destroyed, and when he saw Bacchides boldly coming at him, he stretched out his hand to strike him, but the other foresaw and avoided the stroke. Then Jonathan and his companions jumped into the river and swam over it and so escaped beyond the Jordan while the enemies did not cross the river, and Bacchides immediately returned to the citadel in Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army.

¹⁵ δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὡς περὶ δισχιλίους. πολλὰς δὲ τῆς καταλαβόμενος πόλεις ὁ ὠχύρωσεν, καὶ τὴν‎ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ ,

¹⁵He had lost about two thousand of his army. Bacchides then seized and fortified many cities in Judea: Jericho, Emmaus, Beth-Horon, Bethel, Thamnata, Pharatho, Tochoa, and Gazara.

¹⁵ He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus, and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara,

¹⁵ Bacchides took and fortified many cities of Judea, and Jericho and Emmaus and Bethoron and Bethel and Timna and Pharatho and Tochoa and Gazara.

¹⁶ καὶ πύργους ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πόλεων οἰκοδομήσας καὶ τείχη περιβαλὼν αὐταῖς καρτερὰ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει διαφέροντα δύναμιν εἰς αὐτὰς κατέστησεν, ὅπως κακοῦν ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενοι τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔχωσιν.	¹⁶ Having built towers in each of these cities and surrounded them with strong walls of exceptional size, he stationed a force in them so that they might harass the Jews by setting out from there.
¹⁶ and built towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed them with strong walls, that were very large also, and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them, and do mischief to the Jews.	¹⁶ He built towers in each of these cities and surrounded them with strong, high walls, and put garrisons in them, who could sally out and harass the Jews.

¹⁷ μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἄκραν ὠχύρωσεν. λαβὼν δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν πρώτων τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea παῖδας ὁμήρους εἰς τὴν‎ ἄκραν αὐτοὺς ἐνέκλεισεν καὶ τοῦτον ἐφύλαττενto watch, guard τὸν τρόπον.	¹⁷ He especially fortified the Akra in Jerusalem. Taking the sons of the leading men of Judea as hostages, he shut them up in the Akra and guarded them in this manner."
¹⁷ He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.	¹⁷ He fortified especially the citadel in Jerusalem and took the sons of the chiefs of Judea as hostages and shut them in the citadel and secured it in that way.

The Sabbath Trap
Bacchides attempted to exploit the Jewish religious calendar. Early in the revolt (at the start of the Maccabean period), a group of Jews had allowed themselves to be slaughtered rather than fight on the Sabbath. Although Mattathias had decreed that defensive warfare was permitted on the Sabbath, Bacchides clearly hoped Jonathan’s smaller, more pious band would still hesitate. Jonathan’s decision to fight was a matter of pikuach nefesh (saving a life), which overrides almost all other laws.

The Failed Duel
The scene where Jonathan attempts to strike Bacchides personally is highly stylized. In ancient historiography, a "general’s duel" (monomachia) was a way to decide a battle quickly. Jonathan’s "leap" (ἀποπηδήσας) into the river is portrayed not as a retreat of cowardice, but as a daring escape after an attempt at a high-value assassination.

The "Bacchides Line"
This is one of the most important strategic passages in the book. Bacchides realized that chasing guerrillas in the hills was a losing game. Instead, he built a ring of fortresses around the Hasmonean heartland.

1) The Strategy: By fortifying Emmaus, Beth-Horon, and Jericho, he controlled all the major mountain passes leading into Jerusalem.

2) The Purpose: These were "counter-insurgency" bases designed to "harass" (κακοῦν) the local population and prevent the rebels from gathering supplies or recruits.

Hostages and the Akra
The Akra (the citadel in Jerusalem) became the "nerve center" of Seleucid control. By taking the children of the πρώτων (the elite/leading men) as hostages, Bacchides effectively paralyzed the Jewish aristocracy. If the wealthy families of Jerusalem supported the Maccabees, their children would be executed. This was a classic imperial tactic to ensure local "cooperation."

The "Dark Age" of the Rebellion
With 2,000 dead but his fortresses secure, Bacchides appeared to have won. For the next several years, the Hasmoneans were reduced to a "shadow government" operating out of the desert and small villages. This period tested the endurance of the movement; they could no longer win by force of arms alone and would eventually have to turn to the sophisticated diplomacy that characterizes Jonathan’s later career.

The Jordan as a Barrier
The river Jordan served as a psychological and tactical boundary. Bacchides’s refusal to cross (οὐκέτι τὸν ποταμὸν ἀντιδιαβάντων) suggests he considered the Transjordan (the Perea) to be outside his immediate theatre of operations, or perhaps he felt that without the hostages and fortresses on the other side, his supply lines would be too vulnerable.

¹⁸ Ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ καιρὸν παραγενόμενός τις πρὸς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς γάμον ἐπιτελοῦντας καὶ τὴν‎ νύμφην ἄγοντας ἀπὸ πόλεως θυγατέρα τινὸς οὖσαν τῶν παρὰ τοῖς , μέλλειν δὲ γίνεσθαι παραπομπὴν τῆς κόρης λαμπρὰν καὶ πολυτελῆ.

¹⁸ "At about the same time, someone came to Jonathan and his brother Simon and reported to them that the sons of Amaraeus were celebrating a wedding and bringing the bride from the city of Nabatha. She was the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabs, and the procession for the girl was to be magnificent and costly.

¹⁸ About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp, and splendor, and much riches:

¹⁸ About that time someone came to Jonathan and his brother Simon to tell them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage and bringing the bride, the daughter of a famous man among the Arabs, from the city of Gabatha, and that the girl was to be conducted with pomp and great splendour.

¹⁹ οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν καὶ καιρὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον εἰς τὴν‎ ἐκδικίαν τἀδελφοῦ νομίσαντες αὐτοῖς παραφανῆναι, καὶ λήψεσθαι τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πολλῆς ἐξουσίας ὑπολαβόντες ἐξώρμησαν εἰς τὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐν τῷ ὄρει λοχῶντες ἔμενον.

¹⁹ Jonathan and Simon, considering this the most opportune moment to manifest themselves for the avenging of their brother, and believing they would take justice for John from them with great liberty [of action], set out toward Medaba and waited, lying in ambush for the enemy in the mountains.

¹⁹ so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother, and that they had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from them for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and lay in wait among the mountains for the coming of their enemies;

¹⁹ Thinking this a good chance to avenge their brother’s death and that they had enough forces to do it, Jonathan and Simon hurried to Medaba and hid in the mountains until their enemies arrived.

²⁰ ὡς δ᾽ εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἄγοντας τὴν‎ παρθένον καὶ τὸν νυμφίον καὶ φίλων σὺν αὐτοῖς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν γάμοις ὄχλον, ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἀπέκτειναν ἅπαντας καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν‎ ἄλλην ὅση τότε εἵπετο λεία τοῖς ἀνθρώποις λαβόντες ὑπέστρεψαν.

²⁰ When they saw them leading the maiden and the bridegroom, and with them a great crowd of friends, as is natural at weddings, they leaped up from the ambush and killed them all. Having taken the finery and all the other plunder that followed the people at that time, they turned back.

²⁰ and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends with them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush, and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that then followed them, and so returned,

²⁰ When they saw them conducting the virgin and her bridegroom and the usual large company of their friends at such a wedding, they rushed out from ambush and killed them all and took their ornaments and all the goods those people had and so returned.

²¹ καὶ τιμωρίαν μὲν ὑπὲρ ἸωάννουJohn τἀδελφοῦ παρὰ τῶν υἱῶν ἈμαραίουAmbri τοιαύτην ἀπέλαβον· αὐτοί τε γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ συνεπόμενοι τούτοις φίλοι καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν καὶ τέκνα διεφθάρησαν ὄντες τετρακόσιοι.	²¹ Thus they received such a punishment for their brother John from the sons of Amaraeus; for these men themselves, and the friends following them, and their wives and children—being four hundred in total—were destroyed."
²¹ and received this satisfaction for their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and children that followed them, perished, being in number about four hundred.	²¹ This was the punishment they dealt to the sons of Ambri for their brother John, for the sons themselves died along with their friends and wives and children, numbering about four hundred.

The Intelligence Network
Even while living as "outlaws" in the marshes and caves, the Hasmoneans maintained a sophisticated intelligence network. The "someone" (παραγενόμενός τις) who brought the news suggests that local sympathizers or spies were keeping track of the movements of their enemies. Information was the only currency Jonathan had left after the defeat of the main army.

The Logic of "Lex Talionis"
The Greek text emphasizes ἐκδικίαν (vengeance) and δίκην (justice/penalty). In the tribal landscape of the 2nd-century BCE Transjordan, the Hasmoneans could not afford to look weak. If the killing of their eldest brother, John, went unpunished, every local clan would feel emboldened to hunt them for the Seleucid bounty. This massacre was a calculated act of "deterrence through atrocity."

Sacred Joy turned to Bloodshed
Josephus highlights the contrast between the "magnificent and costly" (λαμπρὰν καὶ πολυτελῆ) wedding procession and the sudden violence. By attacking a wedding, the brothers struck when the enemy was most vulnerable—distracted by celebration and burdened with non-combatants and "plunder" (λεία). This is a stark departure from the "chivalrous" open battles of Judas; Jonathan’s era is defined by the grim reality of partisan warfare.

The "Four Hundred"
The casualty count—400 people—includes women and children. Josephus does not shy away from the brutality. In the ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern context, a "blood feud" often required the total erasure of the offending lineage to prevent future cycles of revenge. By destroying the "sons of Amaraeus" and their families, Jonathan ensured that this specific threat was permanently neutralized.

Geopolitics of the Marriage
The bride was from Nabatha (likely a Nabataean stronghold). This wedding was likely a political alliance between two powerful Transjordanian families. By disrupting it, the Hasmoneans weren't just killing enemies; they were fracturing a local power structure that might have collaborated with the Seleucids against them.

Survival through Plunder
The mention of taking the "finery" and "other plunder" is not incidental. As fugitives, Jonathan and Simon had no treasury and no tax base. Such raids were essential for the economic survival of their band of 800-1000 loyalists. The "costly" wedding provided the "startup capital" for the next phase of their resistance.

²² μὲν οὖν καὶ εἰς τὰ ἕλη τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὑποστρέψαντες αὐτόθι κατέμενον. δὲ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν φρουραῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος ὑπέστρεψεν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δύο τὰ τῶν ἠρέμησεν πράγματα.

²² "Now Simon and Jonathan, having returned to the marshes of the river, remained there. Bacchides, having secured all of Judea with garrisons, returned to the King. And then, for two years, the affairs of the Jews were at peace.

²² However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons, returned to the king; and then it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years.

²² Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river and stayed there; but Bacchides had secured all Judea with his garrisons, and returned to the king, and then the affairs of the Jews were at peace for two years.

²³ οἱ δὲ φυγάδες καὶ οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ὁρῶντες τὸν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀδείας ἐνδιατρίβοντας τῇ χώρᾳ διὰ τὴν‎ εἰρήνην πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποστεῖλαι ἐπὶ τὴν‎ σύλληψιν· ἐδήλουν γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀπόνως ἐσομένην, καὶ νυκτὶ μιᾷ μὴ προσδοκῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσόντες ἀποκτενεῖν ἅπαντας.

²³ But the fugitives and the impious, seeing Jonathan and those with him living in the country with great lack of fear because of the peace, sent to King Demetrius, urging him to send Bacchides to capture Jonathan; for they declared it could be done without effort, and that by falling upon them in a single night when they were not expecting it, they could kill them all.

²³ But when the deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were with him lived in the country very quietly, by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send Bacchides to seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done without any trouble, and in one night’s time; and that if they fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all.

²³ When the deserters and the wicked saw Jonathan and his companions living calmly in the country because of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius and roused him to send Bacchides to seize Jonathan, which they said could be done easily in a single night, for if they attacked them unawares, they could kill them all.

²⁴ τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐκπέμψαντος τὸν ΒακχίδηνBacchides, γενόμενος οὗτος ἐν τῇ ἸουδαίᾳJudea πᾶσιν ἔγραψεν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ ἸουδαίοιςJews καὶ συμμάχοις συλλαβεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan.	²⁴ When the King sent out Bacchides, and he arrived in Judea, he wrote to all his friends, Jews, and allies to help him seize Jonathan.
²⁴ So the king sent Bacchides, who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him;	²⁴ So the king sent Bacchides and arriving in Judea he wrote to all his friends, both Jews and allies to bring Jonathan to him.

²⁵ σπουδαζόντων δὲ πάντων καὶ μὴ δυναμένων κρατῆσαι τοῦ , ἐφυλάσσετο γὰρ σφόδρα τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ᾐσθημένος, ὁ ὀργισθεὶς τοῖς φυγάσιν ὡς ψευσαμένοις αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα πεντήκοντα αὐτῶν τοὺς ἡγουμένους συλλαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν.

²⁵ But though they were all eager, they were unable to overpower Jonathan, for he was strictly on his guard, having perceived the plot. Bacchides, enraged at the fugitives for having deceived both him and the King, seized fifty of their leaders and put them to death.

²⁵ and when, upon all their endeavors, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as having imposed upon him, and upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders:

²⁵ Despite all their efforts they were unable to capture Jonathan, for he knew of their traps and carefully guarded against them, and Bacchides was angry with the renegades for having misled him and the king, so he took and killed fifty of their ring officers.

²⁶ ὁ δὲ σὺν τἀδελφῷ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις εἰς ἀναχωρεῖ κώμην οὖσαν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ φοβηθεὶς τὸν , καὶ οἰκοδομήσας πύργους καὶ τείχη περιβαλόμενος αὑτὸν ἔσχεν ἀσφαλῶς πεφρουρημένον.

²⁶ Jonathan, along with his brother and his companions, retreated to a village called Bethalagane situated in the wilderness, fearing Bacchides; and having built towers and surrounded himself with walls, he kept himself safely guarded.

²⁶ whereupon Jonathan, with his brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that it should be safely guarded.

²⁶ Then for fear of Bacchides, Jonathan with his brother and his companions retreated to Bethalaga, a village in the wilderness, and built towers in it and surrounded it with walls so it was safely guarded.

²⁷ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας τήν τε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ στρατιὰν ἄγων καὶ τῶν τοὺς συμμάχους παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὸν ἧκεν, καὶ προσβαλὼν αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν ἐπὶ πολλὰς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας ἐπολιόρκει.

²⁷ When Bacchides heard this, leading his own army and taking the Jewish allies with him, he came against Jonathan, and attacking his fortifications, he besieged him for many days.

²⁷ Upon the hearing of which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days;

²⁷ Hearing of this, Bacchides led his own army and some Jewish allies against Jonathan and attacked his fortifications and besieged him for many days.

²⁸ ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὴν‎ σπουδὴν τῆς πολιορκίας οὐκ ἐνδίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ καρτερῶς ἀντιστὰς μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλείπει τῷ πολεμήσοντα, λάθρα δ᾽ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἐξελθὼν καὶ συναγαγὼν χεῖρα πολλὴν παρὰ τῶν τὰ αὐτοῦ‎ φρονούντων νυκτὸς ἐπιπίπτει τῷ τοῦ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ συχνοὺς αὐτῶν διαφθείρας φανερὸς καὶ τἀδελφῷ γίνεται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπιπεσών.

²⁸ But Jonathan did not give in to the intensity of the siege; resisting stoutly, he left his brother Simon in the town to fight Bacchides, while he himself went out secretly into the country. Gathering a large force from those who held his views, he fell upon Bacchides' camp by night; having destroyed many of them, he also made himself visible to his brother Simon by falling upon the enemy.

²⁸ but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went privately out himself into the country, and got a great body of men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides’s camp in the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother Simon knew also of this his falling upon them, because he perceived that the enemies were slain by him;

²⁸ And still, despite the zeal of the besiegers, he did not give in but fought back bravely. Then leaving his brother Simon in the city to fight Bacchides, he himself went out secretly into the country and gathered a large group of men of his own party and attacked Bacchides' camp at night and killed many of them; and his brother Simon knew of this attack, for he saw the enemies being killed.

²⁹ καὶ γὰρ οὗτος αἰσθόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κτεινομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέξεισιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τά τε μηχανήματα τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἐνέπρησε τῶν ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians καὶ φόνον αὐτῶν ἱκανὸν εἰργάσατο.	²⁹ For Simon, perceiving that the enemy was being slain by him, made a sally against them, set fire to the siege engines of the Macedonians, and wrought significant slaughter among them.
²⁹ so he sallied out upon them, and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and made a great slaughter of them.	²⁹ So he too made sorties out at the enemy and burned the machines the Macedonians used for the siege and caused great slaughter among them.

³⁰ θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὑτὸν ὁ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπειλημμένον καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν τοὺς δ᾽ ὄπισθεν προσκειμένους, εἰς ἀθυμίαν ἅμα καὶ ταραχὴν τῆς διανοίας ἐνέπεσεν τῷ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀποβάντι τῆς πολιορκίας συγχυθείς.

³⁰ Bacchides, seeing himself trapped by the enemy—with some attacking from the front and others from behind—fell into dejection and a confusion of mind, confounded by the unexpected outcome of the siege.

³⁰ And when Bacchides saw himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them before and some behind him, he fell into despair and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill success of this siege.

³⁰ When Bacchides saw himself surrounded by his enemies with some of them in front of him and some behind, he fell into despair and dejection of mind, shaken by the unexpected failure of this siege.

³¹ τὸν μέντοι γε ὑπὲρ τούτων θυμὸν εἰς τοὺς φυγάδας, οἳ μετεπέμψαντο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτόν, ἀπέσκηψεν ὡς ἐξηπατηκότας, ἐβούλετο δὲ τελευτήσας τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, εἰ δυνατόν, εὐπρεπῶς εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ὑποστρέψαι.

³¹ He vented his rage for these things upon the fugitives who had summoned him from the King, as men who had deceived him; he wished, having ended the siege, to return home as creditably as possible, if it were feasible."

³¹ However, he vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he had a mind to finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible for him so to do, and then to return home.

³¹ He vented his anger at this on those deserters who sent to the king for him, for having misled him, and wanted to finish this siege properly if he could and then to return home.

The Strategy of "Bethalagane"
Jonathan’s choice of Bethalagane (likely Beth-Hogla) was a tactical masterstroke. By moving to a site that was both in the wilderness (ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ) but also capable of being fortified, he forced Bacchides into a static siege. This neutralized the Seleucid advantage of a large, mobile field army and forced them to fight in difficult terrain where their supply lines were vulnerable.

The Internal Purge
One of the most striking details is Bacchides executing his own Jewish allies (πεντήκοντα αὐτῶν τοὺς ἡγουμένους). This illustrates the extreme frustration of the Seleucid high command. The "Hellenizers" had promised an "effortless" (ἀπόνως) capture. By failing to deliver, they became the scapegoats for Bacchides' professional embarrassment. This effectively broke the alliance between the Seleucid military and the local pro-Greek Jewish faction.

Coordinate Operations: The Hammer and Anvil
Jonathan and Simon demonstrated a high level of military coordination.

1) Simon played the "Anvil," holding the fortification and protecting the core of their force.

2) Jonathan played the "Hammer," operating as a mobile force in the countryside to strike the besiegers' rear.

The burning of the μηχανήματα (siege engines) was the decisive blow. These engines were expensive, difficult to transport, and represented the pinnacle of Macedonian military technology. Their destruction meant the siege was over.

Dejection and "Confusion of Mind"
Josephus uses the term ἀθυμίαν (dejection/despair) to describe Bacchides. This is the same term used for Antiochus IV’s fatal dejection. In ancient historiography, when a great general loses his "spirit," it signifies that his cause is lost. Bacchides realizes that even with the King's full support, he cannot "solve" the problem of the Hasmoneans through force.

Seeking an "Honorable" Exit
The phrase εὐπρεπῶς... ὑποστρέψαι (to return creditably/becomingly) is the key to the next chapter. Bacchides is looking for a "face-saving" way to leave Judea. He is tired of the Judean war, which has become a quagmire. This psychological state sets the stage for the peace treaty that will finally allow Jonathan to return to the heart of Judea, not as a rebel, but as a recognized leader.

³² Μαθὼν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἸωνάθηςJonathan πρεσβεύεται πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, ὅπως ἀποδῶσιν ἀλλήλοις οὓς εἰλήφασιν αἰχμαλώτους ἑκάτεροι.	³² "When Jonathan learned of his [Bacchides'] intention, he sent ambassadors to him concerning friendship and alliance, so that they might return to one another the prisoners each had taken.
³² When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they might restore those they had taken captive on both sides.	³² When Jonathan learned of his intentions, he sent envoys to him about friendship and military alliance and a return of prisoners on both sides.

³³ νομίσας δὲ ταύτην εὐπρεπεστάτην ὁ τὴν‎ σπένδεται πρὸς τὸν φιλίαν, καὶ ὤμοσαν μὴ στρατεύσειν ἔτι κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων, καὶ τούς τε αἰχμαλώτους ἀποδοὺς καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους κομισάμενος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν‎ οὐκέτι εἰς τὴν‎ ἐνέβαλεν.

³³ Bacchides, considering this the most honorable way to withdraw, made a treaty of friendship with Jonathan; they swore an oath never to campaign against one another again. After returning the prisoners and receiving his own people, Bacchides returned to Antioch to the King, and after this withdrawal, he never invaded Judea again.

³³ So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more make war one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and after this his departure, he never came into Judea again.

³³ Bacchides thought this a decent way out of the situation and made a pact of friendship with Jonathan, where they swore to make no more war on each other; and returning the prisoners he took his men with him and returned to the king in Antioch, and after his departure, never came into Judea again.

³⁴ ὁ δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀδείας λαβόμενος καὶ ποιούμενος ἐν πόλει τὴν‎ δίαιταν αὐτόθι τοῖς ὄχλοις διεῖπε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοὺς πονηροὺς καὶ ἀσεβεῖς κολάζων ἐκάθηρεν οὕτως ἀπὸ τούτων τὸ ἔθνος.

³⁴ Jonathan, having obtained this security and making his residence in the city of Michmash, governed the affairs of the multitudes there. By punishing the wicked and the impious, he thus purged the nation of them."

³⁴ Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the city Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and punished the wicked and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of them.

³⁴ Jonathan availed of the peace and went to live in the city of Machma, and there ruled the affairs of the people and punished the wicked and ungodly and so purged the nation of them.

The "Face-Saving" Treaty
The Greek text emphasizes that Bacchides viewed this as the εὐπρεπεστάτην (most becoming/honorable) exit. After the disaster at Bethalagane, Bacchides knew he couldn't win, but he couldn't simply run away without looking defeated. The prisoner exchange provided the diplomatic "cover" needed for a superpower to retreat from a small-scale insurgency without admitting total failure.

The Strategic Neutralization of Bacchides
The detail that Bacchides "never invaded Judea again" (οὐκέτι εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν) is a testament to Jonathan's success. He didn't just win a battle; he exhausted the political will of the Seleucid Empire's most capable general. From this point forward, the Seleucids would largely rely on diplomacy and internal Jewish puppets rather than direct military invasion.

The Choice of Michmash
Michmash was a brilliant choice for a temporary "capital."

1) Topography: It is a naturally fortified site with steep ravines, located about 7 miles north of Jerusalem.

2) Biblical Resonance: It was the site of Jonathan son of Saul's famous victory over the Philistines. By settling there, "Jonathan the Hasmonean" was tapping into deep nationalistic and biblical archetypes.

3) Proximity: It was close enough to Jerusalem to exert influence, but outside the immediate range of the Seleucid garrison in the Akra.

Transition to Civil Governance
The word διεῖπε (governed/managed) signifies a shift in Jonathan's role. He was no longer just a strategos (general) but was functioning as a judge. By setting up a rival administration in Michmash, he effectively made the Seleucid-backed officials in Jerusalem irrelevant to the daily lives of the Jewish people in the countryside.

The Internal Purge
Josephus notes that Jonathan began "purging" (ἐκάθηρεν) the nation of the "wicked and impious." This was a systematic removal of the Hellenizing faction. Without the protection of Bacchides’s army, the pro-Greek Jewish aristocrats were left defenseless. Jonathan used the two years of peace to dismantle the opposition's power base entirely.

The "Silent" Independence
Though the Seleucids still technically claimed sovereignty, Judea in this period became a de facto independent state under Jonathan. This period of quiet consolidation prepared the Hasmoneans for the next great explosion of Seleucid civil wars, which Jonathan would exploit to finally gain the High Priesthood.

Chapter 2
[035-061]
Alexander Bala appoints Jonathan high priest,
though Demetrius also tries to have his ally.
Demetrius' death

☜ ☞

³⁵ Ἔτει δ᾽ ἑξηκοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ τὸν τοῦ υἱὸν ἀναβάντα εἰς συνέβη καταλαβέσθαι ἐκ προδοσίας τῶν ἔνδον στρατιωτῶν· ἀπεχθῶς γὰρ εἶχον πρὸς τὸν διὰ τὴν‎ ὑπερηφανίαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸ δυσέντευκτον.

³⁵ "In the one hundred and sixtieth year [of the Seleucid era, c. 152 BCE], it happened that Alexander [Balas], the son of Antiochus Epiphany, went up into Syria and seized Ptolemais through the treachery of the soldiers within; for they were hostile toward Demetrius because of his arrogance and inaccessibility.

³⁵ Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed it to him; for they were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence and difficulty of access;

³⁵ In the hundred and sixtieth year, Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, came up into Syria and took Ptolemais. The soldiers inside betrayed it to him in their disaffection from Demetrius for his contempt and surliness.

³⁶ ἀποκλείσας γὰρ αὑτὸν εἰς τετραπύργιόν τι βασίλειον, ὃ κατεσκεύασεν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς , οὐδένα προσίετο, ἀλλὰ περὶ τὰ πράγματα ῥάθυμος ἦν καὶ ὀλίγωρος, ὅθεν αὐτῷ καὶ μᾶλλον τὸ παρὰ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων μῖσος ἐξήφθη, καθὼς ἤδη καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.

³⁶ For having shut himself up in a certain four-towered palace which he had built not far from Antioch, he admitted no one, but was sluggish and negligent regarding affairs of state; hence, the hatred of his subjects was further kindled against him, as we have already declared elsewhere.

³⁶ for he shut himself up in a palace of his that had four towers which he had built himself, not far from Antioch and admitted nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere already related.

³⁶ He had shut himself up in a palace with four towers which he had built for himself near Antioch, and admitted no one, and was slothful and negligent about the public affairs, all of which brought on him the hatred of his subjects, as we have already reported elsewhere.

³⁷ γενόμενον οὖν ἐν τὸν ἀκούσας ὁ ἦγεν ἅπασαν ἀναλαβὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν‎ δύναμιν. ἔπεμψεν δὲ καὶ πρὸς πρέσβεις περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ εὐνοίας· φθάσαι γὰρ τὸν διέγνω, μὴ προδιαλεχθεὶς ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ σχῇ τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βοήθειαν.

³⁷ When Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he gathered his entire force and led it against him. He also sent ambassadors to Jonathan concerning alliance and goodwill; for he resolved to forestall Alexander, lest the latter should speak to Jonathan first and gain his help.

³⁷ When therefore Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the other should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him;

³⁷ When Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army and led it against him, also sending envoys to Jonathan about a pact of alliance and friendship, for he decided to forestall Alexander in case the other should treat with him first and become his ally.

³⁸ τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐποίει φοβηθείς, μὴ μνησικακήσας ὁ αὐτῷ τῆς ἔχθρας συνεπιθῆται. προσέταξεν οὖν αὐτῷ συναθροίζειν δύναμιν καὶ κατασκευάζειν ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους, οὓς τῶν ἐνέκλεισε ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν , ἀπολαβεῖν.

³⁸ He did this out of fear that Jonathan, remembering the old enmity, might join the attack against him. He therefore commissioned Jonathan to assemble a force and manufacture arms, and ordered that the hostages whom Bacchides had shut up in the Akra (citadel) of Jerusalem should be released to him.

³⁸ and this he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise an army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those hostages of the Jewish nation whom Bacchides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem.

³⁸ This he did for fear that Jonathan might remember how badly he had treated him before, and take sides against him. So he gave orders that Jonathan be allowed to raise an army and have weapons made and receive back the Jewish hostages whom Bacchides had shut up in the citadel in Jerusalem.

³⁹ τοιούτων οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν παρὰ προσπεσόντων ὁ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνω τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκουόντων τοῦ τε λαοῦ καὶ τῶν φρουρούντων τὴν‎ ἀκρόπολιν.

³⁹ When these messages from Demetrius reached him, Jonathan went to Jerusalem and read the King’s letter in the hearing of the people and those guarding the citadel.

³⁹ When this good fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king’s letter in the audience of the people, and of those that kept the citadel.

³⁹ When these concessions offered by Demetrius were told to Jonathan he came to Jerusalem and read the king’s letter in the hearing of the people and of the garrison in the citadel.

⁴⁰ ἀναγνωσθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ φυγάδες οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως λίαν ἔδεισαν ἐπιτετροφότος τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιὰν συλλέγειν καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν. ὁ δὲ τοῖς γονεῦσιν ἑκάστῳ τὸν ἴδιον ἀπέδωκεν.

⁴⁰ After these were read, the impious and the fugitives in the citadel were greatly afraid because the King had authorized Jonathan to collect an army and recover the hostages. Jonathan then restored to each parent their own child.

⁴⁰ When these were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the king’s permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the hostages. So he delivered every one of them to his own parents.

⁴⁰ When it was read, the rogues and fugitives in the citadel were alarmed by the king’s permission to Jonathan to raise an army and to get back the hostages; and he restored all of them to their own parents.

⁴¹ καὶ οὕτως μὲν ἐν τὴν‎ μονὴν ἐποιεῖτο καινίζων τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ βούλησιν κατασκευάζων ἕκαστον. ἐκέλευσε γὰρ οἰκοδομηθῆναι καὶ τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἐκ λίθων τετραγώνων, ὡς ἂν ᾖ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους ἀσφαλέστερα.

⁴¹ And so Jonathan made his residence in Jerusalem, renewing the affairs of the city and arranging everything according to his will. He ordered the walls of the city to be rebuilt with square stones, so that they might be more secure against wars.

⁴¹ And thus did Jonathan make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more secure from their enemies.

⁴¹ In this way Jonathan came to live in Jerusalem, reviving the city and restoring the buildings as he pleased, for he ordered that the walls of the city be rebuilt with square stones, to be more secure from their enemies.

⁴² ταῦτα δ᾽ ὁρῶντες οἱ τῶν φρουρίων τῶν ἐν τῇ φύλακες ἐκλιπόντες αὐτὰ πάντες ἔφυγον εἰς πάρεξ τῶν ἐν πόλει καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν · οὗτοι γὰρ ἡ πλείων μοῖρα τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ πεφευγότων ἦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὰς φρουρὰς οὐκ ἐγκατέλιπον.

⁴² Seeing this, the guards of the various fortresses throughout Judea all abandoned them and fled to Antioch, except for those in the city of Beth-Zur and those in the Akra of Jerusalem; for these were the greater part of the impious and fugitive Jews, and for this reason, they did not desert their posts."

⁴² And when those that kept the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver up their garrisons.

⁴² When those who held the strongholds in Judea saw this, they all left them and fled to Antioch, except those in the city of Bethsura and in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these were rogue Jews and deserters, unwilling to surrender their strongholds.

The "Four-Towered Palace" and the Fall of a King
Josephus provides a vivid psychological portrait of Demetrius I Soter. By building a "four-towered palace" (τετραπύργιόν) and cutting himself off from the public, he committed the ultimate sin of a Hellenistic monarch: dysenteuktos (being difficult to approach). In an empire built on personal patronage and military loyalty, a "sluggish and negligent" king is a doomed king.

Jonathan as the "Kingmaker"
The strategic value of the Jewish forces has shifted completely. Earlier, the Seleucids sought to crush the Hasmoneans; now, rival kings are bidding for them. Demetrius’s sudden turn to "goodwill" (εὐνοίας) is a desperate move to prevent Jonathan from joining the pretender Alexander Balas.

The Collapse of the Hostage System
The release of the hostages was the most significant concession Demetrius could make. By returning the children of the Judean elite, Jonathan instantly gained the absolute loyalty of the "first men" of Jerusalem. This effectively neutralized the power of the Akra as a tool of political coercion.

Square Stones and Sovereignty
Jonathan’s rebuilding of the walls with square stones (λίθων τετραγώνων) is highly symbolic. In the ancient world, high-quality ashlar masonry was a mark of royal power and permanence. This wasn't just a repair; it was an act of "renewing" (καινίζων) the city, signaling that Jerusalem was no longer a conquered town but a sovereign capital once again.

The "Bacchides Line" Crumbles
As soon as the imperial government authorized Jonathan’s leadership, the garrison troops—mostly mercenaries—saw the writing on the wall and fled. The "Bacchides Line" of fortresses that had caged the rebellion for years dissolved overnight. Only Beth-Zur and the Akra remained as holdouts.

The Desperation of the Hellenizers
The fact that the "impious and fugitive Jews" (ἀσεβεῖς καὶ πεφευγότων) refused to leave their posts shows that they knew their fate. For them, Jonathan's return to Jerusalem was a death sentence. They stayed in the fortresses because they had nowhere else to go—they were now "foreigners" in their own land, protected only by the thinning walls of the Seleucid garrisons.

⁴³ Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ τάς τε ὑποσχέσεις, ἃς ἐποιήσατο πρὸς , καὶ τὴν‎ ἀνδρείαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ διέθηκεν πολεμῶν τοὺς καὶ πάλιν οἷα πεπονθὼς αὐτὸς εἴη ὑπὸ καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, σύμμαχον οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν ἀμείνω πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγεν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὃς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους ἐστὶν ἀνδρεῖος, καὶ μῖσος οἰκεῖον ἔχει πρὸς πολλὰ πεπονθὼς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κακὰ καὶ πεποιηκώς.

⁴³ "When Alexander [Balas] learned of the promises Demetrius had made to Jonathan, and considered his courage, and how much he had accomplished while warring against the Macedonians—and conversely, what things he himself had suffered at the hands of Demetrius and Bacchides, the general of Demetrius—he said to his friends that, at the present time, they could not find a better ally than Jonathan. For he is brave in wars and has a personal hatred toward Demetrius, having both suffered many evils from him and inflicted many upon him.

⁴³ When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the general of Demetrius’s army, he told his friends that he could not at present find any one else that might afford him better assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things against him.

⁴³ When Alexander learned of the promises Demetrius had made to Jonathan and of his courage and all he had done in the war against the Macedonians and the hardships he had endured from Demetrius and his general Bacchides, he told his friends that he could not at present find any braver ally in war than Jonathan, who deeply hated Demetrius for all he had suffered from him and the wrongs done by him.

⁴⁴ εἰ τοιγαροῦν δοκεῖ φίλον ποιεῖσθαι αὐτὸν κατὰ , νῦν ἐστιν οὐκ ἄλλοτε χρησιμώτερον παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν. δόξαν οὖν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν γράφει τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν·

⁴⁴ 'If, therefore, it seems best to make him a friend against Demetrius, there is no more useful time than now to summon him to alliance.' Having resolved, then, along with his friends, to send word to Jonathan, he wrote a letter as follows:

⁴⁴ If therefore they were of opinion that they should make him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for their advantage to invite him to assist them now than at another time. It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle:

⁴⁴ "So if we decide to make him our friend against Demetrius, there is no better time than now to invite him into alliance." When he and his friends decided to send to Jonathan, he wrote him this letter:

⁴⁵ " βασιλεὺς τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. τὴν‎ μὲν ἀνδρείαν σου καὶ πίστιν ἀκηκόαμεν πάλαι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πεπόμφαμεν πρὸς σὲ περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας. χειροτονοῦμεν δέ σε σήμερον ἀρχιερέα τῶν καὶ φίλον ἐμὸν καλεῖσθαι. ἀπέσταλκά σοι καὶ δωρεὰς στολὴν πορφυρᾶν καὶ στέφανον χρύσεον καὶ παρακαλῶ τιμηθέντα ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ὅμοιον γίνεσθαι περὶ ἡμᾶς."

⁴⁵ 'King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greeting. We have long heard of your courage and your faithfulness, and for this reason, we have sent to you concerning friendship and alliance. We appoint you this day to be High Priest of the Jews and to be called "My Friend." I have also sent to you gifts: a purple robe and a golden crown; and I exhort you, having been thus honored by us, to hold the same [mindset] toward us.'"

⁴⁵ "King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou wilt in like manner respect us also."

⁴⁵ "King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greetings. We have already heard of your courage and your fidelity and so we send to you to make a pact of friendship and military alliance with you. We therefore appoint you this day as high priest of the Jews with the right to be called my friend. I have also sent you gifts of a purple robe and a golden crown and hope that as you are honoured by us, you will likewise respect us too."

The Strategy of "The Enemy of My Enemy"
Alexander Balas exhibits sharp political pragmatism. He recognizes that Jonathan isn't just a skilled commander; he is fueled by μῖσος οἰκεῖον (personal hatred). Alexander realizes that while Demetrius is offering concessions out of fear, he can offer Jonathan a partnership based on shared grievances and mutual elevation.

"King Alexander to his Brother Jonathan"
The opening of the letter is a massive diplomatic promotion. By addressing Jonathan as ἀδελφῷ (brother), Alexander is using a technical court title. In the Hellenistic world, the "King's Brother" or "King's Friend" was a high-ranking member of the royal inner circle. This moved Jonathan from a provincial chieftain to a peer of the Seleucid court.

The Appointment to the High Priesthood
This is the most controversial and significant moment in Hasmonean history. The High Priesthood was traditionally hereditary (Zadokite). By accepting the office from a pagan king (χειροτονοῦμεν δέ σε σήμερον), Jonathan effectively bypassed traditional Jewish law in favor of royal decree. While this solidified his power, it also sowed the seeds of future conflict with the Pharisees and Essenes, who questioned the legitimacy of a "priest-king" appointed by a Greek.

The Regalia: Purple and Gold
The gifts of a στολὴν πορφυρᾶν (purple robe) and στέφανον χρύσεον (golden crown) were the standard insignia of a "Friend of the King" (Philos tou Basileos).

1) Purple: The most expensive dye in the ancient world, reserved for royalty and high officials.

2) Gold Crown: A symbol of secular authority.

Wearing these alongside his priestly robes made Jonathan a unique figure: a Jewish High Priest adorned in the fashion of a Greek dynast.

Faithfulness vs. Necessity
Alexander praises Jonathan's πίστιν (faithfulness/reliability). This is ironic, given that the Hasmoneans were masters of shifting allegiances to suit the survival of their nation. However, Alexander's focus on Jonathan's "courage" (ἀνδρείαν) shows that the Seleucids had come to respect the Jewish military machine as the most potent force in the southern Levant.

The "Bidding War" Continues
Jonathan now holds letters from both kings. He eventually chose Alexander Balas, but his choice was calculated based on which king was more likely to respect Judean autonomy. At the upcoming Festival of Tabernacles (Sukkot), Jonathan would put on the High Priest's robes for the first time, marking the definitive beginning of the Hasmonean High Priesthood that would last for over a century.

⁴⁶ Δεξάμενος δὲ ὁ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ἐνδύεται μὲν τὴν‎ ἱερατικὴν στολὴν τῆς Ἐνστάσης μετὰ ἔτη τέσσαρα ἢ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ἀποθανεῖν· καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀρχιερεύς τις ἐγεγόνει· συνάγει δὲ δύναμιν πολλὴν καὶ πλῆθος ὅπλων ἐχάλκευεν.

⁴⁶ "Having received the letter, Jonathan put on the priestly robe at the time of the Festival of Tabernacles, four years after his brother Judas had died; for during that interval, no high priest had been appointed. He also gathered a large force and forged a multitude of weapons.

⁴⁶ When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, four years after the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had been made. So he raised great forces, and had abundance of armor got ready.

⁴⁶ On receipt of this letter, Jonathan donned the priestly robe at the time of the feast of tents, four years after the death of his brother Judas, for since that time no high priest had been appointed, and he raised a large force and had much armour forged.

⁴⁷ δὲ σφόδρα ταῦτ᾽ ἐλύπησεν μαθόντα καὶ τῆς βραδυτῆτος ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν αἰτιᾶσθαι, ὅτι μὴ προλαβὼν αὐτὸς ἐφιλανθρωπεύσατο τὸν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνῳ καταλίποι καιρὸν εἰς τοῦτο. γράφει τοίνυν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιστολὴν τῷ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δηλοῦσαν τάδε·

⁴⁷ Demetrius was greatly distressed upon learning this and blamed himself for his slowness, because he had not forestalled Alexander by showing favor to Jonathan himself, but had left the opportunity to his rival. He therefore wrote a letter to Jonathan and the people, declaring the following:

⁴⁷ This greatly grieved Demetrius when he heard of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However, he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents whereof are these:

⁴⁷ Demetrius was greatly saddened to hear of it and blamed himself for his slowness, for not forestalling Alexander and winning Jonathan’s goodwill, but leaving the other time to do so. But he too wrote a letter to Jonathan and the people, as follows.

⁴⁸ " βασιλεὺς καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν χαίρειν. ἐπειδὴ διετηρήσατε τὴν‎ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ πειράσασιν ὑμᾶς τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς οὐ προσέθεσθε, καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαινῶ τὴν‎ πίστιν καὶ παρακαλῶ δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐμμένειν ἀποληψομένους ἀμοιβὰς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ χάριτας.

⁴⁸ 'King Demetrius to Jonathan and the nation of the Jews, greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship toward us and have not joined our enemies despite their attempts to tempt you, I praise this loyalty of yours and exhort you to persevere in the same, for which you shall receive rewards and favors from us.

⁴⁸ "King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us;

⁴⁸ "King Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jewish nation, greetings. Since you have preserved your friendship with us and did not yield to temptation from our enemies to ally with them, I commend you for your fidelity and urge you to continue in the same spirit, for which you will be repaid and rewarded by us.

⁴⁹ τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ὑμῶν ἀνήσω τῶν φόρων καὶ τῶν συντάξεων, ἃς ἐτελεῖτε τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῦσιν καὶ ἐμοί, νῦν τε ὑμῖν ἀφίημι τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἀεὶ παρέχετε. πρὸς τούτοις καὶ τὴν‎ τιμὴν ὑμῖν χαρίζομαι τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τῶν στεφάνων, οὓς προσεφέρετε ἡμῖν, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν τρίτων τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ τοῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ ξυλίνου καρποῦ τὸ γινόμενον ἐμοὶ μέρος ὑμῖν ἀφίημι ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας.

⁴⁹ I shall release you from most of the taxes and tributes which you paid to the kings before me and to myself; and now I release you from the poll taxes which you always provide. In addition, I grant you the price of the salt and the crown taxes which you used to offer us; and instead of the third of the grain and the half of the fruit from the trees, I release my portion to you from this day forward.

⁴⁹ for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day:

⁴⁹ I will exempt you from most of the tributes and taxes that you formerly paid to my royal predecessors and myself, and I now set you free from the age-old tributes you have paid. Besides, I exempt you the salt tax and the crowns which you used to present to me and from this day on I relinquish my right to a third of your produce and the half of the fruits of your trees.

⁵⁰ καὶ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἑκάστης ὃ ἔδει μοι δίδοσθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ κατοικούντων καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρχιῶν τῶν τῇ προσκειμένων καὶ καὶ , τούτους παραχωρῶ ὑμῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον.

⁵⁰ And concerning the poll tax for every individual residing in Judea and the three districts added to Judea from Samaria, Galilee, and Perea—I cede these to you from now for all time.

⁵⁰ and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Perea, that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come.

⁵⁰ I also relinquish now and for all time to come the poll-tax due to me from the people of Judea and the three regions adjoining Judea, Samaria and Galilee and Perea.

⁵¹ καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι βούλομαι καὶ ἐλευθέραν ἕως τῶν αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης καὶ τῶν τελῶν. τὴν‎ δὲ ἄκραν ἐπιτρέπω τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ὑμῶν , οὓς δ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ πιστοὺς καὶ φίλους τούτους ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς καταστῆσαι, ἵνα φυλάσσωσιν ἡμῖν αὐτήν.

⁵¹ I desire the city of Jerusalem to be holy, inviolable, and free even to its borders from the tithe and taxes. I entrust the Akra to your high priest Jonathan, and let him station within it such guards as he himself judges to be faithful and friends, that they may keep it for us.

⁵¹ I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us.

⁵¹ I also intend to leave the city of Jerusalem out to its furthest boundaries holy and inviolable and free from the tithe and the taxes. I also cede my right to the citadel, and allow your high priest Jonathan to occupy it and place there a garrison that he considers faithful and loyal to himself, and guard it for us.

⁵² καὶ δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας καὶ δουλεύοντας ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἀφίημι ἐλευθέρους. κελεύω δὲ μηδὲ ἀγγαρεύεσθαι τὰ ὑποζύγια· τὰ δὲ σάββατα καὶ ἑορτὴν ἅπασαν καὶ τρεῖς καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρας ἔστωσαν ἀτελεῖς.

⁵² I also set free those Jews who were taken captive and are enslaved in our land. I command that the draft-animals of the Jews shall not be pressed into service (angareia); and the Sabbaths, all festivals, and the three days before and after each festival shall be days of tax exemption.

⁵² I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition.

⁵² I set free all Jews who were prisoners and slaves in our kingdom and I order that the beasts of the Jews may not be commandeered and that their sabbaths and all their festivals and three days before each of them, be undisturbed.

⁵³ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ κατοικοῦντας ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀφίημι, καὶ τοῖς στρατεύεσθαι μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ βουλομένοις ἐπιτρέπω καὶ μέχρις τρισμυρίων ἐξέστω τοῦτο· τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἂν ἀπίωσι, τεύξονται ὧν καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν στράτευμα μεταλαμβάνει. καταστήσω δ᾽ αὐτῶν οὓς μὲν εἰς τὰ φρούρια, τινὰς δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ φυλακὴν τοὐμοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἡγεμόνας δὲ ποιήσω τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ ἐμὴν αὐλήν.

⁵³ In the same way, I set free and unmolested those Jews living in my realm; and to those wishing to serve in my army, I permit this up to thirty thousand men. Wherever they go, they shall receive the same rations as my own army. I shall station some in the fortresses and some as my personal bodyguards, and I shall make them officials in my court.

⁵³ In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in my court.

⁵³ Likewise I set free the Jewish inhabitants of my kingdom and order that no harm be done to them and permit any of them who wish to do so to join my army, up to the number of thirty thousand. Wherever they go, these Jewish soldiers shall have the same pay as my own army and some of them I will place in my garrisons and some in my own bodyguard and as officers in my court.

⁵⁴ ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πατρῴοις χρῆσθαι νόμοις καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν, καὶ τοῖς τρισὶν τοῖς προσκειμένοις τῇ νομοῖς ὑποτάσσεσθαι βούλομαι, καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δὲ ἐπιμελὲς εἶναι, ἵνα μηδὲ εἷς ἄλλο ἔχῃ ἱερὸν προσκυνεῖν ἢ μόνον τὸ ἐν .

⁵⁴ I permit them to live by their ancestral laws and observe them; and I desire the three districts added to Judea to be subject to it, and the high priest shall see to it that no Jew has any other temple to worship at except the one in Jerusalem.

⁵⁴ I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem.

⁵⁴ I also permit them to follow and keep their ancestral laws and I will that they have power over the three areas that are added to Judea, and it shall be in the power of the high priest to see that no Jew shall have any other temple to worship in except that in Jerusalem.

⁵⁵ δίδωμι δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ δαπάνην τῶν θυσιῶν κατ᾽ ἔτος μυριάδας πεντεκαίδεκα, τὰ δὲ περισσεύοντα τῶν χρημάτων ὑμέτερα εἶναι βούλομαι· τὰς δὲ μυρίας δραχμάς, ἃς ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὑμῖν ἀφίημι διὰ τὸ προσήκειν αὐτὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν τοῖς λειτουργοῦσιν τῷ ἱερῷ.

⁵⁵ I grant from my own revenues fifteen thousand [drachmae] annually for the expenses of the sacrifices, and I desire that any surplus funds shall belong to you. And the ten thousand drachmae which the kings used to take from the Temple, I release to you because they belong to the priests who minister in the Temple.

⁵⁵ I bequeath also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in that temple.

⁵⁵ From my own revenues I grant you one hundred and fifty thousand yearly, toward the costs of the sacrifices, and if any of this money is left over shall be yours too. I also exempt you of the ten thousand drachmae which the kings used to receive from the temple, as they belong to the priests ministering in that temple.

⁵⁶ καὶ ὅσοι δ᾽ ἂν φύγωσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν καὶ εἰς τὰ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ χρηματίζοντα ἢ βασιλικὰ ὀφείλοντες χρήματα ἢ δι᾽ ἄλλην αἰτίαν, ἀπολελύσθωσαν οὗτοι καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτοῖς σῶα ἔστω.

⁵⁶ And whoever flees to the Temple in Jerusalem or its precincts, whether owing money to the King or for any other cause, let them be released and their property remain safe.

⁵⁶ And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety.

⁵⁶ Furthermore, whoever takes refuge in the Jerusalem temple, or any place belonging to it, due to money owed to the king, or on any other account, let them be set free and let their goods be secure.

⁵⁷ ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ ἀνακαινίζειν τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ οἰκοδομεῖν τῆς εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνης ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν γινομένης, καὶ τὰ τείχη δὲ συγχωρῶ τὰ τῆς πόλεως οἰκοδομεῖσθαι καὶ πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐγείρειν καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνιστᾶν πάντα. εἰ δέ τι καὶ φρούριόν ἐστιν, ὃ συμφέρει τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ ὀχυρὸν εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν κατασκευασθήτω."

⁵⁷ I also permit the restoration of the Temple and its building at my expense, and I allow the walls of the city and high towers to be built up from my own funds. If there is any fortress in Judea that is advantageous to be made strong, let that also be built from my own resources.'"

⁵⁷ I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses."

⁵⁷ Furthermore, I permit you to repair and rebuild your temple, all of it to be done at my expense, and you may build the walls of your city and raise high towers also at my expense. And if there be any fortress which it would benefit the land of the Jews to have strengthened, let it be done at my expense."

The Hasmonean High Priesthood Begins
Josephus highlights the four-year "interpriesthood" (anarchia) following the death of Alcimus. Jonathan’s investiture during Sukkot (Tabernacles) was highly symbolic. As a festival of national gathering and joy, it provided the perfect stage for the people to see a Hasmonean in the sacred vestments, effectively merging military leadership with sacral authority.

A "Charter of Liberty" born of Desperation
The sheer scope of Demetrius’s offer is staggering. He essentially offers to turn Judea into a tax-exempt, autonomous city-state. He offers to pay for the Jewish army, pay for the Temple sacrifices, and even pay to rebuild the very walls (the "Square Stones") that were meant to keep his own troops out. This illustrates the "Law of Diminishing Sovereignty": the more a King's throne is threatened, the more "liberty" he is willing to sell to buy allies.

The Salt and Crown Taxes

1) Salt Tax: Salt was a royal monopoly. Releasing this tax was a major economic boon for the common people.

2) Crown Tax (Stephanos): Originally a "voluntary" gift of a golden crown to a king, it had become a mandatory and burdensome annual tribute.

Annexation of the Three Districts
Demetrius offers to hand over three districts of Samaria (Aphairema, Lydda, and Ramathaim). This was a dream of the Hasmoneans: to expand the borders of "biblical" Judea. By granting these, Demetrius was effectively dismantling his own provincial administration to please Jonathan.

The Akra: The Ultimate Concession
The Akra was the symbol of Seleucid oppression in Jerusalem. Offering to hand it over to Jonathan's control was the white flag of surrender. It meant the end of the "Greek party" in Jerusalem, as their only protection was being handed over to their greatest enemy.

Why Jonathan Said "No"
Despite this incredible "Great Charter," 1 Maccabees tells us (and Josephus implies later) that the Jews did not believe Demetrius. He had a history of treachery and "arrogance." Jonathan bet on Alexander Balas, believing that a new king with a weaker claim to the throne would be easier to manage than an old king who was only being "kind" because he was losing.

⁵⁸ Ταῦτα μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ χαριζόμενος ἔγραψεν τοῖς . δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δύναμιν μεγάλην συναγαγὼν μισθοφόρων καὶ τῶν προσθεμένων ἐκ τῆς αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν ἐστράτευσεν.

⁵⁸ "These were the promises and favors that Demetrius wrote to the Jews. But King Alexander, having gathered a great force of mercenaries and the soldiers from Syria who had joined him, marched against Demetrius.

⁵⁸ This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against Demetrius.

⁵⁸ These were the promises that Demetrius conceded to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a large army of mercenaries and men who deserted to him from Syria and marched against Demetrius.

⁵⁹ καὶ μάχης γενομένης τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον κέρας τοῦ τρέπεται τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰς φυγὴν καὶ ἐδίωξεν ἄχρι πολλοῦ κτείνει τε συχνοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ διαρπάζει τὸ στρατόπεδον, τὸ δὲ δεξιόν, οὗ συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὸν , ἡττᾶται.

⁵⁹ When the battle took place, the left wing of Demetrius put the opposition to flight and pursued them for a long distance, slaying many of them and plundering their camp; but the right wing, where it happened that Demetrius himself was stationed, was defeated.

⁵⁹ And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was beaten;

⁵⁹ In the battle, the left wing of Demetrius put their opponents to flight and after a long pursuit killed many of them and spoiled their camp, but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was defeated.

⁶⁰ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφυγον, δὲ γενναίως μαχόμενος οὐκ ὀλίγους μὲν ἀναιρεῖ τῶν πολεμίων, διώκων δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐλαύνει τὸν ἵππον εἰς τέλμα βαθὺ καὶ δυσεκπόρευτον, ἔνθα συνέβη πεσόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἵππου μὴ δυνάμενον διαφυγεῖν ἀναιρεθῆναι.

⁶⁰ While all the others fled, Demetrius, fighting nobly, cut down not a few of the enemy. However, while pursuing others, he spurred his horse into a deep marsh from which it was difficult to escape. There, his horse happened to fall, and being unable to flee, he was slain.

⁶⁰ and as for all the rest, they ran away. But Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened, that upon his horse’s falling down, he could not escape being killed;

⁶⁰ All the rest fled but Demetrius fought bravely on and killed many of the enemy, but as he was following the others his horse carried him into a deep, impassable bog, and there, once his horse fell, he could not avoid being killed.

⁶¹ τὸ γὰρ συμβεβηκὸς περὶ αὐτὸν ἰδόντες οἱ πολέμιοι ἀνέστρεψαν καὶ κυκλωσάμενοι τὸν πάντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠκόντιζον. ὁ δὲ πεζὸς ὢν γενναίως ἀπεμάχετο, καὶ τελευταῖον τραύματα λαβὼν πολλὰ καὶ μηκέτ᾽ ἀντέχειν δυνάμενος κατέπεσεν. Καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον τὸν κατέλαβεν ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα ἕνδεκα, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.

⁶¹ For the enemy, seeing what had happened to him, turned back and, encircling Demetrius, all hurled their javelins at him. Though he was on foot, he fought back gallantly; but finally, having received many wounds and being no longer able to hold out, he fell. Such was the end that befell Demetrius, after he had reigned for eleven years, as we have declared elsewhere."

⁶¹ for when his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now on foot, fought bravely. But at length he received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius came to, when he had reigned eleven years, as we have elsewhere related.

⁶¹ For when his enemies saw what had happened to him, they turned and surrounded Demetrius and all cast spears at him. Being now on foot, he fought bravely but finally received so many wounds that he could no longer fight, but fell. This is the end of Demetrius after he had ruled for eleven years, as we have said elsewhere.

The Tactical Irony: The Victorious Wing
In Hellenistic warfare, it was common for one wing to "win" its local engagement and lose sight of the overall battle by pursuing the enemy too far (a mistake Alexander the Great almost never made, but his successors often did). Demetrius's left wing effectively removed itself from the battlefield by plundering the camp, leaving the King's right wing exposed and unsupported.

The King’s "Aristeia" (Heroic Stand)
Despite Josephus’s previous criticisms of Demetrius’s "sluggishness" and "arrogance," he grants the king a "noble" (γενναίως) death. This is a common trope in ancient historiography: a flawed ruler redeems his dignity through a courageous last stand. By fighting on foot (πεζὸς ὢν) against a circle of enemies, Demetrius died a "soldier's death" rather than a "coward's flight."

The Marsh (The Terrain as Fate)
The "deep marsh" (τέλμα βαθὺ) is the decisive factor. In ancient Near Eastern and Mediterranean literature, the horse getting stuck in mud or a pit often signifies divine abandonment or "Fate" intervening to end a dynasty. For the Jews reading this account, it would recall the defeat of Sisera or the Egyptian chariots—nature itself rising up to swallow the persecutor of the Temple.

The End of an Era
Demetrius I Soter was the last truly "strong" Seleucid king who attempted to exert central authority over Judea through sheer military force (via Bacchides and Nicanor). His death ended the primary line of the Seleucids for a time and inaugurated a period of "Pretender Kings" who were far more willing to trade Judean autonomy for political support.

Transition to Alexander Balas
With Demetrius dead, Alexander Balas became the sole master of the empire. For Jonathan, this was a massive win. Alexander was now indebted to Jonathan for his neutrality (or subtle support). This victory effectively ratified Jonathan’s appointment as High Priest; there was no longer a rival king to revoke the title.

The 11-Year Reign
Josephus’s mention of the eleven-year reign (162–150 BCE) provides a chronological anchor. These eleven years saw the transition of the Hasmonean movement from a group of "mountain rebels" under Judas to a "legitimate government" under Jonathan. The death of Demetrius finalized the "Maccabean Miracle"—the survival and elevation of a family that had been marked for total extinction just a decade earlier.

Chapter 3
[062-079]
Onias befriends Ptolemy Philometor.
New Temple planned for Egypt

☜ ☞

⁶² Ὁ δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς δὲ ὢν τῷ πατρί, ὃς ἐν φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν‎ κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν,

⁶² "But the son of Onias the High Priest, bearing the same name as his father—who, as we have said before, had fled to Alexandria and lived with King Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor—seeing Judea afflicted by the Macedonians and their kings, resolved to prepare for himself eternal fame and memory.

⁶² But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings,

⁶² But then the son of Onias the high priest, of the same name as his father, fled to king Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, and now lived in Alexandria, as already said. When he saw how Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings,

⁶³ βουλόμενος αὑτῷ δόξαν καὶ μνήμην αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν αἰτήσασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειεν ναὸν ἐν παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν καὶ καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ.

⁶³ He determined to send word to King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra to ask authority from them to build a temple in Egypt similar to the one in Jerusalem, and to appoint Levites and priests from his own lineage.

⁶³ out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock.

⁶³ wanting to win a name and eternal fame for himself he decided to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, asking their permission to build a temple in Egypt like that in Jerusalem and to appoint Levites and priests from their own race.

⁶⁴ τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ , ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον γεγονὼς προεῖπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς . διὰ ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος γράφει καὶ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν·

⁶⁴ He desired this while placing great confidence in the prophet Isaiah, who more than six hundred years earlier had predicted that a temple must surely be built in Egypt to the Most High God by a Jewish man. Excited by these matters, Onias wrote a letter to Ptolemy and Cleopatra as follows:

⁶⁴ The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra:

⁶⁴ He wanted to do so, especially relying on the prophet Isaias, who had foretold more than six hundred years earlier that by all means there would be a temple built in Egypt to Almighty God by a Jewish man. Buoyed up by this prediction Onias wrote the following letter to Ptolemy and Cleopatra:

⁶⁵ " πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ καὶ , καὶ εἰς δὲ πόλιν τοῦ σὺν τοῖς καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους,

⁶⁵ 'Having performed many and great services for you in the works of war with the help of God, and having served in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and having arrived with the Jews at Leontopolis in the Heliopolite district and other places of the nation,

⁶⁵ "Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation,

⁶⁵ "Having by God’s help done you many great services in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia during the war, I finally came with the Jews to Heliopolis, the city of lions, and to other places of your nation.

⁶⁶ καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν,

⁶⁶ I have found that most people have temples contrary to what is fitting, and for this reason they are ill-disposed toward one another—which also happens to the Egyptians because of the multitude of temples and lack of agreement regarding their religions. Finding a most suitable place in the fortress called that of Wild Bubastis, which is teeming with various materials and full of sacred animals,

⁶⁶ where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals;

⁶⁶ There I found that most of your people have unsuitable sanctuaries and for this reason are hostile to each other, which affects the Egyptians because of the number of their temples and their differing opinions about worship. Now I have found a most suitable place in a stronghold that is named after the district of Bubastis, a place rich in many kinds of materials and abounding in sacred animals.

⁶⁷ δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ᾽ ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν᾽ ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν‎ κατοικοῦντες εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις·

⁶⁷ I beg you to permit me to purify the temple, which is abandoned and fallen down, and to build a temple to the Most High God in the likeness of the one in Jerusalem and with the same dimensions, on behalf of you, your wife, and your children; so that the Jews dwelling in Egypt, gathering there in harmony with one another, may serve your needs.

⁶⁷ I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages;

⁶⁷ I beg you to allow me to purge this holy place, which belongs to no one and is in disrepair, and build there a temple to Almighty God, modelled on the one in Jerusalem and of the same size, for the sake of yourself and your wife and children, that the Jews living in Egypt may have a place to come and meet together in mutual harmony with each other and be at your service.

⁶⁸ καὶ γὰρ ἩσαίαςIsaias ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν· ἔσται‎ θυσιαστήριον ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ· καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον."	⁶⁸ For indeed the prophet Isaiah predicted this: "There shall be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God"; and he prophesied many other such things concerning the place.'"
⁶⁸ for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;'" and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place.	⁶⁸ For the prophet Isaias foretold that there would be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God, and he prophesied many other such things about this place."

The Rival High Priest: Onias IV
Onias IV was the legitimate heir to the Zadokite high priesthood, which had been ousted in Jerusalem first by the Hellenizers (Jason and Menelaus) and then by the Hasmoneans (Jonathan). By building a temple in Egypt, Onias wasn't just finding a place to pray; he was asserting that the true priestly line had moved to Egypt, effectively "excommunicating" the Jerusalem Temple as compromised by Macedonian politics.

The Isaiah Loophole (Isaiah 19:19)
The reference to Isaiah is a brilliant piece of religious legalism. Jewish law strictly forbade offering sacrifices outside of Jerusalem (Deuteronomy 12). To bypass this, Onias cited Isaiah 19:19: "In that day there will be an altar to the Lord in the heart of Egypt." By framing his project as a fulfillment of prophecy, he attempted to make an act of schism look like an act of piety.

Jewish Mercenaries in the Nile Delta
The letter reveals the "services" (χρείας) Onias performed in war. The Jews in Egypt were not just refugees; they were elite military colonists. The Ptolemies granted them land in the Heliopolite district (the "Land of Onias") in exchange for guarding the eastern border of Egypt. The temple served as the religious and social anchor for these Jewish soldiers.

"Wild Bubastis" and Sacred Animals
Onias proposes building over a site dedicated to "Wild Bubastis" (the lioness/cat goddess Bastet). His request to "purify" (ἀνακαθάραντι) a place "full of sacred animals" is a direct swipe at Egyptian polytheism. He argues that a unified Jewish temple will promote "harmony" (ὁμόνοιαν) compared to the chaotic "multitude of temples" of the Egyptians.

Temple as Political Tool
Onias explicitly states that the temple is built for the benefit of the King and Queen (ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς). In the ancient world, a temple was a massive economic and political engine. Onias is promising Ptolemy that by centralizing the Jews in one cultic center, they will be easier to manage and more loyal to the Egyptian crown against the Syrian Seleucids.

"Same Dimensions" (autois metrois)
The claim that the temple would have the "same dimensions" as the one in Jerusalem is physically interesting. Archaeological excavations at Tell el-Yahudiya (the "Mound of the Jews") revealed a temple built on a high platform, designed to look like a fortress. While it mimicked the Jerusalem layout, it was essentially a "military temple," reflecting the double life of its inhabitants as priests and soldiers.

⁶⁹ Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ τῷ βασιλεῖ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ᾽ ἄν τις αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν ἐπιστολῆς· τὴν‎ γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν·

⁶⁹ "Such were the things Onias wrote to King Ptolemy. One may perceive his [the King's] piety and that of Cleopatra, his sister and wife, from the letter they wrote in reply; for they placed the [potential] sin and the transgression of the Law upon the head of Onias.

⁶⁹ And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply:

⁶⁹ This was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. We can see his piety and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by the letter they wrote in reply, for they laid on the head of Onias the blame for the transgression of the law.

⁷⁰ ἀντέγραψαν γὰρ οὕτως· " βασιλεὺς καὶ βασίλισσα χαίρειν. ἀνέγνωμέν σου τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ἀξιοῦντος ἐπιτραπῆναί σοι τὸ ἐν πόλει τοῦ ἱερὸν συμπεπτωκὸς , προσαγορευόμενον δὲ τῆς ἀγρίας . διὸ καὶ θαυμάζομεν, εἰ ἔσται‎ τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον τὸ καθιδρυσόμενον ἱερὸν ἐν ἀσελγεῖ τόπῳ καὶ πλήρει ζῴων ἱερῶν.

