FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 12

The Hellenistic period, to the death of Judas Maccabeus

Chapter 1 Ptolemy takes Judea by deceit, and transports many prisoners to Egypt
Chapter 2 Ptolemy Philadelphus has the Bible translated into Greek (LXX)
Chapter 3 The Jews prospered in Asia Minor, and under Seleucus Nicator in Antioch
Chapter 4 High-priest Onias angers Ptolemy; better, under Joseph and his son Hyrcanus
Chapter 5 Antiochus pillages Jerusalem. Jews adopt Greek ways. Samaritans and Zeus
Chapter 6 Mattathias and his Maccabee family lead religious revolt against Antiochus
Chapter 7 Victories of Judas Maccabeus, and re-dedication of the Temple in Jerusalem
Chapter 8 Details about the victories of Judas and his brother Simon Maccabeus
Chapter 9 Death of Epiphanes. Eupator continues war on Judas, then makes peace
Chapter 10 Judas defeats Bacchides and Nicanor; makes a pact with the Romans
Chapter 11 Bacchides comes in greater force. Judas dies in battle

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-010]
Ptolemy takes Judea by a ruse.
He transports many prisoners to Egypt

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¹ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander μὲν οὖν ὁ τῶν ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians βασιλεὺς καταλύσας τὴν‎ ΠερσῶνPersians ἡγεμονίαν καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea τὸν προειρημένον καταστησάμενος τρόπον τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον.	¹ "So Alexander, the King of the Macedonians, having destroyed the Persian empire and settled the affairs of Judea in the manner previously described, ended his life.
¹ Now when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned manner, he ended his life.	¹ After Alexander, king of Macedon, had ended the empire of the Persians and settled things in Judea as we have described, his life came to an end.

² μεταπεσούσης δ᾽ εἰς πολλοὺς τῆς ἀρχῆς μὲν τῆς ἐπικρατεῖ, δὲ καὶ τῶν κεῖθι ἐθνῶν, τε τὸν διεῖπεν, τὴν‎ δὲ εἶχεν , δὲ ὁ τὴν‎ εἰλήφει.

² The empire having fallen to many, Antigonus took mastery over Asia, Seleucus over Babylon and the nations there, Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, Cassander held Macedonia, and Ptolemy son of Lagus took Egypt.

² And as his government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia, Seleucus Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt.

² Then, as his realm was divided into many parts, Antigonus got power in Asia, Seleucus in Babylon and the other nations over there, Lysimachus ruled the Hellespont, Cassander got Macedonia, and Ptolemy the son of Lagus seized Egypt.

³ στασιαζόντων δὲ τούτων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμουμένων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς πολέμους τε συνεχεῖς καὶ μακροὺς συνέβη γίγνεσθαι καὶ τὰς πόλεις κακοπαθεῖν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀποβάλλειν τῶν οἰκητόρων, ὡς καὶ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τότε Σωτῆρος χρηματίζοντος τἀναντία παθεῖν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ ἐπικλήσει.

³ As these men fell into faction and vied with one another for their own dominion, it happened that continuous and long wars broke out; the cities suffered, and many inhabitants perished in the struggles, so that all of Syria suffered things contrary to the title of Ptolemy son of Lagus, who was then called Soter [Savior].

³ And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had.

³ Since ambition caused each of these princes to strive against the others to hold on to power, there were continual lengthy wars and cities suffered and lost many of their inhabitants in those troubled times, so that all Syria endured from Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the opposite of what was meant by his name of Saviour.

⁴ κατέσχε δὲ οὗτος καὶ τὰ δόλῳ καὶ ἀπάτῃ χρησάμενος· ἐλθὼν γὰρ σαββάτοις εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ὡς θύσων, μήτε τῶν αὐτὸν ἀμυνομένων, οὐδὲν γὰρ ὑπενόουν πολέμιον, καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνύποπτον καὶ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν ἐν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ῥαθυμίᾳ τυγχανόντων, ἀπόνως ἐγκρατὴς γίγνεται τῆς πόλεως καὶ πικρῶς ἦρχεν αὐτῆς.

⁴ He seized Jerusalem by using deceit and trickery. For having come into the city on the Sabbath as if to sacrifice—the Jews not defending themselves against him, for they suspected nothing hostile, and because of the lack of suspicion and the day being one of idleness and ease—he became master of the city without labor and ruled it harshly.

⁴ He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a Sabbath day, as if he would offer sacrifices he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it in a cruel manner.

⁴ This man also took Jerusalem by using deceit and treachery, for he came into the city on a sabbath day, as if to offer sacrifices, and easily took the city without opposition from the Jews, as they did not think him an enemy and were resting quietly on that day; and once he had taken the city he ruled it cruelly.

⁵ μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ καὶ ἈγαθαρχίδηςAgatharchides ὁ ΚνίδιοςCnidus ὁ τὰς τῶν διαδόχων πράξεις συγγραψάμενος, ὀνειδίζων ἡμῖν δεισιδαιμονίαν ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἀποβαλοῦσι τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν, λέγων οὕτως·	⁵ Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the history of the Successors’ deeds, bears witness to this account, reproaching us for a 'superstition' (deisidaimonia) because of which we lost our liberty, saying as follows:
⁵ Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander’s successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus:	⁵ Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander’s successors, mocks us for superstition, as the reason we lost our freedom.

⁶ " ἔστιν ἔθνος λεγόμενον, οἳ πόλιν ὀχυρὰν καὶ μεγάλην ἔχοντες ταύτην ὑπερεῖδον ὑπὸ γενομένην ὅπλα λαβεῖν οὐ θελήσαντες, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν‎ δεισιδαιμονίαν χαλεπὸν ὑπέμειναν ἔχειν δεσπότην.

⁶ 'There is a nation called Jews, who, possessing a city called Jerusalem that is strong and large, looked on while it fell into the hands of Ptolemy, being unwilling to take up arms; instead, because of their unseasonable superstition, they endured having a harsh master.'

⁶ "There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable superstition."

⁶ According to him, "There is a nation called the Jews, who live in a strong and large city called Jerusalem, which they did not guard but let it fall to Ptolemy, unwilling because of their foolish superstition to take up arms, and so they fell under a hard master."

⁷ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν ἀπεφήνατο. ὁ δὲ πολλοὺς αἰχμαλώτους λαβὼν ἀπό τε τῆς ὀρεινῆς καὶ τῶν περὶ τόπων καὶ τῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν , κατῴκισεν ἅπαντας εἰς ἀγαγών.

⁷ Agatharchides, then, expressed these views about our nation. But Ptolemy, taking many captives from the hill country of Judea and the regions around Jerusalem, and from Samaria and those on Mount Gerizim, brought them all into Egypt and settled them there.

⁷ This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt, and settled them there.

⁷ So says Agatharchides about our nation. When Ptolemy had taken many prisoners from the hill country of Judea and from the areas around Jerusalem and Samaria and near Mount Garizim, he took them all into Egypt, and settled them there.

⁸ ἐπεγνωκὼς δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τε τὴν‎ τῶν ὅρκων φυλακὴν καὶ τὰς πίστεις βεβαιοτάτους ὑπάρχοντας ἐξ ὧν ἀπεκρίναντο πρεσβευσαμένῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ τὸ κρατῆσαι τῇ μάχῃ, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ φρούρια καταλοχίσας καὶ τοῖς ἐν ποιήσας ἰσοπολίτας ὅρκους ἔλαβεν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὅπως τοῖς ἐκγόνοις τοῦ παραθεμένου τὴν‎ πίστιν διαφυλάξωσιν.

⁸ Having recognized that those from Jerusalem were most steadfast in keeping their oaths and pledges—based on how they answered Alexander when he sent ambassadors to them after defeating Darius in battle—he enrolled many of them into his garrisons; and having made them equal citizens (isopolitas) with the Macedonians in Alexandria, he took oaths from them that they would preserve their loyalty to the descendants of the one who had entrusted them.

⁸ And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covenants; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care.

⁸ Then since he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in keeping oaths and covenants, knowing the answer they had given Alexander when he sent envoys to them after winning his battle with Darius, he distributed many of them into garrisons and in Alexandria gave them the same citizenship as the Macedonians themselves, and made them swear allegiance to the descendants of those who gave those places into their care.

⁹ οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἸουδαίωνJews εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt παρεγίγνοντο τῆς τε ἀρετῆς τῶν τόπων αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς τοῦ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy φιλοτιμίας προκαλουμένης.	⁹ Not a few of the other Jews also arrived in Egypt, attracted by the excellence of the land and the generosity of Ptolemy.
⁹ Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy.	⁹ Many other Jews also went into Egypt of their own accord, drawn by the richness of the soil and the generosity of Ptolemy.

¹⁰ στάσεις μέντοι γε τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς τὴν‎ πάτριον ἀγωγὴν τῶν ἐθῶν ἀποσώζειν ἐγίγνοντο καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπολέμουν, τῶν μὲν τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἱερὸν ἅγιον εἶναι λεγόντων καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐκεῖ πέμπειν , τῶν δὲ εἰς τὸ ὄρος κελευόντων.

¹⁰ However, factions arose among their descendants against the Samaritans, as they chose to preserve their ancestral way of life; and they fought with one another—the Jerusalemites saying that their temple was the holy one and demanding that sacrifices be sent there, while the Shechemites commanded them to be sent to Mount Gerizim."

¹⁰ However, there were disorders among their posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon contended one with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple was holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim.

¹⁰ But there were conflicts among their descendants about the Samaritans, due to their resolve to retain the lifestyle handed down by their ancestors. They fought each other, because the people from Jerusalem claimed their temple was sacred and that sacrifices must be sent there, while the Samaritans insisted they be sent to Mount Garizim.