⁷⁰ They wrote back as follows: 'King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra to Onias, greeting. We have read your letter requesting that you be permitted to purify the fallen temple in Leontopolis of the Heliopolite district, named after Wild Bubastis. On this account, we wonder whether a temple established in an impure place, and one full of sacred animals, will be pleasing to God.

⁷⁰ "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals.

⁷⁰ This was their reply: "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, greetings. We have read your petition, asking to be granted permission to re-purify the broken-down temple in the City of Lions in Heliopolis, which is named after the district of Bubastis, but we are amazed that it pleases God to have a temple built in a place so unclean and so full of sacred animals.

⁷¹ ἐπεὶ δὲ σὺ φῂς ἩσαίανIsaias τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει τοῦτ᾽ ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον· ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι."	⁷¹ But since you say that the prophet Isaiah predicted this a long time ago, we grant it to you—provided this is to be done according to the Law—so that we may not seem to have committed any sin against God.'
⁷¹ But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein."	⁷¹ But since you say that Isaias the prophet foretold this long ago, we give you leave to do it, if it can be done according to your law, so that we may not seem to offend God in any way in this matter."

⁷² Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον ὁ κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν , μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν· ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν ἀναγέγραπται.

⁷² Having thus obtained the place, Onias constructed a temple and an altar to God similar to the one in Jerusalem, though smaller and poorer. As for its dimensions and its vessels, it did not seem best to me to describe them now; for they have been recorded in my seventh book of the Jewish War.

⁷² So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews.

⁷² So Onias took the place and erected a temple and an altar to God, similar to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think I need here describe its dimensions or its vessels, which are already described in my seventh book of the Judaic Wars.

⁷³ εὗρεν δὲ ὈνίαςOnias καὶ ἸουδαίουςJews τινὰς ὁμοίους αὐτῷ ἱερεῖς καὶ ΛευίταςLevites τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.	⁷³ Onias also found certain Jews like himself, priests and Levites, to perform the religious services there. But concerning this temple, enough has been declared by us."
⁷³ However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.	⁷³ Then Onias found some like-minded Jews and priests and Levites to worship God there. But we have said enough about this temple.

The Ptolemaic "Disclaimer"
The response from Ptolemy VI Philometor and Cleopatra II is a classic piece of ancient "risk management." They are clearly skeptical—not out of Jewish piety, but out of a general fear of offending any deity. By questioning if a temple built in an ἀσελγεῖ τόπῳ (an impure/licentious place) full of Egyptian "sacred animals" could possibly please the God of Israel, they effectively say: "If this goes wrong and God is angry, it's your fault, not ours."

The Legal "Conditionality"
The phrase εἰ μέλλει τοῦτʼ ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον ("if this is to be according to the Law") is the King's escape hatch. Ptolemy is not a scholar of the Torah; he is simply taking Onias at his word regarding the Isaiah prophecy. He grants the permit based on Onias’s professional religious expertise, shifting the theological burden of the schism entirely onto the Jewish priest.

"Smaller and Poorer" (mikroteron de kai penichroteron)
Josephus’s description of the temple as "smaller and poorer" serves two purposes:

1) Historical Accuracy: Archaeological evidence at Tell el-Yahudiya suggests the temple was indeed a modest structure built atop a massive 60-foot artificial mound.

2) Pro-Jerusalem Bias: Josephus, himself a priest of Jerusalem, wants to ensure his readers understand that this Egyptian temple was never a true rival in grandeur or holiness to the original Temple on Mount Moriah.

The Schismatic Priesthood
Onias did not act alone; he found "Jews like himself" (ὁμοίους αὐτῷ). This implies there was a whole class of Zadokite priests and Levites who felt displaced by the Hasmonean takeover in Jerusalem. For them, Leontopolis wasn't just a temple; it was a "government-in-exile" for the traditional priestly aristocracy.

The "Wild Bubastis" Irony
The fact that a Jewish temple was built on a site formerly dedicated to a cat/lioness goddess (τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως) is a powerful symbol of the interpretatio graeca and cultural layering in Egypt. To the Jews, it was "purifying" a pagan site; to the Ptolemies, it was a clever way to repurpose an abandoned, dilapidated sanctuary into a loyal military-religious outpost.

Historical Footnote: The End of the Temple
Though Josephus ends the account here, it is worth noting that the Temple of Onias actually outlived the Second Temple in Jerusalem by a few years. It stood for over 200 years until it was closed by the Emperor Vespasian in 73 CE, following the Great Jewish Revolt, because the Romans feared it would become a new center for Jewish resistance in Egypt.

⁷⁴ Τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν καὶ , οἳ τὸ ἐν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν , τῶν δὲ τὸ ἐν .

⁷⁴ "It happened that the Jews and Samaritans in Alexandria—the latter of whom worshiped at the temple on Mount Gerizim—broke into sedition against one another during the times of Alexander [Balas]. They disputed concerning their temples before Ptolemy himself, the Jews claiming that the temple in Jerusalem had been built according to the laws of Moses, and the Samaritans saying the same of the one on Gerizim.

⁷⁴ Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim.

⁷⁴ The Alexandrian Jews and the Samaritans who worshipped in the temple that was built at Mount Garizim in the days of Alexander, now came into conflict with each other and disputed about their temples in Ptolemy’s presence, the Jews saying that according to the Mosaic Laws, the temple was to be built in Jerusalem, and the Samaritans saying it was to be built at Garizim.

⁷⁵ παρεκάλεσάν τε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν λόγον ἐποιήσατο καὶ , τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν καὶ ὁ .

⁷⁵ They requested that the King, sitting with his friends, hear the arguments regarding these matters and punish the defeated party with death. Now, the argument on behalf of the Samaritans was made by Sabbaeus and Theodosius, while the argument for the people of Jerusalem and the Jews was made by Andronicus, the son of Messalamus.

⁷⁵ They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem;

⁷⁵ They asked the king in session with his friends to hear the debates about these matters and to punish the losers with death. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans and Andronicus, son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem.

⁷⁶ ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν , ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων.

⁷⁶ They swore by God and the King that they would surely make their proofs according to the Law, and they urged Ptolemy to kill anyone he found violating these oaths. The King, taking many of his friends as a council, sat down to hear the speakers.

⁷⁶ and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said.

⁷⁶ They swore on oath before God and the king to offer proofs according to the law, requesting Ptolemy to put to death anyone he found breaking these oaths. The king took many of his friends into the conference and sat to listen to the speakers.

⁷⁷ οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ τυγχάνοντες σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ· χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον, εἰ τοῦτό τινες καταλύσουσιν οὕτως ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον.

⁷⁷ The Jews residing in Alexandria were in great agony over the men whose task it was to contend for the temple in Jerusalem; for they took it hard that anyone should try to abolish a place so ancient and the most famous of all those existing in the inhabited world.

⁷⁷ Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth.

⁷⁷ The Jews in Alexandria were very anxious about the men who would argue in defence of the temple in Jerusalem and would be badly offended if anyone sullied the reputation of so ancient a temple, celebrated all over the world.

⁷⁸ τοῦ δὲ καὶ συγχωρησάντων τῷ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀποδείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ᾽ ἐν ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ᾽ ἐπιστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο.

⁷⁸ When Sabbaeus and Theodosius permitted Andronicus to speak first, he began his proofs from the Law and the successions of the high priests—how each, receiving the honor from his father, had ruled the Temple—and that all the kings of Asia had honored the Temple with votive offerings and most magnificent gifts, while no one had taken any account or notice of the one on Gerizim, as if it did not even exist.

⁷⁸ Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being.

⁷⁸ When Sabbeus and Theodosius allowed Andronicus to speak first, he set out to prove from the law and the successions of the high priests, each of them had received that dignity from his father and governed the temple, and how all the kings of Asia had honoured that temple with the splendid gifts they dedicated to it, while making no mention of the one in Garizim, as if it had never existed.

⁷⁹ ταῦτα λέγων καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν καὶ . Καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν κατὰ τὸν ταῦτα ἦν.

⁷⁹ By saying these things and many others like them, Andronicus persuaded the King to judge that the temple in Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbaeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews in Alexandria under Ptolemy Philometor."

⁷⁹ By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.

⁷⁹ By this speech and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to decide that the temple in Jerusalem was built according to the Mosaic laws, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. These things happened to the Jews in Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.

The "Winner-Takes-All" Stakes
The agreement to punish the losing side with death (θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι) seems extreme to modern readers, but it reflects the intensity of the schism. In the Hellenistic world, these groups were competing for legal status and royal patronage. A "draw" was not an option; one sanctuary had to be declared the legitimate one in the eyes of the imperial government.

Andronicus's Strategy: Precedent and Pedigree
Andronicus does not just argue theology; he argues history and diplomacy.

1) The Law (Nomos): He ties Jerusalem directly to the Mosaic text.

2) Succession (Diadochōn): He highlights the unbroken line of high priests, contrasting Jerusalem's historical continuity with the Samaritans' perceived lack of it.

3) International Recognition: He points out that the "kings of Asia" (the Persians and Seleucids) recognized Jerusalem with gifts. In the Hellenistic mind, the antiquity and fame (διασημότατον) of a site were proof of its divine favor.

The Silence of Mount Gerizim
The most damning part of the argument was that "no one had taken any account" of the Gerizim temple. Andronicus used the Samaritans' relative obscurity against them. To a Greek king like Ptolemy, if a temple didn't have a history of royal correspondence and famous donors, it was effectively "non-existent" (ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος).

The Agony of the Diaspora
Josephus notes the "agony" (ἠγωνίων) of the Alexandrian Jews. This shows that the Diaspora communities felt their identity was tied to the physical Temple in Judea. If the King ruled against Jerusalem, the legal standing of Jews across the entire Ptolemaic Empire would be undermined.

Why the Samaritans Let Andronicus Speak First
In ancient rhetoric, the person who spoke last often had the advantage of rebuttal. Sabbaeus and Theodosius likely allowed Andronicus to go first so they could dismantle his points. However, Andronicus’s performance was so overwhelming that it seems the King reached his decision before they could even effectively counter-argue.

Josephus the Partisan
It’s important to remember that Josephus was a Jerusalem priest. His account of this trial is heavily biased in favor of the Judean side. While the Samaritans certainly had their own "proofs" from their version of the Pentateuch (the Samaritan Pentateuch, which emphasizes Gerizim), Josephus presents their defeat as a total intellectual and legal collapse.

Chapter 4
[080-130]
Alexander reigns in Syria and honours Jonathan.
Honoured too, by Demetrius the younger

☜ ☞

⁸⁰ δ᾽ ἀποθανόντος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, καθὼς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν, τὴν‎ τῆς παραλαβὼν βασιλείαν γράφει τῷ μνηστευόμενος αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς γάμον τὴν‎ θυγατέρα, δίκαιον εἶναι λέγων τῷ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν κομισαμένῳ καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν εἰς αὐτὴν προαχθέντι καὶ κρατήσαντι καὶ μηδὲ τἆλλα ἐσομένῳ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκειότητος ἀναξίῳ συνάψαι συγγένειαν.

⁸⁰ "After Demetrius had died in battle, as we previously declared, Alexander, having taken over the kingdom of Syria, wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, courting his daughter for marriage. He stated that it was only just for one who had recovered his paternal dominion—having been led to it by the providence of God and having conquered Demetrius—and who was in no other way unworthy of kinship with him, to join in a family alliance.

⁸⁰ Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God’s providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him.

⁸⁰ When Demetrius was killed in battle as we have said above, Alexander took over the kingdom of Syria, and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor asking for his daughter in marriage, and saying it was only right for him to be related to one who had now inherited the realm of his ancestors, promoted to it by God’s providence, after defeating Demetrius, and in other respects was not unworthy of being related to him.

⁸¹ δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἡδέως τὴν‎ μνηστείαν ἀντιγράφει χαίρειν τε λέγων ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ πατρῴαν οὖσαν , καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται, ἀπαντᾶν δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ θυγατέρα μέλλοντι ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν· αὐτὸς γὰρ αὐτὴν μέχρι ταύτης παραπέμψειν ἀπ᾽ κἀκεῖ συνοικίσειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ παῖδα.

⁸¹ Ptolemy, having gladly accepted the proposal, wrote back saying he rejoiced that Alexander had recovered his paternal rule, and promised to give his daughter. He commanded Alexander to meet him at Ptolemais [Acre] as he was about to bring his daughter there; for he himself would escort her from Egypt as far as that city and there give the girl to him in marriage.

⁸¹ Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his having received the principality of his forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him.

⁸¹ Ptolemy gladly received this proposal of marriage, and wrote in reply, saluting him for winning the realm of his ancestors, and promising to give him his daughter in marriage, assuring him that he would come to meet him at Ptolemais, where he asked him to meet him, as he would lead her up to there from Egypt, and would hold the girl’s marriage there.

⁸² καὶ μὲν ταῦτα γράψας παραγίνεται μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰς καὶ ἄγων τὴν‎ θυγατέρα. εὑρὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖ τὸν καθὼς ἐπέστειλεν προαπηντηκότα δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ παῖδα καὶ φερνὴν ἄργυρόν τε καὶ χρυσὸν ὅσον εἰκὸς ἦν δοῦναι βασιλέα.

⁸² Ptolemy, having written these things, arrived with haste at Ptolemais, bringing his daughter Cleopatra. Finding Alexander already waiting there as he had instructed, he gave him the girl, along with a dowry of silver and gold such as was fitting for a king to give."

⁸² When Ptolemy had written thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give.

⁸² After writing this, Ptolemy came quickly to Ptolemais bringing with him his daughter Cleopatra and finding Alexander there before him, as he had requested, he gave him the girl in marriage and gave her a dowry of as much silver and gold as was fit for such a king.

The Strategy of Legitimacy
Alexander Balas’s claim to be the son of Antiochus IV Epiphanes was widely doubted in antiquity (many viewed him as a low-born lookalike named Balas). His letter to Ptolemy is a masterpiece of political framing. He credits "the providence of God" (τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν) for his victory, a common Hellenistic trope used to suggest that success on the battlefield is divine proof of a legitimate claim.

The "King of the South" intervenes
Ptolemy VI Philometor’s "glad" acceptance of the marriage was not out of friendship, but cold geopolitics. By marrying his daughter, Cleopatra Thea, to the Seleucid King, Ptolemy effectively turned the Syrian Empire into a satellite state of Egypt. Cleopatra Thea would go on to become one of the most powerful and influential women in Hellenistic history, eventually serving as queen to three different Seleucid kings.

Ptolemais: The Neutral Ground
The choice of Ptolemais (modern-day Akko/Acre) as the wedding site is significant. It sat on the border between the two spheres of influence. It allowed Ptolemy to project power into Syria by bringing his navy and army to the "doorstep" of Alexander’s kingdom while ostensibly just attending a family event.

The Royal Dowry
The mention of the dowry (φερνὴν) in silver and gold highlights the staggering wealth of the Ptolemies compared to the war-torn Seleucids. Ptolemy was effectively "buying" a son-in-law. This wealth was a physical manifestation of the shift in power; the Seleucids, once the dominant force in the East, were now financially and politically dependent on Egypt.

Jonathan’s Role (The Missing Guest)
While not mentioned in these specific lines, 1 Maccabees and Josephus (later in the chapter) note that Jonathan the High Priest was invited to this very wedding. This was Jonathan’s "high society" debut. He appeared before both kings, was clothed in purple, and sat among the "First Friends" of the King. This wedding marked the moment the Hasmonean leadership was officially recognized by the international community as the legitimate government of Judea.

The Calm Before the Storm
This marriage was meant to bring peace to the "divided house" of Alexander the Great's successors. However, it was built on sand. Within a few years, Ptolemy would turn against Alexander, take his daughter back, and give her to the son of the defeated Demetrius—proving that in Hellenistic politics, a marriage certificate was often just a temporary ceasefire.

⁸³ Τῶν δὲ γάμων ἐπιτελουμένων τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ γράψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἥκειν εἰς . παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας καὶ δωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς λαμπρᾶς τῆς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπέλαυσε τιμῆς.

⁸³ "While the wedding [between Alexander Balas and Cleopatra Thea] was being celebrated, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the High Priest, commanding him to come to Ptolemais. Arriving before the two kings and having presented them with gifts, he enjoyed magnificent honor from both of them.

⁸³ When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them both.

⁸³ After the wedding, Alexander wrote to the high priest Jonathan with instructions to come to Ptolemais. When he came to the kings he gave them magnificent gifts and was honoured by them both.

⁸⁴ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασεν καὶ ἀποδυσάμενον τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐσθῆτα λαβεῖν πορφύραν, καὶ συγκαθεσθῆναι ποιήσας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος προσέταξεν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας εἰς μέσην μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προελθόντας τὴν‎ πόλιν κηρῦξαι, μηδενὶ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λέγειν ἐφεῖσθαι μηδὲ παρέχειν αὐτῷ πράγματα.

⁸⁴ Alexander compelled him to take off his own clothing and put on purple; and having made him sit beside him upon the tribunal (bēma), he commanded his officers to go forth with him into the middle of the city and make a proclamation: that no one should be permitted to speak against him nor cause him any trouble.

⁸⁴ Alexander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any disturbance.

⁸⁴ Alexander also made him set aside his own garment and put on a purple garment and made him sit alongside him on the dais, and ordered his officers to go with him into the city centre and proclaim that no one was permitted to speak against him, or disturb him in any way.

⁸⁵ τοῦτο δὲ ποιησάντων τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὁρῶντες τὴν‎ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κεκηρυγμένην τιμὴν οἱ κατηγορεῖν παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες ἀπέδρασαν, μὴ καὶ προσλάβωσίν τι κακὸν δεδιότες. τοσαύτῃ δὲ σπουδῇ περὶ τὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐχρῆτο, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ πρῶτον ἀναγράψαι τῶν φίλων.

⁸⁵ When the officers had done this, those who had prepared to accuse him and who were hostile toward him, seeing the honor proclaimed for Jonathan by the King, fled away, fearing lest they should suffer some harm themselves. Such was the zeal King Alexander showed for Jonathan that he even enrolled him as First among his Friends."

⁸⁵ And when the captains had thus done, those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king’s order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends.

⁸⁵ After the officers had done so, those who were prepared to accuse Jonathan and those who bore him ill-will ran away when they saw the honor that was done to him by the proclamation of the king’s order. They were afraid that some harm might come upon them. And indeed king Alexander showed such favour to Jonathan that he set him up as the first of his friends.

The Death of the "Accuser" Party
Since the days of Antiochus IV, a faction of Hellenized Jews in Jerusalem had consistently used the Seleucid court to undermine the Maccabees, labeling them as "outlaws" or "bandits." By parading Jonathan through Ptolemais with an imperial gag order against his enemies, Alexander Balas effectively ended the legal standing of the Hellenizing party. Their "flight" (ἀπέδρασαν) marks their total collapse as a political force.

The Significance of the Bēma
The bēma was the raised platform or throne-seat from which a king exercised judicial and executive power. By seating Jonathan συγκαθεσθῆναι (to sit together with him), Alexander was signaling to the world that Jonathan was not a subject, but a partner in rule. This was a shocking level of intimacy for a Judean leader, especially in the eyes of the Egyptian King Ptolemy, who was also watching.

Vestiary Politics: From Priest to Prince
Jonathan arrived in his "own clothing" (οἰκείαν ἐσθῆτα), likely his priestly garments or traditional Jewish attire. Alexander "compelled" him to change into purple. In the ancient world, clothing was rank. By wearing the royal purple of the Seleucid court, Jonathan was visually integrated into the Greek administration. He was no longer just the High Priest of a temple; he was a prince of the empire.

"First of the Friends" (Prōton tōn Philōn)
The title "First of the Friends" was the highest honorary rank in the Hellenistic court system. It carried significant legal privileges, including tax exemptions and a seat at the royal council. This appointment transformed the Hasmonean cause from a local religious revolt into an officially sanctioned provincial government.

The Geopolitical Shield
This event happened in Ptolemais, on the border of Egypt and Syria. Alexander’s public defense of Jonathan was a message to both the Egyptian king (Ptolemy) and the local Syrian governors: Jonathan is my man; an attack on him is an attack on the throne. This "shield" allowed Jonathan to return to Judea and finally begin the massive task of consolidating Hasmonean power without fear of a Seleucid military intervention.

The "Accusers'" Fatal Miscalculation
The Jewish accusers had traveled to Ptolemais assuming the old rules applied—that the King would be eager to hear about a "rebellious" Jewish leader. They failed to realize that in a civil war, a king values a loyal general with an army (Jonathan) far more than a group of aristocrats with nothing but complaints.

⁸⁶ Ἔτει δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ ἑξηκοστῷ πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν ΔημήτριοςDemetrius ὁ ΔημητρίουDemeter, Demetrius μετὰ πολλῶν μισθοφόρων, οὓς παρέσχεν αὐτῷ ΛασθένηςLasthenes ὁ ΚρήςCrete, ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς ΚρήτηςCretian κατέπλευσεν εἰς ΚιλικίανCilicia.	⁸⁶ "In the one hundred and sixty-fifth year [of the Seleucid era, c. 147 BC], Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, set out from Crete with many mercenaries provided to him by Lasthenes the Cretan, and sailed down to Cilicia.
⁸⁶ But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia.	⁸⁶ But then, on the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with many mercenaries paid for by Lasthenes, the Cretian, and sailed to Cilicia.

⁸⁷ τοῦτο δὲ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἀκούσαντα εἰς ἀγωνίαν καὶ ταραχὴν ἐνέβαλεν καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐκ τῆς ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia εἰς ἈντιόχειανAntioch ἔσπευσεν, ἵνα τὰ ἐκεῖ πρὶν ἢ ΔημήτριονDemetrius ἐλθεῖν ἀσφαλῶς θῆται.	⁸⁷ When Alexander [Balas] heard this, it threw him into agony and confusion; he immediately hurried from Phoenicia to Antioch, so that he might secure the affairs there before Demetrius arrived.
⁸⁷ This thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come.	⁸⁷ When he heard it, Alexander was thrown into anxiety and confusion and he hurried from Phoenicia to Antioch immediately, to secure it before Demetrius arrived.

⁸⁸ κατέλιπεν δὲ τῆς κοίλης τὸν ἡγεμόνα, ὃς μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως εἰς ἐλθὼν ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα, λέγων ἄδικον εἶναι μόνον αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ζῆν καὶ μετὰ ἐξουσίας οὐχ ὑποτασσόμενον τῷ βασιλεῖ· τοῦτο δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ πάντων ὄνειδος φέρειν, ὅτι μὴ ὑποτάξειεν αὐτὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ.

⁸⁸ He left Apollonius Daos as governor of Coele-Syria, who, having come to Jamnia with a great force, sent a message to Jonathan the High Priest. He told him it was unjust that he alone should live in security and with authority without being subject to the King; and that this brought reproach upon him [Apollonius] from all men, because he had not subjected Jonathan to the King.

⁸⁸ He also left Apollonius Daus governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king.

⁸⁸ As ruler of Coele-Syria, he left Apollonius Taos, who came with a large force to Jamneia and sent to the high priest Jonathan declaring that it was not right that he alone should live peacefully, with independant authority and not be subject to the king, and that he was mocked by everyone for not yet making him subject to the king.

⁸⁹ μὴ τοίνυν σαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν καθήμενος ἐξαπάτα νομίζων ἰσχὺν ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ θαρρεῖς τῇ σαυτοῦ δυνάμει καταβὰς εἰς τὸ πεδίον τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ στρατιᾷ συγκρίθητι, καὶ τὸ τέλος τῆς νίκης ἐπιδείξει τὸν ἀνδρειότατον.

⁸⁹ 'Do not, therefore, deceive yourself by sitting in the mountains, thinking you have strength. But if you trust in your own power, come down into the plain and match yourself against our army, and the outcome of the victory will show who is the most courageous.

⁸⁹ "Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which of us is the most courageous.

⁸⁹ "So do not deceive yourself and sit quietly among your mountains thinking yourself strong, but if you trust in your strength, come down to the plain and let our armies come to judgment and the outcome of the battle will show which of us is bravest.

⁹⁰ ἴσθι μέντοι γε τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως ἐμοὶ συστρατεύεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς σοὺς προγόνους οἱ ἀεὶ νικῶντές εἰσιν οὗτοι. ποιήσῃ δὲ τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀγῶνα ἐν τοιαύτῃ γῇ, ἐν ᾗ λίθοις οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλλ᾽ ὅπλοις ἀμύνασθαι οὐδὲ τόπος εἰς ὃν ἡττώμενος φεύξῃ."

⁹⁰ Know, however, that the best men from every city are campaigning with me; indeed, these are the very ones who always conquer your ancestors. You will make the struggle against us in such a land where there are no stones to defend oneself with, but only weapons—nor is there any place to which you may flee if you are defeated.'"

⁹⁰ However, take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten may fly."

⁹⁰ Note that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, the very ones who have always defeated your ancestors, but let us have the battle in a part of the country where we can fight with weapons and not with stones and there is nowhere for the defeated to escape."

The Cretan Connection
The arrival of Demetrius II Nicator (the son of the king Jonathan helped overthrow) changes everything. His reliance on Cretan mercenaries is a crucial detail. Cretans were famous in the Hellenistic world as elite archers and skirmishers. Their arrival signaled a shift toward a more aggressive, professional military campaign against both Alexander Balas and his Jewish ally.

The Taunt of the Plainsman
Apollonius uses a classic psychological tactic: the provocation to leave the high ground. Historically, the Hasmoneans won by fighting in narrow passes (like Beth-Horon) where the Seleucid phalanx couldn't deploy. Apollonius mocks Jonathan for "sitting in the mountains" (ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν καθήμενος), challenging him to a "fair" fight on the coastal plain near Jamnia (Yavne).

"No Stones to Defend Oneself With"
This is a fascinating insight into ancient warfare tactics. In the mountains, Jewish rebels famously used the terrain as a weapon—rolling boulders down on trapped columns or using slings with abundant local ammunition. Apollonius’s taunt that in the plain there are no stones (λίθοις οὐκ ἔστιν) is a way of saying: "Here, your peasant tactics won't work. You will have to face the spear and the sword of the professional soldier."

The Reproach of Autonomy
Apollonius feels a "reproach" (ὄνειδος) because Jonathan lives "with authority" (μετὰ ἐξουσίας). This reveals that even though Jonathan was a "First Friend" of Alexander Balas, the local Syrian governors still viewed him as a rebellious upstart. Apollonius represents the old-guard Seleucid military that refused to accept a sovereign Jewish state in their midst.

Ancestral Defeatism
Apollonius uses historical trauma as a weapon, claiming his men are the descendants of those who "always conquer your ancestors." He is trying to trigger a sense of inferiority in the Jewish forces, reminding them of the centuries of subjection to the Persians and Macedonians.

The Trap of Jamnia
By basing himself in Jamnia, Apollonius was threatening the Jewish lifeline to the sea and the fertile coastal corridor. He wasn't just talking; he was forcing Jonathan’s hand. If Jonathan stayed in the mountains, he would look weak and lose the respect he had just gained at the royal wedding in Ptolemais. To maintain his status as a "General and Governor," Jonathan would have to do the unthinkable: fight a pitched battle on the flat, open ground.

⁹¹ Παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ μυρίους ἐπιλεξάμενος στρατιώτας ὥρμησεν ἐξ μετὰ καὶ τἀδελφοῦ, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν Ἰόππῃ στρατοπεδεύεται τῆς πόλεως ἔξω τῶν ἀποκλεισάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας· φρουρὰν γὰρ ἔνδον εἶχον ὑπὸ κατασταθεῖσαν.

⁹¹ "Stung by these [insults], Jonathan selected ten thousand soldiers and set out from Jerusalem with his brother Simon. Arriving at Joppa, he encamped outside the city, but the people of Joppa shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison stationed within by Apollonius.

⁹¹ With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put there by Apollonius.

⁹¹ Jonathan was furious at this and selecting ten thousand of his soldiers, he quickly left Jerusalem with his brother Simon and came to Joppa and encamped outside the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for Apollonius had placed a garrison in the city.

⁹² τοῦ δὲ πρὸς πολιορκίαν αὐτῶν παρασκευαζομένου, φοβηθέντες μὴ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτῶν ἐξέλῃ κατὰ κράτος ἀνοίγουσιν αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας τὴν‎ κατειλημμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς παραλαβὼν καὶ πεζοὺς ὀκτακισχιλίους εἰς ἦλθεν κἀκεῖθεν ἄρας ἠρέμα καὶ βάδην ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ πορείαν, ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀναχωρῶν ἕλκει τὸν εἰς τὸ πεδίον τῇ ἵππῳ καταφρονῶν καὶ τὰς τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδας ἔχων ἐν αὐτῇ.

⁹² As Jonathan prepared to besiege them, the inhabitants, fearing he would take the city by storm, opened the gates. When Apollonius heard Joppa had been taken, he took three thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry and went to Azotus [Ashdod]. Setting out from there, he marched slowly and at a walking pace; then, arriving at Joppa, he retreated, drawing Jonathan into the plain, as he relied on his cavalry and placed his hopes of victory in it.

⁹² But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of victory principally in them.

⁹² As Jonathan prepared to besiege them, they feared he would take them by force and so they opened the gates to him. But hearing that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, Apollonius took three thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry and went to Azotus, and from there he travelled on silently and slowly. Reaching Joppa, he made as though to withdraw from the place and so drew Jonathan into the plain, confident of his cavalry and setting his hopes of victory mainly on them.

⁹³ προελθὼν δ᾽ ἸωνάθηςJonathan ἐδίωκεν εἰς ἌζωτονAzotus τὸν ἈπολλώνιονApollonius. ὁ δ᾽, ὡς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν πολέμιον, ὑποστρέψας εἰς μάχην αὐτῷ συνέβαλεν.	⁹³ Jonathan advanced and pursued Apollonius toward Azotus. The latter, once the enemy was in the plain, turned back and engaged him in battle.
⁹³ However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle.	⁹³ Jonathan sallied out and pursued Apollonius to Azotus, and as soon as Apollonius saw his enemy out in the plain, he turned around and gave him battle.

⁹⁴ τοῦ δ᾽ χιλίους ἱππεῖς καθίσαντος εἰς ἐνέδραν ἔν τινι χειμάρρῳ, ὡς ἂν κατόπιν ἐπιφανεῖεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, αἰσθόμενος ὁ οὐ κατεπλάγη· τάξας δὲ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἐν πλινθίῳ κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνασθαι παρεσκευάσατο, καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ τοῖς ὄπισθεν ἐπελευσομένοις αὑτὸν ἀντιτάξας.

⁹⁴ Apollonius had placed a thousand cavalry in ambush in a certain ravine, so they might appear behind the enemy. Jonathan, perceiving this, was not terrified; having arranged his army in a square formation (plinthion), he prepared to defend against the enemy from both sides, facing himself toward those attacking in front and those coming from behind.

⁹⁴ But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind;

⁹⁴ Apollonius had set a thousand cavalry in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies when they turned around. Noting this, Jonathan showed no alarm but ordered his army into a solid formation and told them to attack the enemy on both sides and set them to face those who attacked them both from front and rear.

⁹⁵ τῆς δὲ μάχης ἕως ἑσπέρας προβαινούσης, δοὺς τἀδελφῷ μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦτον μὲν ἐκέλευσε συμβαλεῖν τῇ φάλαγγι τῶν ἐχθρῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ προσέταξεν φραξαμένους τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀποδέχεσθαι τὰ βέλη τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἱππέων.

⁹⁵ The battle proceeded until evening. Giving his brother Simon part of the force, he ordered him to attack the enemy's phalanx, while he himself commanded those with him to lock their shields and receive the arrows of the cavalry.

⁹⁵ and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so that the enemy’s horsemen,

⁹⁵ When the fight lasted until evening, he assigned part of his forces to his brother Simon with orders to attack the enemy, and instructed his own companions to cover themselves with their armour and face the missiles of the cavalry.

⁹⁶ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐποίησαν τὸ κελευσθέν, οἱ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀφέντες τὰ βέλη μέχρι καὶ ἐξεκενώθησαν οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ἔβλαπτον· οὐ γὰρ διικνεῖτο τῶν σωμάτων τὰ βαλλόμενα, συμπεφραγμένοις δὲ ταῖς ἀσπίσιν συνηνωμέναις ὑπὸ πυκνότητος ἐπαφιέμενα ῥᾳδίως ἐκρατεῖτο καὶ ἄπρακτα ἐφέρετο.

⁹⁶ They did as commanded. The enemy cavalry, discharging their arrows at them until they were exhausted, did them no harm; for the missiles did not reach their bodies, but falling upon the shields joined together in density, they were easily repelled and fell ineffective.

⁹⁶ while they threw their darts till they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect.

⁹⁶ They did as ordered, so that the enemy’s cavalry did them no harm although they threw all the spears they had, for the missiles did not reach their bodies, as they were caught by the united shields that were joined together, whose compactness easily overcame the force of the spears so that they flew by with no effect.

⁹⁷ ὡς δὲ παρείθησαν ἀπὸ πρωὶ μέχρι δείλης ὀψίας ἀκοντίζοντες εἰς αὐτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι, νοήσας κεκμηκότας αὐτοὺς συμβάλλει τῇ φάλαγγι, καὶ προθυμίᾳ χρησαμένων πολλῇ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ‎ τρέπει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἰς φυγήν.

⁹⁷ When the enemy had spent themselves from morning until late afternoon darting at them, Simon, realizing they were exhausted, attacked the phalanx. His soldiers, acting with great zeal, put the enemy to flight.

⁹⁷ But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight.

⁹⁷ When the enemy grew tired of throwing at them from morning until late evening, Simon noted their weariness and attacked the phalanx before him, and with his soldiers showing great spirit he put the enemy to flight.

⁹⁸ θεασάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πεζοὺς φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ μένουσιν, ἀλλὰ πάρετοι μὲν ὄντες αὐτοὶ διὰ τὸ μέχρι δείλης μάχεσθαι, τῆς δὲ παρὰ τῶν πεζῶν ἐλπίδος αὐτοῖς ἀπολωλυίας, ἀκόσμως καὶ συγκεχυμένως ἔφευγον, ὡς διασχισθέντας αὐτοὺς διὰ παντὸς σκορπισθῆναι τοῦ πεδίου.

⁹⁸ Seeing the infantry fleeing, the cavalry did not stay either; being tired themselves from fighting until evening, and their hope in the infantry having perished, they fled in disorder and confusion, so that they were split and scattered across the entire plain.

⁹⁸ And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all the plain.

⁹⁸ Seeing the infantry running away, the cavalry did not stay either, because they were weary from having fought until evening. Also, since any hope based on the infantry was gone, they fled in cowardice and confusion. Thus they were separated and scattered all over the plain.

⁹⁹ διώκων δ᾽ αὐτοὺς μέχρι τῆς καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρῶν ἀπογνόντας τῆς σωτηρίας ἠνάγκασεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ ναὸν καταφυγεῖν, ὃς ἦν ἐν . λαβὼν δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτήν τε ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν κώμας.

⁹⁹ Jonathan pursued them as far as Azotus and, slaying many who had despaired of safety, forced them to take refuge in the Temple of Dagon, which was in Azotus. Jonathan took the city by storm and burned both it and the surrounding villages.

⁹⁹ Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it;

⁹⁹ Jonathan pursued them as far as Azotus and killed many of them and forced the rest, in despair of escaping, to retreat to the temple of Dagon in Azotus. Then Jonathan took the city on the first onset and burned it and the villages around it.

¹⁰⁰ δ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸ συμφυγόντας διέφθειρεν. τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντων καὶ καταφλεγέντων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἦσαν ὀκτακισχίλιοι.

¹⁰⁰ He did not spare even the temple of Dagon, but burned it and destroyed those who had fled into it. The total number of the enemy who fell in battle or were consumed in the temple was eight thousand.

¹⁰⁰ nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were eight thousand.

¹⁰⁰ He did not spare even the temple of Dagon but burned it also and killed those who had fled to it. The enemy numbers that fell in the battle and were burned in the temple were eight thousand.

¹⁰¹ κρατήσας οὖν τοσαύτης δυνάμεως ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς εἰς παραγίνεται, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσαντος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ‎ προῆλθον εἰς ἀπάντησιν αὐτῷ οἱ ξένια προσφέροντες αὐτῷ καὶ τιμῶντες. ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς προαιρέσεως ἀνέστρεψεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος λείαν, ἣν ἔλαβεν νικήσας τοὺς πολεμίους.

¹⁰¹ Having overcome so great a force, he set out from Azotus and arrived at Ascalon. When he encamped outside the city, the people of Ascalon came out to meet him, offering gifts and honors. He accepted their goodwill and returned from there to Jerusalem, bringing a great deal of plunder which he had taken by defeating the enemy.

¹⁰¹ When Jonathan therefore had overcome so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies.

¹⁰¹ When Jonathan had defeated this large army, he moved on from Azotus to Askalon, and when he had encamped outside the city the people of Askalon came out to meet him with gifts and honoured him. He accepted their good intentions and returned to Jerusalem with a large amount of booty, which he had taken from the defeat of his enemies.

¹⁰² δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἡττημένον τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγὸν προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὅτι παρὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ γνώμην συνέβαλεν φίλῳ ὄντι καὶ συμμάχῳ, καὶ πέμπει πρὸς μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ καὶ γέρα καὶ τιμὰς διδοὺς πόρπην χρυσέαν, ὡς ἔστιν ἔθος δίδοσθαι τοῖς τῶν βασιλέων συγγενέσιν, καὶ τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ τοπαρχίαν αὐτῆς εἰς κληρουχίαν ἐπιτρέπει.

¹⁰² When Alexander [Balas] heard that his general Apollonius had been defeated, he pretended to be glad—since Apollonius had engaged Jonathan, who was a friend and ally, against the King's intent. He sent word to Jonathan, bearing witness to him and giving him rewards and honors: a golden buckle (porpē), such as is customary to give to the King's kinsmen, and he granted him Ekron and its district as an inheritance."

¹⁰² But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden button, which it is the custom to give the king’s kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for his own inheritance.

¹⁰² When Alexander heard that his general Apollonius had been defeated, he pretended to be glad and that it was contrary to his orders that he had fought against his friend and ally Jonathan; and he sent to Jonathan, praising his bravery and awarding him as a mark of honour a golden button, which it is customary to give to the king’s relatives and assigning him Akkaron and its district as an inheritance.

The Tactical Evolution: The Square (Plinthion)
This is a brilliant depiction of Hasmonean tactical adaptability. Recognizing that they were surrounded by superior cavalry on flat ground, Jonathan utilized the plinthion (hollow square). This formation allowed his infantry to present a wall of shields (a testudo-like effect) in every direction. By neutralizing the cavalry's missile fire through sheer discipline and density, they "out-tanked" the more mobile Seleucid forces.

The Psychology of the "Fake Retreat"
Apollonius utilized a classic "feigned retreat" to lure Jonathan out of the defensible hills and into the "killing fields" of the plain. Jonathan took the bait, but his confidence suggests he knew his infantry was now disciplined enough to hold a formation—a significant upgrade from the hit-and-run tactics used by his brother Judas.

The Death of Dagon
The burning of the Temple of Dagon is a deliberate echo of Biblical history (the Ark in the house of Dagon, 1 Samuel 5). Ashdod was one of the five ancient Philistine cities. By destroying the temple, Jonathan was performing a "cleansing" of the land, asserting that the Hasmoneans were not just political leaders, but the instruments of God's jealousy against foreign cults.

The Golden Buckle (Porpē)
The golden buckle was more than jewelry; it was a high-level Hellenistic military and courtly decoration. Receiving it officially moved Jonathan into the rank of "Kinsman of the King" (Syngeneis). This was a level above "First Friend," the highest possible honor for a non-royal.

Alexander’s Diplomatic Lie
The King’s reaction—pretending to be glad (προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν) that his own general was defeated—shows the absolute chaos of the Seleucid court. Alexander likely did authorize Apollonius to test Jonathan, but once Jonathan won, the King pivotally chose to "blame the general" and reward the victor. It’s a masterclass in "saving face."

Geopolitics of the Coastal Cities
Notice the difference between Joppa, Azotus, and Ascalon. Joppa was resisting and was taken; Azotus was destroyed; Ascalon, seeing the carnage, chose total submission and gifts. Jonathan was effectively creating a "Hasmonean corridor" to the Mediterranean, which would be essential for the future economic independence of the Jewish state.

¹⁰³ Ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ βασιλεὺς ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁ ΦιλομήτωρPhilometer ἐπικληθεὶς ναυτικὴν ἄγων δύναμιν καὶ πεζὴν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἧκεν συμμαχήσων ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander· γαμβρὸς γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ‎.	¹⁰³ "Around this time, King Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, having brought a naval and land force, arrived in Syria to aid Alexander [Balas]; for he was his son-in-law.
¹⁰³ About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law;	¹⁰³ About this time king Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, led an army by sea and land to Syria, to the help of his son-in-law, Alexander.

¹⁰⁴ καὶ πᾶσαι προθύμως αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις κελεύσαντος ἐκδεχόμεναι παρέπεμπον ἕως πόλεως, ἔνθα πάντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ‎ περὶ τοῦ ἐμπεπρησμένου ἱεροῦ αὐτῶν κατηγοροῦντες τοῦτο ἀφανίσαντος καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν πυρπολήσαντος καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείναντος.

¹⁰⁴ All the cities, at Alexander’s command, received him eagerly and escorted him as far as the city of Azotus [Ashdod]. There, all the people cried out against him concerning their burned Temple of Dagon, accusing Jonathan of having destroyed it, as well as of having laid waste to the countryside with fire and of having killed many of them.

¹⁰⁴ and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, and slain a great number of them.

¹⁰⁴ At Alexander’s orders all the cities received him willingly and conducted him as far as Azotus, where they all loudly complained about the burning of the temple of Dagon, and accused Jonathan of ravaging it and destroying the adjoining country with fire and killing many people.

¹⁰⁵ καὶ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἡσύχασεν, δὲ εἰς ἀπαντήσας ξενίων τε λαμπρῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τυγχάνει καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης, ἔπειτα προπέμψας αὐτὸν ἕως τοῦ καλουμένου ποταμοῦ πάλιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς .

¹⁰⁵ Ptolemy, having heard these things, remained silent. Jonathan, however, met Ptolemy at Joppa and received magnificent gifts and every honor from him; then, after escorting him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned back to Jerusalem."

¹⁰⁵ Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.

¹⁰⁵ Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Then Jonathan went as far as Joppa to meet Ptolemy and from him received gifts of glorious quality, with every of esteem and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem.

The Power of "Royal Silence"
The phrase "Ptolemy... remained silent" (ἡσύχασεν) is the most telling part of the text. Despite the Ashdodites presenting graphic evidence of Jonathan's "war crimes"—a burned temple and a scorched earth—Ptolemy refused to rebuke him. In Hellenistic diplomacy, silence was often a form of legal immunity. Ptolemy valued Jonathan’s military control over the coastal road more than he cared about the religious sensibilities of the Philistine cities.

Jonathan as a Regional Peer
The meeting at Joppa illustrates Jonathan's meteoric rise. He was no longer a rebel hiding in the Judean wilderness; he was a head of state greeting an Emperor. The exchange of "magnificent gifts" (ξενίων λαμπρῶν) and the act of "escorting" the King signal that Jonathan was now a recognized part of the Mediterranean diplomatic circuit.

The River Eleutherus: A Strategic Escort
Jonathan escorted Ptolemy all the way to the Eleutherus River (modern-day Nahr al-Kabir in Lebanon). This was the traditional northern boundary of Coele-Syria. By marching this far north with the Egyptian King, Jonathan was projecting Jewish power deep into Phoenician territory, signaling to local governors that the Hasmoneans were now backed by the might of Egypt.

Ptolemy’s Hidden Agenda
While Ptolemy claimed to come in "aid" of his son-in-law Alexander, Josephus (and other historians like Polybius) suggest he was actually leading a Trojan Horse operation. He was placing Egyptian garrisons in every Seleucid city he passed. Jonathan’s decision to stay close to Ptolemy during this march was a brilliant insurance policy: if the Egyptian King was about to flip the script on Alexander Balas, Jonathan wanted to be the first to know.

The Abandonment of the "Greek Party"
The residents of Azotus (Ashdod) represented the old pro-Greek, anti-Maccabean interests. Their failure to provoke Ptolemy into acting against Jonathan was the final nail in the coffin for the Hellenized opposition. They realized that neither the Seleucids nor the Ptolemies would save them from the Hasmoneans if the Hasmoneans were useful to the empires.

¹⁰⁶ Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais παρὰ πᾶσαν προσδοκίαν μικροῦ διεφθάρη ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δι᾽ ἈμμωνίουAmmanius, ὃς ἐτύγχανεν αὐτῷ Φίλος ὤν.	¹⁰⁶ "Upon arriving at Ptolemais, contrary to all expectation, Ptolemy [Philometor] narrowly escaped being destroyed, having been plotted against by Alexander [Balas] through Ammonius, who happened to be his [Alexander's] friend.
¹⁰⁶ But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend;	¹⁰⁶ While Ptolemy was in Ptolemais, he had a very near escape from death, for Alexander, through his friend Ammanius, made a treacherous plot against his life.

¹⁰⁷ φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς γενομένης γράφει τῷ πρὸς κόλασιν ἐξαιτῶν τὸν , ἐπιβουλευθῆναι λέγων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ δίκην διὰ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑποσχεῖν ἀξιῶν. οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος δὲ τοῦ συνεὶς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν ἐπιβουλεύσαντα χαλεπῶς διετέθη πρὸς αὐτόν.

¹⁰⁷ When the plot became manifest, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander demanding Ammonius for punishment, stating that he had been plotted against by him and asserting it was right for him to pay the penalty for this very thing. But since Alexander would not give him up, Ptolemy, perceiving that he himself was the one who had hatched the plot, became bitterly disposed toward him.

¹⁰⁷ and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him.

¹⁰⁷ When the plot was uncovered Ptolemy wrote to Alexander demanding that Ammanius be suitably punished, saying how he had plotted against him. When Alexander did not comply, he realized that the man himself was behind the plot and he was very angry with him.

¹⁰⁸ τοῖς δὲ καὶ πρότερον ἦν προσκεκρουκὼς διὰ τὸν · πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεπόνθεισαν κακά. τιμωρίαν μέντοι τῶν τετολμημένων ὑπέσχεν κατασφαγεὶς αἰσχρῶς ὡς γυνή, κρύπτειν ἑαυτὸν σπουδάσας στολῇ γυναικείῳ, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.

¹⁰⁸ Now, Alexander had already previously offended the people of Antioch because of Ammonius; for they had suffered many evils at his hands. Nevertheless, Ammonius paid the penalty for the things he had dared to do: he was slaughtered shamefully like a woman, having attempted to hide himself in a woman’s garment, as we have declared elsewhere."

¹⁰⁸ Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.

¹⁰⁸ Alexander had previously been on bad terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered much through Ammanius. But Ammanius was punished as he deserved, for he was killed ingloriously as a woman, while trying to hide in feminine dress, as we have elsewhere reported.

The "Smoking Gun" of Ancient Diplomacy
In the high-stakes diplomacy of the Hellenistic world, demanding the extradition of a "Friend" (Philos) was a standard loyalty test. By refusing to hand over Ammonius, Alexander Balas effectively confessed to the assassination plot. Ptolemy Philometor, who had provided Alexander with a throne and a daughter, now had the perfect legal and moral pretext to pivot from benefactor to conqueror.

The Villainy of Ammonius
Ammonius is portrayed as the classic "wicked advisor." His actions didn't just alienate the Egyptian King; they radicalized the capital city of Antioch against the regime. Josephus highlights that a king is often judged by the character of those he keeps in his inner circle. Alexander’s refusal to sacrifice a toxic advisor for the sake of his kingdom was his greatest strategic blunder.

A Shameful Death: The Gendered Invective
The description of Ammonius’s death is intentionally humiliating. To be killed "like a woman" (ὡς γυνή) and found wearing "woman’s clothing" (στολῇ γυναικείῳ) was the ultimate insult to a man’s andreia (manly courage) in Greco-Roman historiography. By including this detail, Josephus (likely following a Greek source) signals to the reader that the regime of Alexander Balas had become "effeminate," weak, and unworthy of rule.

The Geopolitical Pivot
This moment in Ptolemais is the pivot point for Jonathan the High Priest. He had just escorted Ptolemy through Judea as an ally of Alexander. Now that Ptolemy and Alexander were at war, Jonathan found himself in a "no-man's land." History shows that Jonathan would eventually wait for the dust to settle in Antioch before deciding which of the "Successor Kings" to support next.

Antioch in Revolt
The mention of the Antiochians (Ἀντιοχεῦσιν) is critical. In the Seleucid Empire, the favor of the capital city was often more important than the favor of the army. Alexander had lost the "hearts and minds" of his own people. When Ptolemy eventually arrived at the gates of Antioch, the citizens didn't fight—they welcomed him as a liberator from the tyranny of Alexander and Ammonius.

¹⁰⁹ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy δὲ μεμψάμενος αὑτὸν τοῦ τε συνοικίσαι τὴν‎ θυγατέρα ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander τῆς τε συμμαχίας τῆς κατὰ ΔημητρίουDemeter, Demetrius διαλυθέντος τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν·	¹⁰⁹ "Ptolemy, having blamed himself both for marrying his daughter to Alexander and for the alliance against Demetrius, dissolved his kinship with him.
¹⁰⁹ Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him,	¹⁰⁹ Ptolemy blamed himself for letting his daughter marry Alexander and for his alliance with him against Demetrius.

¹¹⁰ ἀποσπάσας γὰρ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα πέμπει πρὸς εὐθὺς περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας συντιθέμενος, τήν τε θυγατέρα δώσειν αὐτῷ ὑπισχνούμενος γυναῖκα καὶ καταστήσειν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ πατρῴαν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ ἡσθεὶς τοῖς πεπρεσβευμένοις δέχεται τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν καὶ τὸν γάμον.

¹¹⁰ For having taken away his daughter, he immediately sent word to Demetrius [II] concerning an alliance and friendship, promising both to give him his daughter as a wife and to restore him to his paternal dominion. Demetrius, pleased by these proposals, accepted both the alliance and the marriage.

¹¹⁰ and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter.

¹¹⁰ So he dissolved his relationship with him and took his daughter from him and immediately sent to Demetrius about an alliance and friendship with him and promised him his daughter in marriage and to restore him to the kingdom of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with the envoys and accepted the alliance and the marriage with his daughter.

¹¹¹ ἓν δ᾽ ἔτι τὸ λοιπὸν ἀγώνισμα ὑπελείπετο πεῖσαι τοὺς δέξασθαι ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ εἰς αὐτοὺς παρηνόμησεν. κατεπράξατο δὲ καὶ τοῦτο·

¹¹¹ Yet one final struggle remained for Ptolemy: to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, since they were hostilely disposed toward him because of the lawless acts his father, Demetrius [I], had committed against them. He accomplished this as well;

¹¹¹ But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius had done them;

¹¹¹ Ptolemy had another difficult task, to persuade the people of Antioch to welcome Demetrius, as they were averse to him due to the wrongs done them by his father Demetrius.

¹¹² μισοῦντες γὰρ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander οἱ ἈντιοχεῖςAntioch διὰ τὸν ἈμμώνιονAmmanius, ὡς δεδηλώκαμεν, ῥᾳδίως αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἐξέβαλον. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκπεσὼν τῆς ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἦλθεν εἰς ΚιλικίανCilicia.	¹¹² For since the Antiochians hated Alexander because of Ammonius, as we have declared, they easily expelled him from Antioch. And he, having been cast out of Antioch, went into Cilicia.
¹¹² yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius’s account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia.	¹¹² But because the people of Antioch hated Alexander on account of Ammanius, as we have said, they were easily persuaded to expel him from Antioch. When he was thrown out of Antioch, he came into Cilicia.

¹¹³ ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἈντιοχεῖςAntioch ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy βασιλεὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἀναδείκνυται καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς δύο περιτίθεται διαδήματα, ἓν μὲν τὸ τῆς ἈσίαςAsia, ἕτερον δὲ τὸ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt.	¹¹³ Upon coming to the Antiochians, King Ptolemy was proclaimed king by them and by the armies; being compelled, he put on two diadems—one for Asia and the other for Egypt.
¹¹³ Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt:	¹¹³ Ptolemy then came to Antioch and was made king by its inhabitants and the army, so that he had to wear two crowns, one of Asia and the other of Egypt.

¹¹⁴ χρηστὸς δὲ ὢν φύσει καὶ δίκαιος καὶ τῶν λαμπρῶν οὐκ ἐφιέμενος πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ λογίσασθαι τὰ μέλλοντα συνετός, φείσασθαι τοῦ μὴ δόξαι εἶναι ἐπίφθονος ἔκρινεν, καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν πείθει δέξασθαι τὸν αὐτούς,

¹¹⁴ However, being noble by nature and just, and not coveting magnificent [titles]—and moreover, being wise in calculating the future—he decided to be cautious lest he appear envious to the Romans. Having gathered the Antiochians into an assembly, he persuaded them to receive Demetrius.

¹¹⁴ but being naturally a good and a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius;

¹¹⁴ Being of a good and a righteous nature and not eager for splendour and also being wise in looking to the future, he decided to avoid the envy of the Romans, so he called the people of Antioch to a meeting and persuaded them to receive Demetrius.

¹¹⁵ λέγων οὐδενὸς μνησικακήσειν αὐτοῖς περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτὸν εὐεργετηθέντα, διδάσκαλός τε ἀγαθῶν καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἔσεσθαι αὐτῷ διωμολογήσατο καὶ φαύλοις ἐγχειροῦντι πράγμασιν οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν ὑπέσχετο. αὐτῷ δ᾽ ἔφασκεν ἀρκεῖν τὴν‎ τῆς βασιλείαν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πείθει τοὺς δέξασθαι τὸν .

¹¹⁵ He stated that Demetrius, having been benefited by them, would bear no grudge concerning his father; he vowed that he himself would be a teacher of good things and a guide to the young man, and promised that he would not permit him to engage in wicked deeds. He declared that for himself, the kingdom of Egypt was sufficient. Having said these things, he persuaded the Antiochians to receive Demetrius."

¹¹⁵ and assured them that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he should be now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius.

¹¹⁵ He assured them that he would forget what they had done to his father if they now did him this favour, and promised to be a good guide and monitor to him and that he would not allow him to attempt any foolish actions, while for his own part, he was content to rule the kingdom of Egypt. With these words he persuaded the people of Antioch to accept Demetrius.

The "Double Diadem" and the Ghost of Alexander the Great
For a brief moment in 145 BCE, the empires of the Ptolemies and Seleucids were united under one man. By donning δύο διαδήματα (two diadems), Ptolemy VI achieved what no successor had done since the immediate aftermath of Alexander the Great's death. However, his refusal to keep the "Asian" crown shows he understood the "balance of power" mechanics of the era.

The "Roman Shadow" over the Levant
Josephus identifies the true superpower of the story: Rome. Ptolemy’s decision to decline the Seleucid throne was a calculated move to avoid being seen as ἐπίφθονος (enviable/threatening) by the Roman Senate. Rome preferred a fragmented East; a unified Ptolemaic-Seleucid empire would have invited immediate Roman military intervention.

Cleopatra Thea: The Political Pawn
The daughter mentioned here, Cleopatra Thea, is one of the most remarkable figures in history. In this passage, she is literally "snatched away" (ἀποσπάσας) from one husband and handed to his rival. This marriage to Demetrius II began her career as the "Queen of Kings"—she would eventually be the wife of three Seleucid kings and the mother of several others, often wielding more power than the men themselves.

The "Father's Sins" vs. The City's Hate
The Antiochians' dilemma is a study in political pragmatism. They hated Demetrius II’s father for his cruelty, but they hated Alexander Balas’s advisor (Ammonius) even more. Ptolemy’s role as a "guarantor" was the only thing that made the return of the house of Demetrius palatable to the capital's citizens.

Ptolemy as the "Mentor King"
Ptolemy presents himself as a διδάσκαλός (teacher) and ἡγεμὼν (guide) to the young Demetrius II. This was a clever way to maintain "soft power" over Syria without the "hard power" headache of ruling it directly. It turned the Seleucid King into a client of the Egyptian court.

The Hasmonean Perspective
While Jonathan the High Priest is not mentioned in these specific verses, he was watching this closely. His patron (Alexander) had just been expelled. Jonathan now had to deal with Demetrius II—the son of the man the Maccabees had helped kill. The diplomatic "pivoting" Jonathan would soon perform to win over this new, Egyptian-backed Demetrius is a testament to Hasmonean survival instincts.

¹¹⁶ Τοῦ δ᾽ σὺν στρατεύματι πολλῷ καὶ μεγάλῃ παρασκευῇ ἐκ τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ γῆν ἐμπρήσαντος καὶ διαρπάσαντος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξεστράτευσεν μετὰ τοῦ γαμβροῦ · ἤδη γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς γάμον ἐδεδώκει τὴν‎ θυγατέρα· καὶ νικήσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτρέψαντο τὸν .

¹¹⁶ "When Alexander [Balas] set out from Cilicia into Syria with a large army and great preparation, and began burning and plundering the land of the Antiochians, Ptolemy marched out against him with his son-in-law Demetrius [II]—for he had already given him his daughter in marriage. Having conquered him, they put Alexander to flight.

¹¹⁶ But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight;

¹¹⁶ Alexander now hurried from Cilicia into Syria with a large army and ample supplies and burned the district of Antioch and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy and his son-in-law Demetrius brought their army against him, for he had given him his daughter in marriage, and beat Alexander and routed him so that he fled into Arabia.

¹¹⁷ οὗτος μὲν οὖν εἰς φεύγει. συνέβη δὲ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὸν ἵππον τὸν φωνῆς ἀκούσαντα ἐλέφαντος ταραχθῆναι καὶ τὸν ἀποσεισάμενον καταβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ἰδόντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι καὶ τραύματα πολλὰ δόντας αὐτῷ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς κίνδυνον τὸν περὶ θανάτου καταστῆσαι· τῶν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐξαρπασάντων χαλεπῶς οὕτως εἶχεν, ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας τέσσαρας μήτε συνεῖναί τι μήτε φθέγξασθαι δυνηθῆναι.

¹¹⁷ Alexander, therefore, fled into Arabia. It happened in the battle that Ptolemy’s horse, hearing the cry of an elephant, was terrified and threw Ptolemy off, casting him down. The enemy, seeing this, rushed upon him and dealt many wounds to his head, bringing him into mortal danger. Although his bodyguards snatched him away, he was in such a wretched state that for four days he was unable to perceive anything or utter a sound.

¹¹⁷ and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse, upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for four days' time he was not able either to understand or to speak.

¹¹⁷ During the battle Ptolemy’s horse, hearing the noise of an elephant, reared up and threw him to the ground. And seeing it, his enemies attacked him and gave him many wounds on the head and put him in danger of death. For when his bodyguards snatched him away, he was so ill that for four days he was unable to think or to speak.

¹¹⁸ τοῦ δὲ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ὁ τῶν δυνάστης ἀποτεμὼν ἀπέστειλεν , ὃς τῇ πέμπτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνενεγκὼν ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ φρονήσας ἄκουσμα καὶ θέαμα τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ἅμα καὶ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἀκούει καὶ θεᾶται.

¹¹⁸ The ruler of the Arabs, Zabeilus, cut off Alexander’s head and sent it to Ptolemy. On the fifth day, having recovered somewhat from his wounds and regained his senses, Ptolemy heard of Alexander's death and gazed upon his head which was a most pleasant sound and sight to him.

¹¹⁸ However, Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexander’s head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding, on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander;

¹¹⁸ Zabeilos, an Arab prince, cut off Alexander’s head and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering from his wounds and returning to consciousness on the fifth day, gladly heard of Alexander’s death and saw his head.

¹¹⁹ καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ πλησθεὶς τῆς ἐπ᾽ τεθνηκότι χαρᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. ἐβασίλευσεν δὲ τῆς ὁ ἐπιλεγόμενος ἔτη πέντε, καθὼς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.

¹¹⁹ Yet not long after, having been filled with joy over the dead Alexander, he himself ended his life. Alexander, surnamed Balas, had reigned over Asia for five years, as we have declared elsewhere."

¹¹⁹ yet a little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related.

¹¹⁹ But soon after being filled with joy by the death of Alexander, he too departed this life. Now Alexander, who was surnamed Balas, ruled over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere reported.

The Elephant and the Horse: A Tactical Flaw
Josephus records a fascinating detail of ancient warfare: the psychological effect of war elephants on horses. Unless specifically trained to endure the smell and sound of elephants, cavalry horses would often bolt in terror. Ptolemy VI, a seasoned monarch, was nearly killed not by a master stroke of strategy, but by a startled animal. This accident likely turned a decisive victory into a logistical vacuum.

The Gruesome "Gift" of Zabeilus
The Arabian prince Zabeilus (known in other sources as Zabdiel) represents the opportunistic nature of the desert tribes. Alexander Balas fled to the Nabataean Arabs for sanctuary, but as soon as he was defeated, he became more valuable to the Arabs as a "trophy" to appease the victors. The delivery of the severed head is a stark reminder of the brutality beneath the surface of Hellenistic "refinement."

The Bitter Joy of Ptolemy
The text emphasizes that Ptolemy regained consciousness just long enough to "enjoy" the sight of his rival’s head (ἥδιστον... θέαμα). There is a dark symmetry here: the man who created Alexander Balas (Ptolemy) lived just long enough to witness his destruction. His death shortly after receiving the head left the young Demetrius II in a precarious position—he was now King of Syria, but his Egyptian "protector" was gone.

The Power Vacuum in Judea
With both Alexander Balas and Ptolemy VI dead, the regional "supervision" of Judea vanished. For Jonathan the High Priest, this was a moment of extreme danger but also extreme opportunity. He had been a loyal "First Friend" of Alexander. Now that Alexander's head was in a sack and his successor (Demetrius II) was a teenager with no father or father-in-law to guide him, Jonathan had to move quickly to secure Jerusalem.

The Legacy of the "Five-Year King"
Alexander Balas’s five-year reign (150–145 BCE) was arguably the most important half-decade for Hasmonean legitimacy. Because Alexander was a "weak" king who needed allies, he gave the Hasmoneans the titles, the purple, and the tax exemptions that turned a rebel family into a legitimate dynasty. He died a failure, but his desperation was the foundation of the Jewish state.

The Death of the Last "Great" Ptolemy
Ptolemy VI Philometor was the last King of Egypt to effectively project power deep into Syria and act as a "Kingmaker." After his death, Egypt entered a long period of internal dynastic decline and civil war between his widow Cleopatra II and his brother Ptolemy VIII Physcon. This withdrawal of Egyptian influence gave the Hasmoneans even more breathing room to expand.

¹²⁰ Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁ ἐπιλεγόμενος ὑπὸ πονηρίας ἤρξατο διαφθείρειν τὰ τοῦ στρατεύματα, τῆς τε πρὸς αὐτὸν συμμαχίας ἐκλαθόμενος καὶ ὅτι πενθερὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς γάμον συγγενής. οἱ μὲν οὖν στρατιῶται φεύγουσιν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ πεῖραν εἰς , τῶν δ᾽ ἐλεφάντων ἐγκρατὴς γίνεται.

¹²⁰ "Having taken over the kingdom, Demetrius, surnamed Nicator [the Victor], began out of wickedness to destroy the armies of Ptolemy, forgetting his alliance with him and the fact that he was his father-in-law and kinsman through the marriage to Cleopatra. Consequently, the soldiers fled his attempts [at harm] back to Alexandria, while Demetrius gained possession of the elephants.

¹²⁰ But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy’s soldiers very hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that was between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra’s marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexandria; but Demetrius kept his elephants.

¹²⁰ When Demetrius, who was surnamed Nicator, became king, he wickedly began to massacre Ptolemy’s soldiers, forgetful of the pact of alliance between them, or that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra’s marriage to him, so the soldiers fled to Alexandria from his assault, but Demetrius got control of the elephants.

¹²¹ δ᾽ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς στρατιὰν συναγαγὼν προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς ἄκραν φρουρὰν καὶ τῶν ἀσεβῶν τινας καὶ πεφευγότων τὴν‎ πάτριον συνήθειαν.

¹²¹ Meanwhile, Jonathan the High Priest, having gathered an army from all of Judea, attacked and besieged the Akra in Jerusalem, which held a Macedonian garrison and some of the impious men who had fled their ancestral customs.

¹²¹ But Jonathan the high priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers.

¹²¹ Then the high priest Jonathan levied an army from all Judea and attacked and besieged the citadel in Jerusalem, which was held by a garrison of Macedonians and by some of the godless Jews who had deserted their ancestral customs.