The Paradox of "Soter" (Savior)
Josephus points out a bitter irony: Ptolemy took the title Soter (Savior), yet his wars brought nothing but destruction to Syria and Judea. In the Hellenistic world, titles were propaganda. Josephus uses this contrast to show that while the Greeks used the language of "liberation," their actions—like the deceptive capture of Jerusalem—were often predatory.

The Sabbath as a Military Weakness
The capture of Jerusalem on the Sabbath is a recurring theme in Jewish history (it would happen again under the Romans). To the Greek historian Agatharchides, this was δεισιδαιμονία (superstition/fear of demons)—a sign of irrationality. To the Jews, it was a test of faith. Josephus includes the Greek quote to prove the historical reality of the event, even though the Greek author uses it as an insult.

Forced Migration vs. Voluntary Diaspora
Josephus describes two different types of Jewish movement into Egypt:

1) Forced: Captives from the wars between the Diadochi.

2) Voluntary: Attracted by the ἀρετῆς τῶν τόπων (excellence of the land) and Ptolemy’s φιλοτιμίας (generosity/ambition).

This explains why the Jewish community in Alexandria became so massive; it was a blend of refugees, captives, and opportunistic immigrants.

"Isopolity" and the Jewish Soldier
Ptolemy’s decision to make Jews ἰσοπολίτας (equal citizens) with the Macedonians was a strategic masterstroke. He valued the very thing that made them "difficult" for Alexander—their refusal to break an oath. Ptolemy figured that if he could get them to swear an oath to him, their religious tenacity would make them the most loyal soldiers in his empire. This created the famous Jewish military colonies in the Egyptian countryside.

The Schism Goes Global
The rivalry between Jerusalem and Gerizim didn't stay in the Levant; it traveled with the migrants to Egypt. Josephus notes that even in the Diaspora, the descendants of these settlers fought over where the "true" center of worship was located. This illustrates that for the Jews of antiquity, identity was tied to a specific τόπος (place/temple), even when living a thousand miles away.

Chapter 2
[011-118]
Ptolemy Philadelphus has the Bible translated into Greek

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¹¹ Βασιλεύσαντος δὲ ἔτη δώδεκα καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦ Σωτῆρος τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν, ἔπειτα τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τῆς παραλαβὼν ὁ καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη ἑνὸς δέοντα τεσσαράκοντα τόν τε νόμον ἡρμήνευσε καὶ τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐν τῶν ἀπέλυσε τῆς δουλείας ὄντας περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδας ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης·

¹¹ "After Alexander had reigned for twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter for forty-one, Philadelphus took over the kingdom of Egypt and held it for thirty-nine years. He caused the Law to be translated and released from slavery those from Jerusalem who were enslaved in Egypt, who numbered about one hundred and twenty thousand, for the following reason:

¹¹ When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this:

¹¹ When Alexander had ruled for twelve years and after him Ptolemy Soter for forty-one years, Philadelphus took over the kingdom of Egypt and held it for forty years minus one. He had the Law translated and freed the hundred and twenty thousand people from Jerusalem who were in slavery in Egypt, as follows.

¹² ὁ , ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, σπουδάζων εἰ δυνατὸν εἴη πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην συναγαγεῖν βιβλία καὶ συνωνούμενος, εἴ τι που μόνον ἀκούσειε σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὄν, τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως προαιρέσει, μάλιστα γὰρ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ συλλογὴν τῶν βιβλίων εἶχεν φιλοκάλως, συνηγωνίζετο.

¹² Demetrius of Phalerum, who was in charge of the King’s libraries, was striving—if it were possible—to collect all the books in the inhabited world; and by purchasing whatever he heard of that was worthy of serious study, he cooperated with the King's purpose, for the King was particularly refined in his collection of books.

¹² Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king’s inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient.

¹² Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was making every effort to collect all the books in the world and everywhere buying up anything of value that was to the king’s taste, who was a keen bibliophile and whose preference in books Demetrius was eager to serve.

¹³ ἐρομένου δ᾽ αὐτόν ποτε τοῦ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy, πόσας ἤδη μυριάδας ἔχοι συνειλεγμένας βιβλίων, τῶν μὲν ὑπαρχόντων εἶπεν εἶναι περὶ εἴκοσι, ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου εἰς πεντήκοντα συναθροίσειν.	¹³ Once, when Ptolemy asked him how many myriads of books he had already collected, he said that of those present there were about twenty, but in a short time he would gather them to fifty [myriads].
¹³ And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand.	¹³ When Ptolemy once asked him how many thousands of books he had collected, he replied that he had already about twenty times ten thousand, but that he would soon have five hundred thousand.

¹⁴ μεμηνῦσθαι δ᾽ ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ πολλὰ εἶναι καὶ παρὰ τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς νομίμων συγγράμματα σπουδῆς ἄξια καὶ τῆς βασιλέως βιβλιοθήκης, ἃ τοῖς ἐκείνων χαρακτῆρσιν καὶ τῇ διαλέκτῳ γεγραμμένα πόνον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον παρέξειν εἰς τὴν‎ μεταβαλλόμενα γλῶτταν.

¹⁴ He said it had been reported to him that among the Jews also there were many writings concerning their laws that were worthy of serious study and of the King’s library; but being written in their own characters and dialect, they would provide no small labor to translate into the Greek tongue.

¹⁴ But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue;

¹⁴ Then be mentioned that he had been told there were many books of laws among the Jews that deserved inquiring into and were worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, would need considerable effort to have them translated into the Greek tongue.

¹⁵ δοκεῖ μὲν γὰρ εἶναι τῇ ἰδιότητι τῶν γραμμάτων ἐμφερὴς ὁ χαρακτὴρ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ φωνὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτοῖς ἀπηχεῖν, ἰδιότροπον δὲ αὐτὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἔλεγεν κωλύειν καὶ ταῦτα μεταβαλόντα, δύνασθαι γὰρ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸ χορηγίας εὐποροῦντα, ἔχειν ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις.

¹⁵ For while their character seems to be similar to the peculiarity of Syrian [Aramaic] letters, and to echo a sound similar to them, it happens to be of a distinct type. He said, therefore, that nothing prevented these also from being translated—since the King had an abundance of resources for such a task—so that he might have the Jewish books in the library as well.

¹⁵ that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library.

¹⁵ While they were written seemed in a script like that of the Syrians and its sound was also rather like theirs, the language itself was unique. Still, he said, there was no reason why they might not get those books translated too, since they had all that was required for that purpose and could also have these books in the library.

¹⁶ δόξας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄρισταbest τὸν ΔημήτριονDemetrius φιλοτιμουμένῳ περὶ πλῆθος αὐτῷ βιβλίων ὑποτίθεσθαι γράφει τῷ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἀρχιερεῖ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι.	¹⁶ The King, thinking that Demetrius had given excellent advice to one who was ambitious for a great number of books, wrote to the High Priest of the Jews that these things should be done."
¹⁶ So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.	¹⁶ Seeing Demetrius eager to obtain him many books and suggesting what was best for him to do, the king wrote to the Jewish high priest, to do this.

The Chronology of Enlightenment
Josephus carefully marks the reigns of the first three Ptolemies. By the time of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, the brutal wars of the "Successors" had stabilized into a period of cultural competition. The "conquest" moved from territory to information. The transition from Soter (The Savior/Warrior) to Philadelphus (Brother-Lover/Cultured King) marks the shift from military capture to intellectual curation.

The Librarian as Prime Minister
Demetrius of Phalerum is portrayed as much more than a clerk. He is a strategic advisor who understands the King’s φιλοκαλία (love of beauty/refinement). In the Hellenistic mind, a King was only as great as the sum of the world's knowledge he possessed. Demetrius’s goal of fifty myriads (500,000) of scrolls represents the first attempt in human history at a "Universal Archive."

The Mystery of the Hebrew Script
Josephus provides a fascinating linguistic note. Demetrius observes that Hebrew letters look like Συρίων γραμμάτων (Syrian/Aramaic letters) and sound similar, but are ἰδιότροπον (distinct/unique in character).
This likely refers to the "Square Script" (Ashuri) which Jews adopted from Aramaic but developed into their own sacred calligraphy. To a Greek scholar, this was a technical hurdle that required "no small labor" (πόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον) to overcome.

Knowledge as a Royal Commodity
The phrase χορηγίας εὐποροῦντα (having an abundance of resources) is key. The King didn't just want the books; he wanted to own the definitive Greek version of them. By funding the translation, Ptolemy was asserting his intellectual sovereignty over the Jewish Law. For the first time, the "barbarian" wisdom of the East was being formatted for the Greek library shelf.

The Link Between Literacy and Liberty
Josephus connects the translation of the Law with the release of 120,000 slaves. This is a powerful rhetorical move. He suggests that the King’s respect for the Jewish Text led directly to his respect for the Jewish People. Before the King could honor the Law, he had to free those who lived by it. This makes the Septuagint not just a book, but a treaty of emancipation.

The High Priest as an International Actor
The fact that the King of Egypt writes to the High Priest in Jerusalem treats the High Priest as a head of state. This reinforces Josephus's consistent theme: in the absence of Jewish Kings, the High Priesthood became the diplomatic and political heart of the nation.

¹⁷ δέ τις Φίλος ὢν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διὰ μετριότητα, πολλάκις μὲν καὶ πρότερον ἔγνω παρακαλέσαι τὸν βασιλέα, ὅπως ἀπολύσῃ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἦσαν αὐτοῦ‎,

¹⁷ "Now a certain Aristaeus, who was among the King's closest friends and was held in high esteem by him for his moderation, had many times before intended to entreat the King to release the Jewish captives who were throughout his kingdom.

¹⁷ Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king’s most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free;

¹⁷ A man called Aristeas was among the king’s closest friends and was much favoured by him for his prudence and had in the past often resolved to ask the king to set free all the captive Jews in his kingdom.