¹²² οὗτοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κατεφρόνουν ὧν ἐμηχανᾶτο περὶ τὴν‎ αἵρεσιν πεπιστευκότες τῇ ὀχυρότητι τοῦ χωρίου, νυκτὸς δέ τινες τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ πονηρῶν ἐξελθόντες ἧκον πρὸς καὶ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν αὐτῷ τῆς ἄκρας ἐμήνυσαν.

¹²² At first, these men [the garrison and the renegades] looked down upon the machines Jonathan had devised for the siege, trusting in the strength of the place; but during the night, some of the wicked men within the fortress went out and came to Demetrius [II], reporting to him the siege of the Akra [citadel].

¹²² These men at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on its strength; but some of those wicked men went out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel was besieged;

¹²² Confident of the strength of the place, these at first made light of Jonathan’s attempts to take it, but some of those rogues went out by night and reached Demetrius and told him about the siege of the citadel.

¹²³ ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις παροξυνθείς, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐκ τῆς ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἐπὶ τὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan. γενόμενος δὲ ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais γράφει κελεύων αὐτὸν σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais.	¹²³ Exasperated by the news, the King took his forces and came from Antioch to Jonathan. Arriving at Ptolemais, he wrote commanding Jonathan to hasten to him.
¹²³ who was irritated with what he heard, and took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais:	¹²³ Furious at the news, he took his army and came from Antioch against Jonathan. When he reached Ptolemais, he wrote to him ordering him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais.

¹²⁴ ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν πολιορκίαν οὐκ ἔπαυσεν, τοὺς δὲ πρεσβυτέρους τοῦ λαοῦ παραλαβὼν καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ πλῆθος ξενίων κομίζων ἧκεν πρὸς τὸν , καὶ τούτοις δωρησάμενος αὐτὸν θεραπεύει τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τιμηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λαμβάνει βεβαίαν ἔχειν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην, καθὼς καὶ παρὰ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέων ἐκέκτητο.

¹²⁴ Jonathan did not stop the siege, but taking the elders of the people and the priests, and bringing gold, silver, clothing, and a multitude of gifts, he came to Demetrius. By presenting these, he soothed the King’s anger; and being honored by him, he received confirmation of the High Priesthood, just as he had held it under the kings before him.

¹²⁴ upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby pacified the king’s anger. So he was honored by him, and received from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors.

¹²⁴ Without abandoning the siege, Jonathan took with him the elders of the people and the priests and brought gold and silver and clothing and many tokens of friendship and came to Demetrius and presented them to him. Having thereby pacified the king’s anger he was honoured by him and received from him the confirmation of the high priesthood he had received from his royal predecessors.

¹²⁵ κατηγορούντων δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν φυγάδων ὁ οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρακαλέσαντος αὐτόν, ὅπως ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάσης καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρχιῶν καὶ καὶ τριακόσια τελῇ τάλαντα, δίδωσιν καὶ περὶ πάντων ἐπιστολάς, αἳ περιεῖχον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον·

¹²⁵ Though the fugitives accused him, Demetrius did not believe them. Instead, when Jonathan requested that he pay three hundred talents on behalf of all Judea and the three districts of Samaria, Joppa, and Galilee, the King granted it and issued letters concerning all these things, which were in this manner:

¹²⁵ And when the Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows:

¹²⁵ When the fugitives accused him, Demetrius ignored them and asked him for only three hundred talents for the government of all Judea and the three toparchies of Samaria and Perea and Galilee, and gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows:

¹²⁶ " βασιλεὺς ΔημήτριοςDemetrius ἸωνάθῃJonathan τῷ ἀδελφῷ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χαίρειν. τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἧς ἔγραψα ΛασθένειLasthones τῷ συγγενεῖ ἡμῶν ἀπεστάλκαμεν ὑμῖν, ἵνα εἰδῆτε.	¹²⁶ 'King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother and to the nation of the Jews, greeting. We have sent to you the copy of the letter I wrote to Lasthenes our kinsman, so that you may know its contents:
¹²⁶ "King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written to Lasthenes our kinsman, that you may know its contents.	¹²⁶ "King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother and to the Jewish nation, greetings. We have sent you a copy of that letter which we have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents.

¹²⁷ βασιλεὺς τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. τῷ ἔθνει ὄντι φίλῳ καὶ τὰ δίκαια τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φυλάττοντι τῆς εὐνοίας ἔκρινα χάριν παρασχεῖν. Καὶ τοὺς τρεῖς νομοὺς καὶ καὶ , οἳ τῇ προσετέθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς , καὶ τὰ προσκυροῦντα τούτοις,

¹²⁷ "King Demetrius to Father Lasthenes, greeting. To the nation of the Jews, who are our friends and keep what is just toward us, I have decided to grant a favor for their goodwill. The three districts—Aphaerema, Lydda, and Ramathaim—which were added to Judea from Samaria, and all things pertaining to them,

¹²⁷ ‘King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews, which hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apherima, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances;

¹²⁷ 'King Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, greetings. In thanks for the loyalty of the Jewish nation in our regard I have decided to transfer to them, from Samaria to Judea, the three prefectures, Aphairema and Lydda and Ramathain, along with their dependencies.

¹²⁸ ἔτι τε ὅσα παρὰ τῶν θυόντων ἐν ἐλάμβανον οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῖς, καὶ ὅσα ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν τῆς γῆς καὶ τῶν φυτῶν, καὶ τἆλλα τὰ προσήκοντα ἡμῖν, καὶ τὰς λίμνας τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τοὺς κομιζομένους ἡμῖν στεφάνους ἀφίημι αὐτοῖς, καὶ οὐδὲν παραβιβασθήσεται τούτων ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν οὐδὲ εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. φρόντισον οὖν, ἵνα τούτων ἀντίγραφον γένηται καὶ δοθῇ καὶ ἐν ἐπισήμῳ τόπῳ τοῦ ἁγίου ἱεροῦ τεθῇ. τὰ μὲν δὴ γραφέντα ταῦτα ἦν.

¹²⁸ Furthermore, as for all the taxes which the kings before me used to receive from those who offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and all the portions from the fruits of the earth and the trees, and all other things belonging to us, as well as the salt pits and the crown taxes brought to us—I release them from all of these. Not one of these shall be exacted from them from this time forth nor for all time. See to it, therefore, that a copy of these things be made and given to Jonathan, and let it be placed in a conspicuous spot in the Holy Temple. These were the things written in the letter.

¹²⁸ as also what the kings my predecessors received from those that offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of this epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent place of their holy temple.'"

¹²⁸ And I exempt them from whatever my royal predecessors received from those who offered sacrifices in Jerusalem and the taxes on the fruits of the earth and of the trees and whatever else belongs to us; with the salt-pits and the crowns customarily presented to us, nor shall they be forced to pay any of those taxes from this time onward. Take care to have a copy of this letter made and given to Jonathan and prominently displayed in their holy temple.' " Such were the contents of this writing.

¹²⁹ ὁρῶν δὲ ὁ εἰρήνην οὖσαν καὶ μηδένα κίνδυνον μηδὲ πολέμου φόβον ὑπάρχοντα διέλυσε τὴν‎ στρατιὰν καὶ τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν ἐμείωσεν, καὶ μόνοις τοῦτον ἐχορήγει τοῖς ξενολογηθεῖσιν, οἳ συνανέβησαν ἐκ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων νήσων.

¹²⁹ But Demetrius, seeing that there was peace and no danger or fear of war, disbanded his army and reduced their pay, providing it only to the mercenaries who had come up with him from Crete and the other islands.

¹²⁹ And these were the contents of this writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every where, and that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no others than such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other islands.

¹²⁹ When Demetrius saw that there was peace everywhere and that there was no danger or fear of war, he disbanded most of his army and lessened their pay and paid only the foreigners who came with him from Crete and from the other islands.

¹³⁰ ἔχθρα τοιγαροῦν αὐτῷ καὶ μῖσος ἐκ τούτου γίνεται παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οἷς αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν οὐκέτι παρεῖχεν, οἱ δὲ πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνης χορηγοῦντες αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως διετέλουν, ἵν᾽ εὐνοοῦντας ἔχωσιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀγῶσιν εἰ δεήσειέν ποτε προθύμους.

¹³⁰ Consequently, enmity and hatred arose against him from the soldiers, to whom he provided nothing more—whereas the kings before him had continued to provide for them equally even in peace, so that they might have them well-disposed and ready for their struggles if ever needed."

¹³⁰ However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers; on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings before him used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that they might have their good-will, and that they might be very ready to undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should require it.

¹³⁰ This provoked the ill-will and hatred of the soldiers, to whom he gave nothing at this time, while the kings before him used to pay them in time of peace also, so as to have their goodwill and keep them ready to bear the ordeals of war when the need arose.

The Hasmonean "Double Game"
Jonathan’s behavior during the siege of the Akra (the Greek citadel in Jerusalem) is a masterclass in risk management. He continued the siege while traveling to meet the King who had ordered him to stop it. By bringing "gold, silver, and clothing," he used the wealth he had accumulated to buy political forgiveness for the very military action he was currently conducting.

The Title of "Brother"
Demetrius addresses Jonathan as "brother" (τῷ ἀδελφῷ). In Hellenistic court language, this was an even higher honor than "Kinsman." It signaled that the King viewed the High Priest as a near-equal sovereign. This was a massive win for Hasmonean legitimacy; the very man whose father they fought was now calling the Hasmonean leader his brother.

The "Three Districts" (Toparchiai)
The annexation of Aphaerema, Lydda, and Ramathaim was a turning point for the borders of Judea. These areas were originally part of Samaria. By officially transferring them to Judea, Demetrius recognized the demographic reality of Jewish expansion and rewarded Jonathan’s "friendship" with actual territory.

The Abolition of the "Crown Tax" and "Salt Lakes"
The King’s letter lists specific economic burdens: the salt pits (essential for food preservation and the Temple sacrifices) and crown taxes (special levies paid to the monarch). By abolishing these "for all time," Demetrius gave Judea a degree of fiscal autonomy that was almost unheard of for a provincial nation.

The Fatal Mistake: Disbanding the Professional Army
Demetrius II was a young, inexperienced king. By favoring his Cretan mercenaries and cutting the pay of the standing Seleucid army, he committed political suicide. The "enmity and hatred" Josephus mentions created a massive class of unemployed, angry soldiers who would soon support a new rebel named Tryphon. This military discontent would haunt Demetrius for the rest of his reign.

Lasthenes: The Power Behind the Throne
The letter is addressed to Lasthenes, the "Father" of the King. Lasthenes was the Cretan mercenary leader who had put Demetrius on the throne. The fact that the King has to explain his Jewish policy to Lasthenes shows that the Seleucid monarchy had become a puppet of mercenary captains.

Chapter 5
[131-186]
Tryphon wins Syria for Antiochus, son of Alexander.
The envoys of Jonathan

☜ ☞

¹³¹ Ἀμέλει ταύτην νοήσας τὴν‎ δύσνοιαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς τις στρατηγὸς τὸ γένος ὁ καὶ ἐπικληθείς, παραγίνεται πρὸς τὸν , ὃς ἔτρεφε τὸν υἱὸν , καὶ δηλώσας αὐτῷ τὴν‎ δυσμένειαν τὴν‎ τῶν στρατευμάτων πρὸς ἔπειθεν αὐτῷ δοῦναι τὸν · βασιλέα γὰρ αὐτὸν ποιήσειν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποκαταστήσειν.

¹³¹ "When a certain general of Alexander [Balas], Diodotus by name—who was also called Tryphon and was an Apamean by birth—perceived this ill-will of the soldiers toward Demetrius, he went to Malchus the Arab, who was rearing Alexander’s son, Antiochus. He explained to him the hostility of the armies toward Demetrius and persuaded him to hand over Antiochus; for he said he would make him king and restore to him his father’s dominion.

¹³¹ Now there was a certain commander of Alexander’s forces, an Apanemian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took notice of the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father.

¹³¹ The ill-will of the soldiers toward Demetrius was noted by one of Alexander’s generals, an Apamean by birth, named Diodotus who was surnamed Tryphon, who went to Malichus the Arabian, who had reared Alexander’s son Antiochus, and told him how displeased the troops were with Demetrius and persuaded him to hand over Antiochus to him, for he would make him king and restore to him his father’s kingdom.

¹³² ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντεῖχεν ὑπ᾽ ἀπιστίας, ὕστερον δὲ πολλῷ χρόνῳ προσλιπαρήσαντος τοῦ νικᾶται τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν εἰς ἃ παρεκάλει. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τούτου τἀνδρὸς ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν.

¹³² At first, Malchus held out through distrust, but after Tryphon persisted for a long time, he was eventually won over to do what Tryphon requested. Such was the situation regarding this man.

¹³² Malchus at first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho’s intentions and entreaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in.

¹³² At first he opposed this, distrusting him, but when Tryphon kept at it for a long time, he persuaded him to go with his project. This was the man’s current state.

¹³³ Ὁ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξελθεῖν βουλόμενος τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ χώρᾳ φρουρούς, πέμψας πρὸς δῶρα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὀχυρώμασι τῆς ἐκβαλεῖν.

¹³³ Meanwhile, Jonathan the High Priest, wishing to expel those in the Akra of Jerusalem, the Jewish fugitives and impious men, and the garrisons throughout the whole country, sent gifts and ambassadors to Demetrius, urging him to cast out those in the Judean fortresses.

¹³³ But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish deserters, and wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea.

¹³³ But Jonathan the high priest, wanting to be rid of those in the citadel of Jerusalem and the Jewish fugitives and rogues as well and all the garrisons in the country, sent gifts and envoys to Demetrius imploring him to remove his soldiers from the strongholds of Judea.

¹³⁴ ὁ δ᾽ οὐ ταῦτα μόνον αὐτῷ παρέξειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μείζω τούτων ὑπισχνεῖται μετὰ τὸν ἐν χερσὶ πόλεμον· τούτῳ γὰρ νῦν εὐσχολεῖν. ἠξίου δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ συμμαχίαν πέμψαι δηλῶν ἀποστῆναι τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτοῦ‎. Καὶ μὲν τρισχιλίους ἐπιλεξάμενος στρατιώτας ἔπεμψεν.

¹³⁴ Demetrius promised not only to provide this for him, but even greater things than these after the war currently at hand; for he said he was now occupied with it. He also requested that Jonathan send him an allied force, explaining that his own army had revolted. And Jonathan, having selected three thousand soldiers, sent them to him."

¹³⁴ Demetrius made answer, that after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not only grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired he would send him some assistance, and informed him that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.

¹³⁴ He replied promising to grant him not only that but also more, after the current war was over, and asking him to send some help now that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose three thousand of his soldiers and sent them to Demetrius.

The Rise of Tryphon (Diodotus)
Tryphon is a classic Hellenistic "strongman." His name, Τρύφων, means "the magnificent" or "the luxurious," a title he likely adopted to signal his status. By fetching the young Antiochus VI from the Arabs, he wasn't acting out of loyalty to the dead Alexander Balas; he was creating a puppet king to provide a legal veneer for his own military coup.

The Desperation of Demetrius II
Demetrius's admission that his own "power had revolted" (ἀποστῆναι τὴν δύναμιν) is a shocking confession of weakness. A Seleucid King begging a Jewish High Priest for troops to protect his own capital marks a total inversion of the power dynamic established by Antiochus Epiphanes just twenty years earlier. The hunter had become the dependent.

Jonathan’s Three Thousand "Special Forces"
The 3,000 soldiers Jonathan sends are not just random levies; they are ἐπιλεξάμενος (selected/elite). These troops would go on to perform one of the most brutal urban pacifications in history, saving Demetrius from a massive riot in Antioch. For Jonathan, this was a calculated investment: if he saved the King's life, the King would be forced to hand over the Akra—the fortress that had been a thorn in Jerusalem's side for decades.

Malchus the Arab: The Neutral Broker
The mention of Malchus (or Simalcue) highlights the role of the Nabataean and nomadic Arab tribes as "safe havens" for royal children during dynastic purges. These desert rulers acted as neutral third parties, holding "royal collateral" that could be cashed in when the political winds shifted.

The Akra as a Bargaining Chip
Jonathan’s obsession with the Akra (the citadel) shows that despite his international honors, he couldn't consider Judea truly sovereign as long as a foreign garrison looked down upon the Temple. He used Demetrius's military crisis as a lever to achieve a domestic religious goal—the removal of the "impious" Jewish Hellenizers who were still sheltered by the Greek garrison.

¹³⁵ δὲ μισοῦντες τὸν ὑπὲρ ὧν πεπόνθεισαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κακῶς, ἀπεχθανόμενοι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τὸν πατέρα πολλὰ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξαμαρτόντα, καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν λαβεῖν καθ᾽ ὃν ἐπιθοῖντο αὐτῷ.

¹³⁵ "The Antiochians, hating Demetrius for the evils they had suffered under him—and bearing a grudge against him also because of his father Demetrius, who had committed many wrongs against them—were watching for an opportunity to attack him.

¹³⁵ Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies also on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them; so they watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon him.

¹³⁵ The people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both for the harm he himself had done them and their resentment toward his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them, so they looked for an opportunity to attack him.

¹³⁶ νοήσαντες δὲ συμμαχίαν παροῦσαν παρὰ τῷ καὶ συμφρονήσαντες, ὅτι πολλὴν ἀθροίσει δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες προκαταλάβοιεν αὐτόν, ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ περιστάντες τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ‎ τρόπῳ πολιορκίας καὶ τὰς ἐξόδους διαλαβόντες ἐζήτουν χειρώσασθαι τὸν βασιλέα.

¹³⁶ Perceiving that an allied force from Jonathan was present with Demetrius, and realizing that he would collect a great power unless they forestalled him, they snatched up their weapons, surrounded his palace in the manner of a siege, and occupied the exits, seeking to get the King into their power.

¹³⁶ And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their weapons immediately, and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their king.

¹³⁶ When they learned of the help coming to Demetrius from Jonathan and at the same time knowing that he would raise a large army unless they got there first and captured him, they immediately took their weapons and surrounded his palace like a siege and blocking all the exits sought to subdue their king.

¹³⁷ ὁ δὲ τὸν δῆμον ὁρῶν τὸν τῶν ἐκπεπολεμωμένον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντα, παραλαβὼν τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ συμβάλλει τοῖς καὶ βιασθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, πολλαὶ γὰρ ἦσαν μυριάδες, ἡττᾶται.

¹³⁷ The King, seeing the people of Antioch in a state of war against him and under arms, took his mercenaries and the Jews sent by Jonathan and engaged the Antiochians; but being hard-pressed by them—for they were many tens of thousands—he was defeated.

¹³⁷ And when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies and that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary soldiers which he had with them, and those Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten.

¹³⁷ When he saw that the people of Antioch had become his bitter enemies and were so up in arms, he attacked the Antiochians with his mercenary soldiers and the Jews sent by Jonathan, but was overpowered and defeated by them, for they were many thousands.

¹³⁸ βλέποντες δὲ τοὺς κρατοῦντας οἱ ἐπὶ τὰς στέγας τῶν βασιλείων ἀναβάντες ἐκεῖθεν ἔβαλλον τοὺς , καὶ τοῦ μὲν αὐτοί τι πάσχειν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὄντες πορρωτάτω διὰ τὸ ὕψος, ποιοῦντες δ᾽ αὐτοὺς κακῶς διὰ τὸ ἄνωθεν μάχεσθαι τῶν σύνεγγυς αὐτοὺς οἰκιῶν ἀπώσαντο.

¹³⁸ Seeing the Antiochians prevailing, the Jews climbed onto the roofs of the palaces and from there began throwing missiles at the Antiochians. While they themselves suffered nothing from them, being far out of reach due to the height, they harassed the enemy by fighting from above and drove them away from the nearby houses.

¹³⁸ But when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went up to the top of the palace, and shot at them from thence; and because they were so remote from them by their height, that they suffered nothing on their side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses,

¹³⁸ When the Jews saw the Antiochians winning, they went up to the roof of the palace and from there shot at them, and because of their height, they suffered no losses on their side. Fighting from above, they did great damage to the others and drove them from the adjoining houses.

¹³⁹ καὶ ταύταις μὲν εὐθὺς πῦρ ἐνῆκαν, ἡ δὲ φλὸξ ἐφ᾽ ὅλην διατείνουσα τὴν‎ πόλιν πυκνῶν τῶν οἰκιῶν οὐσῶν καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα ἐκ ξύλων ᾠκοδομημένων πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἐνέμετο.	¹³⁹ These houses they immediately set on fire, and the flame, spreading through the whole city because the houses were close together and mostly built of wood, consumed all of it.
¹³⁹ and immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood.	¹³⁹ These they immediately set on fire, and it spread over the whole city and as the houses were close together and were mainly of wood, it consumed it all.

¹⁴⁰ οἱ δ᾽ μὴ δυνάμενοι βοηθῆσαι μηδὲ κρατῆσαι τοῦ πυρὸς εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν. τῶν δὲ ἀπὸ δώματος ἐπὶ δῶμα διαπηδώντων καὶ τοῦτον αὐτοὺς διωκόντων τὸν τρόπον παράδοξον συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν‎ δίωξιν.

¹⁴⁰ The Antiochians, unable to bring help or get the fire under control, were turned to flight. As the Jews leaped from roof to roof pursuing them in this manner, the pursuit became an extraordinary sight.

¹⁴⁰ So the Antioehians, when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one house to the top of another, and pursued them after that manner, it thence happened that the pursuit was so very surprising.

¹⁴⁰ So the Antiochians, unable to help themselves or to stop the fire, were put to flight, and as the Jews jumped from the top of one house to another and in that way pursued them, it was an odd pursuit.

¹⁴¹ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρῶν τοὺς σῶσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐσπουδακότας καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηκέτι μαχομένους δι᾽ ἄλλων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτίθεται στενωπῶν, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς ἀναγκασθῆναι ῥῖψαι τὰς πανοπλίας καὶ παραδοῦναι αὑτοὺς τῷ .

¹⁴¹ The King, seeing the Antiochians anxious to save their children and wives and therefore no longer fighting, attacked them through other narrow alleys; engaging them, he killed many, so that they were forced to throw down their armor and surrender themselves to Demetrius.

¹⁴¹ But when the king saw that the Antiochians were were busy in saving their children and their wives, and so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages, and fought them, and slew a great many of them, till at last they were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius.

¹⁴¹ When the king saw the Antiochians busy in saving their children and their wives and so no longer fighting, he attacked them in the narrow passages and fought and killed many of them, until finally they were forced to throw down their arms and to surrender to Demetrius.

¹⁴² συγγνοὺς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν τετολμημένων καταπαύει τὴν‎ στάσιν. δωρησάμενος δὲ τοῖς τὰς ἐκ τῶν σκύλων ὠφελείας καὶ ὡς αἰτιωτάτοις τῆς νίκης αὐτῷ γεγενημένοις εὐχαριστήσας ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς πρὸς μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ τῆς συμμαχίας.

¹⁴² Pardonning them for what they had dared, he brought the sedition to an end. Having rewarded the Jews with the benefits of the spoils and thanked them as being most responsible for his victory, he sent them back to Jerusalem to Jonathan, bearing witness to him of the alliance.

¹⁴² So he forgave them this their insolent behavior, and put an end to the sedition; and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded him.

¹⁴² So he pardoned their rash behaviour and put an end to the rebellion, and when he had given rewards to the Jews from the rich spoils he had taken and thanked them as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, as a sign of their alliance.

¹⁴³ ὕστερον δὲ πονηρὸς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐγένετο καὶ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις διεψεύσατο καὶ πόλεμον ἠπείλησεν, εἰ μὴ τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ πάντας ἀποδώσει, οὓς ὤφειλεν τὸ τῶν ἔθνος ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων βασιλέων. Καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίησεν ἄν, εἰ μὴ αὐτὸν ἐπέσχεν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ παρασκευὴν ἀντιμετέσπασεν εἰς τὰς περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ φροντίδας.

¹⁴³ Later, however, he became wicked toward Jonathan and was false to his promises; he threatened war unless Jonathan paid all the taxes which the Jewish nation had owed from the time of the first kings. And he would have done this, had not Tryphon hindered him and diverted his preparations against Jonathan to his own concerns.

¹⁴³ Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises he had made; and he threatened that he would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done, if Trypho had not hindered him, and diverted his preparations against Jonathan to a concern for his own preservation;

¹⁴³ Later he proved unfaithful to him and broke his promises and threatened to make war on him unless he paid all the tax the Jewish nation had paid to previous kings. This he would have done, if Tryphon had not hindered him and sidetracked his preparations against Jonathan into a concern for his own safety.

¹⁴⁴ ὑποστρέψας γὰρ ἐκ τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς , μειράκιον δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν, περιτίθησιν αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα. Καὶ προσχωρήσαντος τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ παντός, ὃ καταλελοίπει τὸν διὰ τὸ μὴ τυγχάνειν , πόλεμον ἐκφέρει πρὸς τὸν , καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τούς τε ἐλέφαντας καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν λαμβάνει.

¹⁴⁴ For having returned from Arabia to Syria with the boy Antiochus—who was a mere youth—he placed the diadem upon him. And since the entire military, which had abandoned Demetrius because they were not receiving their wages, went over to him, he brought war against Demetrius; and engaging him, he prevailed in battle and took both the elephants and the city of Antioch."

¹⁴⁴ for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants and the city Antioch.

¹⁴⁴ For now he returned from Arabia into Syria with the boy Antiochus, still only a youth, and put the crown on his head, and made war on Demetrius with the support of all the soldiers who had left Demetrius for not being paid, and overcame him in battle and took from him both his elephants and the city of Antioch.

The Paradox of the "Roof-Top War"
The Jewish soldiers utilized a tactical advantage the local citizens hadn't anticipated: roof-top mobility. In ancient Antioch, houses were built "cheek-by-jowl," allowing the Jews to jump from one flat roof to the next (ἀπὸ δώματος ἐπὶ δῶμα διαπηδώντων). This transformed the city's architecture into a highway for a mobile, elevated strike force that the ground-based mobs couldn't reach.

Scorched Earth as Crowd Control
Setting fire to the city was a brutal but effective strategic choice. By targeting the wooden structures, the Jewish troops forced the rioters to choose between fighting the King and saving their families (σῶσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας). This effectively broke the morale of the rebellion, though at the cost of destroying one of the greatest cities of the ancient world.

Demetrius’s "Ingratitude" (Acharistia)
The pivot in Demetrius’s character is striking. As soon as the immediate threat was neutralized by Jewish blood, he reverted to imperial arrogance. His demand for "back taxes" dating to the "first kings" (likely referring to the early Seleucids like Seleucus I or Antiochus III) was a direct violation of the tax-free status he had just granted Jonathan. It reveals Demetrius as a desperate monarch trying to solve his bankruptcy through extortion.

The Rise of the Puppet King
Tryphon’s move with the boy Antiochus VI was perfectly timed. He capitalized on the military's resentment over lost wages (διὰ τὸ μὴ τυγχάνειν μισθῶν). By presenting a son of the popular Alexander Balas, he gave the disgruntled soldiers a "legitimate" reason to desert the unpopular Demetrius.

The Elephant in the Room
The mention that Tryphon captured the elephants (τοὺς ἐλέφαντας λαμβάνει) is significant. Elephants were the "tanks" of Hellenistic warfare and a symbol of ultimate imperial authority. By losing both his capital and his elephants, Demetrius was reduced from a Great King to a fugitive in his own land, forcing Jonathan to once again reconsider his loyalties.

¹⁴⁵ μὲν οὖν ἡττηθεὶς ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς , ὁ δὲ παῖς πέμψας πρὸς πρεσβευτὰς καὶ γράμματα φίλον τε καὶ σύμμαχον αὐτὸν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐβεβαίου καὶ τῶν τεσσάρων παρεχώρει νομῶν, οἳ τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν προσετέθησαν.

¹⁴⁵ "Demetrius, having been defeated, retreated into Cilicia. The boy Antiochus [VI] sent ambassadors and letters to Jonathan, making him a friend and ally; he confirmed his High Priesthood and ceded to him the four districts that had been added to the land of the Jews.

¹⁴⁵ Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the child Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the high priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea.

¹⁴⁵ Defeated, Demetrius retreated to Cilicia. Then, sending envoys and a letter to Jonathan, young Antiochus made him his friend and ally and confirmed him in the high priesthood and granted him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea.

¹⁴⁶ ἔτι γε μὴν σκεύη χρυσᾶ καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα χρῆσθαι τούτοις ἐπιτρέπων ἀπέστειλεν καὶ πόρπῃ δ᾽ αὐτὸν δωρεῖται χρυσέᾳ καὶ τῶν πρώτων αὐτοῦ‎ καλεῖσθαι φίλων. τὸν ἀδελφὸν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπὸ κλίμακος τῆς ἕως καθίστησιν.

¹⁴⁶ Furthermore, he sent gold vessels, drinking cups, and purple clothing, permitting him to use these; he also presented him with a golden buckle and decreed that he be called one of his First Friends. He appointed Jonathan's brother, Simon, as general of the army from the Ladder of Tyre as far as Egypt.

¹⁴⁶ Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden button, and styled him one of his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt.

¹⁴⁶ He also sent him vessels and cups of gold and a purple garment which he was entitled to wear, and presented him with a golden button and styled him one of his principal friends and appointed his brother Simon as general of the army from the Ladder of Tyre to Egypt.

¹⁴⁷ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς παρ᾽ γεγενημένοις εἰς αὐτὸν ἡσθεὶς πέμψας πρὸς αὐτόν τε καὶ πρεσβευτὰς εἶναί τε Φίλος ὡμολόγει καὶ καὶ πολεμήσειν σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς , διδάσκων ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτῷ χάριτας ἀποδοίη πολλῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ χρηστῶν ἐν οἷς ἐδεῖτο τυχών, ἀλλὰ προσαδικήσειεν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν εὖ πάθοι.

¹⁴⁷ Jonathan, pleased by the honors bestowed upon him by Antiochus, sent ambassadors to him and Tryphon, professing himself a friend and ally who would fight alongside him against Demetrius. He pointed out that Demetrius had returned no gratitude for the many kindnesses he had received when in need, but instead had added injury in return for the benefits he had enjoyed.

¹⁴⁷ So Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed himself to be their friend and confederate, and said he would join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for that when he had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had requited him with further injuries.

¹⁴⁷ Jonathan was so pleased with these grants made to him by Antiochus, that he sent envoys to him and to Tryphon declaring himself to be their friend and ally and promising to be his ally in the war against Demetrius, saying that he had made no proper returns for the many marks of favour he had received from him in his time of need, but had repaid such good turns with further wrongs.

¹⁴⁸ Συγχωρήσαντος οὖν δύναμιν αὐτῷ συναγαγόντι πολλὴν ἔκ τε καὶ τοῖς πολεμῆσαι στρατηγοῖς εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν εἰς τὰς πόλεις. αἱ δὲ λαμπρῶς μὲν ἐξεδέξαντο, στρατιὰν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔδοσαν.

¹⁴⁸ Therefore, when Antiochus permitted him to gather a large force from Syria and Phoenicia to fight Demetrius’s generals, Jonathan immediately set out for the cities. They received him magnificently but gave him no troops.

¹⁴⁸ So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius’s generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his hands.

¹⁴⁸ As Antiochus allowed him to raise a large force from Syria and Phoenicia to make war against Demetrius' generals; he went quickly to the various cities which received him splendidly, but gave him no soldiers.

¹⁴⁹ παραγενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν πρὸς πόλιν καὶ τῶν φιλοτίμως αὐτῷ μετὰ δώρων ἀπαντησάντων, αὐτούς τε τούτους παρεκάλει καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλεων ἑκάστην ἀποστᾶσαν προσθέσθαι μὲν , σὺν αὐτῷ δὲ πολεμούσας πειρᾶσθαι παρὰ δίκην λαμβάνειν ὧν ἁμάρτοι ποτ᾽ εἰς αὐτάς· εἶναι δ᾽ αὐταῖς βουλομέναις ταῦτα φρονεῖν πολλὰς αἰτίας.

¹⁴⁹ Setting out from there [Gaza] toward the city of Ascalon, and when the Ascalonites had met him with gifts and great honor, he exhorted both these people and each of the cities in Coele-Syria to revolt from Demetrius and join Antiochus. He urged them to join him in making war and to attempt to take vengeance upon Demetrius for the wrongs he had once committed against them; for he told them there were many reasons for them to be of this mind, should they be willing.

¹⁴⁹ And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus; and, in assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius for what offenses he had been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do.

¹⁴⁹ When he reached Askalon and the Askalonites came out to meet him splendidly with gifts, he urged them and all the cities of Coele-Syria to forsake Demetrius and join Antiochus, and help him to punish Demetrius for his offences against them, and gave them many reasons in favour of this.

¹⁵⁰ πείσας δ᾽ ὁμολογῆσαι πρὸς τὸν συμμαχεῖν τὰς πόλεις εἰς παρεγένετο προσαξόμενος καὶ τὴν‎ παρὰ τούτων εὔνοιαν . πολὺ δ᾽ εὗρεν τῆς προσδοκίας τοὺς ἀλλοτριώτερον ἔχοντας· ἀπέκλεισαν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας καὶ τὸν ἐγκαταλιπόντες οὐκ ἔγνωσαν προσχωρῆσαι.

¹⁵⁰ Having persuaded the cities to ally with Antiochus, he came to Gaza to win their goodwill for Antiochus as well. But he found the Gazans far more hostile than expected; they shut their gates against him, and although they had abandoned Demetrius, they had no intention of joining Antiochus.

¹⁵⁰ And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut their gates against him; and although they had deserted Demetrius, they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus.

¹⁵⁰ After persuading those cities into an alliance with Antiochus, he came to Gaza to win them also to Antiochus' side, but he found the people of Gaza much more averse to him than expected, for they shut their gates against him, and though they had abandoned Demetrius, they had not resolved to join Antiochus.

¹⁵¹ τοῦτο παρώξυνεν εἰς πολιορκίαν τὸν καὶ τῆς χώρας τὴν‎ κάκωσιν· μέρος γὰρ τῆς στρατιᾶς περικαθίσας τῇ τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν‎ γῆν αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν διέφθειρεν καὶ ἐνεπίμπρα. ταῦτα δὲ πάσχοντας ἑαυτοὺς ὁρῶντες οἱ καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀπὸ βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς γινομένην, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν λυποῦν ἤδη παρόν, τὸ δ᾽ ὠφελῆσον μακρὰν ἔτι καὶ ἄδηλον εἰ παραγένοιτο, σῶφρον ἔκριναν εἶναι τοῦτ᾽ ἀφέντες παραμένειν ἐκεῖνο θεραπεύειν.

¹⁵¹ This incited Jonathan to besiege Gaza and to ravage its countryside; for having stationed a part of his army around the city, he himself went out with the remainder and laid waste to the land, setting it on fire. When the Gazans saw themselves suffering these things and realized that no help was coming to them from Demetrius [II]—since the source of their grief was already present, while that which might help was far off and uncertain if it would ever arrive—they judged it prudent to abandon the latter and court the former.

¹⁵¹ This provoked Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but what should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to leave off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship with the other;

¹⁵¹ This provoked Jonathan to besiege them and damage their district. He set part of his army around Gaza itself. With the rest, he overran their land and despoiled and burned it. When the people of Gaza saw their plight, with no help coming from Demetrius, troubles close at hand, and assistance far away and uncertain to come, they thought it prudent to cease one alliance and to cultivate the other.

¹⁵² πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν φιλίαν τε ὡμολόγουν καὶ συμμαχίαν· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸ πείρας τῶν δεινῶν οὐ συνιᾶσιν τὸ συμφέρον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἔν τινι κακῷ γενόμενοι τύχωσιν, τότε γνωσιμαχήσαντες ἃ μηδ᾽ ὅλως βλαβέντας ἄμεινον ἦν ποιεῖν ταῦθ᾽ ὕστερον ζημιωθέντες αἱροῦνται.

¹⁵² Sending word to Jonathan, they therefore agreed to friendship and alliance; for men do not understand what is to their advantage until they have experienced terrors, but when they happen to fall into some misfortune, they then change their minds and choose to do—after being penalized—the very things that would have been better to do before being harmed at all.

¹⁵² so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they do not understand what is for their advantage; but when they find themselves under such afflictions, they then change their minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till after they have suffered such damages.

¹⁵² So they sent to Jonathan offering friendship and military alliance. Such is the temper of men, that until they experience hardships they do not know what is good for them, but after enduring evils they change their minds and choose what they should have done before suffering such harm.

¹⁵³ ὁ δὲ συνθέμενος πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν καὶ λαβὼν ὁμήρους τούτους μὲν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν ἐπῆλθεν ἄχρι ΔαμασκοῦDamascus.	¹⁵³ Having made a treaty of friendship with them and taken hostages, he sent these men to Jerusalem, while he himself traversed the entire region as far as Damascus."
¹⁵³ However, he made a league of friendship with them, and took from them hostages for their performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus.	¹⁵³ He made a pact of friendship with them and took hostages and sent them to Jerusalem, while he himself overran the whole region, as far as Damascus.

The Fourth District Mystery
In previous chapters, Demetrius II had granted Jonathan three districts (Aphaerema, Lydda, and Ramathaim). Here, Antiochus VI grants four districts (τεσσάρων νομῶν). Scholars often identify this fourth district as Akabatta (or Perea), though the text reflects the "bidding war" between the two Seleucid kings, each trying to outdo the other with territorial concessions to win Jewish support.

Simon’s "Coast Guard" Command
The appointment of Simon as strategos (general) from the Ladder of Tyre (a steep mountain pass on the coast north of Acre) to the border of Egypt was a massive geopolitical shift. It effectively gave the Hasmonean family military jurisdiction over the entire Mediterranean coastline of Palestine. This laid the groundwork for the future Hasmonean capture of major ports like Joppa and Gaza.

The Siege of Gaza: Realpolitik in Action
Gaza was a proud Philistine city and a vital hub for the spice trade from Arabia. Jonathan’s brutal "scorched earth" policy here shows he was no longer just a religious leader but a Hellenistic dynast. Josephus’s philosophical note—that people only understand what is in their interest after they have suffered (ζημιωθέντες) —highlights the transition of the Hasmoneans from the "persecuted" to the "enforcers."

Golden Buckles and Purple Robes
The repetition of these honors (the πόρπη χρυσέα and πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα) underscores that Jonathan was being integrated into the highest tier of the "Friends of the King." By allowing him to use gold vessels and royal purple, Tryphon was acknowledging Jonathan as a client king in all but name.

The March to Damascus
Jonathan’s reach as far as Damascus marks the maximum northern extent of his military influence. He was essentially acting as the "Sheriff" of Coele-Syria for the young King Antiochus. This maneuver served two purposes: it protected the northern frontier from Demetrius’s loyalists and allowed Jonathan to recruit soldiers and collect resources far outside the traditional borders of Judea.

¹⁵⁴ Τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν ἀκουσθέντων αὐτῷ προελθεῖν εἰς σὺν πολλῇ στρατιᾷ, μεταξὺ δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς τε γῆς καὶ τῆς · ἀπάξειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ὑπέλαβον ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν συμμαχίαν· τῆς γὰρ ὄντας αὐτοὺς οὐ περιόψεσθαι πολεμουμένους· ὑπήντησεν αὐτοῖς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ ,

¹⁵⁴ "When it was reported to Jonathan that the generals of Demetrius had advanced to Kedasa with a large army—this place lies between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee—he moved to meet them. For they [Demetrius's generals] supposed they would draw him out of Syria by attacking his allies in Galilee, believing he would not overlook his people being at war. He left his brother Simon behind in Judea to face them.

¹⁵⁴ But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius’s forces were come to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed they should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook the Galileans, who were his own people, when war was made upon them, he went to meet them,

¹⁵⁴ Then he heard that Demetrius' generals had come with a large army to the city of Cadesh, between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee, for they thought to draw him out of Syria in order to save Galilee and that he would not neglect the people of Galilee when war was made on them,

¹⁵⁵ ὃς στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας συναγαγὼν ὡς ἐνῆν ἱκανώτατον τὴν‎ πολιορκῶν προσεκάθητο χωρίον τῆς ὀχυρώτατον· κατεῖχεν γὰρ αὐτὸ φρουρὰ . δεδήλωται δ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦτο καὶ πρότερον.

¹⁵⁵ Simon, having gathered as capable an army from the country as was possible, sat down to besiege Beth-Zur, the strongest fortress in Judea; for a garrison of Demetrius held it, as we have declared previously.

¹⁵⁵ having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as he was able out of the country, and then sat down before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius’s kept it, as we have already related.

¹⁵⁵ He went to meet them, leaving Simon in Judea, who raised from the country as great an army as he could and then set to besiege Bethsura, the strongest place in all Judea, held, as we have said, by a garrison belonging to Demetrius.

¹⁵⁶ ὡς δὲ χώματα μὲν ἐγείραντος τοῦ , μηχανήματα δ᾽ ἱστάντος καὶ πολλῇ σπουδῇ χρωμένου περὶ τὴν‎ τῆς πολιορκίαν ἔδεισαν οἱ φρουροί, μὴ κατὰ κράτος ἐξαιρεθέντος τοῦ χωρίου διαφθαρῶσιν, πέμψαντες πρὸς τὸν ἠξίουν ὅρκους λαβόντες, ὥστε μηδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ παθεῖν, καταλιπεῖν τὸ χωρίον καὶ πρὸς ἀπελθεῖν.

¹⁵⁶ As Simon raised siege mounds and set up engines of war, showing great zeal in the siege of Beth-Zur, the guards became terrified that they might be destroyed if the place were taken by storm. Sending word to Simon, they requested that they receive oaths—so as to suffer nothing at his hands—and be allowed to leave the place and go to Demetrius.

¹⁵⁶ But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken of Simon by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no harm from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius.

¹⁵⁶ But as Simon was raising earthworks and bringing his machines of war against Bethsura and pressing on with the siege, the garrison feared that he would take the place by storm and they be put to the sword, so they sent to Simon requesting his sworn guarantee not to harm them but let them leave the place and go off to Demetrius.

¹⁵⁷ ὁ δὲ δοὺς ταύτας αὐτοῖς τὰς πίστεις ἐκβάλλει μὲν ἐκείνους ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, αὐτὸς δὲ φρουρὰν καθίστησιν ἰδίαν.	¹⁵⁷ He gave them these pledges and cast them out of the city, but he himself stationed his own garrison there."
¹⁵⁷ Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own.	¹⁵⁷ He gave them his oath and expelled them from the city and put in it a garrison of his own.

The Diversionary Tactic at Kedasa
Demetrius’s generals utilized a classic military maneuver: the indirect approach. By threatening Galilee (specifically near Kedasa/Kedesh), they forced Jonathan to leave his base of operations in central Syria to protect his northern flank. They understood that Jonathan’s legitimacy rested on his role as the "protector of the Jews," and he could not politically afford to ignore an attack on Jewish settlements in the north.

The Fall of Beth-Zur
Beth-Zur was arguably the most important strategic point in the Judean hills. It commanded the main road from Hebron to Jerusalem. It had been a thorn in the side of the Hasmoneans since the days of Judas Maccabeus. Simon’s use of siege mounds (χώματα) and engines (μηχανήματα) shows how far the Jewish military had evolved—from a ragtag guerrilla force to an army capable of conducting technical Hellenistic poliorcetics (siege warfare).

Diplomatic Mercy as Strategy
Simon’s decision to let the garrison leave under oath (ὅρκους) rather than slaughtering them was a pragmatic move. A prolonged siege would have tied down his forces. By allowing the Greeks to depart for Demetrius, he secured a vital fortress quickly and bloodlessly, allowing him to redeploy his troops to support Jonathan if needed. It also signaled to other garrisons in the region that surrender was a viable, safe option.

The "Internal Front"
While Jonathan was acting as a high-level international diplomat and general, Simon was acting as the Interior Minister. This division of labor was the secret to Hasmonean success. By securing the fortresses of Judea, they ensured that even if Jonathan suffered a defeat in the north, the "heartland" was fortified and under Hasmonean control.

Transition to Sovereignty
When Simon "stationed his own garrison" (φρουρὰν καθίστησιν ἰδίαν), it marked a transition from liberation to occupation. The Hasmoneans were no longer just fighting to remove the Greeks; they were replacing the Greek administration with their own military infrastructure, a clear step toward the independent Hasmonean kingdom.

¹⁵⁸ δὲ ἄρας ἐκ τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ὑδάτων τῶν λεγομένων, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ἐστρατοπεδευκώς, εἰς τὸ καλούμενον πεδίον προῆλθεν οὐκ εἰδὼς ὄντας ἐν αὐτῇ τοὺς πολεμίους.

¹⁵⁸ "Jonathan, setting out from Galilee from the waters called Gennesar—for he happened to be encamped there—advanced into the plain called Hazor, unaware that the enemy was already in that place.

¹⁵⁸ But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the plain that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there.

¹⁵⁸ Jonathan moved from Galilee, from the waters known as Gennesar, where he had been camped, and came into the plain called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there.

¹⁵⁹ μαθόντες δὲ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας οἱ τοῦ μέλλειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς βαδίζειν ἐνέδραν αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς λοχήσοντας ἐν τῷ ὄρει καθίσαντες αὐτοὶ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰς τὸ πεδίον· οὓς ἰδὼν ὁ ἑτοίμους πρὸς μάχην παρεσκευάζετο καὶ αὐτὸς τοὺς ἰδίους στρατιώτας πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα, ὡς ἠδύνατο.

¹⁵⁹ But the generals of Demetrius [II], having learned a day in advance that Jonathan intended to march against them, positioned an ambush for him and placed men to lie in wait on the mountain, while they themselves met him in the plain with their army. When Jonathan saw them ready for battle, he prepared his own soldiers for the struggle as best he could.

¹⁵⁹ When therefore Demetrius’s men knew a day beforehand that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain; which army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was able;

¹⁵⁹ When therefore Demetrius' men knew a day in advance that Jonathan was coming against them, they set an ambush on the mountainside, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain. And when Jonathan saw them ready to engage him, he also prepared his own soldiers as best he could for the battle.

¹⁶⁰ τῶν δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἐνέδραν ὑπὸ τῶν ΔημητρίουDemeter, Demetrius στρατηγῶν κατασταθέντων κατὰ νώτου τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews γενομένων, δείσαντες μὴ μέσοι ληφθέντες ἀπόλωνται, φεύγειν ὥρμησαν.	¹⁶⁰ However, when those stationed in the ambush by Demetrius’s generals fell upon the rear of the Jews, the Jews feared they would be caught in the middle and destroyed, and they began to flee.
¹⁶⁰ but those that were laid in ambush by Demetrius’s generals being behind them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst between two bodies, and perish; so they ran away in haste,	¹⁶⁰ But when the Jews saw behind them the ambush set by Demetrius' generals, they feared being caught in the middle and killed so they quickly fled away.

¹⁶¹ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες τὸν κατέλιπον, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ὡς περὶ πεντήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπέμειναν, καὶ ὁ καὶ ὁ τῆς ἁπάσης δυνάμεως ἡγεμόνες ὄντες· τολμηρῶς δὲ καὶ μετὰ ἀπογνώσεως εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὠσάμενοι τῷ τε θάρσει κατέπληξαν αὐτοὺς καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀπέστρεψαν εἰς φυγήν.

¹⁶¹ Everyone else abandoned Jonathan; only a few remained—about fifty in number—including Mattathias son of Absalom and Judas son of Chapsaios, who were the commanders of the entire force. Throwing themselves boldly and with desperation into the enemy, they stunned them with their courage and, with their own hands, turned them to flight.

¹⁶¹ and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but a few there were, in number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage they daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands they put them to flight.

¹⁶¹ Almost all of them abandoned Jonathan, but about fifty remained with him including Mattathias, son of Absalom and Judas, son of Chapseus, officers of the army. These marched boldly and desperately against the enemy and pushed them so hard that they alarmed them by their courage and brandishing their weapons put them to flight.

¹⁶² οἱ δ᾽ ἀναχωρήσαντες τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὡς εἶδον τοὺς πολεμίους τραπέντας, ἐπισυλλεγέντες ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ὥρμησαν αὐτοὺς διώκειν καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησαν μέχρι , οὗ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἦν τοῖς πολεμίοις.

¹⁶² When Jonathan’s soldiers who had retreated saw the enemy turning back, they gathered themselves from their flight and rushed to pursue them; they continued this as far as Kedasa, where the enemy’s camp was located."

¹⁶² And when those soldiers of Jonathan that had retired saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their flight, and pursued them with great violence; and this did they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.

¹⁶² When Jonathan’s soldiers who had retreated saw the enemy giving way, they turned from their flight and vigorously pursued them as far as Cadesh, where the enemy camp lay.

The Geography of the Trap
The movement from the "Waters of Gennesar" (the Sea of Galilee) up to the "Plain of Hazor" involves a significant ascent into Upper Galilee. The generals of Demetrius utilized the rugged terrain of the Galilean finger perfectly. By showing a small force in the open plain while hiding the bulk of their strength in the mountains above, they executed a classic pincer movement or "double envelope" ambush.

The Failure of Intelligence
Josephus notes that Jonathan was οὐκ εἰδώς (unaware) of the enemy's presence. This is a rare admission of a Hasmonean tactical error. It highlights the superiority of the Seleucid scouting network in the north at this time. Despite Jonathan's growing regional power, the professional Greek military still held the advantage in strategic reconnaissance.

The "Fifty" and the Power of the Core Guard
The survival of the Hasmonean cause frequently came down to a tiny "inner circle." The fact that only fifty men stayed with Jonathan while thousands fled shows that the army was still susceptible to panic. However, the mention of Mattathias son of Absalom and Judas son of Chapsaios—two high-ranking officers—proves that the Hasmonean nobility led from the front. Their "desperate" (ἀπογνώσεως) charge broke the enemy's momentum by sheer psychological shock.

The Moral "U-Turn"
Josephus describes a common phenomenon in ancient warfare: the rally. Once the fleeing soldiers saw their leader’s small guard actually winning, their shame turned back into courage. The battle shifted from a rout of the Jews to a rout of the Greeks, pursuing them all the way to Kedasa (Kedesh-Naphtali), a fortified city near the Phoenician border.

Historical Context: A Pyrrhic Victory?
While Jonathan won the field, this battle proved that the "Macedonians" (as Josephus calls the Seleucid troops) were still a formidable threat in the open field. It reinforced Jonathan's realization that he could not rely on military strength alone; he would increasingly lean into the diplomatic and treacherous games of the Seleucid court—games that would eventually lead to his capture at Ptolemais.

¹⁶³ Κρατήσας οὖν τῇ μάχῃ λαμπρῶς καὶ δισχιλίους τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀποκτείνας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς . ὁρῶν οὖν, ὅτι πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν προνοίᾳ θεοῦ χωρεῖ, πρὸς πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλεν, ἀνανεώσασθαι βουλόμενος τὴν‎ γενομένην τῷ ἔθνει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔμπροσθεν φιλίαν.

¹⁶³ "Jonathan, having conquered in battle so brilliantly and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. Seeing that all things were proceeding according to his mind through the providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, wishing to renew the friendship that the nation had previously established with them.

¹⁶³ Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation had with them formerly.

¹⁶³ After winning a glorious victory and killing two thousand of the enemy, Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, and seeing all of his affairs prospering as he hoped, by the providence of God, he sent envoys to the Romans, being eager to renew their nation’s former friendship with them.

¹⁶⁴ τοῖς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀναστρέφουσιν πρὸς τοὺς ἀφικέσθαι καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπομνῆσαι φιλίαν καὶ συγγένειαν. οἱ δ᾽ ὡς ἦλθον εἰς τὴν‎ παρελθόντες εἰς τὴν‎ βουλὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως εἰπόντες, ὡς πέμψειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς συμμαχίας βεβαιώσει,

¹⁶⁴ He also commanded these same ambassadors, upon their return from Rome, to visit the Spartans to remind them of their friendship and kinship. When they arrived in Rome and entered their Senate, they spoke on behalf of Jonathan the High Priest, explaining that he had sent them to confirm the alliance.

¹⁶⁴ He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went into their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship.

¹⁶⁴ He told those envoys, that on their return they should go to the Spartans and remind them of the friendship and family ties between them. When the envoys came to Rome, they went into the Senate and said as the high priest Jonathan had directed, that they were sent to confirm their alliance.

¹⁶⁵ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπικυρωσάσης τὰ πρότερον αὐτῇ περὶ τῆς φιλίας ἐγνωσμένα καὶ δούσης ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῆς καὶ καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἄρχοντας αὐτοῖς κομίζειν, ὅπως ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν κομιδῆς δι᾽ αὐτῶν τύχωσιν, ἀναστρέφοντες εἰς τὴν‎ παρεγένοντο καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἃς ἔλαβον παρὰ , αὐτοῖς ἀπέδοσαν.

¹⁶⁵ The Senate ratified its previous decrees concerning friendship with the Jews and gave the ambassadors letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, so that they might travel safely to their own country. On their return, they arrived in Sparta and delivered the letters they had received from Jonathan.

¹⁶⁵ The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them;

¹⁶⁵ The Senate confirmed what had been formerly decreed about their friendship with the Jews and gave them letters to take to all the kings of Asia and Europe and to the officers of the cities, to provide them with safe conduct to their homeland. On their return journey they went to Sparta and delivered to them the letter they had received from Jonathan,

¹⁶⁶ τὸ δ᾽ ἀντίγραφον ἦν τόδε· " ἀρχιερεὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἱερέων ἐφόροις καὶ γερουσίᾳ καὶ δήμῳ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς χαίρειν. εἰ ἐρρωμένοις ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, οὕτως ἂν ἔχοι ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς.

¹⁶⁶ The copy of the letter was as follows: 'Jonathan, High Priest of the nation of the Jews, and the Council of Elders (Gerousia), and the body of the priests, to the Ephors and the Senate and the People of the Lacedaemonians [Spartans], their brothers, greeting. If you and your public and private affairs proceed according to your mind, it is as we wish; we also are well.

¹⁶⁶ a copy of which here follows: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also.

¹⁶⁶ Here is a copy of it: "Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation and the elders and community of the priests, to our brothers the Ephoroi and senate and people of the Spartans, greetings. If you are well and your public and private affairs flourish as you desire, it is our desire too. And we are also well.

¹⁶⁷ ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις κομισθείσης τῷ γενομένῳ ἀρχιερεῖ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὑμῶν ἐπιστολῆς διὰ περὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ὑμῖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς συγγενείας, ἧς ὑποτέτακται τὸ ἀντίγραφον, τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμεθα προθύμως καὶ τῷ Δημοτέλει καὶ τῷ εὐνοικῶς διετέθημεν, οὐ δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀποδείξεως διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἡμῶν πεπιστεῦσθαι γραμμάτων,

¹⁶⁷ In former times, a letter was brought to Onias, who was then our High Priest, from Areus, who was then your king, delivered by Demoteles, concerning the kinship existing between you and us—a copy of which is subjoined. We received that letter eagerly and were well-disposed toward Demoteles and Areus, not because we lacked proof of such things, having been convinced by our own Holy Scriptures,

¹⁶⁷ When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were well satisfied about it from the sacred writings

¹⁶⁷ When in times past a letter was brought by Demoteles to Onias, our then high priest, from Areus, who was your king, about the bond of kinship between us and you, a copy of which is attached, we received the letter joyfully and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we needed no such proof, since the sacred writings assured us of it.

¹⁶⁸ τὸ μὲν προκατάρχειν τῆς ἀναγνωρίσεως οὐδὲ δοκιμάζομεν μὴ καὶ προαρπάζειν δοκῶμεν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν διδομένην δόξαν, πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων διαγενομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναποληθείσης ἡμῖν οἰκειότητος ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς καὶ ἐπωνύμοις ἡμέραις θυσίας τῷ θεῷ προσφέροντες καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας τε καὶ νίκης αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦμεν.

¹⁶⁸ but because we did not wish to be the first to claim this recognition, lest we seem to snatch away the honor you offered. Though much time has passed since our kinship was first recalled, we offer sacrifices to God on our holy and festival days, and we entreat Him for your safety and victory.

¹⁶⁸ yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory.

¹⁶⁸ Still, we do not think fit to begin to claim this bond with you lest we should seem too quick to assume the glory with which you now honour us. It is a long time since our bond with you has been renewed, and when on holy festival days, we offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your safety and victory.

¹⁶⁹ πολλῶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς πολέμων περιστάντων διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλῳ τῶν προσηκόντων ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν ἐκρίναμεν. καταγωνισάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους πέμποντες πρὸς τὸν καὶ τὸν τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὄντων παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐν τιμῇ, ἐδώκαμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστολάς, ὅπως ἀνανεώσωνται τὴν‎ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν συγγένειαν.

¹⁶⁹ Though many wars have surrounded us due to the greed of our neighbors, we decided not to trouble you or any of our relatives. Now, having overcome our enemies, we have sent Numenius son of Antiochus and Antipater son of Jason—men of high honor from our Senate—to the Romans, and we gave them letters for you as well, so that they might renew our kinship.

¹⁶⁹ As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that friendship which is between us.

¹⁶⁹ For ourselves, though many wars have surrounded us through the greed of our neighbours, we did not want to trouble you or others related to us, but now that we have defeated our enemies and have occasion to send to Rome honoured men of our senate, Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, we also gave them this letter to you, to renew our mutual friendship.

¹⁷⁰ καλῶς οὖν ποιήσετε καὶ αὐτοὶ γράφοντες ἡμῖν καὶ περὶ ὧν ἂν δέησθε ἐπιστέλλοντες, ὡς εἰς ἅπαντα προθυμησομένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας προαιρέσεως. οἱ μὲν οὖν τούς τε πρεσβευτὰς φιλοφρόνως ὑπεδέξαντο καὶ ψήφισμα ποιησάμενοι περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπέστειλαν.

¹⁷⁰ You will do well, therefore, to write back to us concerning your needs, as we are eager for all that concerns your welfare.' The Lacedaemonians received the ambassadors with great kindness and, having passed a decree concerning alliance and friendship, sent it back to them."

¹⁷⁰ You will therefore do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according to your desires." So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to them.

¹⁷⁰ It would be fine if you yourselves were to write to us an account of what you may need from us, as we are in all things disposed to act according to your wishes." The Spartans received the envoys kindly and made a decree of friendship and military alliance and sent it to them.

The Myth of "Abrahamic Kinship"
The core of the letter to Sparta is the extraordinary claim of συγγένεια (kinship). Both the Jews and the Spartans of this era believed—or found it diplomatically useful to believe—that they were both descended from Abraham. While modern historians view this as a "pious fiction" designed to create an anti-Seleucid Mediterranean bloc, it was a powerful tool in ancient diplomacy to bridge the gap between "barbarian" and "Greek" cultures.

Rome: The Ultimate Security Guarantee
Jonathan’s mission to the Roman Senate was a brilliant tactical move. By securing letters of safe passage (ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς κομιδῆς) addressed to all "kings of Asia and Europe," Jonathan was effectively placing the Seleucid Empire on notice. If a Seleucid official harmed a Jewish ambassador, they were now defying a Roman decree. This turned Judea into a de facto Roman protectorate.

The Shift in Hasmonean Titles
Notice the sender: "Jonathan the High Priest and the Gerousia [Senate] and the body of the priests." This reflects the formalization of the Judean government. It is no longer just a family of rebels; it is a structured state with a deliberative assembly (the Gerousia), mirroring the political structures of the Greek polis.

Piety as Diplomacy
Jonathan mentions that he prays for Sparta during the "holy and festival days" in the Temple. This is a sophisticated way of centering Jerusalem as a spiritual powerhouse. He isn't just asking for soldiers; he is offering "spiritual coverage" in exchange for political recognition, a common feature of Hasmonean international relations.

The "Greed of Neighbors"
Jonathan refers to his wars as being caused by the "greed of our neighbors" (τὴν τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν). This is a masterful spin on the Maccabean Revolt. By framing the conflict as a defensive struggle against local land-grabbers rather than a religious rebellion against the Seleucid Crown, he makes the Jewish cause more relatable to the Roman and Spartan senates.

¹⁷¹ Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἦσαν, αἳ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν ΦαρισαίωνPharisees ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ ΣαδδουκαίωνSadducees, ἡ τρίτη δὲ ἘσσηνῶνEssenes.	¹⁷¹ "At this time, there were three sects (haireseis) of the Jews, which held differing views concerning human affairs; one was called the Pharisees, another the Sadducees, and the third the Essenes.
¹⁷¹ At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes.	¹⁷¹ Meanwhile there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions about human actions; the first was of the Pharisees, the second of the Sadducees and the third of the Essenes.

¹⁷² οἱ μὲν οὖν τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν γένος πάντων τὴν‎ εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν.

¹⁷² Now, the Pharisees say that some things, but not all, are the work of Fate (Heimarmene), and that some things depend on ourselves as to whether they happen or not. The sect of the Essenes, however, declares that Fate is mistress of all things, and that nothing befalls men unless it is in accordance with her decree.

¹⁷² Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination.

¹⁷² The Pharisees say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate while some of them are in our own power and are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm that fate governs all things and that nothing befalls men except at its decree.

¹⁷³ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς πραγματείας.

¹⁷³ But the Sadducees do away with Fate, considering that it is nothing and that human affairs do not reach their end according to it; rather, they place everything in our own hands, so that we ourselves are the causes of what is good, and we receive what is worse through our own folly. However, I have given a more accurate account of these matters in the second book of the Jewish War."

¹⁷³ And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.

¹⁷³ The Sadducees deny fate and say there is no such thing and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal, but that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good and receive what is evil from our own foolishness. But I have given a more detailed account of these opinions in the second book of the Judaic War.

Theology as Greek Philosophy
Josephus uses the term εἱμαρμένη (Heimarmene), a heavy-duty technical term from Stoic and Epicurean philosophy. By framing the Jewish debate as one over "Fate" versus "Free Will," he makes Jewish theology intelligible to his Roman and Greek readers. In a Jewish context, "Fate" likely stands for Divine Providence (Hashgacha).

The Three Positions on Agency
Josephus maps out a clear spectrum of human autonomy:

1) The Essenes (Determinism): Total Divine Sovereignty. Everything is predestined.

2) The Sadducees (Libertarianism): Total Human Agency. God is not involved in human choices or outcomes; we are the masters of our own luck.

3) The Pharisees (Compatibilism): The Middle Way. They believe in a synergy between God’s will and human choice—a view that eventually became the bedrock of Rabbinic Judaism.

3. The "Missing" Fourth Philosophy Notice that Josephus does not mention the "Zealots" (the Fourth Philosophy) here. In his later works, he credits them with the disastrous war against Rome. By omitting them here, he presents a Judea that is intellectually diverse but theoretically "stable" during the Hasmonean era. 4. Socio-Political Undercurrents While Josephus focuses on theology, these divisions had massive political implications for Jonathan the High Priest. The Sadducees were the aristocratic elite and priestly families; the Pharisees were the "people's party" with influence over the masses. Jonathan’s ability to rule depended on balancing these factions—a balance that would eventually collapse under his successors. 5. Why the Interlude Now? Josephus inserts this "state of the union" report right after Jonathan reaches his peak of power. It serves as a subtle warning: while the Hasmoneans were winning wars and making alliances with Rome, the internal "sects" were developing the deep ideological fractures that would define Jewish history for the next two centuries.

¹⁷⁴ Οἱ δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοὶ τὴν‎ γεγενημένην ἧτταν ἀναμαχέσασθαι βουλόμενοι, πλείω τῆς προτέρας δύναμιν συναγαγόντες ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὸν . ὁ δὲ ἐπιόντας πυθόμενος ὀξέως ἀπήντησεν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν‎ · οὐ γὰρ ἔγνω σχολὴν αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν, ὥστ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβαλεῖν.

¹⁷⁴ "The generals of Demetrius, wishing to recover from the defeat they had suffered, gathered a force larger than the previous one and marched against Jonathan. When he learned they were advancing, he met them swiftly in the region of Amathis; for he was determined not to give them the opportunity to invade Judea.

¹⁷⁴ But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea;

¹⁷⁴ The generals of Demetrius wanting to recover from their defeat, gathered a greater army than before and came against Jonathan, but hearing of their coming he went quickly to Hamathitis to meet them, intending not to give them time to come into Judea.

¹⁷⁵ Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ἄπωθεν σταδίοις πεντήκοντα πέμπει τοὺς κατοψομένους αὐτῶν τὴν‎ παρεμβολὴν καὶ πῶς εἶεν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. τῶν δὲ κατασκόπων πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ φρασάντων καί τινας συλλαβόντων νυκτός, οἳ αὐτοῖς μέλλειν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμήνυον, προγνοὺς ἠσφαλίσατο,

¹⁷⁵ Having encamped fifty stadia away from the enemy, he sent men to observe their camp and how they were stationed. When the scouts had reported everything to him and had captured some men during the night, they revealed that the enemy intended to attack them.