¹⁸ καιρὸν δ᾽ ἐπιτήδειον τοῦτον εἶναι δοκιμάσας τῆς δεήσεως πρώτοις περὶ τούτου διαλέγεται τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν τῷ καὶ , συναγωνίσασθαι περὶ ὧν ἐντυγχάνειν μέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ παρακαλῶν αὐτούς.

¹⁸ Judging this to be a suitable time for his request, he first spoke about it to the commanders of the bodyguards, Sosibius of Tarentum and Andreas, urging them to assist him in the matters he was about to bring before the King.

¹⁸ and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for.

¹⁸ He saw in this a convenient opportunity to make his petition and first spoke with the officers of the king’s bodyguard, Sosibius the Tarentine and Andreas, to persuade them to help him in what he was to ask the king.

¹⁹ προσλαβὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν προειρημένων γνώμην ὁ ἈρισταῖοςAristeas, προσελθὼν τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγους πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιούτους ἐποιήσατο·	¹⁹ Having secured the support of these aforementioned men, Aristaeus approached the King and made the following speech to him:
¹⁹ Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him:	¹⁹ With the above-named people sharing his views, Aristeas went to the king with the following speech:

²⁰ " οὐ χρῆν ἡμᾶς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, περιορᾶν, ἀλλὰ τἀληθὲς ἀπελέγχειν· τοὺς γὰρ τῶν νόμους οὐ μεταγράψαι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ μεθερμηνεῦσαι διεγνωκότες εἰς τὸ σοὶ κεχαρισμένον, τίνι καὶ λόγῳ χρώμενοι τοῦτο πράξαιμεν ἂν πολλῶν ἐν τῇ σῇ βασιλείᾳ δουλευόντων;

²⁰ 'O King, it is not right for us to overlook things while being deceived, but rather to establish the truth. Since we have decided not only to transcribe but also to translate the laws of the Jews for your pleasure, by what logic could we do this while so many Jews remain enslaved in your kingdom?

²⁰ "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom?

²⁰ "O king, we should not just glance at things quickly, or deceive ourselves, but get to the truth of things. Since we have decided to get the laws of the Jews not merely transcribed but translated for your satisfaction, how can we do this while so many of the Jews are now slaves in your kingdom?

²¹ οὓς τῇ σαυτοῦ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ καὶ χρηστότητι ποιῶν ἀκολούθως ἀπόλυσον τῆς ταλαιπωρίας, τὴν‎ βασιλείαν σου διέποντος τοῦ θεμένου τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς θεοῦ, καθὼς ἐμοὶ πολυπραγμονήσαντι μαθεῖν ὑπῆρξεν.	²¹ Act consistently with your own magnanimity and goodness and release them from their misery; for the God who established their laws also directs your kingdom, as I have come to learn through my diligent inquiries.
²¹ Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws	²¹ In order to do something worthy of your magnanimity and good nature, free them from their pitiful condition because the same God, who upholds your kingdom, was also the author of their laws, as I have learned by diligent inquiry.

²² τὸν γὰρ ἅπαντα συστησάμενον θεὸν καὶ οὗτοι καὶ ἡμεῖς σεβόμεθα καλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐτύμως ἀπὸ τοῦ πᾶσιν ἐμφύειν τὸ ζῆν τὴν‎ ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ‎ θέντες. ὅθεν εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς ἐξαίρετον τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείαν πεποιημένους ἀπόδος τοῖς τὴν‎ πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ βίον ἀπολελοιπόσιν.

²² For both they and we worship the God who created all things, calling Him Zeus (Zēna), having correctly derived His name from the fact that He implants life (zēn) in all beings. Therefore, for the honor of God, restore those who have made their worship of Him unique to the homeland and the way of life they have lost.

²² as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Ζηνα, [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him.

²² Both these people and ourselves worship the same God the maker of all things. We call him by the name Zeus, or Life, because he breathes life into all people. So you should allow these people to return to their own country for the honour of God, because they pay him a peculiarly excellent worship.

²³ ἴσθι μέντοι γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὡς οὔτε γένει προσήκων αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὢν ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν ἀξιῶ, πάντων δὲ ἀνθρώπων δημιούργημα ὄντων τοῦ θεοῦ· καὶ δὴ γιγνώσκων αὐτὸν ἡδόμενον τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῦτο καὶ σὲ παρακαλῶ."

²³ Know well, O King, that I do not make this request on their behalf because I am related to them by race or am a kinsman, but because all men are the handiwork of God; and knowing that He is pleased with those who do good, I exhort you to this end.'"

²³ And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them."

²³ My king, though I am not of their race or tribe I think these favours should be granted to them, since all people are God’s workmanship and we know how He is pleased with those who do good. Therefore I beg you to do good to them."

The Strategy of "Pre-Consultation"
Aristaeus is a master of court politics. Before approaching the King, he lobbies the σωματοφυλάκων (bodyguards/generals), Sosibius and Andreas. In a Hellenistic court, the "Bodyguards" were the inner circle of the executive branch. By building a coalition first, Aristaeus ensures the King won't hear a dissenting voice when the proposal is made.

Stoic Universalism and the Name of God
This is one of the most remarkable syncretic arguments in ancient literature. Aristaeus argues that Jews and Greeks worship the same Supreme Being. He uses a popular Stoic etymology for Zeus (Ζεύς/Ζῆνα):

1) He connects the name Zēna (the accusative form of Zeus) to the verb zēn (to live).

2) By defining God as "The Life-Giver," he creates a bridge between the Jewish YHWH (the "Living God") and the Greek Zeus.

3) This allowed the King to see the liberation of the Jews not as a concession to a "foreign" cult, but as an act of piety toward the Universal Creator.

The Logical Inconsistency of "Enslaved Wisdom"
Aristaeus points out a glaring irony: How can the King honor the Jewish Law as a masterpiece of wisdom while simultaneously treating the Jewish People as property? He frames the translation project as a sham if it isn't accompanied by a humanitarian gesture. To truly "own" the wisdom of the Law, the King must respect the dignity of its practitioners.

Human Rights as "Divine Handiwork" (δημιούργημα)
Aristaeus clarifies that he isn't Jewish (οὔτε γένει προσήκων). This makes his argument "disinterested" and therefore more persuasive to the King. He appeals to a nascent concept of universal human rights: because all humans are the "handiwork of God," their suffering is a matter of concern for any "good" ruler.

God as the True Kingmaker
Aristaeus subtly reminds Ptolemy that his own kingdom is directed by the same God who gave the Jews their Law. This is a "velvet glove" approach to political advice—reminding a monarch that his power is a stewardship from a higher authority, and that his continued success depends on acting in a way that pleases that authority (ἡδόμενον τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσιν).

²⁴ Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ ἀναβλέψας εἰς αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἱλαρῷ καὶ γεγηθότι τῷ προσώπῳ " πόσας, εἶπεν, ὑπολαμβάνεις τῶν ἀπολυθησομένων ἔσεσθαι μυριάδας; ὑποτυχόντος δὲ , παρειστήκει γάρ, καὶ φήσαντος ὀλίγῳ πλείονας ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἕνδεκα μυριάδων " ἦ μικρὰν ἄρα εἶπεν, ἡμᾶς, , δωρεὰν αἰτεῖς. δὲ καὶ τῶν παρόντων φησάντων,

²⁴ "When Aristaeus had said these things, the King looked up at him with a cheerful and joyful countenance and asked, 'How many myriads [tens of thousands] do you suppose there will be of those to be released?' When Andreas, who was standing by, replied that they would be a little more than eleven myriads, the King said, 'Aristaeus, it is indeed a small gift you are asking of us!'

²⁴ When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, "How many ten thousands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free?" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, "A few more than ten times ten thousand." The king made answer, "And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?"

²⁴ As Aristeas was saying this, the king looked at him with a cheerful and happy face and said, "How many thousands of these people do you suppose there are who want to be set free?" Andreas, standing nearby, replied, "Just over a hundred and ten thousand." The king answered "And is this a small gift that you ask, Aristeas?"

²⁵ ὡς ἄξιον αὐτὸν δέοι τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ μεγαλοψυχίας τῷ παρεσχηκότι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν θεῷ ποιήσασθαι χαριστήριον, διαχυθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν, ὅταν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ μισθοφορικόν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς αἰχμαλώτων καταβαλεῖν δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι.

²⁵ But when Sosibius and the others present said that he ought to perform a thank-offering worthy of his own magnanimity to the God who had granted him the kingdom, he was moved by them; he commanded that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should also pay one hundred and twenty drachmas for each captive in their possession.

²⁵ But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every one of the slaves?

²⁵ But Sosibius and the other bystanders said that he should offer a thank-offering worthy of his magnanimity, to the God who had given him his kingdom. He was very pleased with this reply, and ordered them, when they paid the soldiers their wages, to set aside a hundred and twenty drachmas for each of the slaves.

²⁶ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν προθεῖναι γράμματα ὑπέσχετο μεγαλοπρεπῶς τε ἔχοντα καὶ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν βεβαιοῦντα καὶ πρὸ ταύτης τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν, καθ᾽ ἣν οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου στρατιᾶς ἀπολύσειν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς προυπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες αὖθις ἐπεισήχθησαν.

²⁶ Regarding the things they requested, he promised to issue a decree in a magnificent style, confirming Aristaeus’s purpose and, before that, the will of God, according to which he said he would release not only those brought by his father and his army, but also those who were in the kingdom before and any who were introduced later.

²⁶ And he promised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed, and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since.

²⁶ He promised to publish a formal decree about their request and confirm what Aristeas had proposed and even more, what God wanted done, in which he would set free not only those who had been taken captive by his father and his army, but also those imprisoned in this kingdom before that and any who had been captured since then.