¹⁷⁵ so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus apprised beforehand,

¹⁷⁵ He encamped fifty furlongs away from the enemy and sent out spies to view their enclosure and see how they were encamped. His spies had given him full information and they had taken some prisoners at night, who told him that the enemy would soon attack him. With this advance knowledge, he kept guard

¹⁷⁶ προφυλακάς τε ποιησάμενος ἔξω τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔχων ἅπασαν καὶ παρηγγελκὼς αὐτοῖς τὰς ψυχὰς ἐρρωμένους εἶναι καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις οὕτως ἔχειν, ὡς καὶ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς εἰ δεήσειε μαχεσομένους, ὥστε μὴ λαθεῖν αὐτῶν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν.

¹⁷⁶ Forewarned, Jonathan secured his position; having placed outposts outside the camp, he kept his entire force under arms throughout the night, commanding them to be vigorous in spirit and mentally prepared to fight through the night if necessary, so that the enemy's intent would not catch them unaware.

¹⁷⁶ provided for his security, and placed watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge to be of good courage, and to have their minds prepared to fight in the night time, if they should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy’s designs should seem concealed from them.

¹⁷⁶ and placed watchmen outside his camp and kept his forces armed all night, and rallied their spirits to be prepared to fight by night, if they had to, in case their enemy had a secret plan.

¹⁷⁷ οἱ δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοὶ τὸν ἐγνωκότα οὐκέτι τὴν‎ γνώμην ἦσαν ὑγιεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτάραττεν αὐτοὺς τὸ καταφώρους τοῖς ἐχθροῖς γεγονέναι καὶ μηδενὶ προσδοκᾶν αὐτῶν ἐπικρατήσειν ἑτέρῳ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς διημαρτημένης· ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ φανεροῦ διακινδυνεύοντες οὐκ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι τοῖς ἀξιόμαχοι.

¹⁷⁷ When the generals of Demetrius learned that Jonathan was aware [of their plan], they were no longer sound of mind; they were troubled that they had been found out by their foes and expected no victory now that their plot had failed—for they did not believe themselves a match for Jonathan’s men in open battle.

¹⁷⁷ But when Demetrius’s commanders were informed that Jonathan knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered, and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their intentions; nor did they expect to overcome them any other way, now they had failed in the snares they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle, they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan’s army,

¹⁷⁷ When Demetrius' officers were told that Jonathan knew what they intended, their plans went awry and they were alarmed to find that the enemy knew of their intentions. They had no other hopes of defeating them now that their traps had failed, for they did not think they could match Jonathan’s army if they risked an open battle.

¹⁷⁸ φυγὴν οὖν ἐβουλεύσαντο, καὶ πυρὰ καύσαντες πολλά, ὡς ὁρῶντες οἱ πολέμιοι μένειν αὐτοὺς ὑπολάβοιεν, ἀνεχώρησαν. ὁ δὲ ἕωθεν προσμίξας αὐτῶν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ καταλαβὼν ἔρημον αὐτό, συνεὶς ὅτι πεφεύγασιν ἐδίωκεν.

¹⁷⁸ They decided, therefore, on flight; and having lit many fires so the enemy would suppose they were staying, they retreated. At dawn, Jonathan approached their camp and, finding it deserted, realized they had fled and pursued them.

¹⁷⁸ so they resolved to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw them they might suppose they were there still, they retired. But when Jonathan came to give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted, and understood they were fled, he pursued them;

¹⁷⁸ They decided to flee, and retreated after lighting many fires so that when the enemy saw them they would think they were still there. When in the morning Jonathan came to fight them in their camp and found it deserted and saw that they had fled, he set off in pursuit.

¹⁷⁹ οὐ μέντοι φθάνει καταλαβεῖν· ἤδη γὰρ τὸν ποταμὸν διαβεβηκότες ἦσαν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ. ποιησάμενος οὖν ἐκεῖθεν τὴν‎ ὑποστροφὴν εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν λείαν καὶ λαβὼν αἰχμαλώτους ἐλθὼν εἰς ἐκεῖ πάντα ἀπέδοτο.

¹⁷⁹ However, he did not manage to overtake them, for they had already crossed the Eleutherus River and were in safety. Turning back from there toward Arabia, he made war against the Nabataeans and drove off much of their plunder; after taking captives and arriving in Damascus, he sold everything there.

¹⁷⁹ yet he could not overtake them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went into Arabia, and fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and there sold off what he had taken.

¹⁷⁹ He could not overtake them, however, for they had already crossed the river Eleutherus and were out of danger. Returning from there, he went into Arabia and fought against the Nabateans and drove away a large amount of their booty and took prisoners and came to Damascus and there sold off what he had taken.

¹⁸⁰ ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν ἐπελθὼν καὶ τὴν‎ ἕως ἠσφαλίσατο φρουρίοις, καὶ ποιήσας ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ὀχυρώτατα καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἦλθεν εἰς καὶ καταλαβόμενος αὐτὴν εἰσήγαγεν μεγάλην φρουράν· ἤκουσε γὰρ τοὺς βουλομένους τοῖς στρατηγοῖς παραδοῦναι τὴν‎ πόλιν.

¹⁸⁰ At the same time, his brother Simon traversed all of Judea and Palestine as far as Ascalon, securing it with fortresses. Having made these places extremely strong through buildings and garrisons, he went to Joppa and, after seizing it, introduced a large garrison; for he heard that the Joppans intended to surrender the city to the generals of Demetrius."

¹⁸⁰ About the same time it was that Simon his brother went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds; and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius’s generals.

¹⁸⁰ About the same time his brother Simon went through all of Judea and Palestine, as far as Askalon and fortified the strongholds. When he had fortified them both with buildings and the garrisons placed within them, he came to Joppa, and after taking it brought a large garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to hand over the city to Demetrius' generals.

The Strategy of "Forward Defense"
Jonathan’s movement to Amathis (likely Hamath in Syria) is a classic example of preemptive defense. By fighting in the "shatter zone" of central Syria, he ensured that the horrors of war—scorched earth and plundered villages—remained outside the borders of Judea. He understood that a sovereign state is defined by its ability to keep its heartland a "zone of peace."

The Failure of "Night Tactics"
In the Hellenistic era, night attacks were considered high-risk, high-reward maneuvers. Demetrius’s generals relied entirely on the element of surprise because they lacked the confidence to face the Hasmonean veteran infantry in a "fair" daylight fight. Jonathan’s counter-tactic—keeping the army in a state of vigilant readiness (ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις)—neutralized the only advantage the Seleucids had.

The "Fire Deception"
The use of watchfires to cover a retreat is a timeless military ruse (later used by figures like George Washington at the Battle of Princeton). It suggests that the Seleucid generals were tactically clever even if they were strategically outmatched. They managed to save their army by sacrificing their camp, using the Eleutherus River as a natural barrier to stop Jonathan’s pursuit.

The Nabataean Raid: Economics of War
The attack on the Nabataeans (Zabadeans in some versions) might seem like a tangent, but it was likely a logistical necessity. Campaigning in the north was expensive; by plundering the wealthy Arab tribes and selling the spoils in the markets of Damascus, Jonathan "self-funded" his military operations. It also served to remind the desert tribes that the Hasmoneans were the new dominant power in the region.

Simon and the "Iron Ring"
While Jonathan was the "Sword," Simon was the "Shield." His fortification of Judea "as far as Ascalon" and his seizure of Joppa were the most significant long-term moves in this passage. Joppa provided Judea with its first reliable "window to the west." By installing a garrison to prevent a pro-Seleucid coup, Simon effectively turned a rebellious coastal city into a Hasmonean naval base.

¹⁸¹ Ταῦτ᾽ οὖν διοικησάμενοι ὅ τε καὶ ἦλθον εἰς . συναγαγὼν δὲ τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν συνεβουλεύετο τά τε τείχη τῶν ἐπισκευάσαι καὶ τὸ καθῃρημένον τοῦ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν περιβόλου πάλιν ἀναστῆσαι καὶ πύργοις ὑψηλοῖς ἐξοχυρῶσαι τὰ περὶ αὐτό,

¹⁸¹ "Having settled these matters, both Simon and Jonathan returned to Jerusalem. Gathering all the people into the Temple, Jonathan advised them to repair the walls of Jerusalem and to rebuild the portion of the Temple enclosure that had been torn down, fortifying its surroundings with high towers.

¹⁸¹ When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together, and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the places adjoining stronger by very high towers;

¹⁸¹ When Simon and Jonathan had finished these matters, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem and to rebuild the wall surrounding the temple, which had been thrown down, and to strengthen the area around it with very high towers.

¹⁸² πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ μέσον τῆς πόλεως ἄλλο τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομησαμένους ἀποφράξαι τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροῖς τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τῆς εὐπορίας αὐτοὺς τῶν σιτίων τοῦτον ἀποκλεῖσαι τὸν τρόπον, ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ φρούρια ποιῆσαι πολὺ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλείας ὀχυρώτερα.

¹⁸² In addition to this, he proposed building another wall in the middle of the city to block off the city from the garrisons in the Akra, and in this manner to cut them off from their abundance of provisions; furthermore, he urged making the fortresses in the countryside much more secure than their current state of safety.

¹⁸² and besides that, to build another wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that were in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before.

¹⁸² Besides, he would build another wall in the middle of the city, to divide the public square from the garrison in the citadel and so deprive them of provisions. Moreover, he would make the fortresses out in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before.

¹⁸³ τῆς δὲ γνώμης καὶ τῷ πλήθει δοκιμασθείσης καλῶς ἔχειν αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ᾠκοδόμει, ΣίμωναSimon δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐξέπεμψεν ἀσφαλισόμενον.	¹⁸³ Since this opinion was approved by the multitude as being sound, Jonathan himself began building within the city, while he sent Simon out to secure the affairs in the countryside.
¹⁸³ And when these things were approved of by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the building that belonged to the city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses in the country more secure than formerly.	¹⁸³ When this plan was approved by the people, Jonathan took care of the building relating to the city and sent Simon away to secure the fortresses in the country better than before.

¹⁸⁴ ὁ δὲ ΔημήτριοςDemetrius διαβὰς εἰς τὴν‎ ΜεσοποταμίανMesopotamia ἧκεν ταύτην τε βουλόμενος καὶ τὴν‎ ΒαβυλῶναBabylon κατασχεῖν,	¹⁸⁴ Meanwhile, Demetrius [II], having crossed into Mesopotamia, arrived there wishing to take control of both that region and Babylon,
¹⁸⁴ But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain that country still, as well as Babylon;	¹⁸⁴ But Demetrius crossed into Mesopotamia, wishing to retain that country as well as Babylon,

¹⁸⁵ καὶ τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐντεῦθεν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ὅλης τῆς βασιλείας ἀφορμάς· καὶ γὰρ οἱ ταύτῃ κατοικοῦντες καὶ συνεχῶς ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς , παραδώσειν μὲν αὑτοὺς ὑπισχνούμενοι, συγκαταπολεμήσειν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα.

¹⁸⁵ intending to make the upper satrapies his base of operations for the entire kingdom. For the Greeks and Macedonians living there were constantly sending embassies to him, promising that if he came to them, they would surrender themselves and join him in making war against Arsaces, the King of the Parthians.

¹⁸⁵ and when he should have obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation for recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist him in fighting against Arsaces, the king of the Parthians.

¹⁸⁵ and after taking hold of the upper satrapies to lay the foundation for recovering his entire kingdom, for those Greeks and Macedonians who lived there often sent envoys to him promising to come to his side if he would come to them, and to help him in fighting Arsaces, the king of the Parthians.

¹⁸⁶ ταύταις ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὥρμησεν πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ καταστρέψαιτο τοὺς καὶ γένοιτ᾽ αὐτῷ δύναμις, τὸν πολεμῆσαι διεγνωκὼς καὶ τῆς ἐκβαλεῖν. δεξαμένων δὲ αὐτὸν προθύμως τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, συναγαγὼν δύναμιν ἐπολέμησεν πρὸς τὸν , καὶ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν πᾶσαν ἀποβαλὼν αὐτὸς ζῶν ἐλήφθη, καθὼς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

¹⁸⁶ Elated by these hopes, he set out toward them, having decided that if he could subdue the Parthians and gain a sufficient force, he would make war against Tryphon and expel him from Syria. Although the people in that region received him eagerly, after gathering a force and making war against Arsaces, he lost his entire army and was himself taken alive, as has been declared elsewhere."

¹⁸⁶ So he was elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere related.

¹⁸⁶ Buoyed up by these hopes he hurried to them, so that once he had destroyed the Parthians and had an army of his own, he would make war on Tryphon and expel him from Syria. The local people eagerly received him and he raised forces with which he fought Arsaces; but he lost all his army and was himself taken alive, as we have elsewhere reported.

The "Wall of Separation" in Jerusalem
Jonathan’s proposal to build a wall "in the middle of the city" was a brilliant tactical move. The Akra (the Greek citadel) was still occupied by a hostile garrison and Jewish Hellenizers. Rather than a bloody frontal assault on a superior fortification, Jonathan used urban engineering to place the garrison under a permanent "soft siege." By physically walling them off from the city markets, he weaponized hunger against them while allowing the rest of Jerusalem to function normally.

The Strategic Division of Labor
The brothers operated as a seamless unit: Jonathan (the High Priest and political head) managed the capital's prestige and the Temple, while Simon (the military expert) managed the rural defense network. This dual-pronged approach ensured that Judea wasn't just a city-state, but a fortified territory where every hill was a potential stronghold.

The "Upper Satrapies" and the Parthian Threat
Demetrius II's move to Mesopotamia shows how desperate the Seleucid situation had become. He abandoned the struggle for Syria against Tryphon to gamble on a "Great Eastern Campaign." The Parthians, under Arsaces (Mithridates I), were the rising superpower of the East. Demetrius hoped to tap into the "Macedonian nostalgia" of the Greek colonists in the East to rebuild his army, but he severely underestimated the Parthian military machine.

The Catastrophe: A King "Taken Alive"
The capture of Demetrius II in 139 BCE was a world-shaking event. For a Seleucid king to be taken prisoner—not killed in battle—created a legal and political nightmare. He would remain a captive in Parthia for nearly a decade (though treated as a royal guest). In Syria, this left a total power vacuum, which the usurper Tryphon was all too happy to fill.

Historical Irony
There is a sharp irony in the juxtaposition of these two events: While the "mighty" Seleucid King is being dragged away in chains by the Parthians, the "rebel" High Priest is in Jerusalem, calmly presiding over an assembly and directing the reconstruction of the Temple walls. The era of Greek dominance was ending, and the era of Hasmonean independence was truly beginning.

Chapter 6
[187-217]
On Jonathan’s death,
Simon becomes general and high priest.
War against Tryphon

☜ ☞

¹⁸⁷ δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἔγνω τοιοῦτο λαβόντα τέλος οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν βέβαιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεβούλευεν ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνας τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτὸς κατασχεῖν. ἐνεπόδιζέ γε μὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν ταύτην ὁ παρὰ φόβος φίλου τυγχάνοντος , καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν πρῶτον ἔγνω καὶ τότε τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἐγχειρεῖν.

¹⁸⁷ "When Tryphon learned that the affairs of Demetrius had met such an end [his capture by the Parthians], he was no longer loyal to Antiochus [VI], but plotted to kill him and seize the kingdom for himself. However, his intent was hindered by his fear of Jonathan, who happened to be a friend to Antiochus; for this reason, he decided first to get Jonathan out of the way and only then to lay hands on the affairs of Antiochus.

¹⁸⁷ Now when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him, and then take possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his design relating to Antiochus;

¹⁸⁷ Knowing what had happened to Demetrius, Tryphon no longer firmly sided with Antiochus, but plotted to kill him and take over his kingdom, but this plan was thwarted by his fear of Jonathan, who was a friend to Antiochus, so he decided to remove Jonathan first and then make his attempt on Antiochus.

¹⁸⁸ ἀπάτῃ δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ δόλῳ κρίνας ἀνελεῖν εἰς ἐκ τῆς παραγίνεται τὴν‎ καλουμένην ὑφ᾽ , εἰς ἣν μετὰ τεσσάρων αὐτῷ μυριάδων ἀπήντησεν ἐπιλέκτου στρατοῦ· πολεμήσοντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἥκειν ὑπελάμβανεν.

¹⁸⁸ Judging it best to destroy him by deceit and guile, he arrived from Antioch at Beth-shan—which is called Scythopolis by the Greeks—where Jonathan met him with forty thousand selected troops; for Jonathan supposed he had come to make war.

¹⁸⁸ but he judging it best to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to fight him;

¹⁸⁸ Thinking to remove him by deceit and treachery, he came from Antioch to Bethsan, which the Greeks call Scythopolis, where thinking that he had come to fight him, Jonathan met him with forty thousand elite troops.

¹⁸⁹ ὁ δ᾽ ἕτοιμον εἰς μάχην γνοὺς τὸν ὑπέρχεται δώροις αὐτὸν καὶ φιλοφρονήσει, καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ‎ πειθαρχεῖν προσέταξεν, τούτοις πιστώσασθαι βουλόμενος εὔνοιαν καὶ πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐξελεῖν εἰς τὸ καταφρονήσαντα λαβεῖν ἀφύλακτον οὐδὲν .

¹⁸⁹ When Tryphon realized Jonathan was ready for battle, he approached him with gifts and friendly greetings, and even commanded his own officers to obey Jonathan, wishing to confirm his goodwill through these actions and remove all suspicion, so that he might take him off-guard while he was feeling overconfident and foreseeing nothing.

¹⁸⁹ but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to gain him by presents and kind treatment, and gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means was desirous to give assurance of his good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded.

¹⁸⁹ But when he saw Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to win him over by gifts and signs of friendship and ordered his officers to defer to him, seeking in this way to give assurance of his goodwill and banish all his suspicions, to make him careless and capture him unguarded.

¹⁹⁰ τήν τε στρατιὰν συνεβούλευεν ἀπολῦσαι· καὶ γὰρ νῦν οὐ δεόντως αὐτὴν , πολέμου μὲν οὐκ ὄντος, εἰρήνης δὲ ἐχούσης τὰ πράγματα· κατασχόντα μέντοι γε περὶ αὐτὸν ὀλίγους εἰς συνελθεῖν παρεκάλει· παραδώσειν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ πόλιν τά τε ἄλλα πάνθ᾽ ὅσα κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐστὶν ὀχυρώματα ποιήσειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ· καὶ γὰρ τούτων ἕνεκα παρεῖναι.

¹⁹⁰ He advised Jonathan to dismiss his army, saying that there was no need to bring it along now, as there was no war and peace prevailed; he urged him instead to keep only a few men with him and come with him to Ptolemais. For he promised to hand over the city to him and place all the other fortresses in the country under his control; indeed, he claimed it was for these very reasons that he was present."

¹⁹⁰ He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occasion for bringing it with him when there was no war, but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were in the country under his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very designs.

¹⁹⁰ He suggested that he disband the army, for there was no need to have it with him as there was no war and peace reigned, and just to keep a few men around him and accompany him to Ptolemais, where he would surrender the city to him and bring all the strongholds in the country to submit to him saying that this was why he had come.

The "Parthian Effect" on Syria
The capture of Demetrius II by the Parthians removed the only "legitimate" rival to Tryphon’s power. With the Seleucid king in a cage in the East, Tryphon felt he no longer needed the "puppet king" Antiochus VI. However, he recognized that Jonathan was the true "kingmaker" of the region. Jonathan’s military strength was the only thing protecting the boy-king’s life and Tryphon’s own claim to legitimacy.

Scythopolis: The Strategic Meeting Point
Tryphon chose Scythopolis (Beth-shan) as the meeting place. This was a neutral, Hellenized city located at a vital crossroads between Galilee, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley. Jonathan arrived with 40,000 elite troops (τεσσάρων μυριάδων ἐπιλέκτου στρατοῦ). This staggering number shows that Judea was no longer a small province but a major regional military power, which only increased Tryphon’s urgency to eliminate its leader.

The Psychology of Deceit
Tryphon’s strategy was to "kill with a kiss." By ordering his own generals to obey Jonathan, he performed the ultimate act of diplomatic submission. This was designed to exploit Jonathan's growing "hubris" or confidence. Having spent years successfully navigating the treacherous waters of Seleucid court politics, Jonathan likely believed he had finally mastered the "game of thrones" and that Tryphon was truly his subordinate.

The Trap of Ptolemais
The invitation to Ptolemais (Acre) was the bait. Ptolemais was a major port and had long been a prize the Hasmoneans coveted. By promising to "hand over the city," Tryphon appealed to Jonathan’s ambition to secure a maritime outlet for Judea. The request to dismiss the army was framed as a logistical convenience ("why waste money on an army during peace?"), but it was, of course, a death sentence.

Historical Context: The End of the "First Generation"
This passage sets the stage for the end of Jonathan's leadership (161–143 BCE). Jonathan had taken the ragtag rebel group left by his brother Judas and turned it into a professional state. His capture at Ptolemais, which follows immediately after this text, left Judea in a state of panic, leading to the rise of the last brother, Simon, who would finally achieve total independence.

¹⁹¹ Ὁ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπομνήματα, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας καὶ γνώμης ἀληθοῦς τὸν συμβουλεῦσαι ταῦτα πιστεύσας τὴν‎ μὲν στρατιὰν ἀπέλυσεν, τρισχιλίους δὲ κατασχὼν μόνους τοὺς μὲν δισχιλίους ἐν τῇ κατέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν χιλίων ἧκεν εἰς σὺν .

¹⁹¹ "Jonathan, therefore, suspecting none of these things, but believing that Tryphon had advised them out of goodwill and true intent, dismissed his army. Retaining only three thousand men, he left two thousand in Galilee, while he himself arrived at Ptolemais with one thousand alongside Tryphon.

¹⁹¹ Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management, but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness, and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no more than three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in Galilee; and he himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to Ptolemais.

¹⁹¹ Having no suspicions about this and trusting that Tryphon’s advice came from goodwill and in good faith, Jonathan dismissed his army except for three thousand of them, leaving two thousand in Galilee while with one thousand, he went personally with Tryphon into Ptolemais.

¹⁹² τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ κλεισάντων τὰς πύλας, τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ προστεταγμένον, ἐζώγρησεν, τοὺς δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν. ἔπεμψεν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ καταλειφθέντας δισχιλίους, ὅπως ἂν καὶ τούτους ἀπολέσωσιν·

¹⁹² But when those in Ptolemais shut the gates—for this had been commanded of them by Tryphon—he took Jonathan alive and slaughtered all those who were with him. Tryphon also sent men against the two thousand who had been left in Galilee, in order to destroy them as well.

¹⁹² But when the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them;

¹⁹² When the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as ordered by Tryphon, he took Jonathan alive but killed all who were with him, and sent soldiers to do away with the two thousand that were left in Galilee.

¹⁹³ ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν ὑπὸ φήμης τῶν περὶ τὸν συμβεβηκότων ἔφθησαν πρὶν ἢ τοὺς ὑπὸ ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφικέσθαι φραξάμενοι τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπελθεῖν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πεμφθέντες ἰδόντες ἑτοίμους ὑπὲρ τῶν ψυχῶν ἀγωνίζεσθαι μηδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐνοχλήσαντες πρὸς τὸν ὑπέστρεψαν.

¹⁹³ However, having been forewarned by the rumor of what had happened to Jonathan, these men managed to arm themselves and depart from the region before the messengers sent by Tryphon could arrive. When those sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they did not trouble them but returned to Tryphon."

¹⁹³ but those men having heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execution; and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they covered themselves with their armor, and went away out of the country. Now when those that were sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them no disturbance, but returned back to Trypho.

¹⁹³ But hearing what had happened to Jonathan, these men forestalled the arrival of those sent by Tryphon, and took their weapons and fled from the country. When those sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they did not trouble them but returned to Tryphon.

The Fatal Blind Spot of a Diplomat
Jonathan’s greatest strength—his ability to navigate the complex web of Hellenistic alliances—became his undoing. Josephus emphasizes that he acted out of "true intent" (γνώμης ἀληθοῦς), suggesting that Jonathan had begun to project his own sense of statecraft onto a man who was essentially a sociopathic usurper. It is a classic historical irony: the man who outmaneuvered the Seleucid kings was brought down by a "Friend."

The Massacre at the Gates
The scale of the betrayal is staggering. To lure a High Priest and a "First Friend" of the King into a city under the guise of an alliance, only to slaughter 1,000 men in cold blood, was a violation of the most sacred Hellenistic laws of hospitality and diplomacy. By taking Jonathan "alive" (ἐζώγρησεν), Tryphon turned him into a high-stakes hostage, hoping to extort the Judean state into total submission.

The "Two Thousand" and the Power of Rumor
The survival of the 2,000 men left in Galilee was the only silver lining of the disaster. Their escape highlights the efficiency of the Hasmonean communication network—the "rumor" (φήμης) traveled faster than Tryphon’s organized cavalry. Their refusal to surrender, being "ready to fight for their lives," signaled to Tryphon that while he had captured the leader, he had not broken the spirit of the army.

Tryphon’s Failed Clean-Up Operation
Tryphon’s immediate attempt to liquidate the remaining Galilean troops shows that his plan was a total decapitation strike. He didn't just want Jonathan; he wanted to erase the Hasmonean military presence north of Samaria. The retreat of his messengers when faced with armed resistance proves that Tryphon’s forces were primarily effective at treachery, not necessarily at overcoming determined, prepared Judean veterans.

Transition to Crisis
This moment created a vacuum in Jerusalem. With Jonathan in chains and his elite guard dead, the "Hellenizing" party in Judea (the pro-Greek faction) saw an opening to return to power. The stage was set for Simon, the last of the five brothers of Mattathias, to step forward and prove that the Hasmonean cause was greater than any one individual.

¹⁹⁴ Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἀκούσαντες τὴν‎ σύλληψιν καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλειαν αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν ὠλοφύροντο καὶ δεινὴ τἀνδρὸς ἐπιζήτησις παρὰ πᾶσιν ἦν,

¹⁹⁴ "When those in Jerusalem heard of Jonathan’s capture and the destruction of the soldiers who were with him, they lamented him bitterly for what had happened, and there was a terrible sense of loss for the man among everyone.

¹⁹⁴ But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by every body,

¹⁹⁴ When the people of Jerusalem heard of the capture of Jonathan and of the massacre of the soldiers who were with him, they deplored their sad fate, and all were anxiously inquiring about him.

¹⁹⁵ δέος τε μέγα καὶ κατὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς ἐμπεσὸν ἐλύπει, μὴ τῆς ἀνδρείας ἅμα καὶ προνοίας ἀφῃρημένων τὰ περὶ ἔθνη χαλεπῶς ἔχοντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ διὰ ἠρεμοῦντα νῦν αὐτοῖς ἐπισυστῇ καὶ πολεμοῦντες εἰς τοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνους ἀναγκάζωνται καθίστασθαι.

¹⁹⁵ A great and rational fear fell upon them and grieved them, lest—having been deprived of Jonathan’s courage and foresight simultaneously—the surrounding nations, who were hostile toward them and had remained quiet only because of Jonathan, should now rise up against them, forcing them into a struggle for their very lives.

¹⁹⁵ and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest, now they were deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making war with them, should force them into the utmost dangers.

¹⁹⁵ They were greatly fearful and sad lest, deprived of Jonathan’s courage and leadership, the nations around them who resented them but had previously stayed at peace on account of Jonathan might now rise up and make war on them, putting them in an extremely dangerous position.

¹⁹⁶ καὶ δὴ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὡς ὑπενόουν συνέπεσεν· τὸν γὰρ ἀκούσαντες θάνατον οἱ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν πολεμεῖν ἤρξαντο τοὺς ὡς ἀποροῦντας ἡγεμόνος. Αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ δύναμιν συναγαγὼν γνώμην εἶχεν ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν‎ πολεμεῖν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ.

¹⁹⁶ And indeed, it happened just as they suspected; for hearing of Jonathan’s [supposed] death, the surrounding nations began to make war on the Jews, believing them to be destitute of a leader. Tryphon himself, having gathered a force, intended to march up into Judea to make war on its inhabitants.

¹⁹⁶ And indeed what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews as now destitute of a governor and Trypho himself got an army together, and had intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabitants.

¹⁹⁶ What they suspected happened in fact, for when those nations heard of Jonathan’s death they began a war against the Jews who were now without a ruler and Tryphon himself gathered an army intending to go up to Judea and make war on its inhabitants.

¹⁹⁷ δ᾽ ὁρῶν πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς καταπεπληγότας, βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὑποστῆναι προθύμως ἐπιόντα τὸν θαρραλεωτέρους ποιῆσαι τῷ λόγῳ, συγκαλέσας τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτοὺς παρακαλεῖν ἤρξατο·

¹⁹⁷ But Simon, seeing the Jerusalemites terrified by these things and wishing to make them more courageous through speech so they might zealously withstand the approaching Tryphon, called the people together into the Temple and began to exhort them:

¹⁹⁷ But when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified at the circumstances they were in, he desired to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people together into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them:

¹⁹⁷ When Simon saw the people of Jerusalem terrified at the circumstances at this he wanted to speak to them and rouse their courage to oppose the attack of Tryphon, so calling the people together into the temple he began to exhort them:

¹⁹⁸ " τὸ μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐλευθερίας, , μετὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοί μου ὡς ἐτολμήσαμεν ἀσμένως ἀποθανεῖν οὐκέτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖτε. παραδειγμάτων δὲ τοιούτων εὐποροῦντός μου κἀκ τοῦ θνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς θρησκείας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκίας γενομένους ἡγησαμένου φόβος οὐδὲ εἷς ἔσται‎ τηλικοῦτος, ὃς ταύτην ἡμῶν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἐκβαλεῖ τῆς ψυχῆς, ἀντεισάξει δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν φιλοζωίαν καὶ δόξης καταφρόνησιν.

¹⁹⁸ 'You are no longer ignorant, my fellow countrymen, of how I, my father, and my brothers have gladly dared to die for your liberty. Since I possess such an abundance of examples—members of our house having died for the laws and the religion—no fear shall ever be so great as to cast this mindset from my soul and replace it with a love of life and a contempt for glory.

¹⁹⁸ "O my countrymen, you are not ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty; since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws, and our divine worship, there shall no terror be so great as to banish this resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a contempt of glory.

¹⁹⁸ "My countrymen, you are aware that my father, I myself and my brothers, have willingly risked our lives for the sake of your freedom. Inspired by such examples from within our family we have decided to risk death for our laws and our form of worship, and no terror shall be able to banish this resolve from our souls, or replace it with a love for life and scorn for glory.

¹⁹⁹ ὅθεν ὡς οὐκ ἀποροῦντες ἡγεμόνος οἵου τε καὶ πάσχειν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τὰ μέγιστα καὶ δρᾶν ἕπεσθέ μοι προθύμως ἐφ᾽ οὓς ἂν ἡγῶμαι· οὔτε γὰρ κρείττων ἐγὼ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐμῶν, ἵνα φείδωμαι τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχῆς, οὔτε χείρων, ἵν᾽ ὃ κάλλιστον ἐκείνοις ἔδοξεν τὸ τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας ὑμῶν τοῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ φύγω καὶ καταλίπω.

¹⁹⁹ Therefore, follow me zealously wherever I lead, knowing you are not destitute of a leader capable of suffering the greatest things for you and acting on your behalf. For I am neither better than my brothers, that I should spare my own life, nor am I worse, that I should flee and abandon that which they deemed most noble: to die for the laws and the worship of God.

¹⁹⁹ Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honorable of all things,—I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you;

¹⁹⁹ You are not, therefore, without a leader willing to suffer and to do the greatest things for you, so follow me willingly wherever I lead you, for I am neither better than my brothers so that I should spare my own life, nor worse than they so that I would avoid or refuse what they thought the most honourable thing of all, I mean, to die for our laws and for the worship of God which is special to you.

²⁰⁰ οἷς δέ με δεῖ γνήσιον ἐκείνων ἀδελφὸν φανῆναι τούτοις ἀδελφὸν ἐμαυτὸν ἐπιδείξω· θαρρῶ γὰρ ὡς καὶ δίκην ληψόμενος παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πάντας ὑμᾶς μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὕβρεως ῥυσόμενος καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπόρθητον μετὰ τοῦ θεοῦ διαφυλάξων· τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη βλέπω καταφρονήσαντα ὑμῶν ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ἡγεμόνα πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ὡρμημένα."

²⁰⁰ By the same means through which I must prove myself their true brother, I shall demonstrate myself to be your brother. For I am confident that I shall take vengeance upon the enemy, rescue all of you with your wives and children from their insolence, and—with God's help—preserve the Temple from being plundered. For I see that the nations, looking down on you as having no leader, have set out to make war against you.'"

²⁰⁰ I will therefore give such proper demonstrations as will show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all with your wives and children from the injuries they intend against you, and, with God’s assistance, to preserve your temple from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you in contempt, as being without a governor, and that they thence are encouraged to make war against you."

²⁰⁰ I will therefore prove myself their brother, and I dare to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies and save you all with your wives and children from any insult from them, and with God’s help, to preserve your temple from destruction. For I see that these nations hold you in contempt while you are leaderless and so are encouraged to assault you with war."

The "Rational Fear" of the Power Vacuum
Josephus uses the phrase δέος τε μέγα καὶ κατὰ λόγον (a great and rational fear). The fear wasn't hysterical; it was strategic. In the Hellenistic world, peace treaties were often personal agreements between leaders. With Jonathan gone, every neighbor of Judea viewed the standing treaties as void. This highlights the fragility of the Hasmonean state at this stage—it was still perceived as a "personality-driven" entity rather than a permanent institution.

Simon’s Rhetorical "Brotherhood"
Simon faces a unique challenge: he is the last of the original five brothers. He uses the concept of γνήσιος ἀδελφός (true/genuine brother) as his political platform. He argues that his legitimacy comes from his willingness to be a "brother" to the people in the same way he was a brother to the fallen Judas and Jonathan. He essentially creates a "sacrificial contract" with the nation.

The Philosophy of "Glory vs. Life"
Simon contrasts φιλοζωΐαν (love of life) with δόξης (glory/honor). This reflects a core Hasmonean value: the "shame" of outliving one's mission. By declaring he is "no better" than his brothers, he is telling the people that his life is expendable for the sake of the νόμων (laws) and θρησκείας (religion).

The Temple as the Political Center
Note that this assembly takes place εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν (in the Temple). Under the Hasmoneans, the Temple was not just a place of sacrifice; it was the national "forum." By speaking there, Simon was reinforcing his identity as the guardian of the ἀπόρθητον (unplundered) sanctuary.

From Victim to Vindicator
Simon’s speech shifts the narrative from mourning (ὠλοφύροντο) to vengeance (δίκην ληψόμενος). He identifies the "insolence" (ὕβρεως) of the Gentiles as the primary threat. This transition from grief to righteous anger is a classic move in military leadership, successfully pivoting the crowd from a defensive, cowering stance to one of active mobilization.

²⁰¹ Τούτους ποιησαμένου τοῦ τοὺς λόγους ἀνεθάρσησεν τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐνδεδωκὸς ὑπὸ δειλίας ἀνηγέρθη πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀμείνω καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα, ὡς ἀθρόως πάντα τὸν λαὸν ἐκβοῆσαι τὸν αὐτῶν ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ ἀντὶ καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ προστασίαν ἔχειν· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ πρὸς ὅ τι κελεύσαι πειθηνίους.

²⁰¹ "When Simon had finished these words, the multitude took courage; their souls, which had surrendered to cowardice, were roused toward a better and noble hope, so that the entire people cried out together for Simon to lead them and to hold the leadership in place of his brothers, Judas and Jonathan. They declared they would be obedient to whatever he might command.

²⁰¹ By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage; and as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the people cried out all at once that Simon should be their leader; and that instead of Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have the government over them; and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever he should command them.

²⁰¹ By doing this Simon inspired the crowd, and as before their spirits had been downcast with fear, they were now raised to a better hope so that the whole mass of the people at once cried out for Simon to be their leader and govern them in place of his brothers Judas and Jonathan; and they promised to obey whatever commands he gave.

²⁰² συναθροίσας δ᾽ εὐθὺς πᾶν ὅσον ἦν τὸ πολεμικὸν τῆς οἰκείας ἰσχύος ἔσπευδε τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνοικοδομῆσαι, καὶ πύργοις αὐτὴν ὑψηλοτάτοις καὶ καρτεροῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος ἀπέστειλεν μὲν τινὰ φίλον παῖδα μετὰ στρατιᾶς εἰς προστάξας αὐτῷ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἐκβαλεῖν· ἐδεδίει γάρ, μὴ παραδῶσιν οὗτοι τὴν‎ πόλιν τῷ . Αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὑπομείνας ἐφύλαττε τὰ .

²⁰² Immediately gathering all the fighting men of his own force, he hastened to rebuild the walls of the city, securing it with very high and strong towers. He sent Jonathan, the son of Absalom, a friend of his, with an army to Joppa, commanding him to expel its inhabitants; for he feared they might surrender the city to Tryphon. He himself remained behind to guard Jerusalem.

²⁰² So he got together immediately all his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabitants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.

²⁰² Immediately he gathered the military strength of the nation and hurried to rebuild the walls of the city and strengthened them with towers that were very high and strong, and sent a friend of his, Jonathan the son of Absalom, to Joppa with orders to expel the inhabitants from the city, for he feared they would surrender the city to Tryphon, but he himself stayed to guard Jerusalem.

²⁰³ Ὁ δὲ ἄρας ἐκ μετὰ στρατιᾶς πολλῆς εἰς τὴν‎ παραγίνεται καὶ τὸν δέσμιον ἄγων. ἀπήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ μετὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ δυνάμεως εἰς πόλιν, ἥτις ἐπ᾽ ὄρους κειμένη τυγχάνει, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ὑπόκειται τὰ τῆς πεδία.

²⁰³ Tryphon, setting out from Ptolemais with a large army, arrived in Judea bringing Jonathan along in chains. Simon met him with his own force at the city of Adida, which happens to be situated on a mountain, below which lie the plains of Judea.

²⁰³ But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the plains of Judea.

²⁰³ Tryphon then moved from Ptolemais with a large army and came into Judea, bringing Jonathan with him in chains, and Simon with his army met him at Addida, a city upon a hill overlooking the plains of Judea.

²⁰⁴ γνοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνα τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν καθεσταμένον ἔπεμψεν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦτον ἀπάτῃ καὶ δόλῳ περιελθεῖν βουλόμενος, κελεύων αὐτόν, εἰ θέλει λυθῆναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν , πέμψαι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου καὶ δύο τῶν παίδων τῶν ὁμήρους, ὅπως μὴ ἀφεθεὶς ἀποστήσῃ τὴν‎ βασιλέως· ἄρτι γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον, ὃ τῷ βασιλεῖ χρησάμενος ὤφειλε, φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον.

²⁰⁴ Tryphon, realizing that Simon had been appointed leader by the Jews, sent to him, wishing to circumvent him also through deceit and guile. He demanded that if he wished his brother Jonathan to be released, he must send a hundred talents of silver and two of Jonathan’s sons as hostages, lest Jonathan, once set free, should cause Judea to revolt from the King; for he claimed Jonathan was being kept bound on account of the money he owed the King.

²⁰⁴ And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made their governor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by deceit and trencher, and desired, if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan’s sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed it to him.

²⁰⁴ When Tryphon learned that the Jews had chosen Simon as their leader, he sent to him seeking to deceive and trick him, and saying that if he wanted to have his brother Jonathan released, he should send him a hundred talents of silver and two of Jonathan’s sons as hostages, so that after his release he would not make Judea revolt from the king, and that he was kept in chains at present on account of money he had borrowed from the king not returned.

²⁰⁵ ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ τέχνην τὴν‎ τοῦ οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλὰ συνεὶς ὅτι καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον ἀπολέσει δοὺς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐ λύσει, μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐκδώσει τῷ πολεμίῳ, φοβούμενος δέ, μὴ διαβληθῇ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ὡς αἴτιος αὐτὸς τἀδελφῷ θανάτου γενόμενος, ὅτι μήτε τὰ χρήματα μήτε τοὺς υἱοὺς ἔδωκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎, συναγαγὼν τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῇ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ,

²⁰⁵ Simon was not ignorant of Tryphon’s trickery; he understood that if he gave the silver he would lose it, and he would not free his brother, but would instead surrender the children to the enemy. However, fearing he might be slandered before the multitude as the cause of his brother's death because he gave neither the money nor the sons for him, he gathered the army and disclosed Tryphon’s demands.

²⁰⁵ But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although he knew that if he gave him the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would not set his brother free and withal should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among the multitude as the cause of his brother’s death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jonathan’s sons, he gathered his army together, and told them what offers Trypho had made;

²⁰⁵ But Simon knew about Tryphon’s craftiness and though he knew that if he gave him the money he would lose it and that Tryphon would not free his brother and would hand over Jonathan’s sons to the enemy, yet because he feared calumny being raised among the people against him as the cause of his brother’s death if he neither gave the money nor sent Jonathan’s sons, he gathered his army and told them of Tryphon’s offers, adding that the offers were a plot and a snare,

²⁰⁶ εἰπὼν ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ ἐνέδραν καὶ ἐπιβουλὴν ἔχει· ὅμως αἱρετώτερον εἶναι πέμψαι τὰ χρήματ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἢ τοῖς ὑπὸ προβαλλομένοις μὴ ὑπακούσαντα λαβεῖν αἰτίαν ὡς τὸν ἀδελφὸν σῶσαι μὴ θελήσας. Καὶ μὲν τούς τε παῖδας ἐξέπεμψεν καὶ τὰ χρήματα.

²⁰⁶ He told them that this was an ambush and a plot; nevertheless, he said it was preferable to send the money and the sons rather than face the accusation that he was unwilling to save his brother by failing to comply with Tryphon's proposals. Thus, Simon sent out both the money and Jonathan’s sons.

²⁰⁶ and added this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet that it was more eligible to send the money and Jonathan’s sons, than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with Trypho’s offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money;

²⁰⁶ but that it was preferable to send the money and the sons, rather than risk the blame of not listening to Tryphon’s offers and refusing to save his brother; so Simon sent Jonathan’s sons, and the money.

²⁰⁷ λαβὼν δὲ ὁ οὐκ ἐτήρησεν τὴν‎ πίστιν οὐδὲ ἀπέλυσε τὸν , ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκπεριῆλθε τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀναβαίνειν διεγνώκει τὸ λοιπὸν εἰς , καὶ παραγενόμενος ἧκεν εἰς πόλιν τῆς . ἀντιπαρῆγεν δ᾽ ὁ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀεὶ καταστρατοπεδευόμενος ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ‎.

²⁰⁷ But Tryphon, having received them, did not keep his word nor release Jonathan; instead, taking his army, he circled around the country, having decided to march up to Jerusalem through Idumea, and he arrived at the city of Adora in Idumea. Simon marched alongside him with his army, always encamping directly opposite him."

²⁰⁷ but when Trypho had received them, he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against him with his army, and all along pitched his own camp over against his.

²⁰⁷ When Tryphon received them however, he did not keep his promise or set Jonathan free, but took his army and went about all the region intending to go later to Jerusalem by way of Idumaea, and on the way arrived at the city of Ador in Idumea, while Simon and his army kept pace with him and regularly pitched camp opposite his.

The "Adida" High Ground
Simon’s choice of Adida (modern Tel Hadid) was masterly. It sits on the edge of the Shephelah (foothills) overlooking the coastal plain. From here, Simon could watch Tryphon’s every move on the road from the coast toward Jerusalem. It forced Tryphon to negotiate because a direct ascent through the narrow passes would have been suicidal against Simon’s veteran troops holding the heights.

The Hostage Trap: A Political Catch-22
This is the most "Machiavellian" moment in Simon's career. He knew with near-certainty that Tryphon would kill Jonathan regardless. However, the "fear of slander" (φοβούμενος... μὴ διαβληθῇ) was more dangerous to the state than the loss of 100 talents. If Simon refused, his political rivals could claim he "sacrificed his brother to keep the crown." By paying the ransom and sending his nephews, Simon bought the one thing he needed most: unassailable moral legitimacy.

The Purge of Joppa
Simon’s decision to expel the inhabitants of Joppa and replace them with a Jewish garrison (led by another Jonathan) was a harsh but necessary security measure. Joppa was Judea's only deep-water port. By "Hasmoneanizing" the city, Simon ensured that Tryphon could not be resupplied by sea, effectively cutting off the usurper's logistical lifeline.

Shadowing the Enemy
The text describes a tense "shadow war" where Simon marched "always encamping directly opposite" Tryphon (ἀεὶ καταστρατοπεδευόμενος ἐξ ἐναντίας). This is a game of strategic containment. Tryphon tried to bypass the main defenses by swinging south through Idumea (near Hebron), but Simon's army moved like a mirror image, blocking every mountain pass and preventing the Greeks from ever reaching the walls of Jerusalem.

The "King’s Debt" Pretext
Tryphon’s claim that Jonathan was held for a "debt to the King" was a clever legal fiction. It allowed Tryphon to pretend he wasn't a kidnapper, but an official collecting royal arrears. By framing a political assassination as a financial dispute, he hoped to confuse the international community (especially Rome) about his true motives.

²⁰⁸ Τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ πεμψάντων πρὸς καὶ παρακαλούντων σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τροφὰς αὐτοῖς πέμψαι, παρεσκεύασε τὴν‎ ἵππον ὡς διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἐν ἐσόμενος. ἀλλὰ χιὼν διὰ νυκτὸς πολλὴ πεσοῦσα καὶ τάς τε ὁδοὺς καλύψασα καὶ ἵπποις μάλιστα πεζεύειν ὑπὸ βάθους τὴν‎ πορείαν παρασχοῦσα διεκώλυσεν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὰ .

²⁰⁸ "When those in the Akra [citadel] sent word to Tryphon urging him to hasten to them and send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry with the intention of being in Jerusalem that very night. But a heavy snow fell during the night, covering the roads and making the journey impassable for horses—and especially for infantry—due to its depth, which prevented him from reaching Jerusalem.

²⁰⁸ But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made them so deep, that there was no passing, especially for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem;

²⁰⁸ When the men in the citadel sent to Tryphon imploring him to hurry to them and send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry intending to be in Jerusalem that very night, but so much snow fell in the night that it covered the roads and made them impassable especially for the cavalry, which stopped him from coming to Jerusalem.

²⁰⁹ διόπερ ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας ὁ εἰς τὴν‎ κοίλην ἀφικνεῖται , σπουδῇ τε εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἀποκτείνας αὐτόθι καὶ ταφῆναι κελεύσας αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπέστρεψεν.

²⁰⁹ Consequently, Tryphon set out from there and arrived in Coele-Syria; having hastily invaded Gilead, he killed Jonathan there and ordered him to be buried. He then returned to Antioch.

²⁰⁹ whereupon Trypho removed thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch.

²⁰⁹ Tryphon therefore moved on from there and came into Coele-Syria and suddenly attacking Galaditis, he killed Jonathan there, and after giving orders for his burial, returned himself to Antioch.

²¹⁰ ὁ δὲ ΣίμωνSimon πέμψας εἰς ΒασκὰBaska πόλιν μετακομίζει τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ὀστᾶ, καὶ κηδεύει μὲν ταῦτα ἐν ΜωδεεῖModin τῇ πατρίδι, πένθος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐποιήσατο.	²¹⁰ But Simon sent to the city of Baskama and brought back the remains of his brother, and he buried them in Modin, their ancestral home; all the people made a great lamentation over him.
²¹⁰ However, Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his brother’s bones, and buried them in their own city Modin; and all the people made great lamentation over him.	²¹⁰ Simon, however, sent some to the city of Baska to remove his brother’s bones and buried them in their own city of Modin, and all the people greatly lamented him.

²¹¹ δὲ καὶ μνημεῖον μέγιστον ᾠκοδόμησεν τῷ τε πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ καὶ ἀνεξεσμένου. εἰς πολὺ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ περίοπτον ἀναγαγὼν ὕψος στοὰς περὶ αὐτὸ βάλλεται καὶ στύλους μονολίθους θαυμαστὸν ἰδεῖν χρῆμα ἀνίστησιν, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ πυραμίδας ἑπτὰ τοῖς τε γονεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἑκάστῳ μίαν ᾠκοδόμησεν εἰς ἔκπληξιν μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ κάλλους πεποιημένας, αἳ καὶ μέχρι δεῦρο σώζονται.

²¹¹ Simon also built a magnificent monument for his father and his brothers out of white, polished stone. Raising it to a great and conspicuous height, he surrounded it with porticoes and erected monolithic pillars—a wonderful sight to behold. In addition to these, he built seven pyramids, one for each of his parents and one for each of his brothers, constructed with such size and beauty as to cause amazement; these are preserved even until this day.

²¹¹ Simon also erected a very large monument for his father and his brethren, of white and polished stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece; a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which were made very surprising, both for their largeness and beauty,

²¹¹ And Simon built a large monument of white, polished stone for his father and his brothers. He raised it to a great height so as to be visible a long way off and made porticoes around it and set up monolithic pillars, which were wonderful to see. He also built for his parents and his brothers seven pyramids, one for each, remarkable for size and beauty, which survive to this day.

²¹² καὶ περὶ μὲν τῆς ταφῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν μνημείων οἰκοδομίας τοῖς οἰκείοις τοσαύτην σπουδὴν οἴδαμεν γενομένην. ἀπέθανεν δὲ ἀρχιερατεύων ἔτη τέσσαρα προστὰς τοῦ γένους. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς τούτου τελευτῆς ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

²¹² Such was the great care we know was taken by Simon regarding Jonathan's burial and the construction of the monuments for his family. Jonathan died after having served as High Priest and leader of the nation for four years. These were the circumstances regarding his death."

²¹² and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four years and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that concerned his death.

²¹² We know that it was Simon who gave such care to the burial of Jonathan and the building of these monuments for his relatives. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest and ruler of the nation for four years, and those were the circumstances of his death.

The Strategic Snowstorm
Snow in the Judean mountains is rare but historically decisive. Tryphon’s cavalry—the pride of the Seleucid army—was neutralized by the terrain. In ancient warfare, cavalry required firm, visible ground to maintain formation and speed. The χιὼν πολλή (heavy snow) acted as a natural fortification for Simon, protecting Jerusalem and forcing Tryphon to abandon the siege of the capital in favor of a retreat to the north and east.

The Execution in Gilead
Tryphon realized that Jonathan was no longer a useful hostage but a logistical burden. By executing him in Baskama (Gilead, east of the Jordan), he committed a final act of spite. Jonathan's four-year tenure as High Priest mentioned here refers to the official period under the young Antiochus VI; Josephus elsewhere calculates his total leadership as seven years.

The "Seven Pyramids" of Modin
The monument Simon built at Modin was a revolutionary fusion of Jewish tradition and Hellenistic architectural prestige.

1) The Seven Pyramids: One for Mattathias (father), one for the mother, and one for each of the five brothers (John, Simon, Judas, Eleazar, and Jonathan).

2) The Visual Language: Pyramids were symbols of eternal royal status (borrowed from Egypt but common in Hellenistic tombs). By building these "to a great height," Simon was signaling that the Hasmoneans were not just rebel leaders, but a legitimate royal dynasty on par with the Ptolemies or Seleucids.

"Preserved Until This Day"
When Josephus writes μέχρι δεῦρο σώζονται (they are preserved until this day), he is writing for a late 1st-century AD audience. The fact that the pyramids were still standing nearly 250 years later proves they were a landmark of Judean national identity. They served as a "visual history" for pilgrims traveling the road between Joppa and Jerusalem.

Simon as the Master of Memory
By recovering Jonathan’s ὀστᾶ (bones) and building this monument, Simon performed a vital act of statecraft. He transformed the tragic capture and execution of his brother into a narrative of national martyrdom and glory. He understood that a dynasty's power depends not just on the walls of its cities, but on the monumental memory of its fallen heroes.

²¹³ δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἀρχιερεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔτει τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς δουλείας τὸν λαὸν ἠλευθέρωσεν ὡς μηκέτι φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν· ἡ δὲ ἐλευθερία καὶ τὸ ἀνείσφορον τοῖς μετὰ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔτη τῶν βασιλέων ἐξ οὗ χρόνου ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς κατέσχεν ὑπῆρξεν.

²¹³ "When Simon was established as High Priest by the multitude in the first year of his high priesthood, he freed the people from the slavery to the Macedonians, so that they no longer paid tribute to them. This liberty and exemption from taxation for the Jews occurred after one hundred and seventy years of the Syrian kings, dating from the time when Seleucus, surnamed Nicator, first took possession of Syria.

²¹³ But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and seventy years of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria.

²¹³ But Simon, whom the populace had made their high priest, in the first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians so that they no longer had to pay tax to them. This liberty and freedom from taxation they obtained after a hundred and seventy years of Syrian rule, from the time that Seleucus, surnamed Nicator, began to rule over Syria.

²¹⁴ τοσαύτη δ᾽ ἦν ἡ τοῦ πλήθους περὶ τὸν φιλοτιμία, ὥστ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους συμβολαίοις καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν ἐπὶ πρώτου ἔτους γράφειν καὶ εὐεργέτου καὶ ἐθνάρχου· εὐτύχησαν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ σφόδρα καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν περιοίκων ἐκράτησαν.

²¹⁴ Such was the enthusiasm of the multitude for Simon that in their private contracts and public documents, they would write: 'In the First Year of Simon, Benefactor of the Jews and Ethnarch.' For they were exceedingly fortunate under him and prevailed over their neighboring enemies.

²¹⁴ Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;" for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them;

²¹⁴ The people’s affection for Simon was so great, that in their contracts with each other and in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews"; for under him they were very happy and overcame the enemies that surrounded them.

²¹⁵ κατεστρέψατο γὰρ τε πόλιν καὶ καὶ , ἐκπολιορκήσας δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς ἄκραν εἰς ἔδαφος αὐτὴν καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁρμητήριον ᾖ καταλαμβανομένοις αὐτὴν τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν, ὡς καὶ τότε. Καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας ἄριστον ἐδόκει καὶ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὴν‎ ἄκραν εἶναι συνέβαινεν καθελεῖν, ὅπως ὑψηλότερον ᾖ τὸ ἱερόν.

²¹⁵ Simon subdued the cities of Gazara, Joppa, and Jamnia; and having besieged and captured the Akra in Jerusalem, he razed it to the ground so that it might never again be a base of operations for enemies to seize and cause harm, as had happened then. Having done this, it seemed best and profitable also to level the hill upon which the Akra happened to stand, so that the Temple might be higher [than its surroundings].

²¹⁵ for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it.

²¹⁵ Simon destroyed the city of Gazara and Joppa and Jamneia and besieged the citadel in Jerusalem and levelled it to the ground, to no longer provide a place of refuge for their enemies when they took it, to do them harm, as it had been hitherto. Having done this, he thought it the best and most useful plan to level the very mountain on which the citadel stood, so that the temple might be higher than it.

²¹⁶ καὶ δὴ τοῦτ᾽ ἔπειθεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γίνεσθαι, ὧν τε ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν καὶ τῶν φυγάδων , ἅ τε πάθοιεν ἄν, εἰ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀλλόφυλος φρουρᾶς ἐν αὐτῇ κατασταθείσης.

²¹⁶ Calling the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to undertake this, reminding them of what they had suffered from the garrisons and the Jewish fugitives, and what they might suffer again if a foreigner should once more seize the kingdom and establish a garrison there.

²¹⁶ And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel.

²¹⁶ Calling a meeting of the population, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, reminding them of what they had suffered from its garrison and the Jewish renegades and what they might later suffer if any foreigner took the kingdom and garrisoned that same place.

²¹⁷ ταῦτα λέγων πείθει τὸ πλῆθος παραινῶν αὐτῷ τὰ συμφέροντα. Καὶ πάντες προσβαλόντες καθῄρουν τὸ ὄρος καὶ μήτε νυκτὸς μήθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀπολυόμενοι τοῦ ἔργου τρισὶν αὐτὸ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἔτεσιν κατήγαγον εἰς ἔδαφος καὶ πεδινὴν λειότητα. Καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξεῖχεν ἁπάντων τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἦν καθῃρημένων. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ πραχθέντα τοῦτον εἶχεν τὸν τρόπον.

²¹⁷ By saying these things, he persuaded the multitude, advising them on what was for their benefit. And everyone, applying themselves to the task, began to tear down the hill; neither by night nor by day did they cease from the work, and in three full years, they brought it down to the ground and to a level plain. Thereafter, the Temple stood out above everything else, the Akra and the hill on which it had stood having been demolished. Such were the things accomplished under Simon."

²¹⁷ This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon.

²¹⁷ This speech induced the people to agree as he urged them to do only what was for their own good, so they all set to work and levelled the mountain and worked day and night at without intermission. It took them three whole years before it was moved and brought entirely level with the rest of the city. Once the citadel and the mountain on which it had stood were demolished, the temple was now the highest building of all. And that is how things were done under Simon.

The Hasmonean Era Begins
Josephus marks a seismic shift in timekeeping. By dating documents to the "First Year of Simon," the Jews officially stopped using the Seleucid Era (which began in 312 BCE with Seleucus I Nicator). This was the ultimate expression of sovereignty in the ancient world. Simon is titled Ethnarch (leader of the nation) and Benefactor (Euergetes), adopting the high-status honorifics usually reserved for Hellenistic kings.

The 170-Year Milestone
Josephus calculates that 170 years passed from the rise of the Seleucid Empire to the year 142/141 BCE. This mathematical precision underscores the gravity of the moment: for the first time since the return from the Babylonian Exile, Judea was not merely a semi-autonomous province, but a tax-free, independent state (τὸ ἀνείσφορον).

Engineering as Political Theology
The physical destruction of the Akra hill was an extraordinary feat of engineering and psychological warfare. The Akra had been the symbol of "impious" Greek presence for over twenty years, literally looking down upon the Temple. By spending three years of constant labor (μήτε νυκτὸς μήθʼ ἡμέρας) to physically lower the earth, Simon ensured that the Temple would forever be the highest point in the city's silhouette. This was "spatial politics" at its most profound.

Securing the "Coastal Corridor"
The capture of Gazara (Gezer), Joppa, and Jamnia (Yavne) was not just about land; it was about the economy. By controlling Gezer, Simon held the gateway to the mountains; by holding Joppa, he controlled the sea; by holding Jamnia, he controlled the rich agricultural plains. This "corridor" ensured that the Hasmonean state was economically viable and could participate in Mediterranean trade.

The Consensus of the Multitude
Josephus emphasizes that Simon didn't just order the destruction of the hill as a tyrant; he persuaded the multitude in an assembly (ekklesia). This highlights the unique nature of Simon’s rule: it was a "theocratic democracy" where the High Priest's authority was rooted in his family's military success and the popular will of the people.

Chapter 7
[218-229]
Simon is treacherously murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemy

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²¹⁸ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς τὸν υἱὸν , ὃς καὶ ἐπεκλήθη, διέφθειρεν ἐπιτροπεύων αὐτοῦ‎ τέσσαρα βασιλεύσαντα ἔτη. Καὶ τὸν μέν, ὡς χειριζόμενος ἀποθάνοι, διήγγειλεν·

²¹⁸ "Not long after the captivity of Demetrius, Tryphon murdered the son of Alexander [Balas], Antiochus [VI], also called Theos [the God], though he had been his guardian during the four years of his reign. He spread a report that the boy had died while undergoing surgery.

²¹⁸ Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, the son of Alexander, who was also called The God, and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons.

²¹⁸ Shortly after Demetrius had been brought into captivity, his deputy Tryphon destroyed Alexander’s son Antiochus, surnamed "The God," after he had ruled for four years, though claiming that he had died under surgery.

²¹⁹ τοὺς δὲ φίλους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους διέπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἐπαγγελλόμενος αὐτοῖς χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν, εἰ βασιλέα χειροτονήσουσιν αὐτόν, μὲν ὑπὸ αἰχμάλωτον γεγονέναι μηνύων, τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ παρελθόντα εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν πολλὰ ποιήσειν αὐτοῖς κακὰ τῆς ἀμυνόμενον.

²¹⁹ He then sent his friends and closest associates to the soldiers, promising to give them vast sums of money if they would elect him king. He pointed out that Demetrius had become a captive of the Parthians, and that if Demetrius’s brother, Antiochus [Sidetes], came to power, he would inflict many evils upon them in revenge for their desertion.

²¹⁹ He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he would give them a great deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius’s brother Atitiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother.

²¹⁹ He then sent his friends and those closest to him to the soldiers promising them a large amount of money if they made him king. He hinted to them that Demetrius was held prisoner by the Parthians, and that Demetrius' brother Atitiochus, if he came to be king, would do them great harm in revenge for their revolt.

²²⁰ οἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίσαντες εὐπορίαν ἐκ τῆς δοθείσης βασιλείας ἀποδεικνύουσιν αὐτὸν ἄρχοντα. γενόμενος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς ὁ διέδειξεν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ φύσιν οὖσαν πονηράν· ἰδιώτης μὲν γὰρ ὢν ἐθεράπευεν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ μετριότητα ὑπεκρίνατο δελεάζων αὐτὸ τούτοις εἰς ἅπερ ἐβούλετο, τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν λαβὼν ἀπεδύσατο τὴν‎ ὑπόκρισιν καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴς ἦν.

²²⁰ Hoping for prosperity from a kingdom given to Tryphon, they declared him ruler. But once Tryphon gained control of affairs, he revealed his nature to be wicked. For while he was a private citizen, he had courted the multitude and feigned moderation, using these things to bait them into doing what he wanted; but having obtained the kingship, he cast off the hypocrisy and was the 'true Tryphon.'

²²⁰ So the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any further dissimulation, and was the true Trypho;

²²⁰ Looking forward to the wealth they would get by giving the kingdom to Tryphon, they appointed him as ruler. But once he had gained control of things, Tryphon showed his wicked character, for while he was an ordinary citizen he cultivated the crowd and pretended to be very fair and so artfully drew them wherever he pleased, but once he ruled the kingdom, he set further deception aside and was the real Tryphon.

²²¹ τοὺς οὖν ἐχθροὺς διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίει κρείττονας· τὸ μὲν γὰρ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸν μισοῦν ἀφίστατο πρὸς τὴν‎ γυναῖκα τότε ἐν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐγκεκλεισμένην.

²²¹ Because of this, he made his enemies stronger; for the military, hating him, revolted and went over to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children.

²²¹ which behavior made his enemies superior to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children.

²²¹ This behaviour gave his enemies the advantage, for the military hated him and rebelled from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children.

²²² ἀλωμένου δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο , καὶ μηδεμιᾶς αὐτὸν πόλεως δεχομένης διὰ , πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν καλοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπί τε γάμῳ καὶ βασιλείᾳ. ἐκάλει δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅμα μὲν τῶν φίλων αὐτὴν ἀναπεισάντων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐνδιδόντων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς τῷ δείσασα.

²²² While Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius (who was surnamed Soter), was wandering about and no city would receive him because of Tryphon, Cleopatra sent for him, inviting him to join her for both marriage and the kingdom. She called for Antiochus partly because her friends persuaded her, and partly because she feared for the city, as some in Seleucia were planning to surrender it to Tryphon."

²²² But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.

²²² But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, surnamed Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities due to Tryphon, Cleopatra sent to him inviting him to marry her and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were that her friends persuaded her to it and she was afraid for herself, in case some people in Seleucia might surrender the city to Tryphon.

The "Surgery" Lie
Tryphon’s claim that the young Antiochus VI died during a medical procedure (χειριζόμενος) is a chilling example of ancient political spin. By the mid-2nd century BCE, royal assassinations were often disguised as "accidents" or "failed surgeries" to avoid immediate public outrage. In reality, Tryphon likely had the child strangled or poisoned once he felt his own power base was secure enough to dispense with the "puppet."

The Mercenary Vote
Notice that Tryphon does not claim the throne by divine right or lineage, but by bribery. He tells the soldiers he will give them "vast sums of money" if they "elect" (χειροτονήσουσιν) him. This reveals the total breakdown of the Seleucid dynastic system; the throne had become a commodity to be bought from a mercenary army that feared the legitimate heir’s revenge.

The "True Tryphon"
Josephus provides a keen psychological profile of the usurper. He notes the transition from μετριότης (moderation/humility) to his "true nature." This is a classic warning in ancient historiography: the populist leader who uses "the people" to gain power often becomes the most oppressive tyrant once the mask is no longer needed.

Cleopatra Thea: The Kingmaker
Cleopatra Thea was one of the most powerful women in the ancient world. A Ptolemaic princess, she was the wife of three Seleucid kings and the mother of several others. Her decision to marry her captive husband's brother, Antiochus VII Sidetes, was a cold, calculated move. She needed a general to protect her base at Seleucia Pieria, and Antiochus needed a city and a legal claim to the throne.

The Geographical Stalemate
By holding the fortified port of Seleucia, Cleopatra prevented Tryphon from achieving total control of the coast. This geography allowed the "legitimate" Seleucid line to survive and eventually strike back from the sea. For the Hasmoneans in Judea, this new civil war was a blessing; as long as the Greeks were fighting each other over Seleucia and Antioch, Simon had a free hand to consolidate his own kingdom.

²²³ Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ὁ καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν αὐξανομένης ὥρμησε πολεμήσων τὸν , καὶ κρατήσας αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ μάχῃ τῆς ἄνω ἐξέβαλεν εἰς τὴν‎ διώξας ἄχρι ταύτης εἴς τε Δῶρα φρούριόν τι δυσάλωτον ἐπολιόρκει συμφυγόντα. πέμπει δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέα περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρέσβεις.

²²³ "Having arrived in Seleucia, and with his power increasing daily, Antiochus [VII] set out to make war against Tryphon. Defeating him in battle, he drove him out of Upper Syria into Phoenicia, pursuing him as far as Dora, a fortress difficult to capture, where he besieged him after he had fled there for refuge. He also sent ambassadors to Simon, the High Priest of the Jews, concerning friendship and alliance.

²²³ As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest, about a league of friendship and mutual assistance;

²²³ As Antiochus had arrived at Seleucia and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Tryphon, and having defeated him in battle, expelled him from Upper Syria into Phoenicia and pursued him there and besieged him in Dora, the impregnable fortress to which he had fled. He also sent envoys to the Jewish high priest Simon, to discuss a friendly alliance.

²²⁴ ὁ δὲ προσδέχεται προθύμως αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ , καὶ χρήματά τε πολλὰ καὶ τροφὴν τοῖς τὰ Δῶρα [στρατιώταις] πολιορκοῦσι πέμψας τὸν ἀφθόνως ἐχορήγησεν, ὡς τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων αὐτῷ πρὸς ὀλίγον καιρὸν κριθῆναι φίλων. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς φυγὼν εἰς καὶ ληφθεὶς ἐν αὐτῇ πολιορκίᾳ διεφθάρη βασιλεύσας ἔτη τρία.

²²⁴ Simon eagerly accepted his request, and by sending vast sums of money and provisions to the soldiers besieging Dora, he supplied Antiochus so abundantly that he was judged, for a short time, to be among his most essential friends. Indeed, Tryphon, fleeing from Dora to Apamea, was captured during a siege there and perished, having reigned for three years.

²²⁴ who readily accepted of the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them very plentifully, so that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when he had reigned three years.

²²⁴ He readily accepted the invitation and sent Antiochus a large sum of money and plentiful supplies for the besiegers of Dora, so that for a while he regarded him among his closest friends. But Tryphon escaped from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken by siege and put to death, after three years as king.

²²⁵ Ὁ δ᾽ ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας καὶ φαυλότητος λήθην τῶν ἐκ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετηθέντων ἐποιήσατο, καὶ δύναμιν στρατιωτικὴν παραδοὺς τῶν φίλων ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῆς πόρθησιν καὶ τὴν‎ ἅλωσιν ἐξαπέστειλεν.

²²⁵ But Antiochus, out of greed and malice, chose to forget the services Simon had rendered to his needs. Entrusting a military force to Cendebeus, one of his friends, he dispatched him to plunder Judea and to capture Simon.

²²⁵ However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon.

²²⁵ In his greed and viciousness, Antiochus forgot the service that Simon had done him in his time of need and sent his friend Cendebeus with a force of soldiers to ravage Judea and seize Simon.

²²⁶ δ᾽ ἀκούσας τὴν‎ παρανομίαν καὶ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἤδη ὅμως ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ δικαίων τῶν παρ᾽ γινομένων τυγχάνειν παρορμηθεὶς καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας φρόνημα κρεῖττον λαβὼν νεανικῶς ἐστρατήγει τοῦ πολέμου.

²²⁶ When Simon heard of Antiochus’s lawlessness, though he was already an elderly man, he was spurred on by the injustice of Antiochus’s actions. Adopting a spirit greater than his age, he commanded the war with youthful vigor.

²²⁶ When Simon heard of Antiochus’s breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act as general of his army.

²²⁶ When Simon heard how Antiochus had broken his pact with him, he was provoked by this injustice and despite his age went out at the head of his army like a younger man.

²²⁷ καὶ τοὺς μὲν υἱεῖς μετὰ τῶν μαχιμωτέρων προεκπέμπει στρατιωτῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατ᾽ ἄλλο μέρος προῄει μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς φαραγγώδεσι τῶν τούτους εἰς ἐνέδραν καταστήσας διαμαρτάνει μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν ἐπιχειρήσεων, κρατήσας δὲ διὰ πάσης τῶν πολεμίων ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸν λοιπὸν διήγαγεν χρόνον, ποιησάμενος καὶ αὐτὸς πρὸς συμμαχίαν.

²²⁷ He sent his sons ahead with the most warlike of the soldiers, while he himself advanced with his forces in another direction. By placing many of them in ambush within the mountain ravines, he succeeded in all his maneuvers; having prevailed entirely over the enemy, he spent the remainder of his time in peace, having also personally renewed the alliance with the Romans.

²²⁷ He also sent his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also himself make a league with the Romans.

²²⁷ He sent his sons ahead with his best soldiers, and he himself with his army marched by another way and he set many of his men in ambush in the narrow valleys between the mountains. None of his initiatives failed, for in each of them he had the upper hand over his enemies. So he lived the rest of his life in peace and even made an alliance with the Romans.

²²⁸ ἦρξε μὲν οὖν ὀκτὼ τὰ πάντα τῶν ἔτη, τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐν συμποσίῳ τοῦ γαμβροῦ ταύτην ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συστησαμένου, ὃς καὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοὺς δύο παῖδας συλλαβὼν καὶ δεδεμένους ἔχων ἔπεμψεν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν τρίτον, τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἦν ὄνομα, τοὺς διαφθεροῦντας.

²²⁸ In total, he ruled the Jews for eight years. He died through a plot at a banquet, orchestrated against him by his son-in-law Ptolemy. Ptolemy also seized Simon’s wife and two of his sons and held them in chains, and he sent men to murder the third son, John, who was also called Hyrcanus.

²²⁸ Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was Hyrcanus;

²²⁸ He ruled the Jews for eight years in all, but met his end at a feast, by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy, who also took his wife and two of his sons and kept them in chains, and sent some men to kill the third son, John, also named Hyrcanus.

²²⁹ αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἐλθόντας ὁ νεανίσκος διαφυγὼν τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἠπείγετο, θαρρῶν τῷ πλήθει διὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργεσίας καὶ διὰ τὸ τοῖς ὄχλοις μῖσος. σπουδάσαντα δὲ καὶ εἰσελθεῖν δι᾽ ἄλλης πύλης ὁ δῆμος ἀπεώσατο τὸν ἤδη προσδεδεγμένος.

²²⁹ The youth, becoming aware of those who had come for him, escaped the danger they posed and hurried to the city [Jerusalem], trusting in the multitude because of his father’s benefactions and because of the hatred the crowds felt for Ptolemy. Though Ptolemy also hurried to enter through another gate, the people repulsed him, having already welcomed Hyrcanus."

²²⁹ but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them, and made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already admitted Hyrcanus.

²²⁹ However, the young man knew they were coming and avoided the danger from them by hurrying into the city, relying on the people’s goodwill due to the benefits they had received from his father and because the crowd hated Ptolemy, and having welcomed Hyrcanus, when Ptolemy tried to enter the city by another gate, the people drove him away.

The Siege of Dora and the "Price of Friendship"
Simon’s massive logistical support for the siege of Dora was intended to secure a permanent place for Judea in the new Seleucid order. However, Hellenistic politics were notoriously fickle. As soon as Tryphon (the common enemy) was dead, Antiochus VII Sidetes viewed the now-powerful and independent Hasmonean state as a threat to his own "greed" (πλεονεξία). He immediately demanded the return of Joppa and Gazara or a massive tribute.

Simon’s "Youthful Vigor" at Old Age
Josephus paints a portrait of Simon as the "Grand Old Man" of the revolution. Despite being in his late 60s or 70s, he retains the tactical brilliance of his youth. His use of ravines (φαραγγώδεσι) for ambushes shows that the Hasmonean army, though now a professional force, still mastered the guerrilla tactics of the Judean wilderness that had first brought them success under Judas Maccabeus.

The Betrayal at the Banquet
The death of Simon is one of the most tragic scenes in the Antiquities. After surviving decades of war against the greatest empire of the East, the last brother falls to a "domestic" enemy—his own son-in-law, Ptolemy son of Abubus. This assassination highlights a recurring theme in Hasmonean history: internal treachery and family rivalry were often more dangerous than foreign armies.

The Emergence of John Hyrcanus
The transition to John Hyrcanus marks the beginning of the Hasmonean monarchy in spirit, if not yet in title. Hyrcanus survives because of the "benefactions" of his father; the people of Jerusalem remained loyal to the Hasmonean line. Hyrcanus would go on to be the most powerful of all Hasmonean rulers, expanding the borders to their greatest extent.

The Roman Connection
Note that even in his final years, Simon prioritized the "alliance with the Romans" (πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συμμαχίαν). This was the Hasmonean "insurance policy." By keeping Rome as a theoretical protector, Simon ensured that even a king as capable as Antiochus VII had to tread carefully when dealing with the Jewish state.

Chapter 8
[230-253]
Hyrcanus becomes high priest and ejects Ptolemy;
allies with Antiochus, after a war.

☜ ☞

²³⁰ Καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς ἕν τι τῶν ὑπὲρ ἐρυμάτων ἀνεχώρησεν λεγόμενον. ἀπολαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ πάτριον ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ τὸν θεὸν πρώταις θυσίαις παραστησάμενος ἐπὶ τὸν ἐξεστράτευσεν, καὶ προσβαλὼν τῷ χωρίῳ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις περιῆν αὐτοῦ‎, ἡττᾶτο δὲ μόνῳ τῷ πρὸς τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς οἴκτῳ.

²³⁰ "As for Ptolemy, he retreated into one of the fortresses above Jericho called Dagon. Hyrcanus, having taken up the high priesthood of his fathers and having conciliated God with the first sacrifices, marched out against him. Attacking the place, he was superior in all other respects, but he was defeated solely by his pity for his mother and his brothers.

²³⁰ So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the high priesthood that had been his father’s before, and in the first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place, in other points he was too hard for him, but was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother and brethren, and by that only;

²³⁰ Ptolemy retreated to one of the fortresses above Jericho, called Dagon. But after assuming the high priesthood that had been his father’s before Hyrcanus first offered sacrifice to propitiate God, and then marched against Ptolemy, and when he attacked the place, he had the upper hand on all other points but was only weakened by the pity he felt for his mother and brothers.

²³¹ τούτους γὰρ ἀναγαγὼν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀπόπτου ᾐκίζετο καὶ κατακρημνίσειν οὐκ ἀφισταμένου τῆς πολιορκίας ἠπείλει. ὁ δ᾽ ὅσον [ἂν] ἐνδοίη τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ αἵρεσιν τοῦ χωρίου σπουδῆς, τοσοῦτο χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν, ἐξέλυε τὸ πρόθυμον.

²³¹ For Ptolemy, having led them up onto the wall in full view, tortured them and threatened to cast them down headlong if Hyrcanus did not withdraw from the siege. To the degree that Hyrcanus would slacken his zeal for taking the place, to that same degree he felt he was granting his loved ones relief from suffering; thus, his resolve was weakened.

²³¹ for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled.

²³¹ For Ptolemy brought them up on the wall and tortured them in the sight of all and threatened to throw them down headlong unless Hyrcanus abandoned the siege. Since he thought that the more relaxed he was about the siege and capturing the place, the more favour he showed to his loved ones by easing their pain, his zeal about it cooled.

²³² ἡ μέντοι μήτηρ ὀρέγουσα τὰς χεῖρας ἱκέτευε μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ χρώμενον ἑλεῖν σπουδάσαι τὸ χωρίον καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ ποιήσαντα τιμωρῆσαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις· ἡδὺν γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν μετ᾽ αἰκίας [εἶναι] θάνατον, εἰ δίκην ὑπόσχοι τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομίας ὁ ταῦτα ποιῶν πολέμιος.

²³² However, his mother, stretching out her hands, implored him not to grow soft on her account, but rather to use far greater rage and strive to take the place, so that, having brought the enemy under his power, he might avenge his loved ones. She declared that death accompanied by torture would be sweet to her, provided the enemy who had committed these lawless acts against them should pay the penalty.

²³² However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them.

²³² But his mother stretched out her hands and begged him not to weaken on account of her but be more enraged and try to take the place soon to seize their enemy and avenge what he had done to his dear ones, since even painful death would be sweet to her if their enemy were punished for his crimes against them.

²³³ τὸν δὲ ταῦτα μὲν λεγούσης τῆς μητρὸς ὁρμή τις ἐλάμβανεν πρὸς τὴν‎ αἵρεσιν τοῦ φρουρίου, ἡνίκα δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἴδοι τυπτομένην καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐξελύετο καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν‎ μητέρα πραττομένοις συμπαθείας ἥττων ἐγίνετο.

²³³ When his mother spoke these things, a certain impulse to seize the fortress would take hold of Hyrcanus; but whenever he saw her being beaten and torn, he would falter and be overcome by his sympathy for what was being done to her.

²³³ Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome.

²³³ When his mother said this, Hyrcanus tried to take the fortress but when he saw her beaten and torn to pieces, his courage failed him and he could not help feeling what his mother suffered and was thereby defeated.

²³⁴ ἑλκομένης δ᾽ οὕτως εἰς χρόνον τῆς πολιορκίας ἐνίσταται τὸ ἔτος ἐκεῖνο, καθ᾽ ὃ συμβαίνει τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἀργεῖν· κατὰ δὲ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τοῦτο παρατηροῦσιν, ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἡμέραις.	²³⁴ The siege being dragged out in this manner for some time, that year arrived in which it happened that the Jews rest from labor; for they observe this every seven years, just as they do with the seventh day [the Sabbath].
²³⁴ And as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day;	²³⁴ And as the siege was thereby lengthened the Jewish year of rest began, for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day,

²³⁵ καὶ , ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνεθεὶς τοῦ πολέμου τῆς αἰτίας ἀποκτείνει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῦ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ τοῦτο δράσας πρὸς φεύγει τὸν ἐπικληθέντα , τυραννεύοντα τῆς πόλεως.

²³⁵ Ptolemy, being released from the war for this reason, murdered the brothers of Hyrcanus and his mother; having done this, he fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was the tyrant of the city of Philadelphia."

²³⁵ so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia.

²³⁵ so that Ptolemy was thereby reprieved from the war, and killed the brothers and mother of Hyrcanus, and having done so fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was then tyrant of the city of Philadelphia.

The Psychological "Leverage" of Dagon
The fortress of Dagon (near modern Jericho) was strategically perched over the Jordan Valley. Ptolemy’s use of Hyrcanus’s mother as a human shield is a textbook example of asymmetric psychological warfare. Josephus highlights the internal conflict of the new High Priest: his duty to the state demanded the capture of the assassin, but his οἶκτος (pity/compassion) paralyzed his military capability.

The Stoic Heroism of the Mother
The Hasmonean women are often portrayed as the backbone of the dynasty’s ideological resolve. Much like the Mother of the Maccabean martyrs in the earlier books, Simon's wife displays a radical preference for vengeance and honor over physical survival. Her plea for Hyrcanus to use "far greater rage" (πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ) suggests she viewed her own life as a strategic sacrifice for the legitimacy of the Hasmonean line.

The Sabbatical Year as a Military Factor
Josephus provides a fascinating (though debated) detail: the siege failed because of the Sabbatical Year (τὸ ἔτος... ἀργεῖν). While the Torah mandates a rest for the land, Josephus implies that in this era, some interpreted it as a period of military inactivity or a time when resources were too scarce to maintain a siege. This "pious pause" allowed the murderer Ptolemy to escape justice.

The Escape to Philadelphia
Ptolemy fled to Philadelphia (modern Amman, Jordan). This was a Decapolis city, largely Greek in culture and outside Hasmonean jurisdiction. The "tyrant" Zeno Cotylas represents the fragmented nature of the region, where local warlords offered sanctuary to anyone who could pay or who shared a common enemy with the Jews.

A Bitter Inauguration
John Hyrcanus's reign began with the most personal of failures. He secured the High Priesthood but lost his entire nuclear family to the very man who murdered his father. This trauma likely contributed to the shift in his later years toward a more cynical, hardened style of rule, eventually leading to his famous break with the Pharisees and his alignment with the Sadducees.

²³⁶ δὲ χαλεπῶς ἔχων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὑπὸ ἔπαθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐνέβαλεν τετάρτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ‎, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ καὶ δευτέρᾳ.

²³⁶ "Antiochus [VII], being deeply aggrieved by what he had suffered at the hands of Simon, invaded Judea in the fourth year of his reign and the first year of Hyrcanus’s rule, in the 162nd Olympiad.

²³⁶ But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad.

²³⁶ Then Antiochus, irked by what he had suffered from Simon invaded Judea in the fourth year of his kingship and the first year of the reign of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second Olympiad [i.e., 132 BC].

²³⁷ δῃώσας δὲ τὴν‎ χώραν τὸν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέκλεισε τὴν‎ πόλιν, ἣν ἑπτὰ στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν ἤνυσε μὲν οὐδὲν ὅλως τὸ πρῶτον διά τε τὴν‎ τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ δι᾽ ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐμπολιορκουμένων ἔτι γε μὴν ὕδατος ἀπορίαν, ἧς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὄμβρος κατενεχθεὶς πολὺς δυομένης πλειάδος.

²³⁷ Having ravaged the countryside, he shut Hyrcanus up inside the city [Jerusalem], which he surrounded with seven encampments. At first, he accomplished nothing at all due to the strength of the walls and the bravery of the besieged, and furthermore, because of a lack of water; however, they were relieved of this by a great rain that fell at the setting of the Pleiades.

²³⁷ And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades.

²³⁷ When he had plundered the land he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he surrounded with seven camps but at first did nothing because of the strength of the walls and the bravery of the besieged, although once they were in need of water, but later were saved by a heavy shower of rain which fell at the setting of the Pleiades.

²³⁸ κατὰ δὲ τὸ βόρειον μέρος τοῦ τείχους, καθ᾽ ὃ συνέβαινεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, πύργους ἀναστήσας ἑκατὸν τριωρόφους ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα.	²³⁸ Along the northern part of the wall, where it happened that the ground was level, he erected a hundred three-story towers and stationed military detachments upon them.
²³⁸ However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them;	²³⁸ But in the northern section of the wall, which happened to be fairly level, the king raised a hundred towers, three stories high into which he put troops of soldiers.

²³⁹ καὶ προσβολὰς ὁσημέραι ποιησάμενος τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὸ εὖρος καὶ διπλῆν τεμόμενος, ἀπετείχισεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας. οἱ δὲ πολλὰς ἐκδρομὰς ἀντεπινοοῦντες, εἰ μὲν ἀφυλάκτοις που προσπέσοιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ ἔδρων αὐτούς, αἰσθομένων δὲ ἀνεχώρουν εὐχερῶς.

²³⁹ Making daily assaults and cutting a ditch both deep and of great width—and a double one at that—he walled in the inhabitants. The Jews devised many sallies in return; if they fell upon the enemy anywhere unguarded, they did them great harm, but if they were noticed, they withdrew with ease.

²³⁹ and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease.

²³⁹ While making attacks every day, he cut a deep and wide double ditch to confine the inhabitants, but they managed to make frequent raids out, and anywhere that was unguarded, attacked the enemy and did them much harm, and once seen, retreated easily into the city.

²⁴⁰ ἐπεὶ δὲ βλαβερὰν κατενόησεν τὴν‎ , ἀναλισκομένων τε τῶν τάχιον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ μηδενὸς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐκ πολυχειρίας ἔργου γιγνομένου, τὸ μὲν ἀχρεῖον αὐτῆς ἀποκρίνας ἐξέβαλεν, ὅσον δ᾽ ἦν ἀκμαῖον καὶ μάχιμον τοῦτο μόνον κατέσχεν.

²⁴⁰ When Hyrcanus realized that the great population was a hindrance—as provisions were being consumed more quickly and no significant work was being achieved by such a multitude—he separated the non-essential people and cast them out, retaining only those who were in their prime and fit for battle.

²⁴⁰ But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of men in the city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city, and retained that part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war.

²⁴⁰ Because Hyrcanus saw the unsuitability of having so many within the city, since the rations would be sooner used up by them and clearly such large numbers achieved nothing, he separated the useless expelled them from the city and kept only those who were in their prime and fit for war.

²⁴¹ μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἀπολεχθέντας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκώλυεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ τείχεσι κακούμενοι ταῖς βασάνοις ἀπέθνησκον οἰκτρῶς. ἐπιστάσης γε μὴν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐλεοῦντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐντὸς πάλιν εἰσεδέξαντο.

²⁴¹ Antiochus, however, prevented those who had been expelled from leaving; thus, caught between the walls, they perished miserably under the pressure of their sufferings. But when the Festival of Tabernacles [Sukkot] arrived, those inside took pity on them and received them back.

²⁴¹ However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again.

²⁴¹ But Antiochus would not let those who were expelled go out and therefore they died pitifully, wandering miserably between the walls. But when the feast of tents was near those inside took pity on them and took them in again.

²⁴² πέμψαντος δ᾽ πρὸς καὶ σπονδὰς ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ διὰ τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν ἀξιώσαντος γενέσθαι, τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ εἴκων σπένδεται καὶ προσέτι θυσίαν εἰσέπεμψε μεγαλοπρεπῆ, ταύρους χρυσοκέρωτας καὶ μεστὰ παντοίων ἀρωμάτων ἐκπώματα χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα.

²⁴² Hyrcanus then sent to Antiochus, requesting a seven-day truce on account of the festival. Yielding out of reverence for the Divine, Antiochus granted the truce and furthermore sent in a magnificent sacrifice: bulls with gilded horns and gold and silver cups filled with all kinds of spices.

²⁴² And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver.

²⁴² When Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus asking for a truce for seven days because of the festival, his religious piety caused him to grant it, and besides, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices and cups of gold and silver.

²⁴³ καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν θυσίαν δεξάμενοι παρὰ τῶν κομιζόντων οἱ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ὄντες ἄγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, δὲ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν εἱστία, πλεῖστον τοῦ διενέγκας, ὃς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἑλὼν ὗς μὲν κατέθυσεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν, τὸν νεὼν δὲ τῷ ζωμῷ τούτων περιέρρανε συγχέας τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὴν‎ πάτριον αὐτῶν εὐσέβειαν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐξεπολεμώθη τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως εἶχεν.

²⁴³ Those at the gates received the sacrifice from the bearers and led them into the Temple; meanwhile, Antiochus feasted his army. In this, he differed greatly from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, having taken the city, sacrificed swine upon the altar and sprinkled the Temple with their broth, confounding the laws of the Jews and their ancestral piety—acts for which the nation went to war and remained irreconcilable.

²⁴³ So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him;

²⁴³ The gatekeepers received the sacrifices as they were brought and led them to the temple, and meanwhile Antiochus held a feast for his army, quite differently from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, to violate the laws of the Jews and the religion of their ancestors, and for this reason our nation made total war with him and was never reconciled to him.

²⁴⁴ τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς θρησκείας Εὐσεβῆ πάντες ἐκάλεσαν.	²⁴⁴ This Antiochus [Sidetes], however, was called 'The Pious' [Eusebes] by everyone because of his extraordinary regard for religion."
²⁴⁴ but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.	²⁴⁴ For his great zeal for religion, everyone referred to this Antiochus as "the Pious."

The Vulnerability of the North
Josephus accurately identifies the Northern Wall as the strategic weak point of Jerusalem. Unlike the eastern, southern, and western sides, which are protected by the steep Kidron and Hinnom valleys, the north is a level plateau. Antiochus VII utilized classic Hellenistic siegecraft here, employing three-story towers and double ditches to neutralize the Jewish defenses.

The Tragedy of the "Non-Combatants"
The expulsion of the "non-essential" population (the elderly, women, and children) was a brutal necessity of ancient sieges to preserve food supplies. The resulting "no-man's-land" between the city walls and the Greek lines created a humanitarian catastrophe. Hyrcanus’s eventual decision to readmit them during Sukkot shows that Hasmonean leadership was still deeply tied to the moral and religious sentiments of the people, even when it defied military logic.

The "Pleiades" Miracle
Josephus notes that a lack of water initially hindered the Greeks, until a rainstorm occurred at the "setting of the Pleiades" (late autumn). This serves two purposes: it provides a precise chronological marker (late October/early November) and mirrors the biblical theme of God controlling the weather, though here it ironically assists the besieging King.

Antiochus "The Pious" vs. Antiochus "The Madman"
The contrast between Antiochus VII Sidetes and his ancestor Antiochus IV Epiphanes is the heart of this passage.

1) Epiphanes sought to eradicate Judaism through desecration (the swine sacrifice).

2) Sidetes sought to conquer Judea through respect and "Hellenistic chivalry."

By sending gold-horned bulls and spices for the Temple, Sidetes won a psychological victory. He demonstrated that he was not an enemy of God, but a rightful sovereign seeking his tribute. This sophisticated diplomacy made it much harder for Hyrcanus to rally the people for a "holy war" to the death.

Religious Diplomacy
The nickname Eusebes (The Pious) given to a Seleucid king by Jews is extraordinary. It suggests that Sidetes understood the "Maccabean spirit" better than any of his predecessors. He realized that the Jews would fight to the last man against a blasphemer, but might negotiate with a respectful king.

²⁴⁵ Ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν καὶ μαθὼν τὴν‎ περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν‎ πάτριον αὐτοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δὲ ἀπωσάμενος τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἄλλους αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν,

²⁴⁵ "Hyrcanus, having welcomed the king's fairness and having learned of his devotion to the Divine, sent ambassadors to him, requesting that he restore to them their ancestral form of government. Antiochus, for his part, pushed aside the plots of those who advised him to eradicate the nation on account of the exclusivity of their way of life compared to others; he paid them no heed.

²⁴⁵ Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said.

²⁴⁵ Impressed by his fairness and learning of his devotion to the Deity, Hyrcanus sent envoys to him asking him to restore their ancestral constitution. So he rejected and did not heed the advice of those who wanted the nation utterly destroyed because of its lifestyle, which others found unsociable and,

²⁴⁶ πειθόμενος δὲ κατ᾽ εὐσέβειαν πάντα ποιεῖν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς , παραδοῦναι μὲν τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ δασμὸν αὐτῷ τελεῖν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πάρεξ τῆς φρουράν τε δεξαμένους ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ πολέμου.

²⁴⁶ Persuaded instead to act entirely according to piety, he replied to the ambassadors: the besieged must surrender their arms and pay him tribute for Joppa and the other cities outside of Judea, and by receiving a garrison, they would be released from the war on these terms.

²⁴⁶ But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer.

²⁴⁶ convinced that all they did was done out of piety, he answered the envoys that if the besieged surrendered their arms and paid tax for Joppa and the other cities bordering upon Judea and admitted his garrison, he would no longer make war on them.

²⁴⁷ οἱ δὲ τἆλλα μὲν ὑπομένειν, τὴν‎ δὲ φρουρὰν οὐχ ὡμολόγουν διὰ τὴν‎ ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφικνούμενοι πρὸς ἄλλους. ἀντὶ μέντοι γε τῆς φρουρᾶς ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια, ὧν εὐθὺς τὰ τριακόσια καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους προσδεξαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἔδοσαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ ἀδελφός, καθεῖλεν δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ στεφάνην τῆς πόλεως.

²⁴⁷ The Jews agreed to the other conditions, but they would not consent to the garrison because of their exclusivity (amixia), as they did not associate with others. In place of the garrison, therefore, they offered hostages and five hundred talents of silver. The king accepted the hostages—among whom was a brother of Hyrcanus—and three hundred talents immediately; he also dismantled the fortifications (stephanē) of the city.

²⁴⁷ But the Jews, although they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus’s brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city.

²⁴⁷ While with the rest, they would not accept the garrison, as they were not to associate with outsiders. Instead, the garrison would give him hostages and five hundred talents of silver, three hundred of it immediately, plus the hostages.

²⁴⁸ ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν λύσας ἀνεχώρησεν.	²⁴⁸ On these terms, Antiochus raised the siege and departed."
²⁴⁸ And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.	²⁴⁸ When the king accepted, they handed them over, including Hyrcanus' brother; but still he broke down the crown [walls?] of the city . With that, Antiochus ended the siege and departed.

The Threat of "Exclusivity" (Amixia)
Josephus records a chilling historical moment: Antiochus’s advisors urged him to "eradicate the nation" (exelein to ethnos) because of their amixia—their refusal to socially and religiously blend with the Hellenistic world. This is one of the earliest recorded instances of "anti-separatism" being used as a justification for genocide. Antiochus VII’s refusal to follow this advice is why Josephus holds him in such high regard compared to Antiochus Epiphanes.

The Negotiation of the "Pious"
Antiochus’s terms were strategically brilliant. He didn't try to ban Judaism; he tried to bankrupt it and disarm it.

1) Surrender of Arms: Neutralized the Hasmonean military threat.

2) Tribute for Joppa: Reasserted Seleucid ownership over the vital Mediterranean ports Simon had captured.

3) Dismantling the "Crown": The stephanē (literally "wreath" or "crown") refers to the battlements or the upper fortifications of Jerusalem's walls. By leveling these, he left the city "bald"—symbolically humiliated and physically defenseless.

The Rejection of the Garrison
The Jewish negotiators were willing to pay 500 talents (a staggering sum) and hand over Hyrcanus's own brother as a hostage specifically to avoid a foreign garrison. This highlights the lessons learned from the "Akra" era: a foreign garrison in the heart of Jerusalem was seen as a spiritual and social pollutant that made religious life impossible. They preferred poverty and vulnerability to the presence of Greek soldiers.

The Financial "Miracle" of David's Tomb
To pay the initial 300 talents, Hyrcanus had to perform a desperate act (recorded in the paragraph immediately following this text in Josephus): he opened the Sepulcher of David. Legend claimed that the ancient kings were buried with vast wealth. Hyrcanus reportedly extracted 3,000 talents, using 300 to pay Antiochus and the rest to become the first Hasmonean to hire foreign mercenaries.

Sovereignty Lost, Dynasty Saved
This treaty represents a temporary end to the total independence achieved by Simon. Judea was once again a tributary state. However, by preserving the "ancestral government," Hyrcanus ensured the survival of the Hasmonean line. The "Pious" King’s leniency allowed the dynasty to live to fight another day—which they would do as soon as Antiochus VII fell in battle against the Parthians a few years later.

²⁴⁹ δὲ τὸν τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τούς ποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλεν, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων πρῶτος ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο.

²⁴⁹ "Hyrcanus, having opened the Tomb of David—who exceeded all former kings in wealth—extracted three thousand talents of silver. Empowered by these funds, he was the first of the Jews to begin maintaining foreign mercenaries.

²⁴⁹ But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity,

²⁴⁹ But Hyrcanus opened the burial vault of David, who surpassed all other kings in riches and took from it three thousand talents, and with them was the first of the Jews to maintain foreign troops.

²⁵⁰ γίνεται δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς φιλία καὶ συμμαχία, καὶ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀφθόνως πάντα τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ φιλοτίμως παρέσχεν. Καὶ ποιουμένῳ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ αὐτῷ στρατείαν συνεξώρμησεν . μάρτυς δὲ τούτων ἡμῖν ἐστιν καὶ ὁ οὕτως ἱστορῶν·

²⁵⁰ A friendship and alliance were formed between him and Antiochus [VII]; having received the king into the city, Hyrcanus generously and ambitiously provided everything necessary for the army. When Antiochus undertook his expedition against the Parthians, Hyrcanus marched out along with him. Nicolaus of Damascus serves as a witness to these events for us, recording them as follows:

²⁵⁰ and marched along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians; of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his history writes thus:

²⁵⁰ He became a friend and military ally to Antiochus and admitted him to the city and furnished his army plentifully and with great generosity and marched with him in his campaign against the Parthians, of which Nicolaus of Damascus bears witness for us in his history as follows:

²⁵¹ " τρόπαιον δὲ στήσας ἐπὶ τῷ Λύκῳ ποταμῷ νικήσας Ἰνδάτην τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτόθι ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας δύο δεηθέντος τοῦ διά τινα ἑορτὴν πάτριον, ἐν ᾗ τοῖς οὐκ ἦν νόμιμον ἐξοδεύειν." Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ ψεύδεται λέγων·

²⁵¹ 'Antiochus, having erected a trophy at the Lycus River after defeating Indates, the Parthian general, remained there for two days at the request of Hyrcanus the Jew, because of a certain ancestral festival during which it was not lawful for the Jews to march out.'

²⁵¹ "When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel."

²⁵¹ "When Antiochus set up a trophy at the river Lycus after conquering Indates, the general of the Parthians, he stayed there for two days at the desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, because of a traditional festival on which the Jews were not allowed to travel." And in saying this he was not wrong,

²⁵² ἐνέστη γὰρ ἡ πεντηκοστὴ ἑορτὴ μετὰ τὸ σάββατον, οὐκ ἔξεστιto be allowed δ᾽ ἡμῖν οὔτε τοῖς σαββάτοις οὔτ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ὁδεύειν.	²⁵² And Nicolaus does not lie in saying this; for the Festival of Pentecost [Shavuot] had occurred after the Sabbath, and it is not permitted for us to travel either on the Sabbaths or during the Festival.
²⁵² And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day.	²⁵² for the feast we call Pentecost, was then the day following the Sabbath, and neither on the Sabbath or on the festival is it lawful for us to go on a journey.

²⁵³ συμβαλὼν δ᾽ Ἀρσάκῃ τῷ Πάρθῳ πολλήν τε τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπόλλυται, τὴν‎ δὲ τῶν βασιλείαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ διαδέχεται Ἀρσάκου αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολύσαντος καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον εἰς τὴν‎ Παρθυηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

²⁵³ However, when Antiochus engaged in battle with Arsaces the Parthian, he lost a great part of his army and perished himself. The kingdom of the Syrians was then taken over by his brother, Demetrius [II], whom Arsaces had released from captivity at the very time that Antiochus invaded Parthia, as has been declared previously elsewhere."

²⁵³ But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly related elsewhere.

²⁵³ When Antiochus fought Arsaces, the king of Parthia, he lost most of his army and lost his own life, and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria when Arsaces freed him from captivity at the time that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as has already been said in another context.

The Mercenary Shift
The mention of ξενοτροφεῖν (maintaining foreign mercenaries) marks a major shift in the nature of the Jewish state. Until this point, the Hasmonean armies were citizen-soldiers driven by religious and nationalistic zeal. By hiring professional foreign troops with David’s treasure, Hyrcanus began the transition from a "people’s militia" to a standard Hellenistic monarchy, where the ruler’s power rested on professional soldiers loyal only to his coin.

The Great Eastern Campaign
Antiochus VII Sidetes was the last truly great Seleucid king. His campaign to reclaim Mesopotamia from the Parthians was initially a stunning success. Hyrcanus’s presence in the army was likely a condition of the peace treaty, but it also gave the Jewish leader a front-row seat to the military tactics of the two greatest empires of the East.

Religious Law in the Heat of War
The quote from Nicolaus of Damascus (the court historian of Herod the Great) is invaluable. It provides external, pagan confirmation of Jewish religious practice in the 2nd century BCE. The fact that a Seleucid King would halt his entire victorious army for two days to accommodate the Sabbath and Pentecost for his Jewish allies is an extraordinary testament to Hyrcanus’s diplomatic influence and the King's "Pious" (Eusebes) reputation.

The "Double Jeopardy" of the Seleucids
The end of the passage describes a chaotic political blunder. The Parthian King (Arsaces/Mithridates II) released the captive Demetrius II (Antiochus’s brother) specifically to return to Syria and cause a civil war, hoping to distract Antiochus. Before the plan could fully unfold, Antiochus was killed in battle. This left Syria in total disarray, with two rival brothers/sons constantly fighting for a shrinking throne.

The "Vacuum of Independence"
The death of Antiochus VII in 129 BCE was the moment Judea became truly free. Hyrcanus did not need to win a war of independence; he simply stopped paying tribute and started conquering. With the Seleucid army destroyed in the East and the remaining royalty fighting each other, there was no longer any power in the world capable of stopping the Hasmonean expansion.

Chapter 9
[254-269]
Hyrcanus' expedition against Syria.
He makes a pact with the Romans

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²⁵⁴ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν ἈντιόχουAntiochus θάνατον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria πόλεις ἐξεστράτευσεν οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων.	²⁵⁴ "When Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he immediately marched out against the cities in Syria, thinking that he would find them—as indeed he did—deserted of fighting men and those capable of defending them.
²⁵⁴ But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them.	²⁵⁴ When Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he immediately went out to war against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them short of fighting men able to defend them.

²⁵⁵ Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρηθείσης ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ ΣίκιμάSikima τε πρὸς τούτοις καὶ ΓαριζεὶνGarizim τό τε Κουθαίων γένος,	²⁵⁵ After his army had suffered much hardship, he captured Medaba in the sixth month; thereafter, he also immediately seized Samoga and the nearby places. In addition to these, he took Shechem and Mount Gerizim, as well as the nation of the Cutheans [Samaritans],
²⁵⁵ However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans,	²⁵⁵ But he captured only Medaba after six months and after seriously weakening his army. Then he took Samoga and its neighbourhood and Sikima and Garizim and the Cuthean nation,

²⁵⁶ ὃ περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν τὸν Ἰαδδοῦς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια.

²⁵⁶ who lived around the temple that had been built in imitation of the Temple in Jerusalem. This was the temple Alexander [the Great] permitted Sanballat the general to build for the sake of his son-in-law Manasseh, the brother of Jaddus the High Priest, as we have previously stated. It happened that this temple was laid waste after two hundred years.

²⁵⁶ who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built.

²⁵⁶ who lived near the temple built like the one in Jerusalem and which Alexander had allowed his general Sanballat to build for the sake of Manasses, the son-in-law of Jaddous the high priest, as we said earlier. This temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built.

²⁵⁷ δὲ καὶ τῆς αἱρεῖ πόλεις καὶ , καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν.

²⁵⁷ Hyrcanus also captured the Idumaean cities of Adora and Marisa. Having brought all the Idumaeans under his power, he permitted them to remain in their land on the condition that they circumcise their foreskins and choose to live according to the laws of the Jews.

²⁵⁷ Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews;

²⁵⁷ Hyrcanus also took Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumaea and subdued all the Idumaeans, and let them remain in that area, if they would circumcise their genitals and follow the laws of the Jews.

²⁵⁸ οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν‎ περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν‎ ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἸουδαίοιςJews ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ἸουδαίουςJews.	²⁵⁸ Out of a longing for their ancestral land, they submitted to circumcision and to making the rest of their way of life the same as that of the Jews. From that time on, this remained the case for them, so that they were henceforth Jews."
²⁵⁸ and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.	²⁵⁸ They were so attached to their ancestral land that they submitted to circumcision, and to following the rest of the Jewish lifestyle, and from then onward they have continued as Jews.

The Strategic Power Vacuum
Hyrcanus demonstrated brilliant military timing. The "death of Antiochus" in the Parthian war effectively wiped out the professional Seleucid core. By attacking "immediately" (εὐθὺς), Hyrcanus struck while the Syrian cities were ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων (empty of fighting men). This was the turning point where the Hasmoneans ceased being rebels and became the dominant power in the Southern Levant.

The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple
The capture of Shechem and Mount Gerizim was a religiously motivated strike. By destroying the Samaritan temple (which Josephus calls an "imitation"), Hyrcanus was enforcing a policy of cultic centralization. He wanted to ensure that the Temple in Jerusalem was the only legitimate sanctuary in the land. This act deepened the centuries-long schism between Jews and Samaritans, a tension famously reflected later in the New Testament.

Forced Circumcision: A New Hasmonean Policy
The conversion of the Idumaeans is one of the most controversial moments in Hasmonean history. Josephus presents it as a choice given to the conquered: leave the land or become Jews through περιτομή (circumcision). This is the first recorded instance of "state-sponsored" mass conversion in Jewish history. Hyrcanus wasn't just expanding borders; he was expanding the definition of the "Jewish people" to include conquered neighbors.

The Seeds of Herod the Great
Josephus concludes by saying the Idumaeans were "henceforth Jews." This has massive historical implications. Because the Idumaeans were integrated into the Jewish body politic, they eventually produced leaders who rose within the Hasmonean court. This directly paved the way for Antipater and his son, Herod the Great, who would eventually supplant the Hasmonean dynasty and rule as the "King of the Jews."

The "200 Years" Chronology
Josephus notes that the Samaritan temple had stood for 200 years. While modern archaeology suggests the temple may have been even older, Josephus uses this timeline to connect the Hasmonean era back to the time of Alexander the Great. For Josephus, the Hasmonean conquests were a restoration of an older, purer order that had been disrupted by Hellenistic interference.

²⁵⁹ δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀνανεώσασθαι τὴν‎ πρὸς φιλίαν βουλόμενος πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβείαν. Καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γράμματα ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ·

²⁵⁹ Barach

²⁵⁹ But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following:

²⁵⁹ Now the high priest Hyrcanus wished to renew their pact of friendship with the Romans, and sent them a delegation. When the senate received their letter, they made the pact of friendship with him as follows:

²⁶⁰ υἱὸς στρατηγὸς βουλὴν ἤγαγεν πρὸ ὀκτὼ εἰδῶν ἐν Κομιτίῳ παρόντος υἱοῦ καὶ πενναίου υἱοῦ περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευσεν καὶ καὶ ἄνδρες καλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ δήμου τοῦ ,

²⁶⁰ Fannius, son of Marcus, the Praetor, convened the Senate on the eighth day before the Ides of February in the Comitium, in the presence of Lucius Mannius, son of Lucius, of the Mentina tribe, and Gaius Sempronius, son of Gaius, of the Falerna tribe, concerning the matters brought by the ambassadors Simon son of Dositheus, Apollonius son of Alexander, and Diodorus son of Jason—noble and good men sent by the People of the Jews.

²⁶⁰ "Fanius, the son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate together on the eighth day before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was, that the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men,

²⁶⁰ "General Fannius, son of Marcus, assembled the senate eight days before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, in the presence of Lucius Mallius, son of Lucius the Menenian, and Gaius Sempronius, noble son of the Falernian Gaius, and the good and virtuous envoys Simon, son of Dositheus, Apollonius, son of Alexander, and Diodorus, son of Jason, sent by the Jewish people.

²⁶¹ [οἳ] καὶ διελέχθησαν περὶ φιλίας τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τούτοις καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς καὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων, ὅπως τε καὶ λιμένες καὶ καὶ πηγαὶ καὶ πόλεις αὐτῶν ἄλλας καὶ χωρία πολεμῶν ἔλαβεν παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ταῦτα ἀποκατασταθῇ,

²⁶¹ They spoke concerning the existing friendship and alliance with the Romans and regarding public affairs: namely, that Joppa and its harbors, Gazara, and the Springs, and whatever other cities and districts Antiochus had taken from them in war contrary to the decree of the Senate, should be restored;

²⁶¹ had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them;

²⁶¹ They spoke of the friendship and military alliance between them and the Romans and about other public affairs, asking for the restoration of Joppa and the harbours and Gadara and the fountain-heads and various other cities and districts of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the senate’s decree,

²⁶² ἵνα τε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ διὰ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων αὐτῶν διέρχεσθαι, καὶ ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἄκυρα γένηται,

²⁶² and that the King’s soldiers should not be permitted to pass through their country or the country of their subjects; and that whatever had been decreed by Antiochus during that war contrary to the Senate’s decree should be made void;

²⁶² and that it might not be lawful for the king’s troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void;

²⁶² and that the king’s troops not be allowed to pass through their country and other areas subject to them, and that whatever has been done by Antiochus against the senate’s decree during that war should be declared void,

²⁶³ ἵνα τε πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀποδοθῆναί τε αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσιν τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἀφαιρεθέντα καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν διατιμήσωνται τὴν‎ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διεφθαρμένην, ὅπως τε αὐτοῖς πρός τε βασιλεῖς καὶ δήμους ἐλευθέρους γράμματα δῶσιν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου.

²⁶³ and that the Senate should send ambassadors to see that the things taken by Antiochus be restored and to assess the damage to the land ravaged in the war, and that they should provide letters to kings and free peoples for the safe return of the Jewish ambassadors to their home.

²⁶³ and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home.

²⁶³ and that envoys should be sent to ensure that what Antiochus had taken from them be restored, and to assess the country that was ravaged in the war, and to grant them letters of protection to kings and free people, for their peaceful return home.

²⁶⁴ ἔδοξεν οὖν περὶ τούτων ταῦτα· ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ δήμου πεμφθέντας ἀγαθοῦ καὶ φίλου."	²⁶⁴ It was therefore resolved: To renew the friendship and alliance with these good men sent by a good and friendly people.
²⁶⁴ It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people."	²⁶⁴ On these points a decree was made to renew their friendship and military alliance with these good men, sent by a good and a friendly people."

²⁶⁵ περὶ μέντοι γραμμάτων ἀπεκρίναντο βουλεύσεσθαι, ὅταν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἡ σύγκλητος εὐσχολήσῃ, σπουδάσειν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα τοιοῦτο γενέσθαι, δοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατηγὸν Φάννιον χρήματα ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ὅπως ἂν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐπανέλθοιεν.

²⁶⁵ Regarding the letters, however, they replied that they would deliberate further when the Senate had leisure from its own affairs, and they would take care for the future that no such injustice should happen to them. Furthermore, the Praetor Fannius was to give them money from the public treasury so they might return to their own land.

²⁶⁵ But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses home.

²⁶⁵ But about the requested letters, they replied that the senate would consult about them when their own affairs allowed, and that they would seek that no such harm be done to them in the future and that their praetor Fannius should give them money from the public treasury to pay for their journey home.

²⁶⁶ ΦάννιοςFannius μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀποπέμπει τοὺς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πρέσβεις χρήματά τε δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ δόγμα συγκλήτου πρὸς τοὺς διαπέμψοντας καὶ ἀσφαλῆ παρεξομένους τὴν‎ οἴκαδε παρουσίαν.	²⁶⁶ Fannius, accordingly, dismissed the Jewish ambassadors, giving them money from the public treasury and a decree of the Senate to those who would escort them and provide for their safe arrival home."
²⁶⁶ And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety.	²⁶⁶ That is how Fannius dismissed the Jewish envoys and gave them money from the public treasury, and gave the senate’s decree to those who were to conduct them and see to their safe return home.

The "Roman Shield" Strategy
This text is a classic example of Hasmonean foreign policy. By the time of Hyrcanus, the Seleucid Empire was still militarily dangerous but politically fractured. Hyrcanus realized that a "friendship and alliance" (φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν) with Rome acted as a powerful deterrent. By getting the Senate to declare Antiochus VII’s previous conquests "contrary to the decree of the Senate" (παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα), Hyrcanus turned a local land dispute into a violation of Roman international order.

The Specificity of the Claims
The ambassadors specifically mention Joppa (the port), Gazara (the fortress), and "the Springs" (likely Pegae, modern Rosh HaAyin). These were the economic and strategic "crown jewels" of the coastal corridor. Rome’s insistence that these be restored to the Jews was a direct blow to Seleucid maritime power and tax revenue.

The Roman Bureaucracy
Josephus provides incredible technical detail: the date (eight days before the Ides of February), the location (the Comitium), and the names of the witnesses and their tribes (Mentina and Falerna). This reflects the Roman practice of Senatus Consultum. For Josephus's Roman audience, these details proved the authenticity of the document and the long-standing legitimacy of the Jewish state in Roman eyes.

The "We’ll Get Back to You" Clause
Notice the subtle Roman hedging: regarding the specific letters of intervention, the Senate said they would deliberate "when they had leisure from their own affairs" (ὅταν... εὐσχολήσῃ). This is classic Roman diplomacy—offering immediate friendship and travel money, but keeping the actual military or political intervention "pending" to maintain leverage over both the Jews and the Seleucids.

Financing the Embassy
The fact that the Roman treasury (ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου) paid for the ambassadors' return trip is a high diplomatic honor. It signifies that the Jews were not just petitioners but recognized "Friends and Allies of the Roman People" (Amici et Socii Populi Romani).

²⁶⁷ Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν, δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ προθυμουμένῳ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ οὐκ ἐξεγένετο καιρὸς οὐδὲ ἀφορμὴ τῶν τε καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθανομένων, πονηρὸς γὰρ ἦν, καὶ πεμψάντων πρὸς τὸν Φύσκωνα ἐπικληθέντα πρέσβεις, ὅπως τινὰ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ γένους παραδῷ αὐτοῖς ἀποληψόμενον τὴν‎ βασιλείαν.

²⁶⁷ "Such were the affairs surrounding Hyrcanus the High Priest. As for King Demetrius [II], although he was eager to march against Hyrcanus, he found neither the opportunity nor the means because both the Syrians and the soldiers held him in hatred—for he was a wicked man. They sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, surnamed Physcon, asking him to provide someone of the lineage of Seleucus to take over the kingdom.

²⁶⁷ And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family of Seleucus, in order to take the kingdom,

²⁶⁷ Such was the situation of Hyrcanus the high priest. And though king Demetrius wanted to make war on Hyrcanus, he had no occasion or place for it since both the Syrians and the soldiers disliked him as an evil man. When he sent envoys to Ptolemy, surnamed Physcon, to send them one of the Seleucid family to take over the kingdom,

²⁶⁸ τοῦ δὲ πέμψαντος μετὰ στρατιᾶς τὸν Ζεβίναν ἐπιλεγόμενον καὶ μάχης πρὸς τὸν γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ φεύγει πρὸς τὴν‎ γυναῖκα εἰς καὶ μὴ δεξαμένης αὐτὸν τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκεῖθεν ἀπελθὼν εἰς ἁλίσκεται καὶ πολλὰ παθὼν ὑπὸ τῶν μισούντων ἀπέθανεν.

²⁶⁸ Ptolemy sent Alexander, surnamed Zebinas, with an army; and after a battle occurred against Demetrius, the latter was defeated and fled to his wife, Cleopatra [Thea], at Ptolemais. When his wife would not receive him, he departed from there for Tyre, where he was captured and died after suffering many things at the hands of those who hated him.

²⁶⁸ and he had sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them.

²⁶⁸ Ptolemy sent them Alexander, surnamed Zebina, with an army and in the battle Demetrius was defeated and fled to his wife Cleopatra, in Ptolemais, but when she did not receive him he went on to Tyre where he was caught, and after suffering much from his enemies, he died.

²⁶⁹ δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν φιλίαν ποιεῖται πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα. ἔπειτα πολεμήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ Γρυποῦ ἐπικληθέντος, ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ διαφθείρεται.

²⁶⁹ When Alexander [Zebinas] took over the kingdom, he made a treaty of friendship with Hyrcanus the High Priest. Afterward, when the son of Demetrius, Antiochus, surnamed Grypos [Hook-nosed], made war against him, Alexander was defeated in battle and perished."

²⁶⁹ So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain.

²⁶⁹ So Alexander took over the kingdom and made a pact with Hyrcanus the high priest. Later, when he fought against Antiochus the son of Demetrius, surnamed Grypus, he too was defeated in battle and killed.

The "Wickedness" of Demetrius II
Josephus notes that Demetrius II was πονηρὸς (wicked/malicious). This refers to his erratic behavior after returning from Parthian captivity. He had lost the loyalty of his own troops, which created the "opportunity vacuum" (οὐκ ἐξεγένετο καιρὸς) that allowed Hyrcanus to expand Judea’s borders without interference.

Egypt as the Kingmaker
The intervention of Ptolemy VIII Physcon (the "Bloated") shows that the Seleucid Empire had become a mere playground for Egyptian foreign policy. By sending Alexander Zebinas—a pretender who claimed to be the adopted son of Antiochus VII—Ptolemy ensured that Syria remained divided and weak, which inadvertently benefited the Hasmonean state.

The Ruthlessness of Cleopatra Thea
The detail about Demetrius's wife, Cleopatra Thea, refusing him entry at Ptolemais is historically significant. Cleopatra was a formidable political operator who eventually tired of her husband’s failures. By locking the gates against him, she effectively signed his death warrant, preferring to rule through her sons (Antiochus VIII Grypos) rather than remain tied to a defeated husband.

Alexander Zebinas: The "Friend" of the Jews
Zebinas’s friendship with Hyrcanus was a matter of survival. As a pretender with no legitimate claim to the throne, he needed every ally he could get. This "friendship" (φιλίαν) allowed Hyrcanus to continue his conquests (such as the siege of Samaria) without fear of a royal Syrian counter-attack.

The "Grypos" Era
The rise of Antiochus VIII Grypos marked the beginning of yet another bloody chapter of Seleucid infighting (mostly against his half-brother, Antiochus IX Cyzicenus). This perpetual state of civil war in Syria was the single most important factor in allowing the Hasmonean Kingdom to reach its territorial zenith.

Chapter 10
[270-300]
Hyrcanus demolishes Samaria.
He changes sides, from Sadducee to Pharisee

☜ ☞

²⁷⁰ Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ τῆς βασιλείαν ὁ ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν‎ στρατεύειν εὐλαβὴς ἦν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀκούων τὸν ὁμομήτριον, δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐκαλεῖτο, δύναμιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ Κυζίκου συλλέγειν.

²⁷⁰ "When Antiochus [VIII Grypos] took over the kingdom of Syria, he was cautious about marching against Judea, hearing that his brother on his mother's side—who was also named Antiochus—was gathering a force against him from Cyzicus.

²⁷⁰ When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war against Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum;

²⁷⁰ When Antiochus became king he was afraid to go to war on Judea because he heard that a brother of his (by the same mother) also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him from Cyzicum,

²⁷¹ μένων δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔγνω παρασκευάζειν αὑτὸν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἔφοδον τὴν‎ τἀδελφοῦ, ὃς Κυζικηνὸς μὲν ἐπεκλήθη διὰ τὸ τραφῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, πατρὸς δ᾽ ἦν τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπικληθέντος, ὃς ἐν ἀπέθανεν· οὗτος δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἦν τοῦ Γρυποῦ πατρός. συνέβη μέντοι μίαν τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς γῆμαι , ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἱστορήκαμεν.

²⁷¹ Remaining in his own territory, he resolved to prepare himself for the assault of his brother, who was surnamed Cyzicenus because he had been raised in that city. He was the son of Antiochus [VII], surnamed Soter, who died among the Parthians; this man was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypos. It so happened, as we have recorded elsewhere, that one woman, Cleopatra [Thea], had been married to both of these brothers.

²⁷¹ so he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere.

²⁷¹ so he stayed at home, to be ready for the attack by his brother, who was nicknamed "Cyzicenus" as he was reared in that city. He was the son of Antiochus Soter, who had died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus, for that one and the same Cleopatra happened to marry both brothers, as we have said elsewhere.

²⁷² ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν διετέλει. ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν·	²⁷² Antiochus Cyzicenus, having arrived in Syria, spent many years at war with his brother. During all that time, Hyrcanus lived in peace.
²⁷² But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace;	²⁷² When Antiochus Cyzicenus came into Syria, he went on warring with his brother for many years, and all this while Hyrcanus lived in peace.

²⁷³ καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μετὰ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν τῶν ἀπέστη καὶ οὔτε ὡς ὑπήκοος οὔτε ὡς Φίλος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔτι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα ἐν ἐπιδόσει πολλῇ καὶ ἀκμῇ κατὰ τοὺς τοῦ Ζαβιναίου καιρούς, καὶ μάλιστ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. ὁ γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς πόλεμος σχολὴν καρποῦσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας παρεῖχεν, ὡς ἄπειρόν τι χρημάτων πλῆθος συναγαγεῖν.

²⁷³ For after the death of Antiochus [VII], he had revolted from the Macedonians and no longer provided anything to them, neither as a subject nor as a friend. Instead, his affairs were in a state of great increase and prime during the times of Alexander Zebinas, and especially under these two brothers. For their war against each other provided Hyrcanus the leisure to enjoy Judea without fear, so that he amassed an infinite amount of wealth.

²⁷³ for after the death of Antlochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money.

²⁷³ But after Antiochus died he rebelled from the Macedonians and no longer submitted to them, either as a subject or a friend, and still things prospered for him in the time of Alexander Zebina and especially under these brothers, since their war with each other allowed Hyrcanus to enjoy Judea in peace and to amass a large amount of money.

²⁷⁴ τοῦ μέντοι γε Κυζικηνοῦ τὴν‎ γῆν κακοῦντος φανερῶς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ προαίρεσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο, καὶ τῶν ἀπ᾽ συμμάχων ἔρημον ὁρῶν τὸν καὶ αὐτόν τε πράττοντα κακῶς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγῶσιν, ἀμφοτέρων κατεφρόνησεν.

²⁷⁴ However, since Cyzicenus was openly ravaging the land, Hyrcanus also demonstrated his own intentions. Seeing that Antiochus was destitute of allies from Egypt, and that both he and his brother were faring poorly in their struggles against one another, he held them both in contempt."

²⁷⁴ However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both.

²⁷⁴ However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus plundered his land, he made his intentions clear, and when he saw Antiochus deprived of Egyptian allies and that both he and his brother were in a poor state in their struggles with each other, he scorned them both.

The "Two Antiochuses" Confusion
The late Seleucid period is notoriously difficult to follow because of the repetition of names. Josephus clarifies the lineage here:

1) Antiochus VIII Grypos: Son of Demetrius II and Cleopatra Thea.

2) Antiochus IX Cyzicenus: Son of Antiochus VII Sidetes and Cleopatra Thea.

These men were half-brothers and cousins, sharing the same mother but different Hasmonean-era kings as fathers. Their "Fratricidal War" was the ultimate catalyst for Jewish independence.

The Final Break from the "Macedonians"
Josephus uses the term Μακεδόνων (Macedonians) to refer to the Seleucid Greeks. He explicitly states that Hyrcanus ceased being either a ὑπήκοος (subject) or a φίλος (friend). This marks the legal and functional end of the Hasmonean client-state status. From this point on, Judea was no longer "granted" rights; it took them.

Economic Prosperity through Neutrality
The text emphasizes that Hyrcanus used this "leisure" (σχολὴν) to amass "an infinite amount of wealth" (ἄπειρόν τι χρημάτων πλῆθος). By staying out of the Syrian civil wars while maintaining his own borders, Hyrcanus turned Judea into a stable economic hub. This wealth would soon fund his massive mercenary armies and his ambitious siege of Samaria.

The Shift to "Contempt" (Κατεφρόνησεν)
The transition in Hyrcanus’s attitude is telling. Initially cautious, he eventually viewed the Seleucid kings with contempt. This psychological shift from fear to disdain signals that the balance of power in the Levant had permanently shifted. The Hasmoneans were no longer rebels hiding in the hills; they were the apex predators of the region.

The Egyptian Factor
Josephus mentions that Antiochus was "destitute of allies from Egypt" (Αἰγύπτου συμμάχων ἔρημον). The Ptolemies had historically propped up various Seleucid claimants to keep Syria weak. Without Egyptian gold or troops to stabilize one side, the two brothers simply bled each other white, leaving the door wide open for Hyrcanus to strike at Samaria.

²⁷⁵ Καὶ στρατεύει μὲν ἐπὶ πόλιν ὀχυρωτάτην, περὶ ἧς, ὅτι καλεῖται νῦν κτισθεῖσα ὑπὸ , κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν. προσβαλὼν δ᾽ αὐτῇ φιλοπόνως ἐπολιόρκει μισοπονηρῶν τοῖς ὑπὲρ ὧν Μαρισηνοὺς ἀποίκους ὄντας καὶ συμμάχους ἠδίκησαν ὑπακούοντες τοῖς τῶν βασιλεῦσιν.

²⁷⁵ "And so he marched against the city of Samaria, which was very well fortified; we shall speak in the proper place concerning this city, which is now called Sebaste, having been built by Herod. Attacking it with great industry, he besieged it; for he hated the Samaritans because of the wrongs they had committed against the people of Marisa, who were colonists and allies of the Jews, while they [the Samaritans] were acting in obedience to the kings of Syria.

²⁷⁵ So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria.

²⁷⁵ So he marched against Samaria which was a very strong city; and we shall speak at a proper time about its present name, Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod. He attacked and besieged it with great effort, being very indignant at the wrongs which, in order to please the Syrian kings, the Samaritans had done to the people of Merissa, a Jewish colony in alliance with them.

²⁷⁶ περιβαλὼν οὖν τάφρον πανταχόθεν τῇ πόλει καὶ διπλοῦν τεῖχος ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐφίστησιν καὶ . ὧν ἐπικειμένων εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ λιμοῦ προαχθῆναι τοὺς συνέπεσεν, ὡς ἅψασθαι μὲν καὶ τῶν ἀήθων, ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ βοηθὸν τὸν Κυζικηνόν.

²⁷⁶ He therefore threw a trench around the city on every side and built a double wall of about eighty furlongs [stadia] in circumference; he placed his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, in command of the siege. Under their pressure, it happened that the Samaritans were driven to such necessity by famine that they were forced to eat things unusual [unclean/forbidden]; they also called upon Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them.

²⁷⁶ When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them,

²⁷⁶ So he made a ditch and a double wall, eighty furlongs long, around the city and put his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus in charge of the siege. This caused such hunger among the Samaritans that they were forced to eat what was formerly inedible and to call on Antiochus Cyzicenus for help.

²⁷⁷ ὃς ἑτοίμως ἐπὶ τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν ἀφικόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ἡττᾶται, διωχθεὶς δ᾽ ἄχρι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διέφυγεν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑποστρέψαντες συγκλείουσι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐπικαλέσασθαι σύμμαχον πέμψαντες τὸν αὐτὸν .

²⁷⁷ He readily arrived for the alliance but was defeated by the forces under Aristobulus; being pursued by the brothers as far as Scythopolis, he made his escape. They, returning to the Samaritans, shut them up again within the wall, so that they sent for the same Antiochus to call for help a second time.

²⁷⁷ who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time to help them,

²⁷⁷ He readily came to their assistance but was defeated by Aristobulus, and escaped, although pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brothers. These returned to Samaria and again blockaded them within the wall, until they were forced to send a second time to Antiochus for help.

²⁷⁸ ὃς παρὰ τοῦ Λαθούρου μεταπεμψάμενος ἄνδρας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὓς ἀκούσης τῆς μητρὸς ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐκβεβληκυίας ἐξαπέστειλεν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν‎ χώραν μετὰ τῶν λῃστρικῶς, μάχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐ τολμῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ‎, νομίζων δὲ τῇ κακώσει τῆς γῆς ἀναγκάσειν λῦσαι τὴν‎ τῆς πολιορκίαν.

²⁷⁸ He, having summoned about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus—whom that king sent against the will of his mother [Cleopatra III], who had all but cast him out of the government—at first invaded and plundered Hyrcanus’s land in a predatory manner with the Egyptians. He did not dare to fight a face-to-face battle, for his force was not sufficient, but he thought that by ravaging the land he would force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria.

²⁷⁸ who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother’s consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria;

²⁷⁸ He got about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who sent them without his mother’s consent, for she had then almost deposed him from ruling. With these Egyptians Antiochus at first overran and ravaged the district of Hyrcanus like a brigand, though he dared not meet him face to face in battle, as his army was insufficient for that purpose, so he hoped by so harassing his land to force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria.

²⁷⁹ ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλλυεν ἐνέδραις περιπαθήσας, ἀπῆρεν εἰς ΤρίπολινTripoli Καλλιμάνδρῳ καὶ Ἐπικράτει τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews πόλεμον ἐπιτρέψας.	²⁷⁹ But when he began to lose many of his soldiers by falling into ambushes, he departed for Tripolis, entrusting the war against the Jews to Callimandrus and Epicrates."
²⁷⁹ but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.	²⁷⁹ In the process he fell into ambushes and lost many of his soldiers, so he went off to Tripoli and left Callimander and Epicrates to conduct the war against the Jews.

The Strategic Scale of the Siege
The mention of a double wall (διπλοῦν τεῖχος) and a circumference of eighty stadia (approximately 15 kilometers or 9 miles) indicates a massive engineering undertaking. This was a classic "siege of circumvallation," intended not just to keep the Samaritans in, but to keep relief armies out. This reflects the Hasmonean state's immense wealth and manpower at its peak; they were no longer a small militia but a regional superpower capable of sustaining a long-term blockade.

Scythopolis as a Refuge
When Antiochus Cyzicenus was defeated, he fled to Scythopolis (Beth Shean). Scythopolis was a major Greek city of the Decapolis and a traditional stronghold of Seleucid influence. The fact that the Hasmonean brothers could pursue a Seleucid King across the Jezreel Valley shows that Jewish military reach now extended far beyond the Judean heartland.

The Egyptian-Seleucid Axis
The intervention of Ptolemy Lathyrus introduces a new complication. The internal civil war in Egypt (between Lathyrus and his mother, Cleopatra III) spilled over into Judea. Lathyrus supported the Seleucids to counter his mother’s pro-Hasmonean leanings. This highlights how Judea had become a "central theater" in the broader Mediterranean power struggle between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids.

Guerrilla Roots in Conventional War
Even though Hyrcanus was conducting a conventional siege, he still relied on ambushes (ἐνέδραις) to defeat the relief forces. Cyzicenus tried to use "predatory" (λῃστρικῶς) tactics—scorched earth policies—to distract Hyrcanus. However, the Hasmoneans proved to be masters of the terrain, using the rugged Samarian landscape to bleed the Syrian-Egyptian coalition until they retreated.