²⁷ πλειόνων δ᾽ ἢ τετρακοσίων ταλάντων τῆς ἀπολυτρώσεως γενήσεσθαι φαμένων Ταῦτά τε συνεχώρει καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ προστάγματος εἰς δήλωσιν τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μεγαλοφροσύνης ἔγνωσαν διαφυλάξαι.	²⁷ When it was said that the cost of the redemption would be more than four hundred talents, he granted it; and they resolved to preserve the copy of the decree to demonstrate the King’s greatness of mind.
²⁷ And when they said that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magnanimity of this king may be made known.	²⁷ When they said that their redemption money would amount to more than four hundred talents, he granted it. I have preserved a copy of this decree, to show the magnanimity of this king. Its contents were as follows:

²⁸ ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· " ὅσοι τῶν συστρατευσαμένων ἡμῶν τῷ πατρὶ τήν τε καὶ ἐπέδραμον καὶ τὴν‎ καταστρεψάμενοι σώματα λαβόντες αἰχμάλωτα διεκόμισαν εἴς τε τὰς πόλεις ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ ταῦτα ἀπημπόλησαν, τούς τε πρὸ αὐτῶν ὄντας ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες νῦν εἰσήχθησαν, τούτους ἀπολυέτωσαν οἱ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνοντες δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται μετὰ καὶ τῶν ὀψωνίων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς τραπέζης κομιζόμενοι τὰ λύτρα.

²⁸ It was as follows: 'All who served with our father and overran Syria and Phoenicia, and having subdued Judea took captives and brought them into our cities and countryside and sold them—as well as those who were in my kingdom before them or were recently introduced—let those who have them release them, receiving one hundred and twenty drachmas for each person. The soldiers shall receive this along with their provisions, and the rest shall receive the ransom from the royal table.

²⁸ Its contents were as follows: "Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them, and if there be any that have been lately brought thither,—be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest out of the king’s treasury:

²⁸ "Let all those who campaigned with my father and who, after overrunning Syria and Phoenicia and ravaging Judea, took the Jews captives and made them slaves and brought them to our cities and into this country and sold them, and all such in my kingdom before them and any who have been brought there recently, be set free by their owners; and for every slave let them receive a hundred and twenty drachmas. Let the soldiers receive this redemption money with their pay, but the rest from the royal treasury.

²⁹ νομίζω γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ παρὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς προαίρεσιν καὶ παρὰ τὸ δέον ᾐχμαλωτίσθαι, τήν τε χώραν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν‎ στρατιωτικὴν αὐθάδειαν κεκακῶσθαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτῶν μεταγωγὴν πολλὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐκ τούτου τοῖς στρατιώταις γεγονέναι.

²⁹ For I believe they were taken captive against my father’s intent and against what is right, and that their land was ill-treated through military arrogance, and that through their relocation to Egypt, much profit came to the soldiers.

²⁹ for I suppose that they were made captives without our father’s consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit by them.

²⁹ For I think they were made captives unjustly, without our father’s consent, and that their country was harassed by the soldiers' roughness and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers made a great profit from them.

³⁰ τὸ δίκαιον οὖν σκοπῶν καὶ τοὺς καταδεδυναστευμένους παρὰ τὸ προσῆκον ἐλεῶν ἀπολύειν κελεύω τοὺς ἐν ταῖς οἰκετείαις ὄντας τὸ προγεγραμμένον κομιζομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κεφάλαιον τοὺς κεκτημένους, καὶ μηδένα περὶ τούτων κακουργεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπακούειν τοῖς προστεταγμένοις.

³⁰ Therefore, looking to justice and pitying those oppressed contrary to what is fitting, I command those who have Jews in domestic service to release them upon receiving the aforementioned sum for them, and let no one act craftily in these matters but obey what is commanded.

³⁰ Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded.

³⁰ For the sake of justice and of pity toward people who have been tyrannized, I order those who hold such Jews in slavery to set them free, in exchange for the cited sum, and that no one act deceitfully about them, but obey what is here ordered.

³¹ βούλομαι δὲ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐξεπέμφθησαν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπάρχοντας, παραδεικνύντας εὐθὺς καὶ τὰ σώματα· τοῦτο γὰρ τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ πράγμασιν ἡγοῦμαι συμφέρειν. προσαγγελλέτω δὲ τοὺς ἀπειθήσαντας ὁ βουλόμενος, ὧν τὰς οὐσίας

³¹ I wish the registrations to be made for three days from the day the decree is sent out to those in charge of them, immediately producing the persons; for I consider this to be in the interest of my affairs. Let anyone who wishes report those who disobey, whose property I wish to be confiscated into the royal possession.'

³¹ And I will that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that their estates be confiscated into the king’s treasury."

³¹ I will that they give in their names within three days after this edict is published, to those in charge of executing it, and also to produce the slaves to them, for I think it will make my policy workable. And if people do not obey this decree, let anyone who wishes inform on them, so that their estates may be forfeit to the royal treasury."

³² εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλικὴν κτῆσιν ἀνενεχθῆναι βούλομαι. τούτου δὲ τοῦ προστάγματος ἀναγνωσθέντος τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἔχοντος, μόνου δὲ λείποντος τοῦ περὶ τῶν πρότερον καὶ τῶν αὖθις εἰσηγμένων μὴ διεστάλθαι, προσέθηκεν αὐτὸς μεγαλοφρόνως καὶ τὸ περὶ τούτων φιλάνθρωπον, καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν διαφόρων δόσιν οὖσαν ἀθρόαν ἐκέλευσεν τοῖς ὑπηρέταις τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπομερίσαι καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς τραπεζίταις.

³² When this decree was read to the King, containing all other points but lacking a specific distinction for the Jews introduced before and after, he himself added the humanitarian clause regarding them with great spirit; he commanded the officials and royal bankers to distribute the total sum of the money.

³² When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king’s ministers, and among the officers of his treasury.

³² When this decree was first read to the king, it contained all that is here included, with the exception of: "both those who were brought here in the past and those brought later," which had not been clearly mentioned, so in his mercy and generosity he added these clauses. He also commanded that the payment, which should be quickly made, be divided among the king’s ministers and the officers of his treasury.

³³ γενομένου δὲ τούτου ταχέως ἐν ἑπτὰ ταῖς πάσαις ἡμέραις τέλος εἰλήφει τὰ δοχθέντα τῷ βασιλεῖ, τάλαντα δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα καὶ τετρακόσια τῶν λύτρων ἐγένετο· καὶ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν νηπίων εἰσέπραττον οἱ δεσπόται τὰς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν δραχμάς, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων διδόναι κελεύσαντος ἐν τῷ προγράψαι ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνειν τὸ προειρημένον.

³³ When this was done, it was quickly brought to a conclusion within seven days in all; the ransom amounted to over four hundred and sixty talents. For the masters even collected the one hundred and twenty drachmas for infants, since the King commanded to pay for them as well when he wrote to receive the aforementioned sum for "each body."

³³ When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should receive the forementioned sum for every slave.

³³ When this was done the king’s decree was carried out quickly, within seven days, the number of talents paid for the prisoners being more than four hundred and sixty since their masters demanded a hundred and twenty drachmas for the children also, since the king had ordered that these be paid for, when in his decree he said they could receive the said amount for every slave.

The Economy of a Slave
The ransom price was set at 120 drachmas per person. To put this in perspective:

1) A drachma was roughly a day’s wage for a skilled laborer.

2) 120 drachmas represents about four months of labor.

3) By paying this to the owners, Ptolemy ensured the "rights" of the slaveholders were compensated, preventing a social revolt while achieving a humanitarian goal.

A "Small Gift" (μικρὰν δωρεὰν)
Ptolemy’s reaction to the number of slaves (over 110,000) is a peak display of megalopsychia (magnanimity). By calling such a massive financial undertaking a "small gift," he asserts his absolute wealth and divine-like status. Josephus includes this to emphasize that the Jews were not liberated by a struggle, but by the overwhelming grace of a King who valued their Law more than his gold.

"Military Arrogance" (στρατιωτικὴν αὐθάδειαν)
In his decree, Ptolemy subtly blames the soldiers for the initial enslavement of the Jews, claiming it was done against his father’s (Ptolemy I Soter) intent. This is a common political tactic: "The King is good, but his subordinates were cruel." It allows the King to correct a historical wrong without directly attacking his father's legacy.

The Logistical Precision
Josephus notes the speed and detail of the operation:

1) It was completed in seven days.

2) It was handled by βασιλικοῖς τραπεζίταις (royal bankers).

3) It included νηπίων (infants)—the detail that owners were paid for babies shows how thoroughly the King wanted to clear the "debt" of slavery.

Total Expenditure: 460 Talents

1) A talent was equivalent to 6,000 drachmas.

2) 460 talents×6,000=2,760,000 drachmas

3) In the ancient world, this was a monumental sum, roughly the cost of building a fleet or maintaining a small army for a year. Josephus highlights this figure to show that the Septuagint is literally the most expensive book ever commissioned in antiquity.

The "Humanitarian Clause"
Ptolemy himself adds a clause for those Jews brought in "before and after" the primary conflict. This suggests that the King was personally invested in the document's drafting. Josephus portrays him not as a distant monarch, but as a proactive "friend" to the Jewish nation, ensuring no loopholes remained for unscrupulous owners.

³⁴ Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως βούλησιν μεγαλοπρεπῶς, ἐκέλευσε τὸν εἰσδοῦναι καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς τῶν βιβλίων ἀναγραφῆς δόγμα· οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰκῆ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ᾠκονομεῖτο, πάντα δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ἐπράττετο.

³⁴ "When these things had been accomplished magnificently according to the King’s will, he commanded Demetrius to submit the official proposal (dogma) concerning the transcription of the Jewish books. For nothing was managed haphazardly by these kings; everything was performed with great care.

³⁴ Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king’s inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection.

³⁴ When this had so generously been done according to the king’s will, he ordered Demetrius to give him in writing his view about transcribing the Jewish books, for these kings do nothing rash in their administration but all things are done with much caution.

³⁵ διὸ καὶ τὸ τῆς εἰσδόσεως ἀντίγραφον καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν κατατέτακται καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων ἀναθημάτων καὶ τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου κατασκευασθέν, ὡς ἀκριβεστάτην εἶναι τὴν‎ τοῦ τεχνίτου τοῖς ὁρῶσι μεγαλουργίαν, καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἐξοχὴν τὸν ἑκάστου δημιουργὸν εὐθέως ποιήσειν γνώριμον. τῆς μέντοι γε εἰσδόσεως τὸ ἀντίγραφον ὑπῆρχε τοιοῦτον·

³⁵ Therefore, the copy of the proposal and the letters have been set down, along with the number of the dedicated offerings sent and the construction of each—so that the craftsman’s great handiwork might be most accurately known to those who see it, and so that through the excellence of the fabrications, the creator of each would immediately be made famous. The copy of the proposal was as follows:

³⁵ On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose:

³⁵ So I subjoin a copy of these letters and set down the number of the vessels sent as donations and how each was formed, so that the exactness of the craftsmen’s workmanship, as noted by those who saw them and which workman made every vessel, may be found in the excellence of the vessels themselves. The copy of the letter was rather like this:

³⁶ " βασιλεῖ μεγάλῳ παρὰ . προστάξαντός σου, ὦ βασιλεῦ, περὶ τε τῶν ἔτι λειπόντων εἰς ἀναπλήρωσιν τῆς βιβλιοθήκης συγγραμμάτων, ὅπως συναχθῇ, καὶ περὶ τῶν διαπεπτωκότων, ὅπως τῆς δεούσης ἐπιμελείας τύχῃ, πάσῃ‎ κεχρημένος περὶ ταῦτα σπουδῇ δηλῶ σοι τὰ τῆς νομοθεσίας βιβλία λείπειν ἡμῖν σὺν ἑτέροις· χαρακτῆρσιν γὰρ γεγραμμένα καὶ φωνῇ τῇ ἐθνικῇ ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἀσαφῆ.

³⁶ 'To the Great King from Demetrius. Since you commanded, O King, regarding both the remaining writings needed to complete the library, that they be collected, and regarding those that have been corrupted, that they might receive the necessary care—I, having employed every diligence in these matters, inform you that the books of the Jewish legislation are lacking to us among others. For being written in Hebrew characters and in the national tongue, they are obscure to us.

³⁶ "Demetrius to the great king. When thou, O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown.

³⁶ "to the great king, from Demetrius: When you, O king, commanded me about the collection of books that were needed to fill your library and the care to taken about those that are incomplete, I have exercised extreme diligence about those matters. I can report to you that we lack the books of the Jewish law and some others. They are written in Hebrew characters in the language of that nation which is unknown to us.

³⁷ συμβέβηκε δ᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ ἀμελέστερον ἢ ἔδει σεσημάνθαι διὰ τὸ βασιλικῆς οὐ τετυχηκέναι προνοίας. ἔστι δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι καὶ ταῦτα παρὰ σοὶ διηκριβωμένα· φιλοσοφωτέραν γὰρ καὶ ἀκέραιον τὴν‎ νομοθεσίαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ὡς ἂν οὖσαν θεοῦ.

³⁷ It has also happened that they have been recorded more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not met with royal oversight. Yet it is necessary for these also to exist in your presence in an accurately refined state; for it happens that this legislation is more philosophical and uncorrupted, as it is from God.

³⁷ It hath also happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God;

³⁷ In fact they have been transcribed more carelessly than they should have been, since up to now they were not treated with royal care. Now you must have accurate copies of them, for this legislation is full of hidden wisdom and entirely faultless, being legislation which comes from God himself.

³⁸ διὸ καὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς αὐτῆς καὶ τοὺς συγγραφεῖς τῶν ἱστοριῶν οὐκ ἐπιμνησθῆναί φησιν ὁ οὐδὲ τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πολιτευσαμένων ἀνδρῶν, ὡς ἁγνῆς οὔσης καὶ μὴ δέον αὐτὴν βεβήλοις στόμασιν διασαφεῖσθαι.

³⁸ For this reason, Hecataeus of Abdera says that neither the poets nor the writers of history have made mention of it, nor of the men who lived as citizens under it, because it is holy and ought not to be explained by profane mouths.

³⁸ for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths.

³⁸ So it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians do not mention either it or the people who lead their lives according to it, since it is a holy law and ought not to be spoken of by profane mouths.

³⁹ ἐὰν οὖν σοι δοκῇ, βασιλεῦ, γράψεις τῷ τῶν ἀρχιερεῖ, ὅπως ἀποστείλῃ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἓξ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους τῶν νόμων, παρ᾽ ὧν τὸ τῶν βιβλίων σαφὲς καὶ σύμφωνον ἐκμαθόντες καὶ τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν ἀκριβὲς λαβόντες τῶν πραγμάτων ἀξίως ταῦτα τῆς σῆς προαιρέσεως συναγάγωμεν."

³⁹ If it seems good to you, then, O King, you will write to the High Priest of the Jews, so that he may send six of the elders from each tribe, those most experienced in the laws; from them, we may learn the clear and consistent meaning of the books, and having obtained accuracy in the translation of the matters, we may collect these in a manner worthy of your purpose.'"

³⁹ If then it please thee, O king, thou mayest write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire."

³⁹ If it pleases you, O king, you should write to the high priest of the Jews to send six of the elders from every tribe and those who are most skilled in the laws, through whom we may learn the clear and harmonious sense of these books and get a detailed interpretation of their contents and so have the sort of collection that you desire."

The "Royal Oversight" of Truth
Demetrius makes a fascinating claim: the reason the current copies of the Jewish Law are "careless" or "obscure" is that they haven't had βασιλικῆς προνοίας (royal oversight). This is pure Alexandrian propaganda. It suggests that even sacred texts reach their "perfected" form only when filtered through the scholarly machinery of the Greek state.

The Law as "Philosophy"
Josephus (via Demetrius) calls the Mosaic Law φιλοσοφωτέραν (more philosophical). In the Hellenistic world, "philosophy" was the highest category of prestige. By labeling the Torah as a philosophical text rather than just a local cultic manual, Demetrius justifies its place in a library that housed the works of Plato and Aristotle.

The Silence of the Greeks
Demetrius cites Hecataeus of Abdera (a 4th-century BCE Greek historian) to explain a major problem: why haven't famous Greek authors mentioned the Jews? The answer provided is a brilliant defense: the Law is so ἁγνῆς (holy/pure) that it was effectively "invisible" to the βεβήλοις (profane) world. It wasn't ignored because it was insignificant; it was ignored because it was too sacred to be touched.

Administrative Precision
Josephus emphasizes that the kings did nothing εἰκῆ (at random). This reflects the Roman values of Josephus’s own time—order, documentation, and archival proof. By including the "copy of the proposal," Josephus is acting as a historian-archivist, proving to his readers that the Septuagint has a "paper trail" of legitimacy.

72: The Perfect Committee
The request for six elders from each of the twelve tribes (totalling 72) is a symbolic move. It represents the "total" consensus of the Jewish people. It ensures that the translation isn't just one person's opinion, but a σύμφωνον (harmonious/consistent) representation of the entire nation's heritage.

⁴⁰ Τοιαύτης οὖν τῆς εἰσδόσεως γενομένης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ τῶν γραφῆναι περὶ τούτων ἅμα καὶ τὴν‎ ἄφεσιν τῶν δουλευόντων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς δηλοῦντας αὐτῷ, καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν δὲ κρατήρων καὶ φιαλῶν καὶ σπονδείων ἔπεμψε χρυσίου μὲν ὁλκῆς τάλαντα πεντήκοντα, λίθων δὲ πολυτελῶν ἀσυλλόγιστόν τι πλῆθος.

⁴⁰ "Once this proposal was made, the King commanded that a letter be written to Eleazar, the High Priest of the Jews, informing him of these matters and also of the release of the Jews who had been enslaved among them. For the construction of large bowls (krateres), vials, and libation cups, he sent fifty talents' weight of gold and a vast, uncounted multitude of precious stones.

⁴⁰ When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones.

⁴⁰ When this letter was sent to the king, he had a letter drawn up for the Jewish high priest Eleazar about these matters, telling him of the release of the Jews who had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large mixing-bowls and vessels and cups and a countless amount of precious stones.

⁴¹ προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοὺς φύλακας τῶν κιβωτῶν, ἐν αἷς ἐτύγχανον οἱ λίθοι, τὴν‎ ἐκλογὴν τοῖς τεχνίταις αὐτοῖς οὗπερ ἂν θελήσωσιν εἴδους ἐπιτρέπειν. διετάξατο δὲ καὶ νομίσματος εἰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς χρείας πρὸς ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τῷ ἱερεῖ δοθῆναι.

⁴¹ He also commanded the keepers of the chests where the stones were kept to allow the craftsmen to choose whatever kind they desired. He further directed that one hundred talents in coin be given to the Priest for sacrifices and other needs.

⁴¹ He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses.

⁴¹ Indeed, he ordered those in charge of the strong-box containing those stones, to let artisans choose whatever ones they pleased among them and had a hundred talents in money sent to the temple for sacrifices and other uses.