From Samaria to Sebaste
Josephus's mention of Sebaste (the Greek equivalent of Augustus) is a deliberate nod to his own era. By the time Josephus wrote this, Samaria had been transformed into a grand Roman-style city by Herod the Great. By mentioning its Hasmonean destruction, Josephus emphasizes the total shift in power from the Samaritans (the old rivals) to the Judeans.

²⁸⁰ Καλλίμανδρος μὲν οὖν θρασύτερον τοῖς πολεμίοις προσενεχθεὶς εἰς φυγὴν τραπόμενος παραχρῆμα διεφθάρη. Ἐπικράτης δὲ ὑπὸ φιλοχρηματίας τήν τε καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πρὸς ταύτῃ χωρία προύδωκε φανερῶς τοῖς , τὴν‎ δὲ πολιορκίαν διαλύειν οὐκ ἠδύνατο.

²⁸⁰ "Now Callimandrus, having engaged the enemy too boldly, was turned to flight and immediately perished. Epicrates, however, out of a love for money, openly betrayed Scythopolis and the other places near it to the Jews; yet even so, he was unable to break the siege of Samaria.

²⁸⁰ But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria.

²⁸⁰ But Callimander attacked the enemy too boldly and was put to flight and soon destroyed, and Epicrates was such a lover of money that he openly betrayed Scythopolis and other places near it to the Jews, yet could not make them lift the siege of Samaria.

²⁸¹ μὲν οὖν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας οὐκ ἠρκέσθη μόνῳ τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἠφάνισεν ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις ποιήσας· διασκάψας γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστ᾽ εἰς χαράδρας μεταπεσεῖν τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ γενέσθαι ποτὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἀφείλετο.

²⁸¹ Hyrcanus, having captured the city after a year-long siege, was not satisfied with this alone, but he utterly effaced it, making it subject to being washed away by torrents. For by digging it up so that it fell into the ravines, he removed every sign that a city had ever existed there.

²⁸¹ And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there.

²⁸¹ When, after a year’s siege, Hyrcanus finally took the city, he did not leave it as it was but completely demolished it and brought streams to flood it and dug trenches to let the water run under it, removing the very signs that there had ever been such a city there.

²⁸² παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως λέγεται, τίνα τρόπον αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν· φασὶν γάρ, ὅτι κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν, καθ᾽ ἣν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ Κυζικηνῷ συνέβαλον, αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ θυμιῶν μόνος ὢν ἀρχιερεὺς ἀκούσειε φωνῆς, ὡς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ‎ νενικήκασιν ἀρτίως τὸν .

²⁸² A certain extraordinary thing is also told concerning the High Priest Hyrcanus, as to how the Divine came into communication with him. For they say that on that very day on which his sons engaged the Cyzicenus [Antiochus IX], he was alone in the Temple offering incense as High Priest when he heard a voice saying that his sons had just then conquered Antiochus.

²⁸² Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus.

²⁸² Now a strange thing is told about this high priest Hyrcanus, how the Divinity came to talk with him. They say that on the very day when his sons fought Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, offering incense as high priest, when a voice told him that his sons had just then defeated Antiochus.

²⁸³ καὶ τοῦτο προελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει φανερὸν ἐποίησεν, καὶ συνέβη οὕτως γενέσθαι. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐν τούτοις ἦν.	²⁸³ Going out from the Temple, he made this manifest to the entire multitude, and it happened just as he said. Such were the affairs concerning Hyrcanus at that time."
²⁸³ And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus.	²⁸³ This he publicly declared before all the people when he came from the temple, and it proved to be true. Such was the story of Hyrcanus.

The Mercenary Nature of the Late Seleucids
The contrast between Callimandrus and Epicrates is a snapshot of an empire in terminal decline. Callimandrus represents the old Macedonian military spirit—brave but reckless—while Epicrates represents the new reality: φιλοχρηματία (love of money). The betrayal of Scythopolis (Beth Shean), a major strategic gateway, shows that by 107 BCE, Seleucid generals were more interested in Hasmonean bribes than in defending a dying dynasty.

The Total Destruction of Samaria
Hyrcanus’s treatment of Samaria goes beyond military victory; it is an act of damnatio memoriae. By "making it subject to being washed away by torrents" (ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις), he used hydraulic engineering to erode the very foundations of the city. This was a symbolic "cleansing" of the land of the Samaritan cult, ensuring that the rival to Jerusalem could never easily be rebuilt on that site.

The Divine Voice (Bat Kol)
Josephus records the tradition of the voice heard in the Temple. In Rabbinic literature (Sotah 33a), this is referred to as the Bat Kol. It serves as the ultimate justification for Hyrcanus’s rule: he is not just a king or a general, but a prophet-priest. This "synchronicity"—hearing the victory at the exact moment it happened miles away—legitimized the Hasmonean claim to divine favor just as internal political tensions were beginning to rise.

The Ritual Context: The Altar of Incense
The miracle occurs while Hyrcanus is "alone in the Temple offering incense." This refers to the daily service in the Holy Place (the Heikal), where the High Priest offered incense on the Golden Altar. This was a moment of supreme ritual purity and isolation, reinforcing the idea that the High Priest acted as the sole mediator between God and the nation.

The Beginning of the End
Ironically, this moment of total victory and divine revelation was the beginning of the end for Hasmonean unity. With the external enemies (the Seleucids and Samaritans) crushed, the internal factions of Judea—the Pharisees and Sadducees—no longer had a common foe to unite them. The very wealth and power Hyrcanus used to erase Samaria would soon be turned inward in a bitter civil struggle.

²⁸⁴ Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον Ἔτυχε τὸν καιρὸν μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ ἸουδαίουςJews εὐπραγεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria κατοικοῦντας καὶ ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt καὶ ΚύπρῳCyprus·	²⁸⁴ "At this particular time, it happened that not only were the Jews in Jerusalem and the countryside prospering, but also those inhabiting Alexandria, Egypt, and Cyprus.
²⁸⁴ Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus;	²⁸⁴ At this time, not only were the Jews prospering in Jerusalem and in Judea, but also those of them who were in Alexandria and Egypt and Cyprus.

²⁸⁵ γὰρ ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν στασιάζουσα τὸν ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ υἱοὺς ὄντας τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς , ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν δεδηλώκαμεν.

²⁸⁵ For Queen Cleopatra [III], being at odds with her son Ptolemy, surnamed Lathyrus, appointed as her generals Chelkias and Ananias, who were the sons of Onias—the one who had built the temple in the Heliopolite nome to rival the one in Jerusalem, as we have previously shown.

²⁸⁵ for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related.

²⁸⁵ Queen Cleopatra was at odds with her son Ptolemy, surnamed Lathyrus, and appointed as her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of the Onias who, as we said earlier, built in the prefecture of Heliopolis a temple like the one in Jerusalem.

²⁸⁶ παραδοῦσα δὲ τούτοις ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra τὴν‎ στρατιὰν οὐδὲν δίχα τῆς τούτων γνώμης ἔπραττεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ καὶ ΣτράβωνStrabo ἡμῖν ὁ ΚαππάδοξCappadocia λέγων οὕτως·	²⁸⁶ Cleopatra, having entrusted the army to them, did nothing without their advice, as Strabo the Cappadocian also bears witness to us, saying as follows:
²⁸⁶ Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus,	²⁸⁶ Cleopatra entrusted her army to these two and did nothing without their advice, as witnessed by Strabo of Cappadocia when he says:

²⁸⁷ " οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς εἰς , μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν · μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς γενόμενοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ." ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ φησίν.

²⁸⁷ 'For the majority—both those who had initially assembled and those later sent to Cyprus by Cleopatra—immediately went over to Ptolemy. Only the Jews of the lineage of Onias remained faithful, because their fellow citizens, Chelkias and Ananias, were held in the highest esteem by the Queen.' These are the words of Strabo."

²⁸⁷ "Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favor with the queen." These are the words of Strabo.

²⁸⁷ "Most of those who came to Cyprus with us or were sent there later, immediately went over to Ptolemy. Only those who were called Onias' party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in high favour with the queen." That is what Strabo says.

The Jewish "Joint-Chiefs" of Egypt
It is extraordinary that at the height of the Hellenistic era, the two supreme commanders of the Egyptian royal army were Jews. Chelkias and Ananias were not just mercenaries; they were the sons of a former High Priestly claimant. This confirms that the "Land of Onias" in Egypt had become a semi-autonomous military district that provided the Ptolemies with their most loyal and elite troops.

The Rival Temple Connection
Josephus mentions the Temple of Onias at Leontopolis. While the Hasmoneans in Judea were destroying "rival" temples (like the one on Mt. Gerizim), they remained strategically aligned with the Egyptian Jews who maintained their own sanctuary. This suggests a pragmatic "Hasmonean-Oniad axis" directed against their common enemies: the Seleucids and the rebel Ptolemy Lathyrus.

Loyalty Amidst Treachery
The quote from Strabo (a famous Greek historian and geographer) provides crucial external validation. During the civil war between Cleopatra III and her son, the Greek and Macedonian troops were notorious for switching sides based on bribes or momentum. Strabo highlights that only the Jews remained steadfast. This reputation for loyalty made Jewish military colonies a permanent fixture of the Eastern Mediterranean landscape.

The Geopolitical "Big Picture"
This prosperity was interconnected. The success of Hyrcanus in Judea was mirrored by the political power of Chelkias and Ananias in Egypt. This created a "pincer effect" on the remaining Seleucid territories. If a Seleucid king tried to attack Judea, the Jewish generals in Egypt could influence Cleopatra to intervene, effectively protecting the Hasmonean state through Egyptian proxy.

Josephus’s Historiographical Method
Notice how Josephus uses Strabo to "vouch" for his claims. By quoting a non-Jewish, pro-Roman source like Strabo, Josephus is defending the dignity and reliability of his people to a Roman audience. He wants to show that the Jews were not just "rebels" against Rome (in his own time), but had a long history as the most trusted advisors and generals to the Great Powers of the past.

²⁸⁸ δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησεν παρὰ τῶν ἡ εὐπραγία, μάλιστα δ᾽ οἱ κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ὄντες μία τῶν , ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει, ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς πιστεύεσθαι.

²⁸⁸ "But the prosperity of Hyrcanus stirred up envy among the Jews; the Pharisees, in particular, were ill-disposed toward him—a sect of the Jews about whom we have spoken previously. They possess such great influence among the multitude that if they say anything even against a king or a high priest, they are immediately believed.

²⁸⁸ However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed.

²⁸⁸ But the Jews envied Hyrcanus his prosperity, and those worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews as we have said. These have such power over the people, that when they say anything against the king or the high priest, they are readily believed.

²⁸⁹ μαθητὴς δὲ αὐτῶν ἦν καὶ καὶ σφόδρα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἠγαπᾶτο. Καὶ δὴ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν καὶ φιλοφρόνως ὑποδεξάμενος, ἐπεὶ σφόδρα ἡδομένους ἑώρα, λέγειν ἤρξατο πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς ἴσασιν μὲν αὐτὸν βουλόμενον εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντα ἐξ ὧν ἀρέσειεν ἂν τῷ θεῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς·

²⁸⁹ Now, Hyrcanus had been a disciple of theirs and was greatly loved by them. Having invited them to a feast and received them with great kindness, and seeing that they were in high spirits, he began to speak to them. He said they knew he desired to be righteous and to do everything that might please both God and them—for the Pharisees live as philosophers.

²⁸⁹ Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also.

²⁸⁹ Now Hyrcanus was a much beloved disciple of theirs, and once when he invited them to a feast and entertained them well and saw them in a good humour, he began to say to them how they knew he wanted to be a righteous man and to do all things to please God, for the Pharisees love wisdom.

²⁹⁰ οἱ γὰρ φιλοσοφοῦσιν· ἠξίου γε μήν, εἰ βλέπουσιν αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνοντα καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς δικαίας ἐκτρεπόμενον εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπαναγαγεῖν καὶ ἐπανορθοῦν. τῶν δὲ μαρτυρησάντων αὐτῷ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ὁ μὲν ἥσθη τοῖς ,

²⁹⁰ He requested that if they saw him sinning or turning away from the path of righteousness, they should lead him back to it and correct him. When they all bore witness to his complete virtue, he was delighted by their praises.

²⁹⁰ However, he desired, that if they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they would call him back and correct him. On which occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose name was Eleazar,

²⁹⁰ He asked them to reproach him and correct him if they observed him offending in any point and leaving the right way. This made them profess that he was entirely virtuous, and he was well pleased with the praise.

²⁹¹ εἷς δέ τις τῶν κατακειμένων ὄνομα, κακοήθης ὢν φύσει καὶ στάσει χαίρων ἐπεί, φησίν, " ἠξίωσας γνῶναι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, θέλεις δὲ εἶναι δίκαιος, τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπόθου, καὶ μόνον ἀρκείτω σοι τὸ ἄρχειν τοῦ λαοῦ."

²⁹¹ However, one of those reclining there, named Eleazar—a man of an evil nature and one who delighted in factionalism—said: 'Since you have requested to know the truth and wish to be righteous, lay down the High Priesthood and let it suffice for you only to govern the people.'

²⁹¹ a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said, "Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,"

²⁹¹ But one of his guests named Eleazar, a bad-tempered man who delighted in unruly behaviour, said, "Since you desire to know the truth, if you wish to be righteous in earnest, set aside the high priesthood and be satisfied with ruling the people."

²⁹² τὴν‎ δ᾽ αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ‎ πυθομένου, δι᾽ ἣν ἀποθοῖτο τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὅτι, φησίν, "ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν‎ μητέρα βασιλεύοντος τοῦ ." ψευδὴς λόγος ἦν· καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν παρωξύνθη καὶ πάντες δ᾽ οἱ σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν.

²⁹² When Hyrcanus asked the reason why he should lay down the High Priesthood, he replied: 'Because we have heard from our elders that your mother was once a captive during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes.' This was a false report; nevertheless, Hyrcanus was provoked to fury, and all the Pharisees were also vehemently indignant."

²⁹² And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, "We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. " This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.

²⁹² When he asked why he should set aside the high priesthood, the other answered, "We have heard from the old people that your mother was a prisoner during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes." This story was false and Hyrcanus was very angry with him, as were all the Pharisees.

The Power of the Pharisees
Josephus provides a rare "political science" observation here: the Pharisees’ power was rooted in public opinion (παρὰ τῷ πλήθει). Unlike the Sadducees, who relied on inherited priestly status or wealth, the Pharisees held the "moral high ground." Their word was so potent that they could effectively challenge the legitimacy of the Head of State.

The "Philosophical" Banquet
The setting is a classic Hellenistic symposium or feast. Hyrcanus’s request for "correction" was a standard trope of the "Ideal Ruler" in Greek philosophy. However, what started as a polite philosophical exercise turned into a political ambush.

The Legal Slur against the Mother
The claim that Hyrcanus’s mother had been a captive was a devastating legal attack based on Jewish Law (Leviticus 21:7, 13–14). Under the Law, a priest must marry a virgin; a woman taken captive was presumed to have been violated by her captors, thus making her son ineligible for the High Priesthood. By attacking his mother’s purity, Eleazar was attacking the very foundation of Hyrcanus’s religious legitimacy.

The "False Report" and the "Wicked" Eleazar
Josephus explicitly labels the report as ψευδὴς (false). This is likely because Josephus himself was of priestly descent and a Pharisee in his later life; he wants to distance the core of the Pharisaic movement from this specific "fringe" insult, blaming it on the "evil nature" of one man.

The Root of the Conflict: Separation of Powers
Eleazar’s demand—"let it suffice for you only to govern the people"—represents the first recorded demand for the separation of powers in Hasmonean Judea. The people were comfortable with the Hasmoneans as military leaders (Archon), but they were increasingly uncomfortable with a "War-King" performing the sacred, peaceful rites of the High Priest in the Holy of Holies.

²⁹³ Τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν τῆς αἱρέσεως, οἳ τὴν‎ τοῖς προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Φίλος ὢν τῇ κοινῇ πάντων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἔλεγεν· καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων, τίνος ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως.

²⁹³ "Now a certain Jonathan, who belonged to the sect of the Sadducees—who hold opinions contrary to those of the Pharisees—was a particularly close friend to Hyrcanus. He asserted that Eleazar had uttered his slanders with the common consent of all the Pharisees; and he said this would become clear to Hyrcanus if he asked them what punishment the man deserved for what he had said.

²⁹³ Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved?

²⁹³ A man called Jonathan, of the Sadducee party, whose ideas are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees, was very friendly with Hyrcanus. He said that Eleazar’s insult was the general view of all Pharisees and that this would be shown if he asked them what penalty he deserved for what he said.

²⁹⁴ τοῦ δὲ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας· πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν καὶ δεσμῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ .

²⁹⁴ When Hyrcanus asked the Pharisees what penalty they thought he deserved—for he meant to test whether the slanders had occurred without their consent—they replied: 'lashes and chains.' For they did not think it right to punish a verbal insult with death, especially since the Pharisees are by nature lenient in matters of punishment.

²⁹⁴ for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments.

²⁹⁴ So Hyrcanus asked them what penalty they thought he deserved. This would prove, if they wanted him properly punished for his blasphemy, that the insult did not have their approval. The Pharisees replied that he deserved beating and prison but that it did not seem right to punish insults with death, and even on other occasions the Pharisees tend not to be severe in punishments.

²⁹⁵ πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνεν καὶ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνόμισενto use by custom, practise. μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν ἸωνάθηςJonathan καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως,	²⁹⁵ At this, Hyrcanus became exceedingly angry, believing the man had uttered the slanders with their approval. Jonathan especially incited him and brought him to such a state
²⁹⁵ At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far,	²⁹⁵ Hyrcanus was infuriated by this gentle sentence, and thought that the man had blasphemed him with their approval. It was this Jonathan who stirred him up and influenced him so much

²⁹⁶ ὥστε τῇ ἐποίησεν προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ τῶν ἀποστάντα καὶ τά τε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο.

²⁹⁶ that he caused him to desert the Pharisees and join the party of the Sadducees, to abolish the legal traditions they had established for the people, and to punish those who observed them. Consequently, a hatred arose from the multitude toward both him and his sons.

²⁹⁶ that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude:

²⁹⁶ that he got him to join the Sadducees and leave the Pharisee party and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those who observed them. This was the source of the people’s hatred for him and his sons, of which we shall later speak.

²⁹⁷ περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ᾽ ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν.

²⁹⁷ We shall speak of these things again later. But now I wish to explain that the Pharisees passed on to the people certain regulations from the succession of the fathers, which are not written in the Laws of Moses. For this reason, the sect of the Sadducees rejects them, saying that only those things written ought to be considered legal, while those from the tradition of the fathers should not be observed.

²⁹⁷ but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers.

²⁹⁷ I now want to explain how the Pharisees have passed on to the people many traditional observances which are not written in the Mosaic Laws, and why the Sadducees reject them, saying that we should treat as obligatory those observances which are in the written word, but not to observe what derives from the tradition of our ancestors.

²⁹⁸ καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.

²⁹⁸ Concerning these matters, great disputes and differences happened to arise between them; the Sadducees persuade only the wealthy and do not have the common people following them, while the Pharisees have the multitude as their ally. However, concerning these two sects and the Essenes, I have explained accurately in the second book of my Jewish War.

²⁹⁸ And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.

²⁹⁸ About these matters great disputes and differences have arisen, and while the Sadducees can persuade none but the rich and the people do not listen to them, the Pharisees have the people on their side. I have spoken in detail of these two sects and that of the Essenes, in my second book on Jewish matters.

²⁹⁹ δὲ παύσας τὴν‎ στάσιν καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὴν βιώσας εὐδαιμόνως καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν διοικησάμενος ἄριστον τρόπον ἔτεσιν ἑνὶ καὶ τριάκοντα τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν υἱοὺς πέντε, τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ἄξιος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριθείς, ἀρχῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς καὶ προφητείας·

²⁹⁹ Hyrcanus, having quelled the factionalism and living happily thereafter, governed the state in the most excellent manner for thirty-one years. He died leaving five sons, having been judged by God worthy of the three greatest things: the rule of the nation, the honor of the High Priesthood, and prophecy.

²⁹⁹ But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years, and then died, leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of the three privileges,—the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy;

²⁹⁹ After Hyrcanus had put down this rebellion, he lived happily and ruled very well for thirty-one years and then died, leaving five sons behind him. God saw him as deserving three of the greatest privileges, the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood and prophecy.

³⁰⁰ συνῆν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν μελλόντων πρόγνωσιν παρεῖχεν αὐτῷ τε εἰδέναι καὶ προλέγειν οὕτως, ὥστε καὶ περὶ τῶν δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων παίδων ὅτι μὴ μενοῦσιν τῶν πραγμάτων κύριοι προεῖπεν. ὧν τὴν‎ καταστροφὴν εἰς τὸ μαθεῖν ὅσον τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπέβησαν εὐτυχίας ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι.

³⁰⁰ For the Divine was with him and provided him with foreknowledge of future events, so that he knew and predicted things, such as when he foretold concerning his two eldest sons that they would not remain masters of affairs. It is worth narrating their downfall to show how far they fell below their father’s good fortune."

³⁰⁰ for God was with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and to foretell this in particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that we may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their father’s happiness.

³⁰⁰ God was indeed with him, enabling him to know future events, and in particular, he foretold that his two eldest sons would not long continue to govern public affairs, and their unhappy fate is worth describing, that we may learn how much less well they did than their father.

The Birth of Sectarian Politics
This is the "smoking gun" of Second Temple sectarianism. Jonathan the Sadducee uses a classic political wedge: he maneuvers the Pharisees into a position where their lenience looks like complicity. By choosing "lashes and chains" (the standard biblical punishment for defamation) instead of the death penalty, the Pharisees appeared to Hyrcanus to be protecting one of their own who had insulted the King’s mother.

Written Law vs. Oral Tradition
Josephus provides the clearest ancient definition of the split:

1) The Pharisees: Believed in a "succession of the fathers" (ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς) — what later Rabbinic Judaism would call the Oral Torah.

2) The Sadducees: Believed only in the "Written Laws of Moses" (γεγραμμένα).

This wasn't just a religious debate; it was a struggle for legal control. By joining the Sadducees, Hyrcanus abolished the Pharisaic "traditions," effectively changing the constitution of the Judean state.

Class Warfare in Jerusalem
Josephus makes a striking sociological observation: the Sadducees were the party of the wealthy (εὐπόρους), while the Pharisees had the multitude (πλῆθος) on their side. This explains why the Hasmoneans eventually became so unpopular; they had aligned themselves with a tiny, wealthy elite against the democratic masses.

The Idealized Legacy of Hyrcanus
Despite the political turmoil, Josephus treats John Hyrcanus as the pinnacle of Hasmonean rule. He is credited with the Triple Crown:

1) Rule (Political power)

2) High Priesthood (Religious power)

3) Prophecy (Divine favor)

No other leader in Jewish history—not even David or Solomon—is traditionally credited with holding all three simultaneously in this specific manner. This marks the end of the "Hasmonean Golden Age."

The Prophetic Foreshadowing
Hyrcanus’s prophecy about his sons—that they would not "remain masters of affairs"—serves as a literary bridge to the darker chapters that follow. His death in 104 BCE triggered a series of fratricides and civil wars among his sons (Aristobulus I and Alexander Jannaeus) that would eventually lead to the Roman intervention under Pompey the Great.

Chapter 11
[301-319]
Aristobulus is cruel toward his mother and his brothers;
kills Antigonus and dies in his turn.

☜ ☞

³⁰¹ τελευτήσαντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦ πατρὸς ὁ πρεσβύτατος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εἰς βασιλείαν μεταθεῖναι δόξας, ἔκρινεν γὰρ οὕτω, διάδημα πρῶτος ἐπιτίθεται μετὰ τετρακοσίων ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑνὸς καὶ μηνῶν τριῶν ἀφ᾽ οὗ τῆς ὑπὸ δουλείας ἀπαλλαγεὶς ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν κατῆλθεν.

³⁰¹ "When their father died, the eldest son, Aristobulus, having decided to transform the government into a monarchy—for so he judged it right—was the first to put on a diadem, four hundred and eighty-one years and three months after the people had been released from Babylonian slavery and returned to their own land.

³⁰¹ Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again.

³⁰¹ When their father Hyrcanus died, the eldest son Aristobulus, in order to change the government into a monarchy, which was his intention, first put a crown on his head, four hundred and eighty-one years and three months after the people had been saved from the Babylonian slavery and had returned to their own country.

³⁰² στέργων δὲ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦτον μὲν τῶν ὁμοίων ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους εἶχεν ἐν δεσμοῖς. εἶρξε δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ διενεχθεῖσαν, ἐκείνην γὰρ τῶν ὅλων κυρίαν καταλείπει, καὶ μέχρι τοσαύτης ὠμότητος προῆλθεν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ λιμῷ διέφθειρεν δεδεμένην.

³⁰² Although he loved the brother next to him, Antigonus, and deemed him worthy of equal honors, he kept the others in chains. He also imprisoned his mother, who had disputed with him over the government—for Hyrcanus had left her in charge of everything—and he went to such lengths of cruelty that he actually caused her to perish by starvation while she was bound.

³⁰² This Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison, because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger;

³⁰² He loved his next brother Antigonus and treated him as his equal, but kept the others in chains. He also imprisoned his mother, whom Hyrcanus had left in charge of everything, and because she disputed the leadership with him he was so barbarous as to leave her in chains, to starve to death.

³⁰³ προστίθησιν δὲ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν , ὃν στέργειν ἐδόκει μάλιστα καὶ κοινωνὸν εἶχεν τῆς βασιλείας, ἐκ διαβολῶν ἀπαλλοτριωθεὶς πρὸς αὐτόν, αἷς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἐπίστευεν, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ φιλεῖν αὐτὸν οὐ προσέχων τοῖς λεγομένοις, τὰ δὲ καὶ φθονούμενον ἡγούμενος διαβάλλεσθαι.

³⁰³ To the fate of his mother, he added that of his brother Antigonus, whom he seemed to love most and held as a partner in the kingdom. He became estranged from him due to slanders, which at first he did not believe—partly because of his affection for him and partly because he thought the reports were merely the result of envy.

³⁰³ nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters.

³⁰³ To this he added the death of his brother Antigonus whom at first he seemed to especially love and had shared the kingship with him, but then he was alienated from him through accusations which at first he did not believe, partly because of his love for him and partly since he considered that they arose from envy.

³⁰⁴ τοῦ δὲ ποτὲ λαμπρῶς ἀπὸ στρατείας ἐπανελθόντος καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς, καθ᾽ ἣν σκηνοπηγοῦσιν τῷ θεῷ, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν Ἐνστάσης, ἔτυχεν τὸν μὲν εἰς νόσον καταπεσεῖν, τὸν δὲ ἐπιτελοῦντα τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν ἀναβῆναι λαμπρῶς σφόδρα κεκοσμημένον μετὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ πλείω περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας τἀδελφοῦ εὔχεσθαι,

³⁰⁴ But once, when Antigonus had returned in splendor from a military expedition, and the Festival of Tabernacles [Sukkot] happened to be occurring at that time, it occurred that Aristobulus fell into illness. Antigonus, celebrating the festival, went up to the Temple in a most magnificent fashion, heavily adorned and accompanied by his armed men, to pray for the recovery of his brother.

³⁰⁴ But when Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor of God,] it happened that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers for the recovery of his brother,

³⁰⁴ But once when Antigonus was returning from a campaign and the festival was near when they honour God by living in tents, Aristobulus happened to fall sick just when Antigonus, splendidly adorned and surrounded by his armed men, was going up to the temple to celebrate the feast and to pray especially for the recovery of his brother.

³⁰⁵ τοὺς δὲ πονηροὺς καὶ διαστῆσαι τὴν‎ ὁμόνοιαν αὐτῶν ἐσπουδακότας ἀφορμῇ χρησαμένους τῇ τε περὶ τὴν‎ πομπὴν τοῦ φιλοτιμίαι καὶ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατωρθωμένοις ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ κακοήθως ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἐξαίρειν τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ πομπὴν τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ,

³⁰⁵ The wicked men who were eager to destroy their harmony took as their pretext Antigonus’s ambition regarding the procession and his military successes; they went to the King and maliciously exaggerated the details of the festival procession.

³⁰⁵ when some wicked persons, who had a great mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of his at the feast,

³⁰⁵ Some wicked people, wanting to provoke conflict between the brothers, used the pretext of the royal appearance of Antigonus and the great exploits he had done and going to the king they spitefully exaggerated his pompous display at the festival and

³⁰⁶ καὶ ὡς οὐ κατ᾽ ἰδιώτην ἕκαστον ἦν τῶν γινομένων, ἀλλὰ φρονήματος ἔνδειξιν ἔχειν βασιλικοῦ τὰ πραττόμενα, καὶ ὡς κτείνειν αὐτὸν μέλλοι μετὰ στίφους ἐληλυθὼς καρτεροῦ, λογιζόμενον εὐήθως αὐτὸν βασιλεύειν ἐνὸν τιμῆς μεταλαμβάνοντα δοκεῖν μεγάλων τυγχάνειν.

³⁰⁶ They argued that none of these actions were those of a private citizen, but rather showed a royal ambition, and that he intended to kill the King, having arrived with a strong body of troops, reasoning that it was foolish for him to merely share in the honors when he could reign as King himself."

³⁰⁶ and pretended that all these circumstances were not like those of a private person; that these actions were indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favor that he was honored with a lower dignity by his brother.

³⁰⁶ asserted that his actions were not like those of a private person, but were indications that he aspired to royal authority, and his bringing a strong troop meant he had come to kill him, thinking how easily he could reign alone rather than regard it as a favour to be granted some share in that dignity.

The Hasmonean Coronation
The assumption of the diadem (the Greek symbol of kingship) was a massive ideological shift. For nearly five centuries, Judea had been ruled by governors, high priests, or "Ethnarchs." By taking the title of King, Aristobulus I signaled that the Hasmoneans were no longer just "first among equals" or religious leaders, but a Hellenistic dynasty comparable to the Seleucids or Ptolemies. Josephus’s precise dating (481 years since the Return) emphasizes the magnitude of this break from the post-exilic tradition.

Matricide and the "Curse" of Power
The starvation of his mother is a shocking detail that Josephus uses to paint Aristobulus as a classic tyrant. John Hyrcanus had intended for a dual leadership: his wife as civil ruler and his son as High Priest. Aristobulus’s refusal to share power—and his subsequent cruelty—suggests that the Hasmonean house had become infected by the same "blood-and-throne" politics that had destroyed the Seleucid house in Syria.

The Visual Contrast: Armor vs. Illness
The narrative setup is brilliantly cinematic. We see Aristobulus "fallen into illness" (εἰς νόσον καταπεσεῖν) while Antigonus appears "magnificent" (λαμπρῶς) in full armor at the Temple. To a paranoid King, a healthy, successful, and popular brother appearing in military splendor was not a sign of loyalty, but a direct threat. This highlights the vulnerability of absolute power: the more one has, the more one fears losing it.

The Anatomy of Slander
The "wicked men" (πονηροὺς) at court exploited a common political logic: why would a successful general be content with second place? They reframed Antigonus’s prayers for his brother as a theatrical display of his own fitness to rule. This passage illustrates how courtiers in ancient monarchies maintained their own influence by sowing discord within the royal family—a tactic that would reach its peak later under Herod the Great.

The Festival of Sukkot as a Stage
The Festival of Tabernacles (Sukkot) was the most popular of the pilgrimage festivals. By choosing this moment to display his military strength, Antigonus inadvertently provided his enemies with the "optics" they needed to convince the King of a coup. In the Hasmonean world, the Temple was not just a house of prayer; it was the ultimate political stage.

³⁰⁷ δὲ τούτοις ἄκων πειθόμενος καὶ τοῦ ἀνύποπτος εἶναι τἀδελφῷ προνοῶν καὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἅμα φροντίζων, διίστησι τοὺς ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογείων ἀφωτίστῳ, κατέκειτο δὲ ἐν τῇ βάρει μετονομασθείσῃ δὲ , καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνόπλου μὲν ἅπτεσθαι μηδένα, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν , ἂν ὡπλισμένος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσίῃ.

³⁰⁷ "Aristobulus, though persuaded by these words against his will, yet taking care that his brother should not be under suspicion and simultaneously providing for his own safety, stationed his bodyguards in a certain lightless underground passage. He himself was lying in the fortress—later renamed the Antonia—and he gave orders that they should touch no one who was unarmed, but to kill Antigonus if he entered armed before him.

³⁰⁷ Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark; (he himself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill him;

³⁰⁷ Aristobulus was unwillingly persuaded by this, but took care that his brother had no suspicion of it, and while he lay sick in the tower called Antonia, to ensure his own safety he ordered his bodyguards to hide in a dark, underground place with orders to touch no one if Antigonus came in to him unarmed, but if he came armed, to kill him.

³⁰⁸ πέμπει μέντοι πρὸς αὐτὸς ἄνοπλον αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ἥκειν. ἡ δὲ βασίλισσα καὶ οἱ συνεπιβουλεύοντες αὐτῇ κατ᾽ πείθουσι τὸν πεμφθέντα τἀναντία λέγειν, ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας, ὅτι κατασκευάσειεν ὅπλα καὶ κόσμον πολεμικόν, παραγίνεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν παρακαλεῖ ὡπλισμένον, ὅπως ἴδοι τὴν‎ κατασκευήν.

³⁰⁸ He then sent word to Antigonus, requesting that he come to him unarmed. However, the Queen and those plotting with her against Antigonus persuaded the messenger to say the opposite: that his brother, having heard that he had prepared weapons and military ornaments, invited him to come to him fully armed so that he might see the equipment.

³⁰⁸ yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that he would come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct contrary: how his brother had heard that he had made himself a fine suit of armor for war, and desired him to come to him in that armor, that he might see how fine it was.

³⁰⁸ Then he sent to Antigonus asking him to visit him unarmed, but the queen and her fellow plotters against Antigonus persuaded the messenger to tell him the opposite, how his brother had heard of the fine suit of armour he had gotten made himself and wished him to come to him armed, so as to get a look at it.

³⁰⁹ ὁ δ᾽ μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενος κακοῦργον, ἀλλὰ θαρρῶν τῇ παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ διαθέσει, ὡς εἶχεν ἐνδεδυμένος τὴν‎ πανοπλίαν παρεγένετο πρὸς τὸν ἐπιδείξων αὐτῷ τὰ ὅπλα. γενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸν λεγόμενον πύργον, οὗ συνέβαινεν ἀφώτιστον εἶναι σφόδρα τὴν‎ πάροδον, ἀποκτείνουσιν οἱ σωματοφύλακες.

³⁰⁹ Antigonus, suspecting no mischief but trusting in his brother’s disposition, arrived before Aristobulus wearing his panoply [full suit of armor] to show him the weapons. But when he reached the place called Strato’s Tower, where it happened that the passage was extremely dark, the bodyguards killed him.

³⁰⁹ So Antigonus suspecting no treachery, but depending on the good-will of his brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used to be, with his entire armor, in order to show it to him; but when he was come to a place which was called Strato’s Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him;

³⁰⁹ Suspecting no treachery, and confident of his brother’s goodwill, Antigonus came in to Aristobulus dressed as usual in full armour, to show it to him, but when he reached the place called Strato’s Tower, where the passageway happened to be completely unlit, the bodyguards killed him.

³¹⁰ διέδειξέν γε μὴν ὁ τούτου θάνατος, ὅτι μηδὲν μήτε φθόνου μήτε διαβολῆς ἰσχυρότερον, μηδ᾽ ὅ τι μᾶλλον εὔνοιαν καὶ φυσικὴν οἰκειότητα διίστησιν, ἢ ταῦτα τὰ πάθη.	³¹⁰ His death clearly demonstrated that nothing is stronger than envy or slander, and that nothing more effectively divides goodwill and natural kinship than these passions.
³¹⁰ which death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those passions.	³¹⁰ His death demonstrates that nothing can hold out against envy and calumny and that nothing ruins people’s goodwill and natural feelings more surely than those passions.

³¹¹ μάλιστα δ᾽ ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ τινά, Ἐσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ᾽ ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές· οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον,

³¹¹ One might particularly wonder at a certain Judas, an Essene by birth, who had never failed to speak the truth in his predictions. Seeing Antigonus passing through the Temple, he cried out among his companions and acquaintances—who stayed with him for the sake of learning how to foretell the future—that it would be better for him to die, having been proved a liar, since Antigonus was still alive.

³¹¹ But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come?

³¹¹ One may also take this occasion to admire a man called Judas, of the sect of the Essenes, who in his predictions never failed to utter the truth. Seeing Antigonus passing by the temple, this man called out to his companions and friends who lived with him as his scholars in order to learn the art of foretelling the future, that it was now time for him to die, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who was still alive.

³¹² ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος , ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ πύργῳ περιόντα ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν χωρίου περὶ σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ᾽ ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν τὸ μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι.

³¹² For he had predicted that Antigonus would die this day at the place called Strato’s Tower, yet he saw him walking about; and while the [coastal] place where he predicted he would be murdered was six hundred furlongs away, the greater part of the day had already passed, so that his prophecy was in danger of being false.

³¹² "That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato’s Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet."

³¹² Although he had foretold the man would die that very day at the place called Strato’s Tower, he had just seen him pass by, but as the place where he foretold he would be murdered was six hundred furlongs away and most of the day was over, it seemed that his prediction was false.

³¹³ ταῦτ᾽ οὖν λέγοντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς ἐν τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ . τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν.

³¹³ While he was saying these things and feeling dejected, it was announced that Antigonus had been killed in the underground passage, which itself was called Strato’s Tower, sharing the same name as the coastal city Caesarea. This, then, had confused the seer."

³¹³ As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name with that Caesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder.

³¹³ As he was quietly saying this the news came that Antigonus had been killed in an underground place, which was also called Strato’s Tower, a name shared with Caesarea on the Sea, which put the seer into some confusion.

The Architecture of Death: The Antonia and the Tunnel
The setting for this murder is the Baris, the fortress north of the Temple. Josephus notes it was later renamed the Antonia by Herod the Great (in honor of Mark Antony). The use of an "unlit underground passage" (ὑπογείων ἀφωτίστῳ) highlights the transition of the Hasmonean court into a place of dark, secretive violence, a far cry from the open battlefields of the Maccabean revolt.

The Queen’s Gambit
The role of the Queen (later identified as Salome Alexandra) in this assassination is critical. She represents the "court whisperer" who understands that the King is physically weak and mentally vulnerable. By intercepting the King's message and reversing the instructions, she turned Antigonus’s own pride in his military success into his death warrant.

The "Two Towers" Confusion
A central element of the tragedy is the linguistic coincidence of the Strato’s Tower.

1) The Coastal Tower: This was the old name for the ruins that would eventually become the city of Caesarea Maritima.

2) The Jerusalem Tower: A specific tower or passage within the Baris fortress.

The Essene seer Judas was devastated because he thought the prophecy referred to the coastal city, which was impossible to reach by the end of the day. The irony is that the prophecy was geographically accurate but contextually misinterpreted.

The Essenes and Prophecy
This is one of the earliest descriptions of the Essenes in Antiquities. Josephus depicts them not just as a pietistic sect, but as a school of mantic education where students learned "the foretelling of the future" (προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα). Unlike the Pharisees (who focused on Law) or Sadducees (who focused on the Temple), the Essenes were valued for their perceived mystical insight into the fate of the Hasmonean kings.

The Moral Pivot: Envy over Kinship
Josephus uses this moment to offer a moralizing reflection on φθόνου (envy) and διαβολῆς (slander). The death of Antigonus represents the ultimate failure of "natural kinship" (φυσικὴν οἰκειότητα). In Hasmonean history, this event is often seen as the "Original Sin" of the dynasty—the first time a Hasmonean brother murdered another for the throne, a pattern that would eventually lead to the family's total collapse.

³¹⁴ δὲ τῆς ἀδελφοκτονίας εὐθὺς εἰσῆλθεν μετάνοια καὶ νόσος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τῆς διανοίας ὑπὸ τοῦ μύσους κεκακωμένης, ὡς διαφθαρέντων αὐτῷ ὑπὸ ἀκράτου τῆς ὀδύνης τῶν ἐντὸς αἷμα ἀναφέρειν. ὃ τῶν διακονουμένων τις παίδων κατὰ δαιμόνιον οἶμαι πρόνοιαν εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, οὗ σφαγέντος σπίλους ἔτι τοῦ αἵματος ἐκείνου συνέβαινεν εἶναι, κομίζων ὀλισθὼν ἐξέχεεν.

³¹⁴ "Immediately after the fratricide, repentance seized Aristobulus, and a disease followed upon it, his mind being corrupted by the pollution [of the deed], so that his internal organs were ruined by the intensity of the pain and he began to vomit blood. One of the servants attending him—by divine providence, I believe—tripped and spilled this [vomit] in the very spot where Antigonus had been slain, and where stains of his blood still happened to be.

³¹⁴ But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother; on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus’s blood, there slain, still remaining;

³¹⁴ Immediately Aristobulus felt repentant for his fratricide, and was sick with it, and his crime worsened his mental state so that his innards were destroyed with intolerable pain and he vomited blood. Meanwhile one of his servants attending to him slipped and fell, due to a demon I suppose, and shed some blood at the very place where some spots of Antigonus' blood still remained where he had been killed.

³¹⁵ γενομένης δὲ βοῆς παρὰ τῶν ἰδόντων ὡς τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξεπίτηδες ἐκχέαντος ἐκεῖ τὸ αἷμα, ἀκούσας τὴν‎ αἰτίαν , καὶ μὴ λεγόντων ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπετείνετο μαθεῖν, φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπονοούντων ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις εἶναι χείρονα τὰ σιγώμενα.

³¹⁵ When a shout went up from those who saw it, as if the servant had spilled the blood there on purpose, Aristobulus heard the cause and asked about it. When they refused to speak, he became even more intent on learning it, since it is human nature to suspect that things kept silent are worse.

³¹⁵ and when there was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect that what is thus concealed is very bad:

³¹⁵ When the onlookers shouted out as though the servant had purposely shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it and inquired about the reason, and when they did not answer him was all the keener to know what it was, since it is natural to humans to suspect that anything so concealed must be very bad.

³¹⁶ ὡς δ᾽ ἀπειλοῦντος καὶ βιαζομένου τοῖς φόβοις τἀληθὲς εἶπον, προχεῖται μὲν αὐτῷ πληγέντι τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος πολλὰ δάκρυα, βύθιον δὲ ἀνοιμώξας, " οὐκ , εἶπεν, λήσειν ἐπ᾽ ἀσεβέσιν οὕτω καὶ μιαροῖς τὸν θεὸν ἔμελλον, ἀλλά με ταχεῖα ποινὴ συγγενοῦς φόνου μετελήλυθεν.

³¹⁶ As he threatened them and forced the truth through their fears, they told him. Struck in his conscience, many tears poured forth, and groaning from his depths, he said: 'I was not, then, going to escape the notice of God in such impious and abominable daring, but a swift punishment for a kinsman’s murder has pursued me.

³¹⁶ so upon his threatening, and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which arose from his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan, and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is coming upon me for the shedding of the blood of my relations.

³¹⁶ As he forced the truth out them by threats and by fear, the awareness of what he had done deranged his mind and caused him to shed floods of tears. With a deep groan he said, "I see that God will not ignore such an impious outrage as the murder of my kinsman, for the punishment is suddenly coming upon me.

³¹⁷ καὶ μέχρι τίνος, ὦ σῶμα ἀναιδέστατον, ψυχὴν ὀφειλομένην ἀδελφοῦ καὶ μητρὸς καθέξεις δαίμοσιν; τί δ᾽ οὐκ ἀθρόαν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἀποδίδως, κατὰ μέρος δ᾽ ἐπισπένδω τοὐμὸν αἷμα τοῖς μιαιφονηθεῖσιν;"	³¹⁷ How much longer, O most shameless body, will you hold back a soul owed to the spirits of a brother and a mother? Why do I not surrender it all at once, rather than offering my blood drop by drop as a libation to those I have murdered?'
³¹⁷ And now, O thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?" In saying which last words he died, having reigned a year.	³¹⁷ How long, shameless body, will you cling to soul responsible for the shades of my brother and my mother? Why not give it up at once? Must I pour out my blood drop by drop to the ones I have slaughtered?"

³¹⁸ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν , πολλὰ δ᾽ εὐεργετήσας τὴν‎ πατρίδα, πολεμήσας Ἰτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ζῆν.

³¹⁸ Having said these things, he died immediately after these words, having reigned one year. He was styled a Philhellene [Lover of the Greeks], yet he conferred many benefits upon his fatherland, for he made war on the Ituraeans and added much of their territory to Judea, forcing the inhabitants—if they wished to remain in the land—to be circumcised and live according to the laws of the Jews.

³¹⁸ He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws.

³¹⁸ With these words he died, after reigning for a year. He had been friendly toward the Greeks, and done much good for his country and made war on Iturea and added most of it to Judea and made the inhabitants, if they wished to continue living in the land, to be circumcised and live by the Jewish laws.

³¹⁹ φύσει δ᾽ ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως· " ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς χρήσιμος· χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν Ἰτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ."

³¹⁹ He possessed a naturally fair disposition and was greatly overcome by modesty, as Strabo also bears witness to him, quoting from Timagenes: 'This man was fair-minded and very useful to the Jews; for he acquired additional territory for them and brought a part of the Ituraean nation into kinship with them, binding them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.'"

³¹⁹ He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: "This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals."

³¹⁹ By nature he was a fair man and much overcome by shame, as Strabo bears witness when, with Timagenes as his source he says, "This was a fair man who did many services for the Jews, adding a country to them and winning for them part of the Iturean nation whom he bound to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals."

The Theology of "Blood for Blood"
Josephus employs the concept of Providence (πρόνοιαν) to explain a mundane accident (a servant tripping). In ancient historiography, the physical mingling of the murderer's blood with the victim's blood was the ultimate sign of divine justice. Aristobulus interprets his internal bleeding as a ritual libation (ἐπισπένδω) to the ghosts of his family, turning his medical condition into a spiritual execution.

The Philhellene King
Aristobulus is the first Hasmonean to be called a Philhellene. This highlights the paradox of the later Hasmoneans: they adopted Greek titles, Greek names, and Greek court styles, even while they were aggressively expanding the reach of the Jewish Law and the practice of circumcision.

Expansion into Galilee and Ituraea
Though his reign was short, its geopolitical impact was massive. By conquering the Ituraeans (in the region of the Lebanon mountains and Upper Galilee) and forcing their conversion, Aristobulus essentially completed the "Judaization" of the Galilee. This historical shift created the Jewish Galilee that would later be the setting for the life of Jesus.

Forced Conversion as State Policy
Like his father John Hyrcanus (who converted the Idumaeans), Aristobulus used circumcision as a "bond" (δεσμῷ) of national unity. In the Hasmonean view, land and law were inseparable; to live in the expanded Judean state, one had to become part of the Judean covenant. Josephus quotes the pagan historian Strabo (referencing Timagenes) to prove that even non-Jewish historians recognized the success of this harsh but effective policy.

A Character of Paradox
Josephus presents a complex psychological portrait. Despite the "pollution" of murdering his brother and starving his mother, he is described as having a "naturally fair disposition" (φύσει ἐπιεικεῖ). This suggests that Josephus viewed Aristobulus as a man led astray by court intrigue and "wicked" advisors rather than a naturally bloodthirsty tyrant—a recurring theme in Josephus's biographies of kings.

Chapter 12
[320-347]
The new king, Alexander, besieges Ptolemais
and earns Ptolemy’s hatred by intrigue with Cleopatra

☜ ☞

³²⁰ τελευτήσαντος δὲ Σαλίνα ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ‎, λεγομένη δὲ ὑπὸ , λύσασα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎, δεδεμένους γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἶχεν , ὡς προειρήκαμεν, Ἰαναῖον τὸν καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν τὸν καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν προύχοντα καὶ μετριότητα,

³²⁰ "Upon the death of Aristobulus, his wife Salina—called Alexandra by the Greeks—released his brothers (for Aristobulus had kept them in chains, as we said before) and appointed Jannaeus, also known as Alexander, as King, as he was superior in both age and moderation.

³²⁰ When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, (for Aristobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said already,) and made Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in age and in moderation.

³²⁰ When Aristobulus died, his wife Salina, surnamed Alexandra by the Greeks, set his brothers free, for as we have already said Aristobulus had kept them in chains, and appointed as king Alexander Janneus, who was both older and wiser.

³²¹ ᾧ καὶ συνέβη γεννηθέντι εὐθὺς μισηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς αὐτοῦ‎ μηκέτι εἰς ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι. τὸ δ᾽ αἴτιον τοῦ μίσους τοιόνδε λέγεται γενέσθαι·	³²¹ It happened that from the moment of his birth, he was hated by his father, and until his father's death, he never again came into his presence. The reason for this hatred is said to be as follows:
³²¹ This child happened to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted to come into his father’s sight till he died. The occasion of which hatred is thus reported:	³²¹ This man had been hated by his father as soon as he was born and was never allowed into his father’s sight until his death, and the cause of this hatred is said to be as follows:

³²² στέργων μάλιστα τῶν παίδων τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ φανέντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτα, τίς αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν παίδων μέλλει ἔσεσθαι διάδοχος. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τοὺς τούτου χαρακτῆρας δείξαντος, λυπηθεὶς ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῦ‎ πάντων οὗτος ἔσται‎ κληρονόμος, γενόμενον εἴασεν ἐν τῇ τρέφεσθαι. ὁ μέντοι θεὸς οὐ διεψεύσατο τὸν .

³²² Because Hyrcanus loved his eldest sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, above all, he asked God in his sleep which of his sons was destined to be his successor. When God showed him the features [likeness] of this man [Jannaeus], Hyrcanus was grieved that he would be the heir to all his goods, and so he allowed him to be brought up in Galilee. Nevertheless, God did not prove Hyrcanus a liar.

³²² when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s representing to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus;

³²² As Hyrcanus gave his love mainly to the his two eldest sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, he asked God who appeared to him in his sleep which of his sons would be his successor. When God showed him the other one’s face [Alexander's], he was grieved that he was to inherit all his property and sent him to be brought up in Galilee But had not lied to Hyrcanus,

³²³ τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν μετὰ τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τελευτὴν οὗτος παραλαβὼν τὸν μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιχειροῦντα τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεχρήσατο, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν προαιρούμενονto bring forth εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ.	³²³ Having taken over the kingdom after the death of Aristobulus, Alexander put to death one of his brothers who was attempting to seize the throne, but he held the other in honor, as that brother preferred to live a life free of political affairs."
³²³ for after the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and one of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other, who chose to live a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.	³²³ for after the death of Aristobulus, he did take over the kingdom, and did away with one of his brothers who aspired to the kingdom while honouring the other, who preferred to live an inactive life.

Salome Alexandra: The Transition of Power
The Queen, referred to here by her Semitic name Salina (likely Shelomzion), emerges as the stabilizing force of the Hasmonean house. By releasing the brothers, she prevented a civil war between the various factions of the palace guard. Her choice of Alexander Jannaeus was pragmatic; he was the eldest surviving male, ensuring a traditional succession despite his father’s earlier disapproval.

The Galilean Exile
The detail that Jannaeus was raised in Galilee is historically significant. It suggests that during the Hasmonean period, Galilee was viewed as a frontier or a provincial outpost, far enough from Jerusalem to "hide" a son who was out of royal favor. This distance likely contributed to Jannaeus’s later reputation as a rugged, militaristic king who felt more at home in the camp than in the Temple.

The "Divine Dream" and Fate
Josephus employs a classic Hellenistic literary device: the prophetic dream. By framing Jannaeus’s succession as a divine decree that "grieved" his father, Josephus explains the paradox of Jannaeus’s reign. He was a man chosen by Fate (or God) to lead, yet he was a "man of blood" whose reign would be defined by constant warfare and internal rebellion. The phrase "God did not prove Hyrcanus a liar" emphasizes that human preference cannot override divine providence.

Fratricide as "Policy"
Upon taking the throne, Jannaeus immediately executed one brother and spared another. This was the cold logic of the era: a brother with ambition was a usurper; a brother with no ambition (ἀπραγμόνως, literally "without business" or "non-meddling") was an asset. This highlights how far the Hasmonean family had shifted from the brothers-in-arms ideal of the early Maccabees toward a cutthroat Seleucid-style monarchy.

"Moderation" vs. Reality
Josephus mentions that Salome chose Jannaeus because of his μετριότητα (moderation). As the narrative continues, this description becomes deeply ironic. Jannaeus would go on to be the most aggressive and controversial of the Hasmonean kings, famously crucifying 800 of his own subjects after a civil war. Salome's early assessment of his character proved to be a tragic miscalculation for the nation.

³²⁴ καταστησάμενος δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὃν ᾤετο συμφέρειν αὐτῷ τρόπον στρατεύει ἐπὶ , τῇ δὲ μάχῃ κρατήσας ἐνέκλεισε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτοὺς ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν γὰρ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ Πτολεμαὶς αὐτῷ καὶ μόναι χειρωθῆναι ὑπελείποντο, καὶ Ζώιλος δὲ ὁ κατασχὼν τὸν πύργον τύραννος καὶ Δῶρα.

³²⁴ "Having established his government in the manner he thought most advantageous to him, he marched against Ptolemais. Having prevailed in battle, he shut the inhabitants up in the city and, having surrounded them, began a siege. For of the cities on the coast, only Ptolemais and Gaza remained to be subdued by him, along with Zoilus, the tyrant who held Strato’s Tower and Dora.

³²⁴ When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato’s Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus.

³²⁴ When Alexander Janneus had settled the government as he judged best, he marched against Ptolemais, and having won the battle, confined the people within the city and laid siege to them. Of the maritime cities there remained to be taken only Ptolemais and Gaza, Strato’s Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus.

³²⁵ τοῦ δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ , ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, πολεμούντων ἀλλήλους καὶ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν δύναμιν ἀπολλύντων ἦν οὐδεμία τοῖς Πτολεμαεῦσιν βοήθεια παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.

³²⁵ Since Antiochus [VIII] Philometor and his brother Antiochus [IX], called the Cyzicenus, were making war on each other and destroying their own power, no help was available to the people of Ptolemais from them.

³²⁵ Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying one another’s armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them;

³²⁵ While Antiochus Philometor and his brother Antiochus, surnamed Cyzicenus, were warring with each other and destroying each other’s forces, there was no help for the Ptolemaians from them.

³²⁶ ἀλλὰ πονουμένοις τῇ πολιορκίᾳ Ζώιλος ὁ τὸν πύργον κατεσχηκὼς [παρῆν] καὶ τὰ Δῶρα σύνταγμα τρέφων στρατιωτικὸν καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιχειρῶν διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν βασιλέων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλαν μικρὰ τοῖς Πτολεμαιεῦσι παρεβοήθει·

³²⁶ However, while they were suffering under the siege, Zoilus—who held Strato’s Tower and Dora and maintained a military force—attempted to establish his own tyranny because of the rivalry between the [Seleucid] kings, and he provided some small assistance to the Ptolemaians.

³²⁶ but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato’s Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais;

³²⁶ When they were hard pressed by the siege, Zoilus, who held Strato’s Tower and Dora and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, because of the kings were quarrelling with each other, became tyrant himself, came with a small force to help the Ptolemaians.

³²⁷ οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς οὕτως εἶχον οἰκείως πρὸς αὐτούς, ὥστ᾽ ἐλπίσαι τινὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὠφέλειαν. ἑκάτεροι γὰρ ταὐτὸν τοῖς ἀθληταῖς ἔπασχον, οἳ τῇ δυνάμει μὲν ἀπηγορευκότες αἰσχυνόμενοι δὲ παραχωρῆσαι διετέλουν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ἀναπαύσει διαφέροντες τὸν ἀγῶνα.

³²⁷ For the kings were not so well-disposed toward them that they could hope for any aid from them. Both kings were in the same condition as athletes who, having exhausted their strength but being ashamed to yield, continue to pass the time in the contest through inactivity and rest.

³²⁷ nor indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves deficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can.

³²⁷ Neither of the kings showed them such favour that they could hope for any help from them; indeed they were both like wrestlers, who finding themselves exhausted but ashamed to yield, postpone the fight by inactivity and simply keep still.

³²⁸ λοιπὴ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐλπὶς ἦν ἡ παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ ἔχοντος τοῦ Λαθούρου, ὃς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσὼν εἰς παρεγένετο. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τοῦτον οἱ Πτολεμαιεῖς παρεκάλουν ἐλθόντα σύμμαχον ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι κινδυνεύοντας.

³²⁸ Their remaining hope lay with the kings of Egypt and with Ptolemy Lathyrus, who held Cyprus after being driven from power by his mother, Cleopatra [III]. The people of Ptolemais, therefore, sent to him and pleaded that he come as an ally to rescue them from the hands of Alexander, as they were in grave danger.

³²⁸ The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander.

³²⁸ The only remaining hope was from the kings of Egypt and Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus where he had gone when driven from power by his mother Cleopatra. The Ptolemaians sent this message to Ptolemy, asking him to come as an ally and save them from danger at the hands of Alexander.

³²⁹ ἐπελπισάντων δ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν πρέσβεων, ὡς διαβὰς εἰς ἕξει συνεστῶτας μετὰ τῶν καὶ Ζώιλον, ἔτι γε μὴν Σιδωνίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους αὐτῷ συλλήψεσθαι λεγόντων, ἐπαρθεὶς πρὸς τὸν ἔκπλουν ἔσπευδεν.

³²⁹ When the ambassadors gave him hope that, if he crossed over to Syria, he would have the people of Gaza and Zoilus standing with the Ptolemaians—and saying further that the Sidonians and many others would join him—he was elated and made haste to set sail."

³²⁹ And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.

³²⁹ Since the envoys gave him hopes that if he crossed over to Syria he would have the people of Gaza on the side of the Ptolemaians, and that Zoilus and the Sidonians and many others would help them, elated by this he hurried to get his fleet ready.

The Hasmonean "Coastal Dream"
Alexander Jannaeus recognized that for Judea to be truly independent, it needed to control the ports. By targeting Ptolemais (Acre), he was striking at the gateway of the Galilee and the main entry point for Greco-Macedonian armies. At this moment, the coast was a patchwork of independent "tyrants" like Zoilus, who took advantage of Seleucid weakness to carve out their own tiny kingdoms in places like Dora and Strato’s Tower (the future Caesarea).

The Exhausted Athletes: A Masterful Simile
Josephus uses a brilliant athletic metaphor (ταὐτὸν τοῖς ἀθληταῖς) to describe the dying Seleucid Empire. The two brothers, Grypos and Cyzicenus, have fought each other to a literal standstill. They are too weak to fight, yet too proud to quit. This power vacuum is what allowed Jannaeus to operate with such boldness; he knew the "Big Powers" were paralyzed by their own pride.

Ptolemy Lathyrus: The Wildcard from Cyprus
The entry of Ptolemy Lathyrus changed the war from a local siege into a regional conflict. Lathyrus was a king without a kingdom, living in exile on Cyprus after being ousted by his mother, Cleopatra III. For him, the plea from Ptolemais was a "golden ticket"—an opportunity to establish a base on the mainland and eventually challenge his mother for the throne of Egypt.

The Alliance of the "Little Guys"
The ambassadors from Ptolemais promised Lathyrus a coalition of the "dispossessed." By bringing together the people of Gaza, the tyrant Zoilus, and the Sidonians, they framed the war not just as a defense of a city, but as a general uprising against Hasmonean expansion. This highlights how much the surrounding Greek-Syrian cities feared the rising power of the Jewish "Priest-King."

Tactical Hubris
Jannaeus’s decision to besiege Ptolemais was strategically sound but diplomatically risky. By forcing the city to look to Lathyrus for help, he accidentally invited a massive professional army into his backyard. This set the stage for the Battle of Asophon, where Jannaeus’s lack of professional training compared to the battle-hardened troops of Lathyrus would lead to a near-catastrophic Jewish defeat.

³³⁰ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τοὺς Πτολεμαιᾶς ὢν αὐτοῖς τότε καὶ δημαγωγῶν μεταβαλέσθαι τὰς γνώμας ἐποίησεν, ἄμεινον εἶναι φήσας ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλῳ τῷ γενησομένῳ διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς τοὺς μᾶλλον ἢ φανερὰν εἰσδέξασθαι δουλείαν δεσπότῃ παραδόντας αὑτούς, καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ μὴ τὸν παρόντα μόνον ἔχειν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ μείζω τὸν ἀπ᾽ .

³³⁰ "In the meantime, Demainetus, who was persuasive to them and was then their popular leader, caused the people of Ptolemais to change their minds. He argued that it was better to risk the uncertain outcome with the Jews rather than to submit themselves to a master and embrace certain slavery—and moreover, that they would face not only the present war [with Jannaeus] but an even greater one from Egypt.

³³⁰ But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt;

³³⁰ Meanwhile the demagogue Demenetus who could get others to do his wishes, got the Ptolemaians to change their minds by saying that it was better to run the risk of subjection to the Jews than to welcome certain slavery by surrendering to a master, and besides, that not only would they face the present war but also must expect a much fiercer one from Egypt.

³³¹ τὴν‎ γὰρ οὐ περιόψεσθαι δύναμιν αὐτῷ κατασκευαζόμενον ἐκ γειτόνων, ἀλλ᾽ ἥξειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς· σπουδάσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς τὸν υἱὸν ἐκβαλεῖν· εἶναι δὲ μὲν διαμαρτόντι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποφυγὴν πάλιν τὴν‎ , αὐτοῖς δὲ κινδύνων τὸν ἔσχατον.

³³¹ For he said that Cleopatra [III] would not overlook Ptolemy [Lathyrus] establishing a power base for himself in her neighborhood, but would instead come against them with a great army; for she was so intent on this that she sought even to drive her son out of Cyprus. He added that for Ptolemy, if his hopes failed, Cyprus remained a place of retreat, but for them, it would mean the ultimate danger.

³³¹ for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible.

³³¹ For Cleopatra would not ignore an army raised from the neighbourhood on behalf of Ptolemy, but would come upon them with a large army of her own, when she went to expel her son from Cyprus. And if his hopes failed, Ptolemy could still retreat to Cyprus, but they would be left in extreme danger.

³³² ὁ μὲν οὖν ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy κατὰ τὸν πόρον μαθὼν τὴν‎ τῶν ΠτολεμαιῶνPtolemais μεταβολὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπλευσεν καὶ καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν‎ καλουμένην Συκάμινον ἐνταυθοῖ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐξεβίβασεν.	³³² Now Ptolemy, having learned of the change of heart of the people of Ptolemais while on his voyage, sailed on nonetheless. Putting in at the place called Sycaminon, he disembarked his force there.
³³² Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore.	³³² Although he had heard of the Ptolemaians' change of heart, Ptolemy went on with his voyage and came to the place called Sycamine and where he disembarked his army.

³³³ ἦν δὲ ὁ πᾶς στρατὸς αὐτῷ πεζοί τε ἅμα καὶ ἱππεῦσιν περὶ τρισμυρίους, οὓς προαγαγὼν πλησίον τῆς καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος, ἐπεὶ μήτε τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρέσβεις ἐδέχοντο μήτε τῶν λόγων ἠκροῶντο, μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν.

³³³ His entire army, including both infantry and cavalry, numbered about thirty thousand. Having led them near to Ptolemais and encamped, he was greatly troubled because they would neither receive his ambassadors nor listen to his proposals."

³³³ This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern.

³³³ His whole army, between cavalry and infantry, numbered about thirty thousand, with which he marched close to Ptolemais and encamped. When they would neither receive his envoys nor listen to what they had to say, he was greatly worried.

The Power of the Demagogue
The figure of Demainetus represents the classic Greek δημαγωγός (populist leader). His intervention shows that ancient cities were not monolithic; their foreign policy could be swayed by a single persuasive speaker. His logic was cold and realistic: the Hasmonean King was a "known" enemy, but Ptolemy Lathyrus was a "rebel" whose presence would inevitably draw the terrifying wrath of the Egyptian main fleet and Cleopatra III.

The Geopolitical Trap
Demainetus correctly identified the "proximity" problem. If Lathyrus successfully took Ptolemais, he would be "in the neighborhood" (ἐκ γειτόνων) of Egypt. Cleopatra III viewed her son not just as a family rival, but as a direct threat to her security. The people of Ptolemais realized that by accepting Lathyrus as a "savior," they were essentially volunteering to be the battlefield for an Egyptian civil war.

Sycaminon: The Strategic Alternate
When the gates of Ptolemais were shut against him, Lathyrus landed at Sycaminon (modern-day Haifa, specifically Tel Shikmona). This was a vital strategic move. Sycaminon sat at the southern tip of the Bay of Acre, providing a sheltered harbor and a base of operations just a few miles from his target. It allowed him to maintain his 30,000 troops while he figured out his next move.

The Composition of the "Rebel" Army
The size of Lathyrus’s force—30,000 men—is a testament to the resources still available to a displaced Ptolemaic prince. This was a professional Hellenistic army, likely composed of phalanx infantry and heavy cavalry. This force was far more disciplined and technologically advanced than the Hasmonean levies Alexander Jannaeus was used to commanding, which explains the later slaughter at the Battle of Asophon.