⁴² διηγήσομαι δὲ τὰ κατασκευάσματα καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς δημιουργίας αὐτῶν μετὰ τὸ προεκθέσθαι τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς γραφείσης τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ταύτην λαβόντι τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης·

⁴² I shall describe these artifacts and the manner of their creation after first setting out the copy of the letter written to Eleazar the High Priest, who held this honor for the following reason:

⁴² Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following:

⁴² I will describe these vessels and how they were made, but not until after I provide a copy of the letter written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained that dignity as follows.

⁴³ τελευτήσαντος ὈνίουOnias τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ΣίμωνSimon γίγνεται διάδοχος ὁ καὶ δίκαιος ἐπικληθεὶς διά τε τὸ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους εὔνουν.	⁴³ Upon the death of the High Priest Onias, his son Simon became his successor, who was also called 'the Just' because of both his piety toward God and his goodwill toward his fellow countrymen.
⁴³ When Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just because of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his own nation.	⁴³ After the death of Onias the high priest he was succeeeded by his son Simon, surnamed "the Just" for his piety to God and his kindly disposition toward his own people.

⁴⁴ ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου καὶ νήπιον υἱὸν καταλιπόντος τὸν κληθέντα ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ , περὶ οὗ τὸν λόγον ποιούμεθα, τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην παρέλαβεν, ᾧ γράφει τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον·

⁴⁴ When he died, leaving an infant son named Onias, his brother Eleazar—the one we are speaking of—took over the high priesthood. To him, Ptolemy wrote in this manner:

⁴⁴ When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner following:

⁴⁴ When he died, leaving behind young son called Onias, Simon’s brother Eleazar, whom we have mentioned, took up the high priesthood, and it was to him that Ptolemy wrote as follows.

⁴⁵ " βασιλεὺς τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ χαίρειν. πολλῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κατῳκισμένων , οὓς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ ἐκράτουν ὁ ἐμὸς πατὴρ ἐτίμησεν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὸ στρατιωτικὸν κατέταξεν ἐπὶ μείζοσιν μισθοφοραῖς, τισὶν δὲ γενομένοις ἐν σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὴν‎ τούτων φυλακὴν παρέθετο, ἵνα τοῖς ὦσιν φοβεροί,

⁴⁵ 'King Ptolemy to Eleazar the High Priest, greeting. Since many Jews are settled in my kingdom—whom my father honored when they were taken captive by the Persians during their rule, enrolling some into the army with higher pay, and entrusting others who came to Egypt with him with the fortresses and their guarding so they might be formidable to the Egyptians—

⁴⁵ "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father; some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians.

⁴⁵ "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, greetings. There are many Jews now living in my kingdom, whom the Persians took as prisoners when they were in power. My father honoured them and placed some of them in the army, on a favourable rate of pay; while to others of them, who came with him into Egypt, he entrusted the guarding of his strongholds, to strike the Egyptians with fear.

⁴⁶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐγὼ παραλαβὼν πᾶσι μὲν φιλανθρώπως ἐχρησάμην, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς σοῖς πολίταις, ὧν ὑπὲρ δέκα μὲν μυριάδας αἰχμαλώτων δουλευόντων ἀπέλυσα τοῖς δεσπόταις αὐτῶν ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν λύτρα καταβαλών.	⁴⁶ I, having taken over the rule, have treated all men with benevolence, but especially your citizens; more than ten myriads of their captives who were enslaved I have released, paying the ransom to their masters from my own funds.
⁴⁶ And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues;	⁴⁶ When I became leader I treated all people with goodwill and especially your fellow citizens, of whom I have freed more than a hundred thousand who were slaves and paid their redemption money to their masters out of my own revenues.

⁴⁷ τοὺς δὲ ἀκμάζοντας ταῖς ἡλικίαις εἰς τὸν στρατιωτικὸν κατάλογον κατέταξα, τινὰς δὲ τῶν περὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς αὐλῆς πίστιν εἶναι δυναμένων ταύτης ἠξίωκα, νομίζων ἡδὺ τῷ θεῷ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ προνοίας ἀνάθημα τοῦτο καὶ μέγιστον ἀναθήσειν.

⁴⁷ Those in the prime of their youth I have enrolled in the military register, and some who are capable of being near us and worthy of the trust of the court I have appointed to such positions, believing that I shall offer this as a sweet and greatest thank-offering to God for His providence over me.

⁴⁷ and those that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me.

⁴⁷ I have enrolled into my army those of them of suitable age and have given posts in my court to some of them whom I considered capable and loyal to me, thinking this a major way to acknowledge God’s providence toward me.

⁴⁸ βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ τούτοις χαρίζεσθαι καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην τὸν νόμον ὑμῶν ἔγνων μεθερμηνεῦσαι, καὶ γράμμασιν ἐκ τῶν μεταγραφέντα κεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ.

⁴⁸ Wishing to grant a favor to them and to all Jews throughout the inhabited world (oikoumene), I have resolved to have your Law translated, and once transcribed from the Hebrew into Greek characters, to have it placed in my library.

⁴⁸ And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library.

⁴⁸ Wishing to do a favour to these and all other Jews the world over, I have decided to have your law translated and transcribed from Hebrew into Greek letters and kept in my library.

⁴⁹ καλῶς οὖν ποιήσεις ἐπιλεξάμενος ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς ἓξ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἤδη πρεσβυτέρους, οἳ καὶ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐμπείρως ἔχουσι τῶν νόμων καὶ δυνήσονται τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν αὐτῶν ἀκριβῆ ποιήσασθαι· νομίζω γὰρ τούτων ἐπιτελεσθέντων μεγίστην δόξαν ἡμῖν περιγενήσεσθαι.

⁴⁹ You will do well, therefore, to select six good men from each tribe, already elders, who by reason of their age are experienced in the laws and will be able to make an accurate translation of them; for I believe that once these things are accomplished, the greatest glory will accrue to us.

⁴⁹ Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done a work glorious to myself.

⁴⁹ It would be well therefore if you select and send to me some good older men, six from every tribe. These must have long experience in the laws and be able to interpret them in detail, and when the work is finished, I think I shall have done something that will bring me great renown.

⁵⁰ ἀπέσταλκα δέ σοι περὶ τούτων διαλεξομένους τὸν ἀρχισωματοφύλακα καὶ ἐμοὶ τιμιωτάτους, δι᾽ ὧν καὶ ἀπαρχὰς ἀναθημάτων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ θυσιῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπέσταλκα τάλαντα ἀργυρίου ἑκατόν. Καὶ σὺ δ᾽ ἡμῖν περὶ ὧν ἂν θέλῃς ποιήσεις κεχαρισμένα."

⁵⁰ I have sent Andreas to you to discuss these matters. He is the captain of the bodyguards, and Aristaeus, who are most honored by me; through them, I have also sent one hundred talents of silver as first-fruits for offerings to the Temple, for sacrifices, and for other things. And you, by writing back to us concerning whatever you wish, will do us a great favor.'"

⁵⁰ And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me."

⁵⁰ I have sent men whom I highly esteem, Andreas, the head of my bodyguard and Aristeas, to discuss this with you, and through them I have sent as first-fruits dedicated to the temple, for sacrifices and other uses, a hundred talents of silver. And we will be pleased if you send and say what else you would like from us."

The High Priest's Lineage: Simon the Just
Josephus pauses to clarify the succession of the High Priesthood. He mentions Simon the Just (Shimon HaTzadik), a legendary figure in rabbinic literature. By identifying Eleazar as Simon’s brother, Josephus grants the Septuagint project an air of peak religious legitimacy. The "infant Onias" mentioned here would later become the center of the crisis that led to the Maccabean revolt, but for now, the priesthood is at its zenith.

The King’s "Thank-Offering" (Ἀνάθημα)
Ptolemy describes his liberation of 100,000 slaves and his employment of Jews in his court not just as politics, but as a religious ἀνάθημα (votive offering) to God. This is a sophisticated diplomatic move. He is telling the High Priest: "I have already sacrificed a fortune for your people; now I ask for your Law in return."

Jewish Soldiers as "Formidable" (φοβεροί)
The letter reveals the tactical reason the Ptolemies favored Jewish settlers: they were used to keep the native Egyptian population in check. By placing "foreign" Jewish garrisons in Egyptian fortresses, the Macedonian rulers ensured they had a loyal force that was not ethnically tied to the local populace.

The Request for "Elders" (Πρεσβυτέρους)
Ptolemy specifically asks for men who are πρεσβυτέρους (elders). In the Hellenistic world, age was synonymous with ἐμπειρία (experience/wisdom). By requesting six from each of the twelve tribes, Ptolemy acknowledges the tribal structure of Israel (even if it was largely symbolic by the 3rd century BCE) to ensure the Greek version of the Law had the "Total Consensus" of the Jewish nation.

Open-Ended Diplomacy
The letter ends with an invitation: "writing back to us concerning whatever you wish." This gave Eleazar a "blank check" for future diplomatic requests. It transformed the relationship from "Superpower and Subject" to "Patron and Honored Ally."

The "Glory" of the Library
Ptolemy admits his motive is μεγίστην δόξαν (the greatest glory). In Alexandria, prestige was built on intellectual "trophies." Owning the only accurate, royally-sanctioned Greek translation of the world's most "philosophical" law code was the ultimate status symbol for a Hellenistic monarch.

⁵¹ Τῆς οὖν ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ βασιλέως κομισθείσης πρὸς τὸν ἀντιγράφει πρὸς αὐτὴν ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα φιλοτίμως. " ἀρχιερεὺς βασιλεῖ χαίρειν. ἐρρωμένων σοῦ τε καὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης καὶ τῶν τέκνων καλῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει πάντα.

⁵¹ "When the King’s letter was delivered to Eleazar, he wrote back to it with as much honor as possible: 'High Priest Eleazar to King Ptolemy, greeting. If you and Queen Arsinoe and the children are well, it is well with us also.