Ptolemy’s Frustration
Josephus notes that Lathyrus was μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν (greatly troubled). He was in a precarious position: he had committed his entire force to a mainland invasion, but his intended allies (the people of Ptolemais) had locked the doors. He was now stuck on a narrow coastal strip between a hostile city and an approaching Hasmonean army, with his vengeful mother likely preparing her fleet in Alexandria.

³³⁴ Ἐλθόντων δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ζωίλου τε καὶ τῶν καὶ δεομένων συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς πορθουμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν καὶ , λύει μὲν τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν δείσας τὸν ὁ , ἀπαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐστρατήγει τὸ λοιπὸν λάθρα μὲν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τὸν μεταπεμπόμενος, φανερῶς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενος.

³³⁴ "When Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him [Ptolemy Lathyrus], pleading for an alliance because their land was being ravaged by the Jews and Alexander, Alexander [Jannaeus] raised the siege [of Ptolemais] out of fear of Ptolemy. Leading his army back to his own territory, he henceforth acted strategically: secretly summoning Cleopatra [III] against Ptolemy, while openly feigning friendship and an alliance toward him.

³³⁴ But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him;

³³⁴ When Zoilus and the Gazaites came to him asking him to be their military ally, because their country had been ravaged by the Jews and Alexander, for fear of Ptolemy Alexander raised the siege, and after withdrawing his army to his own land, later used a ruse by secretly inviting Cleopatra to fight Ptolemy, while publicly seeking a pact of friendship and military alliance with him.

³³⁵ καὶ τετρακόσια δὲ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν ὑπέσχετο χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων αἰτῶν Ζώιλον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν τύραννος καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν τοῖς προσνεῖμαι. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ ἡδέως τὴν‎ πρὸς ποιησάμενος φιλίαν χειροῦται τὸν Ζώιλον.

³³⁵ He also promised to give four hundred talents of silver, asking in return that Ptolemy get rid of Zoilus the tyrant and hand over his territory to the Jews. At that time, Ptolemy, having gladly made a friendship with Alexander, subdued Zoilus.

³³⁵ and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus;

³³⁵ He promised him four hundred talents of silver in return for deposing Zoilus the tyrant and giving his country to the Jews and Ptolemy gladly entered into friendship with Alexander and subdued Zoilus.

³³⁶ ὕστερον δὲ ἀκούσας λάθρα διαπεμψάμενον αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν‎ μητέρα αὐτοῦ‎ λύει τοὺς γεγενημένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅρκους καὶ προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ μὴ δεξαμένην αὐτόν. καταλιπὼν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας στρατηγοὺς καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτὸς τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν‎ καταστρεψόμενος ὥρμησεν.

³³⁶ Later, however, having heard that Alexander had secretly sent messengers to his mother Cleopatra, Ptolemy broke the oaths he had made to him. He attacked and besieged Ptolemais because it would not receive him; then, leaving generals and a portion of his force at the siege, he himself set out with the remainder of his army to subdue Judea.

³³⁶ but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste;

³³⁶ Later when he heard how he had secretly written to his mother Cleopatra, he broke the agreement he had sealed under oath, and attacked him and besieged Ptolemais for not receiving him. However, leaving the siege in the care of his generals and part of his forces, he himself hurried off with the remainder to plunder Judea.

³³⁷ ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ τοῦ διάνοιαν μαθὼν συνήθροισεν καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ πέντε μυριάδας τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασιν ὀκτώ, καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἀπήντα τῷ . δ᾽ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν Ἀσωχειτω τῆς πόλει σάββασιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος αὐτὴν καὶ περὶ μύρια σώματα καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἔλαβε λείαν.

³³⁷ Alexander, having learned of Ptolemy’s intention, himself assembled about fifty thousand of the local people—though some historians have said eighty thousand—and taking up this force, he went to meet Ptolemy. But Ptolemy, falling suddenly upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, captured it by force on the Sabbath; he took about ten thousand captives and a great deal of other spoil."

³³⁷ and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey.

³³⁷ When Alexander learned of Ptolemy’s intention, he also gathered about fifty thousand of his own countrymen, or some writers have said, eighty thousand, and went to meet Ptolemy with this force, but Ptolemy suddenly attacked Asochis, a city of Galilee and took it by force on the sabbath day, and took about ten thousand slaves and a large amount of other booty.

The Hasmonean "Double-Game"
Alexander Jannaeus’s foreign policy was incredibly risky. He tried to use Ptolemy Lathyrus as a "hired sword" to eliminate his local rival, Zoilus, while simultaneously plotting with Lathyrus’s greatest enemy, his mother Cleopatra III. This "double-track" diplomacy shows that the Hasmoneans had fully integrated into the cynical political culture of the Hellenistic world, where oaths (ὅρκους) were secondary to immediate territorial gain.

The Fall of Zoilus
Zoilus was the "Tyrant of Strato's Tower and Dora." By convincing Lathyrus to remove him, Jannaeus effectively cleared the path for the future development of the Judean coast. Although Jannaeus eventually lost Lathyrus's friendship, he successfully used his temporary ally to do the "dirty work" of removing a stubborn regional competitor.

Sabbath Warfare
Josephus notes that Asochis was taken σάββασιν (on the Sabbath). This was a recurring vulnerability for the Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. While the Maccabees had originally decided to fight in self-defense on the Sabbath, professional Hellenistic commanders like Lathyrus knew that the Jewish psychological and logistical guard was lower on the seventh day. The capture of 10,000 people illustrates the devastating effectiveness of this timing.

The Inflated Numbers of the Army
Josephus mentions a discrepancy in his sources regarding the size of the Jewish army: 50,000 versus 80,000. These numbers are likely exaggerated (typical of ancient historiography), but they signify that Jannaeus had succeeded in mobilizing a massive national levy. However, as the next section of the history shows, a large "local" (ἐγχωρίων) militia was no match for Lathyrus’s professional, highly-trained Greek mercenaries.

Asochis: The Gateway to Galilee
The fall of Asochis (modern Tel Hannaton) was a strategic disaster for Jannaeus. Located in the Beit Netofa Valley, it commanded the main east-west route through Lower Galilee. Its loss meant that Lathyrus now had a secure base in the heart of the northern Jewish territories, forcing Jannaeus into a high-stakes pitched battle to save the kingdom.

³³⁸ Πειράσας δὲ καὶ μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τῆς πεπορθημένης πολλοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ᾔει πολεμήσων . ὑπήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ περὶ τινα τόπον λεγόμενον Ἀσωφὼν οὐ πόρρωθεν τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων.

³³⁸ "After attempting to take Sepphoris—a short distance from the city he had already plundered—and losing many men, Ptolemy [Lathyrus] went to make war on Alexander [Jannaeus]. Alexander met him by the Jordan River, at a place called Asophon, not far from the river, and pitched his camp near the enemy.

³³⁸ He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy.

³³⁸ He then tried to take Sepphoris, close to the one he had destroyed, and there lost many of his men, but went on to fight Alexander, who met him at the river Jordan, near a place called Asophos, not far from the Jordan, and pitched camp near to the enemy.

³³⁹ εἶχεν μέντοι τοὺς προμαχομένους ὀκτακισχιλίους, οὓς ἑκατονταμάχους προσηγόρευσεν, ἐπιχάλκοις χρωμένους τοῖς θυρεοῖς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς τοῦ προμαχοῦσιν ἐπίχαλκοι αἱ ἀσπίδες. τοῖς μέντοι γε ἄλλοις ἔχοντες οἱ τοῦ εὐλαβέστερον συνῆψαν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον.

³³⁹ He had eight thousand elite frontline troops, whom he called 'Hekatontamachoi' [Hundred-Fighters], who used bronze-covered shields [thyreoi]. The frontline troops of Ptolemy also had bronze-covered shields [aspides]. However, as the rest of Ptolemy’s army was inferior in number, they entered the danger more cautiously.

³³⁹ He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy’s soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards;

³³⁹ This time he had in the front rank eight thousand whom he called "hundred-fighters" with shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had brass-covered shields, but the rest of Ptolemy’s soldiers were inferior to those of Alexander and therefore were more fearful of risks.

³⁴⁰ θάρσος δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον ἐνεποίησεν ὁ τακτικὸς Φιλοστέφανος διαβῆναι κελεύσας τὸν ποταμόν, οὗ μεταξὺ ἦσαν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. δὲ κωλύειν αὐτῶν τὴν‎ διάβασιν οὐκ ἔδοξεν· ἐνόμιζεν γάρ, εἰ κατὰ νώτου λάβοιεν τὸν ποταμόν, ῥᾷον αἱρήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους φεύγειν ἐκ τῆς μάχης οὐ δυναμένους.

³⁴⁰ Great courage was instilled in them by the tactician Philostephanus, who ordered them to cross the river, as they were encamped on opposite sides. Alexander did not think to prevent their crossing; for he believed that if they had the river at their backs, he would more easily capture the enemy since they would be unable to flee the battle.

³⁴⁰ but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was between their camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they could not flee out of the battle:

³⁴⁰ But the tactician Philostephanus put great heart into them and ordered them to cross the river, which was between their camps; and Alexander did not try to stop them, thinking that if the enemy had their backs to the river, he could capture them more easily as they could not flee from the battle.

³⁴¹ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἦν ἔργα χειρῶν καὶ προθυμίας παραπλήσια καὶ πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατευμάτων, ὑπερτέρων δὲ τῶν γινομένων Φιλοστέφανος διελὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν δεξιῶς τοῖς ἐνδιδοῦσιν ἐπεκούρει.

³⁴¹ At the beginning, the hand-to-hand combat and zeal were nearly equal on both sides, and there was a great slaughter from each army. But when Alexander’s forces began to gain the upper hand, Philostephanus skillfully divided his force and went to the aid of those who were giving way.

³⁴¹ in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way;

³⁴¹ At first the two sides matched each other both in deed and courage and there was great slaughter on both sides, but Alexander was having the better of it until Philostephanus cleverly brought up the allies to help those who were giving ground.

³⁴² μηδενὸς δὲ τῷ κλιθέντι μέρει τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews προσβοηθοῦντος τούτους μὲν συνέβαινε φεύγειν μὴ βοηθούντων τῶν πλησίον ἀλλὰ κοινωνούντων τῆς φυγῆς, οἱ δὲ τοῦ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy τὰ ἐναντία τούτων ἔπραττον·	³⁴² Since no one came to the aid of that part of the Jewish line that had been forced back, they began to flee, and those nearby, instead of helping, joined in the flight. Ptolemy’s men did the opposite:
³⁴² but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise;	³⁴² Since there were no allies to help the part of the Jews who were yielding, they fled. And those beside them did not help them, but fled along with them, while Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise.

³⁴³ ἑπόμενοι γὰρ ἔκτεινον τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον τραπέντας αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας ἐδίωκον φονεύοντες ἕως οὗ καὶ ὁ σίδηρος αὐτοῖς ἠμβλύνθη κτείνουσιν καὶ αἱ χεῖρες παρείθησαν.	³⁴³ following closely, they killed the Jews, and finally, having turned them all to flight, they pursued them, killing until their swords were blunted and their hands were paralyzed from the slaughter.
³⁴³ for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter;	³⁴³ They pursued and killed the Jews until finally the killers in pursuit had been chasing and killing for so long that their iron weapons were blunted and their hands were weary.

³⁴⁴ τρισμυρίους γοῦν ἔφασανto affirm, say αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, Τιμαγένης δὲ πεντακισμυρίους εἴρηκεν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους ληφθῆναι, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφεύγειν χωρία.	³⁴⁴ They say thirty thousand of them died, though Timagenes says fifty thousand; of the rest, some were taken captive, while others fled to their own districts.
³⁴⁴ for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country.	³⁴⁴ It was said that thirty thousand men were killed that day, though Timagenes says it was fifty thousand. Of the rest, some were taken prisoner and the others escaped home.

³⁴⁵ δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ νίκην προσκαταδραμὼν τὴν‎ χώραν ὀψίας ἔν τισι κώμαις τῆς κατέμεινεν, ἃς γυναικῶν εὑρὼν μεστὰς καὶ νηπίων ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀποσφάττοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ κρεουργοῦντας ἔπειτα εἰς λέβητας ζέοντας ἐνιέντας τὰ μέλη ἀπάρχεσθαι.

³⁴⁵ After the victory, Ptolemy overran the country, and when evening came, he stayed in certain villages of Judea. Finding them full of women and infants, he ordered his soldiers to slit their throats, cut them into pieces, and then cast the limbs into boiling cauldrons to be cooked as a sacrifice.

³⁴⁵ After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices.

³⁴⁵ After this victory, Ptolemy overran the land and when night came on, he stayed where he was in some villages of Judea that he found full of women and children, and ordered his soldiers to strangle and butcher them, and then throw them into boiling cauldrons and use their limbs as sacrifices.

³⁴⁶ τοῦτο δὲ προσέταξεν, ἵν᾽ οἱ διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐλθόντες σαρκοφάγους ὑπολάβωσιν εἶναι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς καταπλαγῶσι ταῦτ᾽ ἰδόντες.	³⁴⁶ He commanded this so that those who had escaped from the battle and returned to their homes would believe the enemy were cannibals [sarkophagoi], and thus be even more terrified upon seeing such things.
³⁴⁶ This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight.	³⁴⁶ He gave this order so that any who fled from the battle and got home would think that their enemies were cannibals who ate human flesh and therefore be still more terrified of them.

³⁴⁷ λέγει δὲ καὶ ΣτράβωνStrabo καὶ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus, ὅτι τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐχρήσαντο τὸν τρόπον, καθὼς κἀγὼ προείρηκα. ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais κατὰ κράτος, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις φανερὸν πεποιήκαμεν.	³⁴⁷ Both Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus] say they treated them in this manner, just as I have related. They also took Ptolemais by force, as we have made clear elsewhere."
³⁴⁷ And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere.	³⁴⁷ Both Strabo and Nicholas affirm that they treated them in this way that I have reported. Ptolemy then took Ptolemais by force, as we have clarified elsewhere.

The Hekatontamachoi vs. The Phalanx
Jannaeus attempted to professionalize his army by creating an elite corps of 8,000 "Hundred-Fighters" (ἑκατονταμάχους). Their bronze-covered thyreoi (large, oval shields) suggest a Roman-style influence, whereas Ptolemy’s men used the aspis (round shield) of the traditional Macedonian phalanx. Despite this "special forces" unit, the Jewish army lacked the tactical flexibility of the veteran Ptolemaic mercenaries.

The Tactical Blunder of the River
Jannaeus made a classic military error based on overconfidence. By allowing Ptolemy to cross the Jordan, he hoped to use the river as a trap to prevent their retreat (κατὰ νώτου λάβοιεν τὸν ποταμόν). However, this backfired; the river instead acted as a "backstop" for Ptolemy’s troops, forcing them to fight with the desperation of men with nowhere to run, while the Jewish militia broke under pressure.

Philostephanus: The Decisive General
The battle was won by Ptolemy’s tactician, Philostephanus. His ability to use a reserve force to bolster a weakening wing is a hallmark of professional Hellenistic warfare. In contrast, the Jewish army suffered from a "domino effect"—when one part of the line wavered, the rest of the army joined the flight (κοινωνούντων τῆς φυγῆς) rather than reinforcing the gap.

Psychological Warfare: The Cannibalism Ruse
The account of the boiling cauldrons is one of the most horrific passages in Josephus. Ptolemy Lathyrus realized that military victory wasn't enough; he needed to shatter the Jewish will to resist. By staging a scene of cannibalism (σαρκοφάγους), he created a "monster" persona. The aim was to ensure that any remaining Judean forces would surrender or flee in terror rather than face a "sub-human" enemy.

Historical Attestation
Josephus is aware that the cannibalism story sounds like a myth or propaganda. To bolster his credibility, he cites two major non-Jewish historians: Strabo and Nicolaus of Damascus. This suggests that the event was widely recorded in the Greco-Roman world as a signature atrocity of the late Hellenistic wars.

Chapter 13
[348-376]
In league with Cleopatra, Alexander destroys Gaza.
He kills many Jews who rebelled against him

☜ ☞

³⁴⁸ δ᾽ ὁρῶσα τὸν υἱὸν αὐξανόμενον καὶ τήν τε ἀδεῶς πορθοῦντα καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὑπήκοον ἔχοντα, περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ὄντα καὶ ποθοῦντα τὴν‎ τῶν μείζω γενόμενον,

³⁴⁸ "But Cleopatra [III], seeing her son [Ptolemy Lathyrus] growing in power, fearlessly plundering Judea, and holding the city of Gaza as a subject, decided she could not overlook him while he was at her very gates and desiring more power over the Egyptians.

³⁴⁸ When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians;

³⁴⁸ When Cleopatra saw how powerful her son had grown and how he had ravaged Judea easily and taken control of the city of Gaza, she decided no longer to ignore his activities when he was almost at her gates, since he would be eager to rule the Egyptians,

³⁴⁹ ἀλλὰ παραχρῆμα μετὰ καὶ ναυτικῆς καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξώρμησεν ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὅλης στρατιᾶς ἀποδείξασα Χελκίαν καὶ τοὺς , τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πλούτου καὶ τοὺς υἱωνοὺς καὶ διαθήκας πέμψασα παρέθετο.

³⁴⁹ She immediately set out against him with both a naval and a land force, appointing Chelkias and Ananias, the Jews, as commanders of the entire army. She also sent the greater part of her wealth, her grandsons, and her wills to the people of Cos for safekeeping.

³⁴⁹ but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ananias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos.

³⁴⁹ so immediately she set out against him by sea and land and appointed the Jews Chelkias and Ananias as generals of her whole army, while she sent most of her riches, her grandchildren and her testament, to the people of Cos.

³⁵⁰ κελεύσασα δὲ τὸν υἱὸν στόλῳ μεγάλῳ παραπλεῖν εἰς ἡ μετὰ πάσης αὐτὴ τῆς δυνάμεως ἧκεν εἰς , μὴ δεξαμένων δὲ αὐτὴν τῶν πολιορκεῖ τὴν‎ πόλιν.

³⁵⁰ Having ordered her son Alexander [Ptolemy X] to sail with a great fleet toward Phoenicia, Cleopatra herself arrived at Ptolemais with all her forces. When the people of Ptolemais would not receive her, she began to besiege the city.

³⁵⁰ Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came to Ptolemais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city;

³⁵⁰ Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a large fleet to Phoenicia, and when that country rebelled she went to Ptolemais, and because the Ptolemaians did not receive her, she besieged the city.

³⁵¹ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἀπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἔσπευσεν, αἰφνιδίως αὐτὴν οἰόμενος κενὴν οὖσαν στρατιᾶς καθέξειν· ἀλλὰ διαμαρτάνει τῆς ἐλπίδος. κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χρόνον συνέβη καὶ Χελκίαν τὸν ἕτερον τῶν τῆς ἡγεμόνων ἀποθανεῖν περὶ κοίλην διώκοντα .

³⁵¹ Meanwhile, Ptolemy [Lathyrus] departed from Syria and hurried toward Egypt, thinking he could seize it suddenly while it was empty of an army; however, he was frustrated in this hope. It was at this time that Chelkias, one of Cleopatra’s two commanders, happened to die in Coele-Syria while pursuing Ptolemy."

³⁵¹ but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.

³⁵¹ Ptolemy left Syria and hurried to Egypt, expecting to find it without an army and to capture it quickly, but he was unsuccessful in his hopes. Meanwhile Chelkias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Coele-Syria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.

The "Jewish Generals" Paradox
It is a striking historical irony that while the Jewish King in Jerusalem (Alexander Jannaeus) was being crushed by one Ptolemy, the Jewish Generals of Egypt (Chelkias and Ananias) were the only ones capable of stopping the other. As sons of the High Priest Onias IV, they commanded the "Land of Onias" military district in Egypt. Their leadership of the entire Egyptian army (ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὅλης στρατιᾶς) underscores that the Jewish diaspora was a primary military pillar of the late Ptolemaic state.

The Cos Treasury
Cleopatra’s decision to send her wealth and heirs to the island of Cos highlights her deep paranoia. Cos was a traditional sanctuary for Ptolemaic royals and home to a significant Jewish community. This move suggests she feared that if her campaign in Judea failed, Alexandria itself might fall to her son, Lathyrus.

The Siege of Ptolemais (Again)
The city of Ptolemais (Acre) holds the record for the most besieged city in this narrative. Within a few years, it was besieged by:

1) Alexander Jannaeus (Hasmonean)

2) Ptolemy Lathyrus (Rebel Ptolemy)

3) Cleopatra III (Ruling Ptolemy)

The city’s repeated refusal to open its gates to any of these monarchs illustrates the fierce independence of Hellenistic city-states when caught between warring dynasties.

Lathyrus’s Failed "Inversion" Strategy
Ptolemy Lathyrus attempted a brilliant, if desperate, maneuver: while his mother was busy attacking his positions in Syria/Judea, he slipped south to invade an "empty" Egypt. He gambled that the bulk of the Egyptian defense force was with her on the coast. However, the Egyptian internal defenses held, forcing him back into the Levant where he remained a "king without a country."

The Death of Chelkias
The death of Chelkias in Coele-Syria (the Beqaa Valley or northern Galilee) was a major blow to the Hasmonean cause. As a fellow Jew, Chelkias was Alexander Jannaeus's strongest advocate in the Egyptian court. His death left Ananias as the sole Jewish commander, leading to a famous confrontation where Ananias would have to choose between his loyalty to Cleopatra and his kinship with the Hasmonean King.

³⁵² Ἀκούσασα δ᾽ ἡ τὴν‎ τὴν‎ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ὅτι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οὐχ ὃν προσεδόκα τρόπον προκεχώρηκεν αὐτῷ, πέμψασα μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ τῆς πάλιν ὑποστρέψας τὸν χειμῶνα διέτριψεν ἐν .

³⁵² "When Cleopatra heard of her son's [Lathyrus] attempt and that his Egyptian venture had not proceeded as he expected, she sent a portion of her army and drove him out of the country. He, returning again from Egypt, spent the winter in Gaza.

³⁵² When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza,

³⁵² When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt and that his Egyptian expedition had not succeeded according to his plans, she sent part of her army there and expelled him from that country, and on his return from Egypt he passed the winter in Gaza.

³⁵³ δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὴν‎ ἐν φρουρὰν ἐκ πολιορκίας λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν. δ᾽ αὐτὴν μετὰ δώρων περιελθόντος καὶ θεραπείας ὁποίας ἄξιον ἦν πεπονθότα μὲν κακῶς ὑπὸ , καταφυγῆς δ᾽ οὐκ ἄλλης ἢ ταύτης εὐποροῦντα, τινὲς μὲν τῶν φίλων καὶ ταῦτα συνεβούλευον αὐτῇ λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπελθούσῃ κατασχεῖν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ ἑνὶ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν κείμενον.

³⁵³ In the meantime, Cleopatra took the garrison in Ptolemais and the city itself after a siege. When Alexander [Jannaeus] came to her with gifts and the kind of attention appropriate for one who had suffered badly at the hands of Ptolemy—and who had no other refuge available than this—some of her friends advised her to seize him and his country. They argued she should not overlook such a vast amount of Jewish wealth and land being held by a single man.

³⁵³ in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man.

³⁵³ Meanwhile Cleopatra took the garrison in Ptolemais by siege, and the city too, and when Alexander came he brought her gifts and appropriate marks of respect, since under the threat of Ptolemy she was his only refuge. Some of her friends urged her to seize Alexander and to invade and occupy his country and not to sit still and let such a crowd of good Jews be subject to one man.

³⁵⁴ δὲ συνεβούλευσε τούτοις ἐναντία, λέγων ἄδικα ποιήσειν αὐτήν, εἰ σύμμαχον ἄνθρωπον ἀφαιρήσεται τῆς ἰδίας ἐξουσίας καὶ ταῦτα συγγενῆ ἡμέτερον· οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν βούλομαί σε, φησίν, εἰ τὸ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄδικον ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς σοι τοὺς κατασκευάζει.

³⁵⁴ Ananias, however, advised the opposite. He told her she would act unjustly if she deprived an ally of his own authority, especially one who was our kinsman. 'For I would not have you remain ignorant,' he said, 'that an injustice against this man will make all of us Jews your enemies.'

³⁵⁴ But Ananias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that "she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for," said he, "I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies."

³⁵⁴ Ananias advised to the contrary, that it would be wrong to deprive an ally of his rightful authority, "especially one related to us; for I want you to know that any injustice you do to him will turn all of us Jews into your enemies."

³⁵⁵ ταῦτα δὲ ἈνανίαAnanias παραινέσαντος ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra πείθεται μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαι τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander, ἀλλὰ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο ἐν ΣκυθοπόλειScythopolis τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria.	³⁵⁵ Because Ananias gave this counsel, Cleopatra was persuaded to do no wrong to Alexander; instead, she made an alliance with him in Scythopolis in Coele-Syria."
³⁵⁵ This desire of Ananias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.	³⁵⁵ Cleopatra took this advice of Ananias and did no harm to Alexander, but made a pact of alliance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Coele-Syria.

The Hasmonean "Low Point"
Alexander Jannaeus appears here as a suppliant (θεραπείας), stripped of his military pride after the disaster at Asophon. He had lost his army, his northern territories, and his dignity. His survival depended entirely on "gifts" and the mercy of a foreign queen. This is a stark reminder that the Hasmonean "Empire" was often a fragile client-state dependent on the shifting winds of Ptolemaic civil wars.

The Annexation Debate
Cleopatra's advisors viewed Judea with predatory eyes. They saw "a vast amount of wealth" (τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν) and a power vacuum. From a purely Machiavellian perspective, annexing Judea would have restored the old borders of the empire of Ptolemy I. This highlights that the "independence" of the Hasmoneans was always contested by the surrounding Hellenistic superpowers.

The Ultimatim of Ananias
This is one of the most powerful moments in the history of the Jewish diaspora. Ananias, the Egyptian general, essentially threatened his own monarch with a military coup or a general Jewish revolt. By saying "an injustice against this man will make all of us Jews your enemies," he revealed the true source of Hasmonean security: the Jewish military colonies in Egypt. Cleopatra realized that if she touched Jannaeus, she would lose her most loyal generals and the core of her army.

Scythopolis: The Neutral Ground
The meeting took place in Scythopolis (Beth Shean). This was a strategic choice. Located at the junction of the Jezreel and Jordan Valleys, it was a Greek city within the Jewish sphere of influence. It served as a "neutral" diplomatic hub where the Egyptian Queen could meet the Judean King without either party being fully on the other's home turf.

The Preservation of the "Sovereignty"
The treaty at Scythopolis was a turning point. It ensured that Judea would remain an independent kingdom rather than becoming an Egyptian province. However, it came with a price: Jannaeus was now firmly within the Egyptian orbit. This "Alliance of Scythopolis" gave Jannaeus the breathing room he needed to rebuild his army and begin the brutal internal wars against his own people (the Pharisees) that would define the rest of his reign.

³⁵⁶ Ὁ δὲ τῶν ἐκ φόβων ἐλευθερωθεὶς στρατεύεται μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κοίλην , αἱρεῖ δὲ πολιορκήσας δέκα μησίν, αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ μέγιστον ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν κατῳκημένων, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ σπουδῆς ἄξια ὁ εἶχεν. ὃς οὐ προσδοκῶσιν ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς μυρίους αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνει καὶ τὴν‎ ἀποσκευὴν διαρπάζει.

³⁵⁶ "Now Alexander, having been freed from the fear of Ptolemy, immediately marched against Coele-Syria. He captured Gadara after a ten-month siege, and also took Amathus, the greatest stronghold of those living beyond the Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, kept his most beautiful and precious treasures. But Theodorus, falling upon the Jews when they did not expect it, slew ten thousand of them and plundered Alexander’s baggage.

³⁵⁶ So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander’s baggage.

³⁵⁶ When Alexander was freed from his fear of Ptolemy, he marched at once against Coele-Syria and after a siege of ten months took Gadara. He also took Amathous, a major fortress of the people of the upper Jordan, where Theodore, son of Zeno, kept all that he valued most highly; but he attacked the Jews unexpectedly and killed ten thousand of them and captured Alexander’s baggage.

³⁵⁷ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις μέρεσιν, Ῥαφείᾳ καὶ Ἀνθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον βασιλεὺς προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν καὶ ταύτην.

³⁵⁷ However, these things did not discourage Alexander; instead, he marched against the coastal regions—Raphia and Anthedon (which King Herod later renamed Agrippias)—and took these also by force.

³⁵⁷ Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force.

³⁵⁷ Undismayed, Alexander marched against the maritime districts of Raphia and Anthedon, which king Herod later renamed Agrippias, and took even that by storm.

³⁵⁸ ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν ἐκ τῆς εἰς ἀνακεχωρηκότα, τὴν‎ δὲ μητέρα αὐτοῦ‎ εἰς , ὀργιζόμενος δὲ τοῖς Γαζαίοις, ὅτι ἐπεκαλέσαντο βοηθόν, ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν προενόμευσεν.

³⁵⁸ Seeing that Ptolemy had retreated from Gaza to Cyprus and his mother Cleopatra had returned to Egypt, and being angry with the people of Gaza because they had invited Ptolemy for help, he besieged their city and ravaged their countryside.

³⁵⁸ But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country.

³⁵⁸ When Alexander saw that Ptolemy had retreated from Gaza to Cyprus and his mother Cleopatra had returned to Egypt, in his anger at the people of Gaza for inviting Ptolemy to help them he besieged their city and ravaged their country.

³⁵⁹ Ἀπολλοδότου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν μετὰ δισχιλίων ξένων καὶ μυρίων οἰκετῶν νύκτωρ ἐπιπεσόντος τῷ τῶν στρατοπέδῳ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἡ νὺξ ἐνίκων οἱ Γαζαῖοι δόκησιν παρασχόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἐπεληλυθότος αὐτοῖς , γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς δόξης ἐλεγχθείσης μαθόντες οἱ τἀληθὲς ἐπισυστρέφονται καὶ τοῖς Γαζαίοις προσβαλόντες ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους.

³⁵⁹ When Apollodotus, the general of the Gazans, fell upon the Jewish camp by night with two thousand mercenaries and ten thousand household slaves, the Gazans were victorious as long as the night lasted, for they made the enemy believe that Ptolemy had returned to attack them. But when day broke and this belief was proved false, the Jews—learning the truth—rallied together; attacking the Gazans, they slew about a thousand of them.

³⁵⁹ But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand.

³⁵⁹ When Apollodotus, the general of the Gazaites, with two thousand foreigners and ten thousand of his own forces, attacked the camp of the Jews and while the night lasted the men of Gaza had the upper hand, since the enemy thought that it was Ptolemy attacking them, but when it was day and that impression was corrected and the Jews knew the actual truth, they returned and attacked the men of Gazaites and killed about a thousand of them.

³⁶⁰ τῶν δὲ ἀντεχόντων καὶ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας μήτε ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀναιρουμένων ἐνδιδόντων, πᾶν γὰρ ὑπέμενον παθεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῷ πολεμίῳ γενέσθαι, προσεπήγειρεν δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν‎ προθυμίαν καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπίδοξος ὢν ἥξειν αὐτοῖς .

³⁶⁰ Yet the Gazans held out, yielding neither to want nor to the number of those slain, for they chose to endure anything rather than fall under the enemy's power. Their courage was further bolstered by Aretas, the King of the Arabs, who was expected to arrive as their ally.

³⁶⁰ But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance;

³⁶⁰ But as the Gazaites held out and would not yield either from shortage of food or because of the numbers killed, for they would rather suffer any hardship than come under the power of their enemies, Aretas, the king of the Arabs, a notable personage at the time, encouraged them to go on with determination and promised to come to their aid.

³⁶¹ ἀλλὰ συνέβη πρῶτον τὸν Ἀπολλόδοτον διαφθαρῆναι· γὰρ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ζηλοτυπῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, κτείνας αὐτὸν καὶ στρατιωτικὸν συγκροτήσας ἐνδίδωσιν τὴν‎ πόλιν.

³⁶¹ But it happened that Apollodotus was first destroyed; for his brother, Lysimachus, envying him for his high reputation among the citizens, killed him. Then, having organized a military faction, he betrayed the city to Alexander.

³⁶¹ but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander,

³⁶¹ Before he arrived Apollodotus was killed, for his brother Lysimachus who envied him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, killed him and assembling the troops, surrendered the city to Alexander.

³⁶² ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς μὲν εἰσελθὼν ἠρέμει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς Γαζαίοις ἐπιτρέψας τιμωρεῖν αὐτούς· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχῆ τρεπόμενοι τοὺς ἀπέκτειναν. ἦσαν δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραπίπτουσιν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς οὐκ ἐλάττονας αὐτῶν διέφθειραν.

³⁶² At first, Alexander entered and remained quiet, but afterward, he unleashed his force upon the Gazans, permitting his men to take vengeance on them. Turning in various directions, they began to slaughter the Gazans. Yet the Gazans were not noble in spirit alone; they defended themselves against those they encountered and destroyed no fewer of the Jews than they lost themselves.

³⁶² who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews;

³⁶² After coming in, he at first stayed peaceful but later set his army on the people of Gaza and let them punish them, so that they spread out in various directions to kill the Gazaites. These, however, were not cowardly but stood up to those who came to kill them and killed just as many of the Jews.

³⁶³ ἔνιοι δὲ μονούμενοι τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῶν λάφυρον εἶναι τοῖς πολεμίοις λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτόχειρες ἐγένοντο τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτὰ δουλείας οὕτως ἀπαλλάττειν ἠναγκασμένοι.

³⁶³ Some, being left alone, set fire to their houses so that the enemy could take no plunder from them. Others became the killers of their own children and wives with their own hands, being forced thus to rescue them from slavery under their enemies.

³⁶³ and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them;

³⁶³ Some of them even, finding themselves isolated, burned their own houses so that the enemy might claim no spoils from them, and some with their own hands killed their children and their wives, having no other way to keep them from slavery.

³⁶⁴ τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν ἦσαν οἱ πάντες πεντακόσιοι συμφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ ἱερόν· συνεδρευόντων γὰρ τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν συνέβη γενέσθαι· ὁ δὲ τούτους τε ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατασκάψας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας.

³⁶⁴ As for the council members—there were five hundred in total—they had fled together into the Temple of Apollo (for the attack happened while they were in session). Alexander slew these men and, having razed the city to the ground over them, he returned to Jerusalem after a year-long siege."

³⁶⁴ but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege.

³⁶⁴ As this attack came while they were in session, the senators, five hundred in all, fled to the temple of Apollo, but Alexander killed them and when he had utterly destroyed their city, he returned to Jerusalem, after a year besieging them.

1. The Strategy of Encirclement Jannaeus’s campaign was systematic. By taking Gadara and Amathus in the Transjordan (Perea) and then pivoting to Raphia and Gaza on the coast, he was effectively strangling the trade routes that fed the independent Greek cities. Gaza was the ultimate prize: the terminal for the "Incense Route" from Arabia. Its capture gave the Hasmoneans control over the most lucrative trade hub in the region. 2. Night Warfare and the "Ptolemy Ghost" The night attack by Apollodotus highlights the psychological trauma the Jews had suffered at the hands of Ptolemy Lathyrus. The mere rumor of his return caused the Jewish army to falter. This shows that while Jannaeus was winning territory, his soldiers were still haunted by their previous defeat at the Battle of Asophon. 3. The Betrayal of Lysimachus The fall of Gaza was not a military victory but a result of stasis (internal factionalism). This is a recurring theme in Josephus: great cities are rarely taken by force alone, but rather by the envy and treachery of their own leaders. Lysimachus’s murder of his brother Apollodotus mirrors the fratricidal tendencies Josephus recently recorded within the Hasmonean family itself. 4. The Martyrdom of Gaza The description of the Gazans’ resistance is surprisingly empathetic. Josephus portrays them as "not ignoble in spirit" (οὐδʼ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς). The act of burning their own homes and killing their families to avoid Hasmonean slavery mirrors the later account of the Jewish defenders at Masada. It suggests that the "Hellenized" enemies of the Hasmoneans shared the same fierce devotion to liberty as the Jews themselves. 5. The Destruction of the Temple of Apollo The slaughter of the 500 councilmen in the Temple of Apollo was a calculated blow to the civic identity of Gaza. By destroying the leadership and the religious center of the city, Jannaeus ensured that Gaza would not just be conquered, but erased as a political entity. The phrase "razed the city to the ground" (ἐπικατασκάψας) signifies the total annihilation of Gaza’s status as a polis.

³⁶⁵ Ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τοῦτον καιρὸν καὶ ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Γρυπὸς ἀποθνήσκει ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέωνος ἐπιβουλευθείς, βιώσας μὲν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα καὶ πέντε, βασιλεύσας δὲ ἐννέα καὶ εἴκοσι.	³⁶⁵ "Around this same time, Antiochus, surnamed Grypos [the Hook-nosed], died, having been plotted against by Heracleon; he had lived forty-five years and reigned twenty-nine.
³⁶⁵ About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died His death was caused by Heracleon’s treachery, when he had lived forty-five years, and had reigned twenty-nine.	³⁶⁵ About this time Antiochus, who was surnamed Grypus, died in a plot instigated by Heracleon, after living forty-five years and ruling for twenty-nine.

³⁶⁶ διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ παῖς ΣέλευκοςSeleucus ἐπολέμει μὲν τῷ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀδελφῷ ἈντιόχῳAntiochus, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, νικήσας δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ λαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν.	³⁶⁶ His son Seleucus [VI], having succeeded to the kingdom, made war on his father’s brother, Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, and having conquered him, he took and killed him.
³⁶⁶ His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with Antiochus, his father’s brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him.	³⁶⁶ His son Seleucus succeeded him as king and made war on his father’s brother Antiochus, surnamed Antiochus Cyzicenus, and on defeating him took him prisoner and killed him.

³⁶⁷ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παῖς , ὁ Εὐσεβὴς καλούμενος, παραγενηθεὶς εἰς καὶ περιθέμενος διάδημα πολεμεῖ τῷ Σελεύκῳ, καὶ κρατήσας αὐτὸν ἐκ πάσης τῆς .

³⁶⁷ But not long after, the son of the Cyzicenus, Antiochus, called Eusebes [the Pious], arrived at Arados, and having put on the diadem, he made war against Seleucus; having prevailed, he drove him out of all Syria.

³⁶⁷ But after a while Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria.

³⁶⁷ Shortly afterward the son of Cyzicenus, Antiochus, called the Pious, came to Aradus and after taking the crown made war on Seleucus and beat him and drove him completely out of Syria.

³⁶⁸ ὁ δὲ φυγὼν εἰς καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τῇ Μόψου ἑστίᾳ πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰσέπραττε χρήματα. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μοψεστέων δῆμος ὑφῆψεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διέφθειρεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν φίλων.

³⁶⁸ Seleucus fled to Cilicia and, staying at the residence in Mopsuestia, he again attempted to exact money from them. The people of Mopsuestia, being indignant, set his palace on fire and destroyed him along with his friends.

³⁶⁸ But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestin had indignation at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and slew him, together with his friends.

³⁶⁸ Taking flight to Cilicia, he came to Mopsous and again levied money upon them, but the populace of Mopsous were angry and burned down his palace and killed him along with his friends.

³⁶⁹ δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παιδὸς βασιλεύοντος τῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐκφέρει πόλεμον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ νικηθεὶς ἀπόλλυται μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς. μετὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπιθέμενος διάδημα μέρους τινὸς τῆς ἐβασίλευσεν.

³⁶⁹ While Antiochus, the son of the Cyzicenus, was reigning over Syria, Antiochus [XI], the brother of Seleucus, brought war against him; being defeated, he perished along with his army. After him, his brother Philip [I], having put on the diadem, reigned over a certain part of Syria.

³⁶⁹ But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was overcome, and destroyed, he and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria;

³⁶⁹ When Antiochus, son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made war on him and was defeated and destroyed along with his army; and after him, his brother Philip assumed the crown and ruled over part of Syria.

³⁷⁰ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy δὲ ὁ Λάθουρος τὸν τρίτον αὐτῶν ἀδελφὸν ΔημήτριονDemetrius τὸν ἌκαιρονEucerus λεγόμενον ἐκ Κνίδου μεταπεμψάμενος κατέστησεν ἐν ΔαμασκῷDamascus βασιλέα.	³⁷⁰ Moreover, Ptolemy Lathyrus summoned their third brother, Demetrius, called Eucaerus [the Timely], from Knidos and established him as King in Damascus.
³⁷⁰ but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus.	³⁷⁰ Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother Demetrius, surnamed Eucerus, from Cnidus and made him king of Damascus.

³⁷¹ τούτοις δὲ τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς καρτερῶς ἀνθιστάμενος ταχέως ἀπέθανεν· Λαοδίκῃ γὰρ ἐλθὼν τῇ τῶν Σαμηνῶν βασιλίσσῃ πολεμούσῃ μαχόμενος ἀνδρείως ἔπεσεν. τὴν‎ δὲ οἱ δύο κατεῖχον ἀδελφοὶ καὶ , καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

³⁷¹ While Antiochus [Eusebes] was stoutly resisting these two brothers, he soon died; for having gone as an ally to Laodice, the Queen of the Sameians, who was at war with the Parthians, he fell fighting bravely. Syria was then held by the two brothers, Demetrius and Philip, as has been shown elsewhere."

³⁷¹ Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.

³⁷¹ Having fiercely opposed both these brothers, Antiochus died soon afterward, for coming as an ally to Laodice, queen of Galaditis, in her war against the Parthians and fighting bravely, he fell. At that time Demetrius and Philip ruled Syria, as has been elsewhere reported.

The "Game of Thrones" in Hyper-Speed
Josephus presents a clinical account of systemic collapse. Within a few paragraphs, we witness the deaths of five different Seleucid claimants. This chaos is the direct result of the long-standing feud between the lines of Grypos and Cyzicenus. By this point, the "Empire" had ceased to be a state and had become a family feud with armies attached to it.

The People's Revolt: The Case of Mopsuestia
The death of Seleucus VI is particularly telling. After losing his kingdom, he attempted to maintain his royal lifestyle by taxing the people of Mopsuestia. Their response—burning the palace with the King inside—demonstrates that the "divine right" of the Seleucids had evaporated. The Greek cities were no longer willing to fund the civil wars of a dying dynasty.

The Shift to Damascus
Notice the mention of Damascus becoming a seat for Demetrius Eucaerus. As Antioch (the traditional capital) became a revolving door for usurpers, the southern territories became increasingly autonomous. Demetrius’s presence in Damascus is crucial for Hasmonean history, as he is the king the Jewish Pharisees will eventually invite to invade Judea to help them overthrow Alexander Jannaeus.

The Parthian Shadow
The death of Antiochus Eusebes while fighting the Parthians marks a significant geopolitical shift. The Parthian Empire was the rising superpower from the East, slowly devouring the Seleucid heartlands. The fact that a Seleucid King died as a mere "mercenary ally" to a minor queen (Laodice) shows how far the prestige of the house of Seleucus had fallen.

The Opportunity for Judea
Josephus includes this Syrian "chaos report" to explain how Alexander Jannaeus was able to expand so aggressively. With the Seleucids busy burning each other's palaces and dying in Parthian border wars, there was no central authority to stop the Hasmoneans from seizing Gaza, Gadara, and the Transjordan. Judea thrived precisely because Syria was burning.

³⁷² δὲ τῶν οἰκείων πρὸς αὐτὸν στασιασάντων, ἐπανέστη γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ ἔθνος ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης καὶ ἑστῶτος αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ θύειν μέλλοντος κιτρίοις αὐτὸν ἔβαλλον, νόμου ὄντος παρὰ τοῖς ἐν τῇ σκηνοπηγίᾳ ἔχειν ἕκαστον θύρσους ἐκ φοινίκων καὶ κιτρίων, δεδηλώκαμεν δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐν ἄλλοις, προσεξελοιδόρησαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὡς ἐξ αἰχμαλώτων γεγονότα καὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τοῦ θύειν ἀνάξιον,

³⁷² "But Alexander’s own people rebelled against him; for the nation rose up against him while a festival was being celebrated. As he stood by the altar and was about to offer sacrifice, they pelted him with citrons (κιτρίοις). For there is a law among the Jews that at the Festival of Tabernacles [Sukkot] everyone must hold wands made of palm branches and citrons—matters which we have explained elsewhere. Moreover, they insulted him, saying he was descended from captives and was thus unworthy of the honor [of the Priesthood] and of sacrificing.

³⁷² As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing.

³⁷² Alexander’s own people rebelled against him, for as a festival was being celebrated, when he stood upon the altar about to sacrifice, the nation rose up at him and pelted him with lemons, for the Jewish law requires that at the feast of tents each should have branches of the palm and lemon trees, as we have elsewhere reported, and they mocked him as one born of slaves and so unworthy of the honour of offering sacrifice.

³⁷³ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργισθεὶς κτείνει μὲν αὐτῶν περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους, δρύφακτον δὲ ξύλινον περὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὸν ναὸν βαλόμενος μέχρι τοῦ θριγκοῦ, εἰς ὃν μόνοις ἐξῆν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσιέναι, τούτῳ τὴν‎ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπέφραττεν εἴσοδον.

³⁷³ Enraged by this, he slew about six thousand of them. He also constructed a wooden barrier around the altar and the Temple, reaching as far as the partition which only the priests were permitted to enter; by this means, he blocked the multitude’s access to him.

³⁷³ At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him.

³⁷³ Enraged by this he killed about six thousand of them and built a wooden partition around the altar and extended the sanctuary as far as the partition, within which only the priests were allowed to enter, and thereby blocked the people from coming near him.

³⁷⁴ δὲ καὶ ξένους Πισίδας καὶ Κίλικας· γὰρ πολέμιος ὢν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν καὶ εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, κατερείπει καὶ μὴ τολμῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν.

³⁷⁴ He also maintained foreign mercenaries from Pisidia and Cilicia, but he did not use Syrians, as he was at war with them. After subduing the Moabites and Gileadites of the Arab regions and making them pay tribute, he also demolished Amathus, as Theodorus did not dare to engage him in battle.

³⁷⁴ He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him;

³⁷⁴ He also employed Pisidian and Cilician aliens but made war on the Syrians, and so made no use of them; and of the Arabs he defeated the Moabites and Galadites and made them pay tribute, and he crushed Amathous, while Theodore dared not fight with him.

³⁷⁵ συνάψας δὲ μάχην πρὸς Ὀβέδαν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πεσὼν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐν χωρίοις τραχέσι καὶ δυσβάτοις ὑπὸ πλήθους καμήλων εἰς βαθεῖαν κατερράχθη Φάραγγα κατὰ κώμην τῆς Γαυλανίτιδος καὶ μόλις αὐτὸς διασώζεται, φεύγων δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν εἰς παραγίνεται.

³⁷⁵ However, having joined battle with Obedas, the King of the Arabs, and falling into an ambush in rugged and difficult terrain, he was crowded by a multitude of camels and plunged into a deep ravine near Gadara, a village of Judea. He himself barely escaped with his life and, fleeing from there, arrived in Jerusalem.

³⁷⁵ but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem,

³⁷⁵ But as he had given battle to Obedas, king of the Arabs, he fell into an ambush among a herd of camels in a rugged place that was difficult to cross, and was driven down into a deep valley, near the village of Gadara in Gaulanitis and fled to Jerusalem, barely escaping with his life.

³⁷⁶ καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἓξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν οὐκ πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τί βούλονται, πάντες γενέσθαι ἐβόησαν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἔπεμψαν παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν.

³⁷⁶ When the nation attacked him because of his misfortune, he made war against them for six years, during which time he slew no fewer than fifty thousand Jews. When he urged them to cease their hostility toward him, they hated him even more because of what had happened. When he asked them what they wanted, they all shouted that they wanted him to die; and they sent to Demetrius Eucaerus, inviting him to come to their aid as an ally."

³⁷⁶ where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them.

³⁷⁶ To his other misdeeds, he added fighting his own nation for six years and killing no fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews. When he entreated them to set aside their ill-will to him, they hated him all the more for what had already happened, and when he asked them what they wanted they all shouted that he should kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Akairos, asking him to come as their ally.

The Weaponization of the Etrog
The "Citron Riot" is one of the most vivid scenes in Jewish history. The Etrog (citron) is a heavy, citrus fruit; thousands of people pelting the High Priest at the altar was not just an insult, but a physical assault and a ritual protest. By shouting that he was "descended from captives," the crowd was reviving the old slur used against his father (John Hyrcanus), questioning his genealogical fitness to serve as High Priest.

The Architecture of Paranoia
Jannaeus’s response was to physically segregate himself. He built a wooden barrier (δρύφακτον) to keep the people away from the sacrificial area. This transformed the Temple from a place of national unity into a fortified palace-sanctuary where the King performed his duties behind a screen of guards. It visually signaled the total divorce between the Hasmonean monarchy and the common people.

The Mercenary State
Jannaeus relied on Pisidians and Cilicians—notorious mercenaries from Asia Minor. He pointedly avoided Syrians, likely because he feared they would be sympathetic to the Seleucid kings or the local Greek cities he had destroyed. The use of "uncircumcised" foreign troops to slaughter Jews in the Temple courts was a major factor in the people's growing hatred of him.

The Camel Ambush at Gadara
The disaster in the Transjordan was a turning point. Obedas I, the Nabataean King, used the "multitude of camels" to stampede or crowd Jannaeus’s infantry into a steep ravine. This humiliation broke the King’s aura of invincibility. In ancient politics, a "misfortune" (κακοπραγίαν) was often seen as a sign of divine abandonment, providing the rebels with the "green light" to launch their revolution.

The Ultimate Betrayal: Inviting the Seleucids
The civil war was so bitter that the Pharisees committed what many saw as the ultimate act of desperation: they invited Demetrius III (Eucaerus), a Seleucid King, to invade Judea. This is a profound historical irony—the very dynasty (the Hasmoneans) that was founded to drive the Seleucids out of Judea was now so hated that the people wanted the Seleucids back.

Chapter 14
[377-386]
Demetrius Akairos defeats Alexander, then retreats.
The many Jews killed by Alexander

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³⁷⁷ Ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ · τούτῳ δ᾽ ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες.

³⁷⁷ "Demetrius came with his army and, taking with him those who had invited him, encamped near the city of Shechem. Alexander [Jannaeus] met him with six thousand two hundred mercenaries and about twenty thousand Jews who favored his cause; Demetrius, for his part, had three thousand horsemen and forty thousand infantry.

³⁷⁷ So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen.

³⁷⁷ Being invited, he came with an army and joining up with them encamped near the city of Sikima. Then Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries and about twenty thousand Jews who thought as he did went out against Demetrius, who had three thousand cavalry and forty thousand infantry.

³⁷⁸ πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν . μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ , καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν.

³⁷⁸ Much was done by both sides: Demetrius attempted to win over the mercenaries because they were Greeks, while Alexander tried to win over the Jews who were with Demetrius. Since neither could persuade the other, they joined in battle. Demetrius was victorious; all of Alexander’s mercenaries perished after a display of loyalty and courage, as did many of Demetrius’s soldiers.

³⁷⁸ Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also.

³⁷⁸ Both sides strove hard, Demetrius trying to win over the mercenaries who were Greeks, and Alexander trying to win over the Jews who were on the side of Demetrius. When neither could persuade the others, a battle was fought which Demetrius won, and despite proving their loyalty and courage, all of Alexander’s mercenaries died in it, as well as many of the soldiers of Demetrius.

³⁷⁹ Φεύγοντος δ᾽ εἰς τὰ ὄρη κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς συλλέγονται παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑξακισχίλιοι. Καὶ τότε μὲν δείσας ὑποχωρεῖ . μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ οἱ ἐπολέμουν καὶ νικώμενοι πολλοὶ ἀπέθνησκον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις.

³⁷⁹ When Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand Jews, out of pity for his change of fortune, gathered to him. Fearing this, Demetrius then withdrew. Afterward, the Jews continued to make war against Alexander, but being defeated, many died in the battles.

³⁷⁹ Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had;

³⁷⁹ As Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews, sympathetic to the change in his fortune, joined up with him, and Demetrius grew afraid and retreated. But later the Jews turned on Alexander and after their defeat in the battles many were killed.

³⁸⁰ κατακλείσας δὲ τοὺς δυνατωτάτους αὐτᾶν ἐν πόλει ἐπολιόρκει, λαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ γενόμενος ἐγκρατὴς αὐτῶν ἀνήγαγεν εἰς καὶ πάντων ὠμότατον ἔργον ἔδρασεν· ἑστιώμενος γὰρ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν αὐτῶν ὡς ὀκτακοσίους, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἔτι ζώντων παρὰ τὰς ἐκείνων ὄψεις ἀπέσφαττεν,

³⁸⁰ Having shut up the most powerful of them in the city of Bethome, he besieged them. After taking the city and gaining mastery over them, he brought them to Jerusalem and committed a most savage deed: while feasting in a conspicuous place with his concubines, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified. While they were still living, he had the throats of their children and wives slit before their eyes.

³⁸⁰ and when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be cut before their eyes.

³⁸⁰ Having trapped the most powerful of them in the city of Baithomis, he besieged it and when he captured the city and had them in his power he brought them to Jerusalem and did to them one of the cruellest things. For as he was feasting in public with his concubines, he had about eight hundred of them crucified, and while they were still alive, had the throats of their children and wives cut before their eyes.

³⁸¹ ὑπὲρ μὲν ὧν ἠδίκητο ἀμυνόμενος, ἄλλως δὲ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ταύτην εἰσπραττόμενος τὴν‎ δίκην, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα, ὅπερ ἦν εἰκός, ἐταλαιπωρήθη τοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πολέμοις καὶ εἰς τοὔσχατον ἧκε κινδύνου ψυχῆς τε πέρι καὶ βασιλείας, οὐκ ἀρκουμένων ἀγωνίζεσθαι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς,

³⁸¹ He did this to take vengeance for the wrongs he had suffered—though he exacted this justice beyond what is human. This was even though he had suffered greatly in the wars against them and had come to the extreme danger of his life and kingdom. They were not satisfied to fight him on their own,

³⁸¹ This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose;

³⁸¹ This was in revenge for the wrongs they had done, but the vengeance was inhuman even granted his exhaustion by his wars with them, for they had brought him to the most extreme danger both to his life and kingdom, as they not only fought against him themselves, but also brought in foreigners for this purpose.

³⁸² ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγαγόντων, ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο γῆν ἐν Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πραξάντων.

³⁸² but even brought in foreigners and finally drove him to such necessity that he had to surrender to the [Arab] King the land he had conquered in Gilead and Moab, along with the Arab strongholds, so that the King would not join them in the war against him; they also committed countless other acts to insult and spite him.

³⁸² nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him.

³⁸² In the end they drove him to such extremes that he was forced to hand back to the king the districts of Arabia and land in Moab and Galaditis which he had subdued, to prevent their joining them in the war against him, and they had done ten thousand other things to insult and challenge him.

³⁸³ ἀλλ᾽ [οὖν οὐκ] ἐπιτηδείως δοκεῖ ταῦτα δρᾶσαι, ὥστε διὰ τὴν‎ τῆς ὠμότητος ὑπερβολὴν ἐπικληθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Θρακίδαν. οἱ δ᾽ ἀντιστασιῶται αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους φεύγουσιν νυκτὸς καὶ παρ᾽ ὃν ἔζη χρόνον ἦσαν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ. Καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένος τῆς ἐκ τούτων ταραχῆς μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἠρεμίας ἐβασίλευσεν.

³⁸³ Nevertheless, he seems to have acted improperly in doing these things, so that because of the excess of his cruelty, he was nicknamed 'Thracides' [The Thracian] by the Jews. Those of the opposing faction, being about eight thousand in number, fled by night and remained in exile as long as Alexander lived. Having been delivered from the trouble caused by these men, he reigned thereafter in total tranquility."

³⁸³ However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.

³⁸³ But all his actions won him no credit since among the Jews he was nicknamed "The Thracian," for his excessive savagery. Therefore the crowd of about eight thousand that had fought against him fled by night and continued as fugitives as long as Alexander lived, and now free from any further disturbance from them, he ruled the rest of his time in all tranquillity.

The Loyalty of the Mercenaries
A striking detail is that Alexander’s Greek mercenaries died to the last man (πάντες). This highlights the "contractual loyalty" of Hellenistic mercenaries, which often proved more reliable than the shifting political loyalties of the Jewish citizenry. Despite Demetrius’s attempts to appeal to their shared Greek heritage, the mercenaries stood by their Hasmonean employer until the end.

The Pity of the Rebels
The tide turned not by a military victory, but by a sudden shift in public sentiment. When the Jewish rebels saw their King—the grandson of the Maccabees—fleeing like a fugitive into the mountains, they felt οἶκτον (pity/remorse). Realizing they had effectively handed the country back to the Seleucids, 6,000 of them defected from Demetrius to Alexander. This nationalistic "second thought" is what forced the Seleucid retreat.

"Thracides": The Butcher King
The nickname Θρακίδαν (Thracides) was a biting slur. The Thracians were legendary in the ancient world for their bloodlust and "barbaric" cruelty. By crucifying 800 of his own people and forcing them to watch the slaughter of their families while he feasted with his harem, Jannaeus broke the fundamental social contract of the Jewish High Priesthood. This event is likely referenced in the Dead Sea Scrolls (the Nahum Pesher), which speaks of the "Lion of Wrath" who "hangs men up alive."

The Territorial Cost of Civil War
Josephus notes that to keep the Nabataean Arabs out of the fight, Jannaeus had to return the lands of Moab and Gilead. This is a tragic irony: the King who had spent his life expanding the borders of Israel was forced to dismantle his own empire just to survive a revolt by his own subjects. Domestic instability effectively ended Hasmonean territorial expansion.

The Peace of the Grave
The passage ends on a chilling note: Alexander reigned "in total tranquility" (πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἠρεμίας) only after 8,000 of his opponents fled into exile and 800 were crucified. It was a "Pax Hasmoneana" achieved through state terror. This silence, however, was only temporary; the resentment of the Pharisees would resurface upon his death, forcing his widow, Salome Alexandra, to make peace with the very movement her husband had tried to drown in blood.

³⁸⁴ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἀπελθὼν εἰς ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ὄντων αὐτῷ πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων, χιλίων δὲ ἱππέων. δ᾽ ὁ τῆς τύραννος συμμαχῶν τὸν φύλαρχον ἐπεκαλεῖτο καὶ τὸν τὸν ὕπαρχον.

³⁸⁴ "After Demetrius III (Eucaerus) departed from Judea for Beroea, he besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry. But Straton, the tyrant of Beroea and ally to Philip, called upon Azizus, the Arab phylarch, and Mithridates Sinakes, the Parthian governor, for aid.

³⁸⁴ But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. However Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon, the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the ruler of the Parthians,

³⁸⁴ When Demetrius left Judea he went to Berea and besieged his brother Philip with a force of ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry. However the tyrant of Berea, Strato, the ally of Philip, called in Azizos, the ruler of the Arabian tribes and Mithridates Sinakes, the ruler of the Parthians.

³⁸⁵ ὧν ἀφικομένων μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ πολιορκούντων ἐντὸς τοῦ χαρακώματος, εἴσω τοῖς τε τοξεύμασι καὶ τῇ δίψῃ συνέχοντες αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασαν τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ σφᾶς παραδοῦναι. λαφυραγωγήσαντες δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τὸν παραλαβόντες τὸν μὲν τῷ τῷ τότε βασιλεύοντι ἔπεμψαν, τῶν δ᾽ αἰχμαλώτων οὓς εἶναι πολίτας συνέβαινε τούτους προῖκα τοῖς ἀπέδωκαν.

³⁸⁵ When these allies arrived with a massive force and besieged Demetrius within his own palisade, they hemmed him in with both arrows and thirst, eventually forcing his men to surrender. After plundering the region and taking Demetrius captive, they sent him to Mithridates [II], who was then the King of the Parthians. However, those among the captives who happened to be citizens of Antioch, they returned to the Antiochians without ransom.

³⁸⁵ who coming with a great number of forces, and besieging Demetrius in his encampment, into which they had driven them with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they took a great many spoils out of that country, and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was then king of Parthia; but as to those whom they took captives of the people of Antioch, they restored them to the Antiochians without any reward.

³⁸⁵ These, coming with numerous forces and besieging Demetrius in the fortress into which with their arrows they had driven him, by thirst forced his companions to surrender. So they took many spoils from the land and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, then the king of Parthia, but without any reward restored to the Antiocheans any from that city whom they had captured.

³⁸⁶ δ᾽ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ τῇ πάσῃ‎ μέχρι νόσῳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης εὐθὺς εἰς ἐλθὼν καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐβασίλευσεν τῆς .

³⁸⁶ Mithridates, the King of the Parthians, held Demetrius in the highest honor until Demetrius ended his life due to illness. Philip, immediately after the battle, went to Antioch, seized it, and reigned over Syria."

³⁸⁶ Now Mithridates, the king of Parthia, had Demetrius in great honor, till Demetrius ended his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria.

³⁸⁶ Now Mithridates, the king of Parthia, showed Demetrius great honour until sickness ended the man’s life. And immediately after the battle, Philip went to Antioch and took it and ruled over Syria.

From "Timely" to "Thirsty"
The epithet of Demetrius III was Eucaerus ("The Timely" or "The Lucky"), but his end was anything but. His defeat at Beroea (modern Aleppo) was a classic example of a "siege within a siege." By attempting to eliminate his brother Philip, he left himself vulnerable to external relief forces. The use of thirst (δίψῃ) as a primary weapon suggests the Parthian and Arab allies successfully cut off his water supply, a common and lethal tactic in the arid Syrian landscape.

The Parthian Intervention
This passage marks the increasing shadow of the Parthian Empire over Mediterranean affairs. By the late 2nd and early 1st century BCE, the Parthians were no longer just a distant threat; they were the arbiters of Seleucid succession. Sending Demetrius to the Parthian King Mithridates II was a symbolic "retirement"—he was too prestigious to be executed, but too dangerous to be left in Syria.

Diplomatic PR: The Antiochian Gesture
The decision by the Parthians and Arabs to return the citizens of Antioch without ransom (προῖκα) was a shrewd political move. By showing mercy to the population of the capital city, they undermined any remaining loyalty to the line of Demetrius and paved the way for Philip I to take the throne without local resistance. It signaled that the foreign powers weren't fighting the Syrian people, only their dysfunctional kings.

Philip’s Pyrrhic Victory
Philip I (Philadelphus) successfully seized Antioch, but his "reign over Syria" was a shadow of the former Seleucid glory. He ruled a fragmented state that was rapidly being encroached upon by the Nabataean Arabs to the south, the Hasmoneans to the southwest, and the Parthians to the east. The dynasty was effectively on life support.

The Hasmonean Perspective
For Alexander Jannaeus back in Jerusalem, the news of Demetrius’s capture must have been a profound relief. The man who had nearly unseated him and crucified his pride was now a prisoner in Persia. This power vacuum in the north allowed Jannaeus to spend the final years of his reign consolidating his grip on the Transjordan and the coast without fear of a Seleucid counter-attack.

Chapter 15
[387-404]
Antiochus "Dionysus" and Aretas make raids on Judea.
Alexander’s advice to Alexandra, before his death

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³⁸⁷ Ἔπειτα ὁ κληθεὶς ἀδελφὸς ὢν , τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀντιποιούμενος εἰς παραγίνεται, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐβασίλευσεν. ἐκστρατεύσαντος δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἐπὶ ἦλθεν.

³⁸⁷ "Then Antiochus, called Dionysus, being the brother of Philip, laid claim to the government and arrived in Damascus, where he gained control of affairs and reigned. While he was on an expedition against the Arabs, his brother Philip, hearing of this, came against Damascus.

³⁸⁷ After this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, and was Philip’s brother, aspired to the dominion, and came to Damascus, and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he was making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it, and came to Damascus,

³⁸⁷ Then Antiochus, surnamed Dionysus, Philip’s brother, aspiring to rule came to Damascus and took power there. But as he was campaigning against the Arabs, his brother Philip heard of it and came to Damascus.

³⁸⁸ δ᾽, ὃς καταλέλειπτο τῆς ἄκρας φύλαξ καὶ τῶν , παραδόντος αὐτῷ τὴν‎ πόλιν, ἀχάριστος εἰς αὐτὸν γενόμενος καὶ μηδὲν ὧν ἐδέξατο αὐτὸν παρασχών, ἀλλὰ τῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ φόβῳ βουληθεὶς δοκεῖν παραλαβεῖν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἢ τῇ χάριτι τῇ δωρούμενος αὐτὸν οἷς ἐχρῆν, ὑπωπτεύετο καὶ πάλιν ἐκπίπτει τῆς ·

³⁸⁸ Now Milesius, who had been left as guardian of the citadel and the Damascenes, delivered the city to him. But Philip proved ungrateful to him and provided none of the things Milesius had hoped for when he received him; instead, he wished it to appear that he had taken the city through the fear he inspired rather than by Milesius’s favor, failing to reward him as was fitting. Consequently, he was viewed with suspicion and was once again cast out of Damascus.