⁵¹ When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: "Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied.

⁵¹ When the king’s letter was brought to Eleazar, he wrote back to him in terms of highest respect: "Eleazar the high priest to king Ptolemy, greetings. If you and queen Arsinoe and the children are well, we are very glad.

⁵² τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἐπιστολὴν λαβόντες μεγάλως ἥσθημεν ἐπὶ τῇ προαιρέσει σου, καὶ συναθροίσαντες τὸ πλῆθος ἀνέγνωμεν αὐτὴν ἐμφανίζοντες αὐτῷ ἣν ἔχεις πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν.	⁵² Upon receiving your letter, we were greatly pleased by your purpose; and having assembled the whole multitude, we read it to them, making manifest to them the piety you have toward God.
⁵² When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God.	⁵² When we received your letter, we were delighted by your intentions, and assembling the people we read it to them to demonstrate to them your devotion toward God.

⁵³ ἐπεδείξαμεν δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς φιάλας ἃς ἔπεμψας χρυσᾶς εἴκοσι καὶ ἀργυρᾶς τριάκοντα καὶ κρατῆρας πέντε καὶ τράπεζαν εἰς ἀνάθεσιν, ἅ τε εἰς θυσίαν καὶ εἰς ἐπισκευὴν ὧν ἂν δέηται τὸ ἱερὸν τάλαντα ἑκατόν, ἅπερ ἐκόμισαν καὶ οἱ τιμιώτατοί σου τῶν φίλων, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ παιδείᾳ διαφέροντες καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἄξιοι.

⁵³ We also displayed to them the vessels you sent: twenty golden vials and thirty silver ones, five large bowls (krateres), and a table for dedication, as well as the hundred talents for sacrifices and for the repair of whatever the Temple may need—all of which were brought by Andreas and Aristaeus, the most honored of your friends, men of goodness who excel in education (paideia) and are worthy of your virtue.

⁵³ We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue.

⁵³ We also showed them the twenty golden vessels and thirty silver ones and the five large mixing-bowls and the table of offerings, and the hundred talents for sacrifices and providing what is needed for the temple, that Andreas and Aristeas, your most honoured friends, have brought us, and truly they are good men of great learning and worthy of your virtue.

⁵⁴ ἴσθι δ᾽ ἡμᾶς τὸ σοὶ συμφέρον, κἂν ᾖ τι παρὰ φύσιν, ὑπομενοῦντας· ἀμείβεσθαι γὰρ ἡμᾶς δεῖ τὰς σὰς εὐεργεσίας πολυμερῶς εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολίτας κατατεθείσας.	⁵⁴ Know that we will support whatever is in your interest, even if it be something contrary to our nature; for it is necessary for us to repay your benefactions, which have been bestowed in many ways upon our citizens.
⁵⁴ Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen.	⁵⁴ Be assured that we will follow your wishes, even though it is unusual, for we ought to make a return for your many benefits to our countrymen.

⁵⁵ εὐθὺς οὖν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς σου καὶ τέκνων καὶ φίλων προσηγάγομεν θυσίας, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο γενέσθαι σοι τὰ κατὰ νοῦν καὶ φυλαχθῆναί σου τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐν εἰρήνῃ, τήν τε τοῦ νόμου μεταγραφὴν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τῷ σῷ λαβεῖν ὃ προαιρῇ τέλος.

⁵⁵ Immediately, therefore, we offered sacrifices on behalf of you, your sister [Arsinoe], your children, and your friends; and the multitude made prayers that your desires might be fulfilled, that your kingdom might be preserved in peace, and that the translation of the Law might reach the end you intend for your benefit.

⁵⁵ We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage.

⁵⁵ Therefore we immediately offered sacrifices for you and your sister, and your children and friends, and the people prayed that your affairs may prosper and your kingdom be preserved in peace and that the translation of our law may benefit you and be completed to your satisfaction.

⁵⁶ ἐπελεξάμην δὲ καὶ πρεσβυτέρους ἄνδρας ἓξ ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, οὓς πεπόμφαμεν ἔχοντας τὸν νόμον. ἔσται‎ δὲ τῆς σῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης τὸ μεταγραφέντα τὸν νόμον εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀποπέμψαι μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας τῶν κομιζόντων. ἔρρωσο."

⁵⁶ I have also selected six elders from each tribe, whom we have sent carrying the Law. It will be a matter of your piety and justice to see that, once the Law is transcribed, it is sent back to us along with the safety of those who carry it. Farewell.'"

⁵⁶ We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell."

⁵⁶ We have chosen six elders from every tribe and sent them to you, bringing the law. In piety and justice, you must send back the law when it has been translated and safely return to us those who are bringing it. Farewell."

The Protocol of "The King’s Health"
Eleazar opens with a standard Hellenistic greeting formula (ἔρρωσο), but specifically includes Queen Arsinoe and the children. This is a crucial diplomatic detail. In the Ptolemaic court, the Queen was often a co-ruler (Arsinoe II was famously influential). By acknowledging the royal family, Eleazar treats the Ptolemies as a stable, divine dynasty, mirroring the King’s own flattery of the Jewish God.

Public Diplomacy and Consent
Eleazar does not keep the King's letter private. He assembles the πλῆθος (the multitude) to read it. This demonstrates that the decision to translate the Torah was presented as a national act of the Jewish people, not a secret deal between elites. By displaying the gold and silver vessels publicly, he visually confirms the "piety" of the King to the Jerusalemites.

"Contrary to Nature" (παρὰ φύσιν)
Eleazar makes a striking statement: he will support the King even in things "contrary to our nature." This is likely a reference to the Jewish Law’s inherent exclusivity and the traditional prohibition against sharing the Law with "profane" outsiders. Eleazar is acknowledging that while translating the Torah into Greek is a radical departure from tradition, the King’s μεγαλόψυχος (magnanimity) in freeing 120,000 slaves has earned him this unprecedented concession.

Sacrifice as Political Alliance
The High Priest immediately offers θυσίας (sacrifices) for the King. In the ancient world, this was the highest form of diplomatic recognition. Since Jews could not worship the King as a god (as the Greeks did), they instead offered sacrifices to their God on behalf of the King. This allowed the Jews to remain loyal subjects without committing idolatry.

Education as a Diplomatic Bridge (παιδείᾳ)
Eleazar praises the King's ambassadors, Andreas and Aristaeus, for their παιδείᾳ διαφέροντες (excellence in education). This highlights the shared values of the Hellenistic era: both the Greek court and the Jewish priesthood valued "learning." This shared respect for books and wisdom is what made the Septuagint project possible.

The Terms of the Loan
The letter ends with a firm condition: the King must return the original Law (the scrolls) and ensure the safety of the translators. Eleazar is making it clear that the Torah is being "loaned" for translation, not surrendered. He places the responsibility for the translators' lives squarely on the King's δικαιοσύνης (justice).

⁵⁷ Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀντέγραψεν. ἐμοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα πρεσβυτέρων, οἳ τὸν νόμον ἐκόμιζον ὑπὸ πεμφθέντες, δηλοῦν· ἦν γὰρ ταῦτα ὑπογεγραμμένα ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ.

⁵⁷ "These things, then, were what the High Priest wrote in reply. It did not seem necessary to me to record the names of the seventy elders who carried the Law, having been sent by Eleazar, though these names were indeed subjoined to the letter.

⁵⁷ This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle.

⁵⁷ This was the reply of the high priest. It does not seem to me necessary to report the names of the seventy elders sent by Eleazar to bring the law, as they were subjoined at the end of the letter.

⁵⁸ τὴν‎ μέντοι γε τῶν ἀναθημάτων πολυτέλειαν καὶ κατασκευήν, ἣν ἀπέστειλεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ θεῷ, οὐκ ἀνεπιτήδειον διελθεῖν, ὅπως ἅπασιν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμία φανερὰ γένηται· ἄφθονον γὰρ τὴν‎ εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην χορηγῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ παρὼν ἀεὶ τοῖς τεχνίταις καὶ τὰ ἔργα ἐπιβλέπων οὐδὲν ἀμελῶς οὐδὲ ῥᾳθύμως εἴα γίγνεσθαι τῶν κατασκευασμάτων.

⁵⁸ However, I have judged it not inappropriate to go through the magnificence and the construction of the dedicated offerings which the King sent to God, so that the King’s ambition (philotimia) regarding God might be made manifest to all. For the King, supplying unstinting expense for these things and being constantly present with the craftsmen, overseeing the works, allowed nothing in the fabrications to be done carelessly or in a lazy manner.

⁵⁸ However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations.

⁵⁸ However, I did not think it out of place to give an account of the precious and expertly wrought offerings which the king sent to God, to highlight the king’s high regard for God, for he spent a vast amount for on them and often went to the workmen to oversee their work and let no carelessness or negligence creep into their creation.

⁵⁹ ὧν ἕκαστον οἷον ἦν τὴν‎ πολυτέλειαν διηγήσομαι, τῆς μὲν ἱστορίας ἴσως οὐκ ἀπαιτούσης τὴν‎ ἀπαγγελίαν, τὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως φιλόκαλον καὶ μεγαλόφρον οὕτω συστήσειν τοῖς ὑπολαμβάνων.

⁵⁹ I shall describe the nature of the magnificence of each item—though the history perhaps does not strictly demand such a report—conceiving that I shall thus establish the King’s love of beauty (philokalon) and his greatness of mind for those who read this."

⁵⁹ And I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read this history.

⁵⁹ Even if the nature of this history may not require such a description, I will tell as well as I can how rich they were, in order to convey to those who read my work the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king.