³⁸⁸ where Milesius, who had been left governor of the citadel, and the Damascens themselves, delivered up the city to him; yet because Philip was become ungrateful to him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof he had received him into the city, but had a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the kindness of Milesius, and because he had not rewarded him as he ought to have done, he became suspected by him, and so he was obliged to leave Damascus again;

³⁸⁸ Milesius, who was in charge of the citadel, and the Damascene population surrendered the city to him, but when he disappointed him and granted none of what he had hoped for when welcoming him into the city, and claimed to have gained it through fear rather than by the favour of Milesius, and did not properly reward him, Philip lost popularity and was expelled from Damascus again.

³⁸⁹ ἐξορμήσαντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ εἰς ἱππόδρομον ἀπέκλεισεν ὁ Μιλήσιος καὶ τὴν‎ διεφύλαξεν. ὃς ἀκούσας τὰ περὶ τὸν ὑπέστρεψεν ἐκ τῆς , στρατεύεται δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ μὲν ὀκτακισχιλίοις, ἱππεῦσι δὲ ὀκτακοσίοις.

³⁸⁹ For when Philip went out to the hippodrome, Milesius shut the gates against him and preserved Damascus for Antiochus. Upon hearing the news about Philip, Antiochus returned from Arabia and immediately marched against Judea with eight thousand heavy infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

³⁸⁹ for Milesius caught him marching out into the Hippodrome, and shut him up in it, and kept Damascus for Antiochus [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip’s affairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, and made an expedition against Judea, with eight thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horsemen.

³⁸⁹ Milesius caught him marching out into the Hippodrome and shut him within it and kept Damascus for Antiochus, who hearing about the Philip affair, returned from Arabia. He then immediately marched against Judea with eight thousand armed infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

³⁹⁰ δείσας δὲ τὴν‎ ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ‎ τάφρον ὀρύττει βαθεῖαν ἀπὸ τῆς Χαβερσαβᾶ ἀρξάμενος, ἣ νῦν Ἀντιπατρὶς καλεῖται, ἄχρι τῆς εἰς θαλάσσης, ᾗ καὶ μόνον ἦν ἐπίμαχον· τεῖχός τ᾽ ἐγείρας καὶ πύργους ἀναστήσας ξυλίνους καὶ μεταπύργια ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα ἐξεδέχετο τὸν .

³⁹⁰ Alexander [Jannaeus], fearing his invasion, dug a deep trench, starting from Chabarzaba (which is now called Antipatris) as far as the sea at Joppa, which was the only place vulnerable to attack. Having erected a wall and raised wooden towers and intermediate fortifications for a distance of one hundred and sixty furlongs, he awaited Antiochus.

³⁹⁰ So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which part only his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall, and erected wooden towers, and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coming of Antiochus;

³⁹⁰ Fearful of his arrival, Alexander dug a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which only a part of his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall and built wooden towers and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length and there expected the coming of Antiochus,

³⁹¹ ὁ δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐμπρήσας διεβίβαζε ταύτῃ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ . ἀναχωροῦντος δὲ τοῦ Ἄραβος τὰ πρῶτα, ἔπειτα μετὰ μυρίων ἱππέων ἐξαίφνης ἐπιφανέντος ὑπαντήσας τούτοις καρτερῶς ἐμάχετο, καὶ δὴ νικῶν ἀπέθανεν παραβοηθῶν τῷ πονοῦντι μέρει. πεσόντος δ᾽ καὶ τὸ στράτευμα φεύγει εἰς κώμην, ἔνθα τὸ πλεῖον αὐτῶν λιμῷ φθείρεται.

³⁹¹ But Antiochus set all these on fire and led his forces across that way toward Arabia. The Arab [King] initially retreated, but then suddenly appeared with ten thousand cavalry. Antiochus met them and fought bravely, and indeed was winning when he died while coming to the aid of a struggling part of his army. After Antiochus fell, his army fled to the village of Cana, where the majority of them perished from hunger."

³⁹¹ but he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten the victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in distress, he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them perished by famine.

³⁹¹ but the other soon burned them all and so enabled his army to pass into Arabia. At first the Arabian king retreated, but later suddenly appeared with ten thousand cavalry; and Antiochus faced them and fought desperately, and was on the verge of victory and helping part of his army in distress, when he was killed. When Antiochus fell, his army fled to the village of Cana, where most of them died of hunger.

The Psychology of the Weak King
The subplot involving Philip and Milesius is a masterclass in the failed leadership of the late Seleucids. Philip’s refusal to credit Milesius with the surrender of Damascus was a move of pure insecurity. By trying to appear as a "conqueror" through fear rather than a diplomat through favor, he alienated his only ally in the city. This pettiness allowed a mere citadel commander to checkmate a king by simply locking the gates while the king was at the races.

The "Jannaeus Line": Ancient Trench Warfare
The defensive work Alexander Jannaeus constructed is one of the most significant engineering feats mentioned in the Antiquities.

1) The Scale: 160 furlongs (approx. 20 miles or 32 km).

2) The Strategy: This was not a border wall in the modern sense but a "choke point" defense. By fortification the gap between the Yarkon River springs (Antipatris) and the sea (Joppa), Jannaeus was trying to block the only flat, easy passage for a heavy Seleucid phalanx to enter the Judean heartland.

Antipatris (Chabarzaba)
Josephus’s note that Chabarzaba "is now called Antipatris" is a vital topographical marker. Antipatris was built later by Herod the Great at the headwaters of the Yarkon River. This site was strategically crucial because it controlled the "Aphek Pass," a narrow corridor of dry land between the mountains and the coastal swamps. Jannaeus’s trench was essentially a massive marsh-to-sea blockade.

The Last Heroic Seleucid
Antiochus XII Dionysus is portrayed with more dignity than his brothers. Unlike the others who died of disease or in palace coups, he died in a "heroic" fashion—leading from the front and falling while trying to shore up a collapsing wing of his army (παραβοηθῶν τῷ πονοῦντι μέρει). His death marks the functional end of Seleucid military relevance in the south.

The Rise of the Nabataean Cavalry
The appearance of 10,000 Arab (Nabataean) cavalry indicates the shifting power balance. As the Greeks grew weaker, the Arabs became the dominant mobile force in the region. The fate of Antiochus’s army at Cana (likely in the Hauran or northern Transjordan), where they died of hunger after their leader fell, underscores how unforgiving the desert frontier had become for the remnants of the Macedonian military machine.

³⁹² Βασιλεύει δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τῆς κοίλης κληθεὶς εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν‎ ἐχόντων διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὸν μῖσος. στρατεύσας δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ καὶ περὶ Ἄδιδα χωρίον μάχῃ νικήσας ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς .

³⁹² "After [Antiochus Dionysus], Aretas reigned over Coele-Syria, having been called to the government by those who held Damascus because of their hatred for Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus. Marching from there against Judea, he defeated Alexander in battle at a place called Adida, but after making a treaty, he withdrew from Judea.

³⁹² After him Arems reigned over Celesyria, being called to the government by those that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on between them, retire out of Judea.

³⁹² After him, Aretas ruled Coele-Syria, being called to the leadership by those who held Damascus, because of their hatred of Ptolemy Mennaeus. From there he also made an expedition against Judea and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adidas, but then made a treaty and retreated from Judea.

³⁹³ δ᾽ ἐλάσας αὖθις ἐπὶ πόλιν αἱρεῖ ταύτην, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ , οὗ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια συνέβαινεν εἶναι, τρισὶν μὲν περιβάλλει τείχεσιν τὸ χωρίον, ἀμαχὶ δὲ [λαβὼν] τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπὶ καὶ ἐξώρμησεν.

³⁹³ Alexander, marching out again against the city of Dion, captured it. Then, campaigning against Essa, where Zeno’s most valuable possessions happened to be, he surrounded the place with three walls; having taken the city without a fight, he set out for Gaulane and Seleucia.

³⁹³ But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno’s treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia;

³⁹³ Alexander marched against the city of Dios and took it, and then marched on Essa, where the best of Zeno’s treasures happened to be and surrounded the place with three walls; and taking the city without a fight, he hastened on to Golan and Seleucia.

³⁹⁴ παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσεξεῖλεν καὶ τὴν‎ λεγομένην Φάραγγα καὶ τὸ φρούριον. ἐγκαλῶν δὲ πολλὰ τῷ τῶν τόπων ἄρχοντι περιέδυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τρίτον ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος τῆς στρατείας εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψεν προθύμως αὐτὸν τῶν διὰ τὴν‎ εὐπραγίαν δεχομένων.

³⁹⁴ Having taken these as well, he also captured the place called the Valley of Antiochus and the fortress of Gamala. Bringing many charges against Demetrius, the ruler of those places, he stripped him of his office. Having now completed three full years of campaigning, he returned to his own home, with the Jews receiving him eagerly because of his success.

³⁹⁴ and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success.

³⁹⁴ After taking these cities, he also captured the valley called The Valley of Antiochus, and the fortress of Gamala and indicted the ruler of those places, Demetrius, of many crimes and expelled him. After spending three years at war, he returned home, and the Jews received him joyfully for his success.

³⁹⁵ Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν καὶ καὶ πόλεις εἶχον οἱ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν πύργον Ἀννίβαν ,

³⁹⁵ At this time, the Jews held the following cities of the Syrians, Idumaeans, and Phoenicians: By the Sea: Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocorura.

³⁹⁵ Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura;

³⁹⁵ At this time the Jews occupied the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians and Idumaeans and Phoenicians: On the coast, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamneia, Azotus, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia and Rhinocoroura;

³⁹⁶ ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ κατὰ τὴν‎ καὶ καὶ ὅλην , ὄρος καὶ τὸ ὄρος , ,

³⁹⁶ In the Interior toward Idumaea: Adora, Marisa, and all of Idumaea. In Samaria and the North: Samaria, Mount Carmel, Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara.

³⁹⁶ in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala;

³⁹⁶ in the middle of the country toward Idumaea, Adora and Marissa; near the district of Samaria, Mount Carmel and Mount Itaburion, Scythopolis and Gadara,

³⁹⁷ αὐλῶνα , ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.

³⁹⁷ In the Gaulanitis: Seleucia and Gabala. In Moab: Heshbon, Medaba, Lemba, Oronaim, Agalain, Zoara, the Valley of the Cilicians, and Pella. This last city, Pella, he razed to the ground because the inhabitants would not promise to change to the ancestral customs of the Jews. They had also subdued many other principal cities of Syria."

³⁹⁷ in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.

³⁹⁷ of the district of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; in the district of Moab, Hessebon, Medaba, Lemba, Oronaima, Gelithon, Zoar, the valley of the Cilicians and Pella, which they utterly destroyed when its inhabitants would not bear to exchange their customs for those of the Jews; and they held other major cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.

1. The Nabataean "Buffer" State The election of Aretas III by the people of Damascus is a watershed moment. Damascus, a quintessentially Greek-Syrian city, preferred an Arab King over the local Ituraean tyrant (Ptolemy son of Mennaeus). This established the Nabataean Kingdom as a major northern power. The battle at Adida (near modern Lod) showed that Aretas could strike the Hasmonean heartland, but the subsequent treaty suggests both kings realized that cooperation was more profitable than a war of attrition. 2. The Transjordan Blitz Jannaeus’s three-year campaign in the Transjordan (modern-day Jordan and the Golan Heights) was his greatest military achievement. By taking Gamala (the "Masada of the North") and Gaulane, he secured the eastern frontiers against nomadic incursions and brought the wealthy Greek cities of the Decapolis under Jewish tax authority. 3. Pella and the "Sword of Conversion" The destruction of Pella illustrates the uncompromising nature of Hasmonean expansion. Unlike the early Maccabees who fought for religious freedom, the later Hasmoneans fought for religious homogeneity. If a city refused to adopt Jewish customs (πάτρια ἔθη)—specifically circumcision and the Mosaic Law—it was dismantled. This policy turned the Hasmonean state into a "theocratic empire" where citizenship was tied to religious practice. 4. The Coastal Monopoly The list of coastal cities—stretching from Strato's Tower (future Caesarea) down to Rhinocorura (on the border of Egypt)—shows that Jannaeus had achieved the Hasmonean dream: a total monopoly on the Levantine maritime trade. Judea was no longer a landlocked hill-country; it was a Mediterranean power. 5. "Success Breeds Forgiveness" Josephus notes that the Jews received the King "eagerly because of his success" (διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν). This is a cynical but accurate observation of political reality. The same people who had pelted him with citrons and invited a Seleucid king to kill him just a few years prior were now cheering his return. The wealth and land brought back from his three-year campaign effectively silenced the internal opposition—at least for a time.

³⁹⁸ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ μέθης εἰς νόσον καταπεσὼν καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν τεταρταίῳ πυρετῷ συσχεθεὶς οὐκ ἀπέστη τῶν στρατειῶν, ἕως οὗ τοῖς πόνοις ἐξαναλωθεὶς ἀπέθανεν ἐν τοῖς Γερασηνῶν ὅροις πολιορκῶν Ῥάγαβα φρούριον πέραν τοῦ .

³⁹⁸ "After these events, King Alexander, having fallen into a sickness from excessive drinking and being afflicted for three years with a quartan fever, did not desist from his military expeditions until, exhausted by his labors, he died within the borders of the Gerasenes while besieging the fortress of Ragaba beyond the Jordan.

³⁹⁸ After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan.

³⁹⁸ Then king Alexander, although he was sick from hard drinking and had a regular fever, which affected him for three years, would not stop going out with his army until he was quite spent with fatigue and died not far from Ragaba, a fortress beyond the Jordan.

³⁹⁹ ὁρῶσα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν ὄντα καὶ μηδεμίαν ὑπογράφοντα μηκέτι σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα, κλαίουσα καὶ κοπτομένη τῆς μελλούσης ἐρημίας αὐτήν τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπωδύρετο καί «τίνι καταλείπεις οὕτως ἐμέ τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα τῆς παρ᾽ ἄλλων βοηθείας δεόμενα» πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν «καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰδώς, πῶς διάκειται πρὸς σὲ δυσμενῶς τὸ ἔθνος.»

³⁹⁹ When the Queen saw that he was near death and no longer offered any hope of recovery, she wept and beat her breast, lamenting the coming desolation for herself and her children. She said to him, 'To whom do you leave me and the children, who stand so much in need of help from others—especially knowing how hostile the nation feels toward you?'

³⁹⁹ But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, "To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?"

³⁹⁹ When his queen saw that he was about to die and there was no more hope of his surviving, she came to him weeping and beating her breast for the desolate condition she and her sons would be left in. She wailed, "To whom do you leave me and the children, who are without any support, when you know how much the nation hates you?"

⁴⁰⁰ ὁ δὲ συνεβούλευεν αὐτῇ πείθεσθαι μὲν οἷς ὑποθήσεται πρὸς τὸ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀσφαλῶς κατέχειν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, κρύψαι δὲ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἕως ἂν ἐξέλῃ τὸ χωρίον.	⁴⁰⁰ But he advised her to follow his suggestions to hold the kingdom securely for herself and her children: first, to conceal his death from the soldiers until the fortress was taken.
⁴⁰⁰ But he gave her the following advice: That she need but follow what he would suggest to her, in order to retain the kingdom securely, with her children: that she should conceal his death from the soldiers till she should have taken that place;	⁴⁰⁰ He advised her with some suggestions so that she and the children could securely hold on to the kingdom . First, she should conceal his death from the soldiers until she had captured the place.

⁴⁰¹ ἔπειτα ὡς ἀπὸ νίκης λαμπρῶς εἰς τὰ παραγινομένην τοῖς ἐξουσίαν τινὰ παρασχεῖν· τούτους γὰρ ἐπαινοῦντας αὐτὴν ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς εὔνουν καταστήσειν αὐτῇ τὸ ἔθνος, δύνασθαι δὲ πολὺ παρὰ τοῖς τούτους ἔφασκε βλάψαι τε μισοῦντας καὶ φίλους διακειμένους ὠφελῆσαι·

⁴⁰¹ Then, arriving in Jerusalem as if after a brilliant victory, she should grant a certain degree of authority to the Pharisees. He claimed that if they praised her, they would make the nation well-disposed toward her in return for such honor. He said that these men had great power among the Jews to harm those they hated and to help those they favored;

⁴⁰¹ after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed;

⁴⁰¹ Then she should go in triumph, as for a victory, to Jerusalem and entrust some of her authority to the Pharisees, who would commend her for the honour she showed them and would reconcile the nation to her. He pointed out to her the great authority they had among the Jews, both to harm anyone they hated and to benefit those to whom they were well disposed,

⁴⁰² μάλιστα γὰρ πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ τῷ πλήθει περὶ ὧν ἂν κἂν φθονῶσίν τι χαλεπὸν λέγωσιν, αὐτόν τε προσκροῦσαι τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τούτους ἔλεγεν ὑβρισθέντας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎.	⁴⁰² for they were especially believed by the multitude, even when they said something harsh out of envy. He admitted that he himself had clashed with the nation because of these men, whom he had insulted.
⁴⁰² for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured.	⁴⁰² and that they are believed by the crowd especially when they say something harsh, even if it is only out of envy for it was through them that he had incurred the nation’s displeasure when they insulted him.

⁴⁰³ « σὺ τοίνυν,» εἶπεν, «ἐν τοῖς γενομένη μετάπεμψαι μὲν τοὺς στασιώτας αὐτῶν, ἐπιδείξασα δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοὐμὸν ἐκείνοις ὅπως μοι βούλονται χρῆσθαι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀξιοπιστίας ἐπίτρεπε, εἴτε καθυβρίζειν ἀταφίᾳ μου θελήσουσι τὸν νεκρὸν ὡς πολλὰ πεπονθότες ἐξ ἐμοῦ, εἴτ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ κατ᾽ ὀργὴν αἰκίαν τῷ σώματι προσφέρειν. ὑπόσχου τε καὶ μηδὲν δίχα τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διαπράξεσθαι.

⁴⁰³ 'Therefore,' he said, 'when you are in Jerusalem, send for the leaders of their faction. Show them my body and, with great sincerity, permit them to do with me as they wish—whether they desire to insult my corpse by leaving it unburied because of what they suffered from me, or to inflict some other outrage upon my body in their anger. Promise them as well that you will do nothing in the kingdom without their counsel.'

⁴⁰³ "Do thou, therefore," said he, "when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom.

⁴⁰³ "Therefore," he said, "when you go to Jerusalem, send for their officers and show them my body and appearing fully sincere, leave the choice to them, whether to demean my corpse by refusing it burial, because of what they suffered from me, or in their anger decide to dishonour my body in some other way. And promise them that you will do nothing in the kingdom without their advice .

⁴⁰⁴ Ταῦτά σου πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπούσης ἐγώ τε λαμπροτέρας ἀξιωθήσομαι πρὸς αὐτῶν κηδείας ἧς ἂν ἔτυχον ἐκ σοῦ, μηδὲν διὰ τὸ ἐξεῖναι ποιεῖν μου κακῶς τὸν νεκρὸν διαθεῖναι θελησάντων, σύ τε βεβαίως ἄρξεις.» ταῦτα παραινέσας τῇ γυναικὶ τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι, βιώσας δ᾽ ἓν καὶ πεντήκοντα.

⁴⁰⁴ 'If you say these things to them,' he continued, 'I shall be granted a more splendid burial by them than I would have received from you; for they will not wish to mistreat my corpse when they have the power to do so, and you shall rule securely.' Having given this advice to his wife, he died, having reigned twenty-seven years and lived fifty-one."

⁴⁰⁴ If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety." So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one.

⁴⁰⁴ If you say only this to them, I shall have from them the honour of a more glorious funeral than you could give me, and when it is in their power to abuse my corpse they will do it no harm at all and you will rule in safety." When he had advised his wife in this way, he died, after he had ruled for twenty-seven years and lived for forty-nine.

The "King's Malady": Alcohol and Attrition
Josephus attributes Jannaeus's death to μέθης (drunkenness) and a three-year τεταρταίῳ πυρετῷ (quartan fever, likely a form of malaria). Despite this, the King’s relentless nature is highlighted by the fact that he died "in the boots," conducting a siege in the Transjordan. His life ended as it was lived: in a state of perpetual expansion and physical exhaustion.

The Pragmatism of a Dying Tyrant
Alexander Jannaeus’s advice to Salome Alexandra is perhaps the most cynical and brilliant political maneuver in Hasmonean history. He recognized that while he ruled through fear, his widow could only rule through consensus. By offering his own corpse as a "peace offering" to his enemies, he effectively bought his family's survival with his own posthumous dignity.

The Power of the Pharisees
Jannaeus’s assessment of the Pharisees is a crucial historical data point. He describes them as a group that controls the public narrative (πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ τῷ πλήθει). This confirms that by the early 1st century BCE, the Pharisees had moved beyond being a mere religious sect to becoming the "gatekeepers" of popular legitimacy. Even the King who had crucified them admitted that he lost the heart of the nation because he lost the support of the Pharisees.

The Psychology of the "Blank Check"
Jannaeus’s plan relied on a sophisticated understanding of human psychology. He knew that if Salome gave the Pharisees total power over his body and the state, they would be forced to act with magnanimity rather than vengeance. If they desecrated his body, they would look like monsters; if they gave him a "splendid burial," they would look like statesmen. He successfully trapped his enemies into supporting his widow's regime.

Transition to the "Golden Age"
This deathbed speech marks the end of the "Warrior Phase" of the Hasmoneans and the beginning of the reign of Salome Alexandra. Her subsequent nine-year rule is often remembered in Rabbinic tradition as a golden age of prosperity and rain. Jannaeus’s final act was to transform the Hasmonean monarchy from a Hellenistic-style military autocracy back into a Jewish national institution.

Chapter 16
[405-433]
With the Pharisees' support,
Alexandra rules Judea for nine years

☜ ☞

⁴⁰⁵ ἡ δὲ τὸ φρούριον ἐξελοῦσα κατὰ τὰς τοῦ· ἀνδρὸς τοῖς τε διελέχθη καὶ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις θεμένη τά τε περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, τῆς μὲν ὀργῆς αὐτοὺς τῆς πρὸς ἔπαυσεν, εὔνους δ᾽ ἐποίησεν καὶ φίλους.

⁴⁰⁵ "Now Alexandra, having taken the fortress [of Ragaba] according to her husband’s instructions, spoke with the Pharisees. By placing everything in their hands—both regarding the treatment of the [King's] corpse and the affairs of the kingdom—she caused their anger toward Alexander to cease and made them well-disposed and friendly.

⁴⁰⁵ So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against Alexander, and made them bear goodwill and friendship to him;

⁴⁰⁵ After taking the fortress, Alexandra acted as her husband had suggested and spoke to the Pharisees and put everything in their power, about his corpse and the kingdom, and so she pacified their rage at Alexander and won their goodwill and friendship.

⁴⁰⁶ οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος παρελθόντες ἐδημηγόρουν τὰς πράξεις τὰς διηγούμενοι, καὶ ὅτι δίκαιος αὐτοῖς ἀπόλοιτο βασιλεύς, καὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς πένθος καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ κατήφειαν ἐξεκαλέσαντο τοῖς , ὥστε καὶ λαμπρότερον ἤ τινα τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐκήδευσαν.

⁴⁰⁶ The Pharisees then went before the multitude and delivered public speeches, recounting the deeds of Alexander; they proclaimed that a 'just king' had been lost to them. Through these praises, they stirred the people to mourning and dejection on his behalf, so that they buried him more splendidly than any of the kings who had come before him.

⁴⁰⁶ who then came among the multitude, and made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and told them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than had any of the kings before him.

⁴⁰⁶ They, going to the people and talking to them and explaining the acts of Alexander and saying that they had lost a righteous king, by their praise brought them to grieve and mourn for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than any of the kings before him.

⁴⁰⁷ δύο μέντοι γε υἱοὺς κατέλιπεν καὶ , τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς τὴν‎ διέθετο. τῶν δὲ παίδων μὲν ἀσθενὴς ἦν πράγματα διοικεῖν καὶ βίον ἡσύχιον μᾶλλον ἠγαπηκώς, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος δραστήριός τε ἦν καὶ θαρσαλέος. ἐστέργετο μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἡ γυνὴ διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς ἐξήμαρτεν δυσχεραίνειν.

⁴⁰⁷ Alexander had left behind two sons, Hyrcanus [II] and Aristobulus [II], but he had bequeathed the kingdom to Alexandra. Of the sons, Hyrcanus was too weak to manage affairs, having a greater love for a quiet life, while the younger, Aristobulus, was active and bold. The woman [Alexandra] was loved by the multitude because she appeared to be displeased with the crimes her husband had committed."

⁴⁰⁷ Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but committed the kingdom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and for this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because she seemed displeased at the offenses her husband had been guilty of.

⁴⁰⁷ Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but entrusted the kingdom to Alexandra. Of these children, Hyrcanus was unfit for public affairs and preferred a quiet life, while the younger, Aristobulus, was active and courageous. The woman herself was loved by the people, as she seemed displeased by the sins her husband had committed.

The Great "Rehabilitation" of Jannaeus
One of the most cynical yet effective moments in political history occurs here. The Pharisees—the very people Jannaeus had crucified by the hundreds—suddenly became his chief eulogizers. By calling him a "just king" (δίκαιος βασιλεύς), they weren't necessarily forgiving his crimes; they were validating the new political arrangement. If the dead King was "just," then the Queen’s right to rule was legitimate, and their own new-found power was divinely sanctioned.

Salome Alexandra: The Popular Reformer
Josephus highlights a key psychological reason for the Queen's popularity: she distanced herself from her husband’s "crimes" (ἐξήμαρτεν). While Jannaeus had ruled through military terror, Salome ruled through moral contrast. By appearing to "dislike" his methods, she became a symbol of national healing, even as she sat on a throne he had secured through blood.

The Character of the Two Sons
Josephus introduces the two brothers whose rivalry would eventually invite the Romans (Pompey the Great) into Jerusalem.

1) Hyrcanus II: Described as ἀσθενής (weak/feeble) and favoring a βίον ἡσύχιον (quiet life). He was the perfect puppet for the Pharisees.

2) Aristobulus II: Described as δραστήριος (active) and θαρσαλέος (bold/daring). He inherited his father’s temperament and would eventually lead the "Sadducean" military faction against his mother’s pro-Pharisee government.

The Feminine Monarchy
It is significant that Alexander bequeathed the kingdom to Alexandra specifically. In a world of patriarchal Hellenistic dynasties, a Queen Regnant was rare but not unheard of (mirroring the Cleopatras of Egypt). By bypassing his sons, Jannaeus ensured a "cooling off" period for the nation, betting that a woman would be more successful at diplomatic reconciliation than his hot-headed younger son.

The "Splendid" Burial
The "splendid burial" mentioned by Josephus served a dual purpose. For the Hasmonean house, it was a display of continuity and power. For the Pharisees, it was a public theatre of their new authority. By managing the King's funeral, they signaled to the nation that they were now the masters of Jewish ritual and public life.

⁴⁰⁸ ἡ δὲ ἀρχιερέα μὲν ἀπεδείκνυεν διὰ τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν, πολὺ μέντοι πλέον διὰ τὸ ἄπραγμον αὐτοῦ‎, καὶ πάντα τοῖς ἐπέτρεπεν ποιεῖν, οἷς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν πειθαρχεῖν καὶ εἴ τι δὲ καὶ τῶν νομίμων ὁ πενθερὸς αὐτῆς κατέλυσεν ὧν εἰσήνεγκαν οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν παράδοσιν, τοῦτο πάλιν ἀποκατέστησεν.

⁴⁰⁸ "She appointed Hyrcanus [II] as High Priest because of his age, but even more so because of his lack of ambition (ἄπραγμον). She permitted the Pharisees to do everything, and she commanded the multitude to obey them. If there was anything of the laws which Hyrcanus [I], her father-in-law, had abolished—laws which the Pharisees had introduced according to the ancestral tradition (πατρῴαν παράδοσιν) —she restored it once again.

⁴⁰⁸ So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated.

⁴⁰⁸ She made Hyrcanus high priest, since he was the elder, but even more because he was inactive and left everything to the Pharisees, to whom she told the people to be subject. She also restored the Pharisaic practices in line with ancestral tradition, which Hyrcanus her father-in-law had abrogated.

⁴⁰⁹ τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄνομα τῆς βασιλείας εἶχεν αὐτή, τὴν‎ δὲ δύναμιν οἱ · καὶ γὰρ φυγάδας οὗτοι κατῆγον καὶ δεσμώτας ἔλυον καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν δεσποτῶν διέφερον. ἐποιεῖτο μέντοι καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς βασιλείας πρόνοιαν, καὶ πολὺ μισθοφορικὸν συνίστησιν, καὶ τὴν‎ ἰδίαν δύναμιν ἀπέδειξεν διπλασίονα, ὡς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς περὶ τυράννους καὶ λαβεῖν ὅμηρα αὐτῶν.

⁴⁰⁹ Thus, she held the name of the kingdom, but the Pharisees held the power. For they brought back exiles, released prisoners, and in every way differed nothing from absolute masters. Nevertheless, the woman also took care of the kingdom; she organized a large mercenary force and made her own domestic army twice as large, so as to strike terror into the neighboring tyrants and take hostages from them.

⁴⁰⁹ So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them:

⁴⁰⁹ Although she held the title of regent, it was the Pharisees who had authority, for they brought people back from banishment and freed the prisoners, and, in a word, they were virtually masters. But the queen also took care of the kingdom and gathered a large body of mercenaries and so increased the size of her army that she was feared by the neighbouring tyrants and took hostages from them.

⁴¹⁰ ἠρέμει δ᾽ ἡ χώρα πᾶσα πάρεξ τῶν · οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπετάρασσον τὴν‎ βασίλειαν πείθοντες, ὅπως κτείνειεν τοὺς παραινέσαντας ἀνελεῖν τοὺς ὀκτακοσίους. εἶτα αὐτοὶ τούτων ἕνα σφάττουσιν καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄλλους ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις,

⁴¹⁰ The whole country remained quiet except for the Pharisees; for they kept the royal house in turmoil by persuading her to kill those who had advised Alexander to execute the eight hundred. Then, they themselves slaughtered one of these, Diogenes, and after him others one by one.

⁴¹⁰ and the country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one after another,

⁴¹⁰ The whole country was at peace, except the Pharisees, who pestered the queen, asking her to kill those who had persuaded Alexander to slaughter the eight hundred. Then they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes, and later did the same to several, one after another,

⁴¹¹ ἕως οὗ οἱ δυνατοὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ βασίλειον καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν , ἐῴκει γὰρ τοῖς γινομένοις δυσανασχετῶν καὶ δῆλος ἦν, καθάπαξ εἰ ἀφορμῆς λάβοιτο, μὴ ἐπιτρέψων τῇ μητρί, ἀνεμίμνησκον ὅσα κατώρθωσαν τοσούτοις κινδύνοις, δι᾽ ὧν τὸ βέβαιον τῆς ἐν σφίσι πίστεως πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην ἐπεδείξαντο, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μεγίστων ἠξιώθησαν.

⁴¹¹ Eventually, the men of influence came to the palace, accompanied by Aristobulus [II]—for he appeared to be, and clearly was, indignant at these events, and it was evident that if he found an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to continue this. They reminded her of all they had achieved through so many dangers, by which they had demonstrated the firmness of their loyalty to their master, in return for which they had been granted the highest honors by him.

⁴¹¹ till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had received the greatest marks of favor from him;

⁴¹¹ until the dignitaries came to the palace accompanied by Aristobulus, for he resented what was going on, and it was clear that, given the opportunity, he would not let his mother continue like this. These reminded the queen of the great risks they had run and all they had done to prove their utter loyalty to their master, from whom they received the highest signs of favour.

⁴¹² καὶ ἐδέοντο μὴ ἄχρι τοῦ παντὸς ἔμπαλιν τρέψαι σφίσι τὰς ἐλπίδας· ἀποφυγόντας γὰρ τὸν ἐκ πολεμίων κίνδυνον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ ὑπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν δίκην βοσκημάτων κόπτεσθαι μηδεμιᾶς τιμωρίας οὔσης.	⁴¹² They begged her not to turn their hopes completely upside down; for after escaping danger from enemies, they were now being slaughtered at home by their personal foes like cattle (δίκην βοσκημάτων), with no vengeance being taken.
⁴¹² and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever.	⁴¹² They begged her not to utterly ruin their hopes, for if they escaped the danger of their public enemies, they could be killed at home by secret foes, like brute beasts, with no recourse.

⁴¹³ ἔλεγόν τε ὡς, εἰ μὲν ἀρκεσθεῖεν τοῖς ἀνῃρημένοις οἱ ἀντίδικοι, διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας γνήσιον μετρίως οἴσειν τὰ ξυμβάντα, εἰ δ᾽ αὖ μέλλοιεν ταὐτὰ μετιέναι, ᾐτοῦντο μάλιστα μὲν δοθῆναι σφίσιν ἀπαλλαγήν· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ὑπομεῖναι χωρὶς αὐτῆς πορίσασθαι τὸ σωτήριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσμενίζειν θνήσκοντες πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις, ὡς μὴ συγγνοῖεν ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῖς.

⁴¹³ They said that if their opponents were satisfied with those already slain, they would bear what had happened with moderation out of their genuine loyalty to their masters; but if they were to pursue the same course further, they requested above all to be granted their dismissal. For they could not endure to provide for their own safety without her, but would rather die gladly at the palace, lest they be suspected of disloyalty toward her.

⁴¹³ They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them.

⁴¹³ They said that if their foes would call a halt with those they had already killed, they would accept what had been done, due to their natural love for their officers; but if they must expect the same in future, they asked her permission to leave. They could not bear to think of seeking a way to save themselves without her; but would rather die willingly outside the palace gate, if she would not forgive them.

⁴¹⁴ αἶσχός τε εἶναι σφίσι τε καὶ τῇ βασιλευούσῃ, εἰ πρὸς αὐτῆς ἀμελούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐκδεχθείησαν· ἀντὶ παντὸς γὰρ τιμήσεσθαι τε τὸν καὶ τοὺς μονάρχους, εἰ ἀποξενολογήσειεν τοσούσδε ἄνδρας, οἷς ἦν τάχα που φρικῶδες αὐτῶν καὶ τοὔνομα τὸ πρὶν ἀκουσθῆναι.

⁴¹⁴ They added that it would be a disgrace both to themselves and to the Queen if, being neglected by her, they were caught by the enemies of her husband; for Aretas the Arab and the other monarchs would prize nothing more than to take into their service such men, whose very name was once perhaps a source of terror to them when heard.

⁴¹⁴ And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her husband’s enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible;

⁴¹⁴ What a shame it would be, for themselves and the queen, if through her neglect they were given over to her husband’s enemies, since Aretas, the Arab king, and other monarchs would pay any price to get as allies such men, whose reputation was impressive, even before their voices were heard.

⁴¹⁵ εἰ δὲ μή, τό γε δεύτερον, εἰ τοὺς Φαρισαίους αὐτῇ προτιμᾶν ἔγνωσται, κατατάξαι ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις· εἰ γὰρ ὧδε δαίμων τις ἐπενεμέσησεν τῷ οἴκῳ, αὐτούς γε μὴν ἂν ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ ἐν ταπεινῷ σχήματι βιοτεύοντας.

⁴¹⁵ If this were not to be, then at least, if she was determined to prefer the Pharisees above them, they asked her to station each of them in the fortresses. For if some divine spirit was angry with the house of Alexander, they themselves at least could show they could live even in a humble condition."

⁴¹⁵ but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander’s house, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in a private station there.

⁴¹⁵ But if they could not obtain their second request and she had decided to prefer the Pharisees over them, they asked her to place them all in her fortresses, for if a wicked demon bore permanent spite against the house of Alexander, they were willing to bear their part and to live there privately.

The Restoration of "Ancestral Tradition"
This text marks the legal birth of Rabbinic authority. By restoring the patrōan paradosin (ancestral tradition) that John Hyrcanus I had famously abolished, Salome Alexandra gave the "Oral Law" of the Pharisees the force of state law. This shift from written Sadducean literalism to Pharisaic interpretation fundamentally changed the character of Judaism forever.

Hyrcanus II: The "Quiet" High Priest
Salome’s choice of her eldest son for the High Priesthood was a tactical move. She chose him specifically for his apragmon—his lack of political drive. She wanted a High Priest who would perform the rituals without challenging her political authority or the Pharisees' legal authority. This decision, however, created a vacuum of leadership that his "bold" brother, Aristobulus, was only too happy to fill.

The Paradox of Salome’s Power
Josephus presents a fascinating duality. Domestically, Salome was a figurehead for the Pharisees ("nothing different from masters"). Yet, internationally, she was a hawk. By doubling the army, she maintained the "Pax Hasmoneana" through military deterrence. She understood that a woman on the throne needed a massive mercenary presence to keep neighboring kings (like Aretas of the Nabataeans) from testing her borders.

The "Diogenes" Purge
The execution of Diogenes was the "opening shot" of the Pharisaic vengeance. These men were the old guard, the Hellenized military elite who had stood by Alexander Jannaeus during the civil war. The Pharisees viewed their deaths as justice for the 800 crucified rebels; the military elite viewed it as a partisan "witch hunt" that was gutting the kingdom's defense infrastructure.

The Strategy of the Fortresses
The petition led by Aristobulus II is a turning point. By asking to be stationed in the fortresses (φρουρίοις), the old Hasmonean military aristocracy was effectively creating a "state within a state." They were retreating from the Pharisee-controlled capital to the rugged border forts (like Hyrcania, Machaerus, and Alexandrium). This geographic split between the City (Pharisees/Hyrcanus II) and the Fortress (Military/Aristobulus II) made the civil war that broke out immediately after Salome’s death inevitable.

⁴¹⁶ Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λεγόντων καὶ εἰς οἶκτον τῶν τεθνεώτων καὶ τῶν κινδυνευόντων τοὺς δαίμονας ἐπικαλουμένων, ἅπαντες οἱ περιεστῶτες ὥρμησαν εἰς δάκρυα, καὶ μάλιστα ὅπως ἔχοι γνώμης ἐδήλου πολλὰ τὴν‎ μητέρα κακίζων.

⁴¹⁶ "As they spoke many such things, invoking the guardian spirits (daimones) of Alexander out of pity for those who had died and those still in danger, all those standing around burst into tears; Aristobulus especially made his feelings clear by harshly blaming his mother.

⁴¹⁶ As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander’s ghost for commiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the bystanders brake out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,]

⁴¹⁶ As they said this and called on Alexander’s ghost to pity those already killed and those in danger of being so, all the bystanders broke into tears. But Aristobulus mainly revealed his sentiments and said many shameful things to his mother.

⁴¹⁷ ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν αὐτοὶ σφίσι τῶν συμφορῶν ἐγένοντο αἴτιοι, κατὰ φιλαρχίαν ἐκλελυσσηκυίᾳ γυναικὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς βασιλεύειν γενεᾶς ἐν ἀκμῇ οὔσης ἐπιτρέψαντες· ἡ δὲ οὐκ ἔχουσα ὅ τι πράξειε μετὰ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς τὴν‎ φυλακὴν τῶν χωρίων σφίσιν ἐπέτρεψεν, ὅτι μὴ καὶ καὶ , ἔνθα τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἦν αὐτῇ.

⁴¹⁷ However, they themselves were the cause of their own misfortunes, having permitted—out of a love of power—a woman to rule beyond what was proper, even though the male lineage was in its prime. Since she did not know how to act with propriety, she entrusted the guarding of the [smaller] strongholds to them—except for Hyrcania, Alexandrium, and Machaerus, where her most valuable treasures were kept.

⁴¹⁷ "Nay, indeed, the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over them, when there were sons in the flower of their age fitter for it." So Alexandra, not knowing what to do with any decency, committed the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania, and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where her principal treasures were.

⁴¹⁷ He said they had caused their own troubles, by letting a woman, mad with ambition, rule them, when she had sons in their prime, more fit for it. So, not knowing what she could do with any decency, Alexandra handed over the fortresses to them, except Hyrcania and Alexandreion and Machaerus, where her principal treasures were.

⁴¹⁸ καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπὶ κατὰ τοῦ λεγομένου, ὃς βαρὺς ἦν τῇ πόλει γείτων. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν οὐδὲν ἐργασάμενοι σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὑπέστρεψαν.

⁴¹⁸ Not long after, she sent out her son Aristobulus with an army against Damascus, specifically against Ptolemy the son of Mennaeus, who was an oppressive neighbor to the city. However, they returned without having achieved anything worthy of note."

⁴¹⁸ After a little while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad neighbor to the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and so returned home.

⁴¹⁸ A little later, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, surnamed Mennaeus, who was such a bad neighbour to the city; but having achieved nothing of note, they went home.

The "Daimones" of the Dead King
The appeal to the daimones (guardian spirits or souls) of Alexander Jannaeus is a powerful rhetorical device used by the military elite. They were essentially "guilting" the Queen by suggesting that the spirit of her late husband was watching the slaughter of his most loyal soldiers. This appeal transformed a political dispute into a sacred grievance.

Aristobulus’s "Men’s Rights" Argument
The text contains a sharp critique of Salome's rule, likely reflecting the contemporary views of the Sadducean military class. By calling her rule "beyond what is proper" (παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς) because the "male lineage was in its prime" (γενεᾶς ἐν ἀκμῇ οὔσης), Aristobulus was building a legal case for revolution. To him, his mother was a placeholder who had overstayed her welcome, and his brother Hyrcanus II was a puppet of the Pharisees.

The Strategy of the Three Fortresses
Salome Alexandra made a major tactical concession by giving the military elite control of the country's smaller forts, but she was savvy enough to hold the "big three":

1) Hyrcania: A desert fortress south of Jericho.

2) Alexandrium: Perched on a high peak overlooking the Jordan Valley.

3) Machaerus: A formidable citadel east of the Dead Sea.

By keeping these, she retained control of the royal treasury and the most defensible positions in the kingdom. She essentially allowed the opposition to be armed, but kept the keys to the vault.

The Damascus Failure
The expedition against Ptolemy son of Mennaeus (the Ituraean ruler based in Chalcis) is significant. Ptolemy was a marauder who constantly threatened Damascus. Salome sent Aristobulus to deal with him, likely to get her troublesome son out of the capital. The fact that the army "achieved nothing worthy of note" suggests either that Aristobulus was an incompetent commander at this stage, or more likely, that he was more interested in building a personal following among the troops than in fighting his mother's wars.

The Transition to Civil War
This section sets the stage for the collapse of the Hasmonean state. By empowering the Pharisees domestically and giving the military elite control of the provinces, Salome created a bipolar state. The moment she fell ill, these two halves—led by her two sons—would inevitably tear the country apart, leading directly to the intervention of the Roman general Pompey.

⁴¹⁹ Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀγγέλλεται στρατοῦ μυριάσι τριάκοντα ἐμβεβληκὼς εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀφιξόμενος. τοῦτο ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐφόβησε τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν καὶ τὸ ἔθνος. δῶρα δὴ καὶ πολλὰ καὶ λόγου ἄξια πέμπουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ πρέσβεις πολιορκοῦντι .

⁴¹⁹ "At this time, news arrived that Tigranes [the Great], having invaded Syria with three hundred thousand men, was about to arrive in Judea. This naturally terrified the Queen and the nation. Therefore, they sent many valuable gifts and ambassadors to him while he was besieging Ptolemais.

⁴¹⁹ About this time news was brought that Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred thousand soldiers, and was coming against Judea. This news, as may well be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Accordingly, they sent him many and very valuable presents, as also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais;

⁴¹⁹ About this time news was brought that king Tigranes of Armenia with three hundred thousand soldiers had invaded Syria and was marching on Judea. This naturally terrified the queen and the nation, and as he was besieging Ptolemais, they sent him many valuable gifts and envoys.

⁴²⁰ βασίλισσα γὰρ σελήνη ἡ καὶ καλουμένη τῶν ἐν τῇ κατέχειν, ἣ καὶ ἐνήγαγεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀποκλεῖσαι Τιγράνη νῦν ἐτύγχανεν καὶ ἐδέοντο χρηστὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους συγγινώσκειν.

⁴²⁰ For Queen Selene, also called Cleopatra, was currently in control of affairs in Syria, and she had persuaded the inhabitants to shut their gates against Tigranes. They [the Judean ambassadors] entreated him to be well-disposed toward their Queen and the nation.

⁴²⁰ for Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with him, and entreated him that he would determine nothing that was severe about their queen or nation.

⁴²⁰ The queen of Syria was Selene, also called Cleopatra, who had urged the population to keep Tigranes out, but now they begged and beseeched him not to pass a harsh sentence on their queen and nation.

⁴²¹ ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐκ διαστήματος θεραπείας ἐλπίδας ὑπέθετο χρηστάς. ἄρτι δὲ τῆς ἑαλωκυίας ἀγγέλλεται Τιγράνῃ Λεύκολλον διώκοντα ἐκείνου μὲν διαμαρτεῖν εἰς τοὺς ἀναφυγόντος, τὴν‎ δὲ πορθήσαντα πολιορκεῖν δὲ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνεχώρει τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ οἴκου.

⁴²¹ He received them favorably, holding out good hopes in return for their long-distance homage. But just as Ptolemais had been captured, it was reported to Tigranes that Lucullus, in pursuit of Mithridates, had failed to catch him—as he had fled to the Iberians—and was now plundering Armenia and laying siege to [Tigranocerta]. When Tigranes learned of these things, he withdrew toward his own home."

⁴²¹ He commended them for the respects they paid him at so great a distance, and gave them good hopes of his favor. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia, and besieging its cities. Now when Tigranes knew this, he returned home.

⁴²¹ He commended them for coming so far to pay their respects and raised their hopes. Shortly after Ptolemais was taken, news reached Tigranes that Lucullus, who had pursued Mithridates in vain as he had fled to Iberia, was devastating Armenia and besieging its cities. So hearing this, Tigranes went home.

The Shadow of the "King of Kings"
Tigranes the Great was the most powerful monarch in the East at this moment. Josephus’s figure of 300,000 men (μυριάσι τριάκοντα) is likely a classic ancient exaggeration, but it reflects the genuine existential dread felt in Jerusalem. Had Tigranes not been distracted by Rome, Judea might have become an Armenian province, completely altering the course of Western history.

The Diplomacy of Desperation
Salome Alexandra’s response was a masterclass in "tribute diplomacy." By sending gifts to the siege of Ptolemais (Acre), she was practicing a policy of appeasement. She recognized that Judea’s doubled army—so impressive against local petty tyrants—was a mere toy compared to the imperial juggernaut of Armenia.

Queen vs. Queen: Selene and Alexandra
The text features a fascinating contrast between two powerful women. While Salome Alexandra in Jerusalem sought peace through tribute, Queen Cleopatra Selene in Ptolemais chose defiance. Selene’s resistance at Ptolemais actually served as a "shield" for Judea, stalling Tigranes long enough for the Romans to strike his homeland. (History notes that once Ptolemais fell, Tigranes had Selene executed, a fate Alexandra narrowly avoided).

Rome: The Invisible Hand
This passage introduces Lucullus, the Roman general. It illustrates the "domino effect" of 1st-century BCE geopolitics:

1) Rome attacks Mithridates (Pontus).

2) Mithridates flees to his son-in-law, Tigranes (Armenia).

3) Lucullus invades Armenia to find them.

4) Tigranes abandons his conquest of the Levant to save his capital.

Judea was saved from Armenia not by its own strength, but by the sheer momentum of Roman expansionism.

The End of an Era
This was the last moment of true Hasmonean sovereignty. The withdrawal of Tigranes left a power vacuum in the Levant that would not be filled by another Eastern king, but by the Roman general Pompey only a few years later. Salome Alexandra successfully navigated the Armenian threat, but the internal rot of the rivalry between her sons (Hyrcanus and Aristobulus) was about to make the kingdom easy prey for Rome.

⁴²² μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τῆς βασιλίσσης εἰς νόσον χαλεπὴν δόξαν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῆς νυκτὸς ὑπεξελθὼν μεθ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν θεραπόντων ᾔει ἐπὶ τὰ φρούρια, ἵνα οἱ πατρῷοι κατετάχθησαν αὐτῷ φίλοι.

⁴²² "After this, when the Queen had fallen into a dangerous illness, Aristobulus decided to strike at the government. Stealing out by night with one of his servants, he went to the fortresses where his father’s friends had been stationed.

⁴²² After this, when the queen was fallen into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt the seizing of the government; so he stole away secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and went to the fortresses, wherein his friends, that were such from the days of his father, were settled;

⁴²² Afterward, when the queen fell dangerously ill, Aristobulus resolved to try a coup. With just one servant he stole away secretly by night and went to the fortresses where his friends from his father’s days had settled.

⁴²³ πάλαι γὰρ ἀχθόμενος οἷς ἔπραττεν ἡ μήτηρ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἔδεισε, μὴ ἀποθανούσης ἐπὶ τοῖς τὸ πᾶν γένος αὐτοῖς ὑπάρξειεν· ἑώρα γὰρ τὸ ἀδύνατον τοῦ μέλλοντος διαδέχεσθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀδελφοῦ.

⁴²³ For he had long been distressed by his mother’s actions, and he feared even more that if she died, the entire nation would fall under the power of the Pharisees, seeing the incompetence of his brother who was destined to succeed to the throne.

⁴²³ for as he had been a great while displeased at his mother’s conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole family should be under the power of the Pharisees; for he saw the inability of his brother, who was to succeed in the government;

⁴²³ He had long been displeased with his mother’s conduct, and now was even more afraid that, at her death, their whole clan would fall under the Pharisees, since his brother was clearly unable to succeed to the throne.

⁴²⁴ ξυνῄδει δὲ ἡ γυνὴ μόνη τῇ πράξει, ἣν κατέλιπεν αὐτόθι μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς. Καὶ πρῶτον ἀφικόμενος εἰς Ἄγαβα, ἔνθα Γαλαίστης ἦν τῶν δυνατῶν, ὑπεδέχθη πρὸς αὐτοῦ‎.	⁴²⁴ His wife was the only one privy to his plan, whom he left there with his children. First, arriving at Agaba, where Galaestes, one of the powerful men, was located, he was welcomed by him.
⁴²⁴ nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent men before mentioned, and was received by him.	⁴²⁴ No one knew what he was doing except his wife, whom he left there with the family. He first went to Agaba where he was received by Galestes, one of the powerful men.

⁴²⁵ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ αἴσθησις γίνεται τῇ βασιλίσσῃ τῆς φυγῆς, καὶ μέχρι τινὸς ᾤετο γεγονέναι τὴν‎ οὐκ ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ· ὡς μέντοι ἧκον ἀπαγγέλλοντες ἄλλοι ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις, ὅτι κατειλήφει τὸ πρῶτον χωρίον καὶ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ξύμπαντα, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἑνὸς ἀρξαμένου πάντα ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνου βούλημα, τότε δὴ ἐν μεγίσταις ταραχαῖς ὑπῆρχεν ἥ τε βασίλισσα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος.

⁴²⁵ The next day, the Queen became aware of Aristobulus’s flight, but for a time she did not believe his departure was for the purpose of a revolution. However, when messengers arrived one after another reporting that he had seized the first stronghold, then the second, and finally all of them—for once one had begun, all hastened to follow his will—then indeed the Queen and the nation were in the greatest turmoil.

⁴²⁵ When it was day, the queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time she supposed that his departure was not in order to make any innovation; but when messengers came one after another with the news that he had secured the first place, the second place, and all the places, for as soon as one had begun they all submitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen and the nation were in the greatest disorder,

⁴²⁵ At daybreak, the queen had a feeling that Aristobulus had fled, but for some time she did not realize he had left in order to stage a coup; however, when a series of messengers arrived with the news that he had taken first one place and then another, and then all of them—for once one had begun they all submitted to his will—then the queen and the nation were in a major crisis.

⁴²⁶ ᾔδεισαν γὰρ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ δύνασθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ κρατῦναι τὸν ὄντα, ἐδεδίεσάν τε, μὴ ποινὴν εἰσπράξαιτο ὧν παρῴνησαν αὐτῷ τὸν οἶκον. δόξαν οὖν τήν τε γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ γενεὰν εἰς τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἱεροῦ φρούριον κατέθεσαν.

⁴²⁶ For they knew that Aristobulus was not far from being able to consolidate the government, and they feared he would exact punishment for the outrages committed against his house. They decided, therefore, to place his wife and children in the fortress above the Temple for safekeeping.

⁴²⁶ for they were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly in the government. What they were principally afraid of was this, that he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment his house had had from them. So they resolved to take his wife and children into custody, and keep them in the fortress that was over the temple.

⁴²⁶ They knew that soon Aristobulus would be able to firmly grasp the leadership. What they mainly feared was that he would punish them for the way they had mistreated his family, so they decided to put his wife and children in custody in the fortress overlooking the temple.

⁴²⁷ δὲ ὡς ἂν ἐκ πολλῶν συχνὰ ἀνήχθη, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἤδη καὶ κόσμος βασίλειος περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν· σχεδὸν γὰρ ἐν ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε χωρίων ἐκράτησεν εἰκοσιδύο, ὅθεν ἀφορμὰς ἔχων στρατιὰν ἤθροιζεν ἀπὸ καὶ καὶ τῶν μονάρχων· οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τῷ πλείονι ὑπαγόμενοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπήκουον· ἄλλως δὲ νομίζοντες, εἰ δὴ ξυλλάβοιεν αὐτῷ, τῶν μὴ προσδοκωμένων οὐχ ἧσσον καρπώσεσθαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὡς αὐτοὶ τοῦ κρατῆσαι πρόφασις γενηθέντες.

⁴²⁷ As for Aristobulus, as many people flocked to him, a royal splendor already surrounded him; for in about fifteen days, he gained mastery over twenty-two strongholds. Using these as bases, he gathered an army from Lebanon, Trachonitis, and the local monarchs. For men are easily led by the stronger side and obeyed him readily; moreover, they believed that if they joined him, they would reap the fruits of the kingdom no less than those who had not expected it, as they had been the pretext for his victory.

⁴²⁷ Now there was a mighty conflux of people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about him; for in a little more than fifteen days he got twenty-two strong places, which gave him the opportunity of raising an army from Libanus and Trachonitis, and the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and easily submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him their assistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well as he, should have the advantages that would come by his being king, because they had been the occasion of his gaining the kingdom.

⁴²⁷ People came in large numbers to Aristobulus from all sides, so that he had a kind of royal court about him, and in little more than fifteen days he gained twenty-two strongholds, and could raise an army from Libanus and Trachonitis and the kings, for men are easily led by the majority and easily submit to them. Besides, by unexpectedly helping him, both they and he would benefit if he won the kingship, for they would be the cause of his gaining it.

⁴²⁸ τῶν δὲ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ ἐσῄεσαν ὡς τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν καὶ ἐδέοντο ὑποθέσθαι γνώμην περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· τὸν γὰρ τῶν πάντων σχεδὸν ἤδη κυριεύειν, χωρίων τοσούτων κρατήσειεν· ἄτοπον δέ, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα κάμνοι, περιούσης αὐτῆς κατὰ σφᾶς βουλεύεσθαι· περιεστάναι δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ διὰ μακροῦ σφίσιν.

⁴²⁸ The elders of the Jews and Hyrcanus went in to the Queen and begged her to offer her counsel on the present situation; for they said Aristobulus was already master of almost everything, since he had seized so many strongholds. They argued it was absurd for them to deliberate on their own while she was still alive, even if she was very ill, but they noted the danger was standing right at their doorstep.

⁴²⁸ Now the eiders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many strong holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no long time.

⁴²⁸ The Jewish elders and Hyrcanus went to the queen to ask how she felt about the state of things, for in holding so many strongholds Aristobulus was in effect master of most of the kingdom. As long as she was alive they could not decide by themselves, however ill she was, but the danger would be upon them soon.

⁴²⁹ ἡ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσε πράττειν ὅ τι δοκοῦσι χρήσιμον εἶναι· πολλὰς δ᾽ ἀφορμὰς αὐτοῖς λείπεσθαι, τὸ ἔθνος ἐρρωμένον καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς γαζοφυλακίοις χρήματα· αὐτῇ μὲν γὰρ μικρὸν ἔτι μέλειν τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς ἂν ὑπολείποντος ἤδη τοῦ σώματος.

⁴²⁹ She, however, told them to do whatever they thought useful. She said many resources remained to them: a strong nation, the army, and the wealth in the treasuries. As for herself, she cared little for affairs now, as her body was already failing her."

⁴²⁹ But she bid them do what they thought proper to be done; that they had many circumstances in their favor still remaining, a nation in good heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries; for that she had small concern about public affairs now, when the strength of her body already failed her.

⁴²⁹ She told them to do as they thought best, but that they had many things still on their side, a well-disposed nation, an army and money in the treasuries; but she herself had little concern for public affairs, now that her bodily strength was failing.

The "Agaba" Catalyst
The coup began at Agaba. While its exact location is debated (likely in the Transjordan or the Judean wilderness), its significance lies in Galaestes. By winning over one of the "powerful men" (dynastōn), Aristobulus triggered a domino effect. The military elite, who had been marginalized by the Pharisees for nine years, were waiting for a leader to give them a reason to revolt.

The Pharisaic Nightmare
Aristobulus’s primary motivation was fear of a Pharisaic autocracy. He viewed his brother, Hyrcanus II, not as a king, but as a vessel for Pharisaic interests. His lightning-fast seizure of 22 fortresses in 15 days shows that the "Strategy of the Fortresses" (which he had persuaded his mother to adopt years earlier) was actually a long-game Trojan Horse. He had effectively pre-positioned his allies in all the kingdom's high ground.

The "Baris" Hostages
The "fortress above the Temple" mentioned here is the Baris, which Herod the Great would later rebuild as the Antonia Fortress. By imprisoning Aristobulus’s wife and children there, the Pharisees and Hyrcanus II were attempting to use the only leverage they had left. In the brutal world of Hasmonean politics, family members were the standard collateral for civil war.

Mercenaries and Monarchs
Aristobulus did not just rely on Jewish soldiers. He gathered forces from Lebanon and Trachonitis (modern-day Bashan/southern Syria). This indicates that the "Sadducean" faction had deep ties with the surrounding Hellenized and Arab petty-kingdoms. These men joined him not out of loyalty to the Hasmoneans, but for the "fruits of the kingdom"—the promise of plunder and political influence in a new regime.

The Abdication of the Dying Queen
Salome Alexandra’s final response is one of tragic resignation. After a lifetime of high-stakes diplomacy and military expansion, she essentially tells the Pharisees and Hyrcanus to "figure it out." Her remark that the nation was "strong" and the "treasuries full" was technically true, but money and walls are useless without a commander willing to lead. Her death marked the end of Hasmonean unity and the beginning of the chaos that would lead to the Roman siege of Jerusalem in 63 BCE.

⁴³⁰ Ταῦτ᾽ εἰποῦσα μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἐτελεύτησεν βασιλεύσασα ἔτη ἐννέα, τὰ δὲ σύμπαντα βιώσασα τρία καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, γυνὴ τῷ ἀσθενεῖ τοῦ φύλου κατ᾽ οὐδὲν χρησαμένη· δεινὴ γὰρ εἰς τὸ φίλαρχον ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα γενομένη διήλεγξεν ἔργοις τό τε πρακτικὸν τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ γνώμης καὶ τὸ ἀσύνετον τῶν ἀεὶ πταιόντων περὶ τὰς δυναστείας ἀνδρῶν.

⁴³⁰ "Having said these things, she died shortly thereafter, having reigned nine years and lived seventy-three in total. She was a woman who showed nothing of the weakness of her sex; for being extraordinarily possessed by a passion for power, she proved by her deeds both the practicality of her judgment and the folly of those men who constantly stumble in matters of government.

⁴³⁰ Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by her doings at once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent mistakes they make in point of government;

⁴³⁰ She was tenacious in her ambition to rule, and showed a pragmatic mind in her actions, where even men often fail to be wise enough to hold on to power.

⁴³¹ τὸ γὰρ παρὸν κρεῖττον ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy τοῦ μέλλοντος καὶ πάντα δεύτερα τιθεμένη τοῦ ἐγκρατῶς ἄρχειν, οὔτε καλοῦ οὔτε δικαίου ἕνεκάbecause of γε τούτων ἐπεστρέφετο.	⁴³¹ For, valuing the present more than the future and making everything secondary to ruling with a firm hand, she turned her mind toward neither the noble nor the just when it came to these matters.
⁴³¹ for she always preferred the present to futurity, and preferred the power of an imperious dominion above all things, and in comparison of that had no regard to what was good, or what was right.	⁴³¹ She always valued the present over the future and preferred the power to rule above all things and for the sake of it had no regard for what was good or right.

⁴³² εἰς γοῦν τοῦτο τῷ οἴκῳ ἀτυχίας τὰ πράγματα περιέστησεν, ὥσθ᾽ ἣν μετὰ πλείστων κινδύνων καὶ ταλαιπωρίας περιεκτήσατο δυναστείαν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων γυναικὶ χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τοῖς μὲν ἐχόντων δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν πρὸς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν γνώμην προσθεῖσα, τὴν‎ δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔρημον τῶν προκηδομένων ποιησαμένη.

⁴³² At any rate, she brought the affairs of her house to such a state of misfortune that the dominion which [the Hasmoneans] had acquired through so many dangers and hardships was, not long after her time, snatched away because of her desire for things not becoming to a woman. She gave her support to those [the Pharisees] who were ill-disposed toward her family and left the government destitute of those who truly cared for it.

⁴³² However, she brought the affairs of her house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that authority from it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had obtained by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her sentiments with those that bare ill-will to their family, and by leaving the administration destitute of a proper support of great men;

⁴³² But she brought the affairs of her family so low that the authority she had gained at the cost of so much risk and hardship was soon lost. For in her desire for what is not suitable to a woman and for sharing the views of those who hated her family, her leadership lacked the guidance of great men.

⁴³³ καὶ ξυμφορῶν δὲ ἐνέπλησε καὶ ταραχῆς ἐξ ὧν ζῶσα ἐπολιτεύσατο καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν τὸ βασίλειον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτως ἄρξασα ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀταραξίᾳ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξεν. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν τοῦτο εἶχεν τὸ τέλος· ἔρχομαι δὲ λέξων τὰ τοῖς υἱέσιν αὐτῆς συμβεβηκότα καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνης τελευτὴν ἐν τῇ μετὰ ταύτην μου βίβλῳ.

⁴³³ She filled the palace with calamities and turmoil through the policies she enacted while alive, and even after her death. Nevertheless, although she ruled in this manner, she preserved the nation in peace and tranquility. Such was the end of the affairs of Queen Alexandra; I shall now proceed to relate what befell her sons, Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, following her death, in my next book."

⁴³³ and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra.

⁴³³ Her behaviour during her lifetime led to the palace being filled with trouble and strife after her death. Despite this she ruled peacefully and preserved the nation in tranquillity; and with that we end our story of queen Alexandra. In the next book I will tell what became of her sons Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, after her death.

The Paradox of "Peace and Turmoil"
Josephus presents a striking contradiction: he claims she "filled the palace with turmoil" yet "preserved the nation in peace and tranquility" (ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀταραξίᾳ). This is the hallmark of Salome’s reign. By empowering the Pharisees, she ended the civil wars that had plagued her husband, but by marginalizing the military aristocracy, she ensured that the conflict would explode the moment she died. She traded long-term stability for immediate domestic peace.

Ancient Misogyny vs. Grudging Respect
Josephus struggles to categorize a successful female ruler. He claims she lacked "the weakness of her sex" (τῷ ἀσθενεῖ τοῦ φύλου) and possessed superior "practical judgment" (τὸ πρακτικὸν) compared to the "stumbling men" of her era. Yet, he ultimately blames the fall of the Hasmonean house on her "desire for things not becoming to a woman." In his view, her very success as a politician was a subversion of the natural order that eventually led to divine or political "misfortune."

The "Present over the Future"
The critique that she valued "the present more than the future" (τὸ παρὸν κρεῖττον τοῦ μέλλοντος) refers to her alliance with the Pharisees. To Josephus (who likely favored a more traditional aristocratic balance), her decision to grant the Pharisees legislative power was a short-sighted move that "destituted" the government of its traditional military protectors—the men currently following her son Aristobulus into revolt.

The Seeds of Roman Intervention
By the end of this passage, the Hasmonean state is a powder keg.

1) The Queen: Dead at 73.

2) The Legitimate Heir (Hyrcanus II): Backed by the Pharisees but militarily weak.

3) The Usurper (Aristobulus II): Backed by the army and the old guard.

This internal fracture created the perfect "invitation" for the Roman Republic. When Pompey the Great arrived in Damascus three years later, both brothers would appeal to him as judge, effectively handing over Jewish independence to Rome.

Transition to the "Next Book"
This marks the formal conclusion of the Hasmonean "Golden Age." The transition to the "next book" (Antiquities Book 14) is a transition from a story of Jewish expansion to a story of Roman conquest. Within a few chapters, the Hasmonean kingdom will be reduced to a Roman client-state, and the rise of Antipater (the father of Herod the Great) will begin in earnest.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 13

From death of Judas Maccabeus to death of Queen Alexandra

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 13