The Authorial "Cut"
Josephus makes a conscious editorial choice to omit the list of the 72 names. This is a classic Greco-Roman historical technique: avoiding tedious "cataloging" unless it serves a thematic purpose. He assumes his readers are less interested in a genealogy of scholars and more interested in the πολυτέλειαν (extravagance) of the royal gifts.

Philotimia as a Royal Virtue
Josephus uses the word φιλοτιμία (literally "love of honor" or "ambition"). In the Hellenistic world, this wasn't a negative trait. It described a ruler's competitive drive to outdo others in generosity and public works. By describing Ptolemy’s philotimia toward the Jewish God, Josephus is ranking the God of Israel as the highest possible recipient of royal prestige.

The King as "Project Manager"
One of the most humanizing details here is that the King was παρὼν ἀεὶ τοῖς τεχνίταις (constantly present with the craftsmen). This paints Ptolemy II not as a distant autocrat, but as an obsessed patron of the arts. He wasn't just signing checks; he was on the "factory floor" ensuring that the Greek aesthetic reached its absolute peak for the Temple of Jerusalem.

Philokalia: The Love of Beauty
Josephus introduces the term φιλόκαλον (philokalon). This is a bridge between Greek culture and Jewish tradition. To the Greeks, beauty was a sign of truth; to the Jews, the Temple’s splendor was a sign of God’s glory. By emphasizing the King’s love of beauty, Josephus suggests that Greek artistic excellence was the "language" Ptolemy used to speak to the God of the Jews.

Justifying the Digression
Josephus admits that his history "perhaps does not strictly demand" such a detailed description of gold vessels. This is a subtle rhetorical apology to more "serious" historians like Thucydides. However, Josephus knows his audience (which included Roman elites) loved ekphrasis—vivid, detailed descriptions of art. By describing the gold table, he is "painting" with words to impress his readers with the status the Jews once held under the Ptolemies.

The "Magnificence" Argument
To Josephus, the quality of the craftsmanship proves the quality of the King's intent. If the work had been done ῥᾳθύμως (lazily), the translation project itself might be suspect. The perfection of the gold vessels serves as a "physical proof" of the perfection and accuracy of the translation that was to follow.

⁶⁰ Πρῶτον δὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς τραπέζης ἐκθήσομαι. εἶχεν μὲν οὖν δι᾽ ἐννοίας ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπερμεγεθέστατον τοῖς μέτροις ἀπεργάσασθαι τὸ κατασκεύασμα, προσέταξε δὲ μαθεῖν τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀνακειμένης ἐν τοῖς τραπέζης πόσον τέ ἐστιν καὶ εἰ δύναται τούτου μεῖζον κατασκευασθῆναι.

⁶⁰ "First, I shall set forth the details concerning the table. The King had it in mind to craft the object of an immense size in its measurements; he therefore ordered that the size of the table already dedicated in Jerusalem be ascertained—how large it was and if it were possible for one larger than that to be constructed.

⁶⁰ And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed in the king’s mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there was a possibility of making one larger than it.

⁶⁰ Let me first tell about the table. The king had a mind to make this table enormous in size, but then he ordered them to find out the size of the table already in Jerusalem and its dimensions and whether it was possible to make one still larger.

⁶¹ μαθὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ οὖσαν ἡλίκη τις ἦν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῆς οὐδὲν κωλύει μείζονα γενέσθαι, φήσας καὶ πενταπλασίονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τῷ μεγέθει βούλεσθαι κατασκευάσαι, φοβεῖσθαι δέ, μὴ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας ἄχρηστος διὰ τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ μεγέθους γένηται· βούλεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀνακεῖσθαι μόνον εἰς θέαν τἀναθήματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας εὔχρηστα·

⁶¹ Having learned the dimensions of the existing one, and that nothing prevented a larger one from being made, he said that although he wished to craft one five times the size of the existing one, he feared that it might become useless for the sacred services because of its excessive magnitude. For he wished his dedicated offerings not only to be set up for a spectacle, but also to be useful for the liturgical functions.

⁶¹ And when he was informed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations.

⁶¹ When he learned the size of the one already there and that there was nothing to stop a larger one being made, he said he had intended having one made five times as large as the existing one, but then feared that its excessive size might make it useless in their liturgies, for he wanted the gifts he presented them to be there not just for show, but to be serviceable in their liturgies.

⁶² καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν‎ προτέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν‎ προυπάρχουσαν ὑπερβαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι.

⁶² Calculating, therefore, that the previous table had been made in its particular proportions not because of a lack of gold, but for the sake of utility, he decided not to exceed the pre-existing one in size, but rather to make it more remarkable through its intricate variety (poikilia) and the beauty of its material.

⁶² According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials.

⁶² That was the reason why the former table was made of so moderate a size, for practicability and not for lack of gold, so he decided not to exceed the former table in size, but to excel it in the variety and beauty of its materials.

⁶³ δεινὸς δὲ ὢν συνιδεῖν πραγμάτων παντοδαπῶν φύσιν καὶ λαβεῖν ἐπίνοιαν ἔργων καινῶν καὶ παραδόξων καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἄγραφα τὴν‎ εὕρεσιν αὐτὸς παρέχων διὰ τὴν‎ σύνεσιν καὶ ὑποδεικνὺς τοῖς τεχνίταις, ἐκέλευσεν ταῦτα κατασκευάζεσθαι καὶ τὰ ἀναγεγραμμένα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀκρίβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποβλέποντας ὁμοίως ἐπιτελεῖν.

⁶³ Being exceptionally gifted at perceiving the nature of all kinds of things and at conceiving ideas for new and extraordinary works—providing the invention himself for things that had no written precedent through his own intelligence and demonstrating them to the craftsmen—he ordered these things to be constructed, and that they should complete the recorded details while looking toward their ultimate precision."

⁶³ And as he was sagacious in observing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation.

⁶³ Since he was an acute observer of the nature of all kinds of things with fine taste about what was new and surprising, he would cleverly invent suitable adornments for the blank surfaces and show them to the workmen and have them wrought, accurately following the outlines he had drafted.

Function Over "Flexing"
The King initially wants to build a table five times larger than the original. In the ancient world, "bigger" usually meant "better" for propaganda. However, Ptolemy shows remarkable restraint. He realizes that a gargantuan table would be ἄχρηστος (useless) for the priests. This reflects a transition in Hellenistic kingship from the raw megalomania of early conquerors to the "Scientific King" who values ergonomics and function.

The Poikilia (Intricacy) Aesthetic
Since he cannot go bigger, Ptolemy decides to go "denser." He focuses on ποικιλίᾳ (poikilia)—a key term in Greek art referring to variety, complexity, and multi-colored detail. By packing more craftsmanship into the same dimensions, he makes the object more valuable than a larger, simpler one would have been. This is the "jewelry-style" of Alexandrian art, where every square inch is micro-engineered.

The King as Designer-in-Chief
Josephus paints a portrait of Ptolemy as a "Renaissance Man" centuries before the term existed. He is described as δεινὸς (clever/formidable) at inventing new works. By claiming the King provided the "invention" (εὕρεσιν) for things that had no blueprints, Josephus suggests that the Greek King understood the essence of the Jewish sacred furniture better than the original craftsmen, or at least brought a superior Greek technical "mind" to the task.

Respect for the "Ancient Proportions"
Ptolemy’s research into the Jerusalem table's dimensions shows a high level of respect for Jewish tradition. He concludes that the original size wasn't due to "poverty" (σπάνιν χρυσοῦ), but deliberate design. This is a subtle compliment to the Mosaic Law—acknowledging that the original instructions were divinely or rationally optimized for their purpose.

Spectacle vs. Service
Ptolemy distinguishes between objects made εἰς θέαν (for a spectacle/looking) and πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας (for the services). This is a vital distinction for Josephus’s audience. It proves that Ptolemy’s gifts were not just "museum pieces" intended to show off Alexandrian wealth, but were legitimate "holy vessels" intended to participate in the actual worship of God.

⁶⁴ Ὑποστησάμενοι τοίνυν ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ τράπεζαν δύο μὲν καὶ ἡμίσους πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος, ἑνὸς δὲ τὸ εὖρος, τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος ἑνὸς καὶ ἡμίσους, κατεσκεύαζον ἐκ χρυσοῦ τὴν‎ ὅλην τοῦ ἔργου καταβολὴν ποιούμενοι. τὴν‎ μὲν οὖν στεφάνην παλαιστιαίαν εἰργάσαντο, τὰ δὲ κυμάτια στρεπτὰ τὴν‎ ἀναγλυφὴν ἔχοντα σχοινοειδῆ τῇ τορείᾳ θαυμαστῶς ἐκ τῶν τριῶν μερῶν μεμιμημένην.

⁶⁴ "Having resolved, therefore, to make the table two and a half cubits in length, one in breadth, and one and a half in height, they constructed it entirely of gold. They fashioned the crown [border] to be a handbreadth wide; and the moldings were of twisted relief, wondrously mimicking a rope-like pattern in three-sided chasing.

⁶⁴ When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts;

⁶⁴ When planning out the table, they made it two and a half cubits long, one cubit wide, and one and a half cubits high, and they made the entire structure out of gold. They fashioned a crown a hand-width thick around it, wreathed with wavelike shapes and engraved in braided forms so that it looked quite striking from all three directions.

⁶⁵ τριγώνων γὰρ ὄντων αὐτῶν ἑκάστη γωνία τὴν‎ αὐτὴν τῆς ἐκτυπώσεως εἶχεν διάθεσιν, ὡς στρεφομένων αὐτῶν μίαν καὶ μὴ διάφορον τὴν‎ ἰδέαν αὐτοῖς συμπεριφέρεσθαι. τῆς δὲ στεφάνης τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ τράπεζαν ἐκκεκλιμένον ὡραίαν εἶχεν τὴν‎ ἀποτύπωσιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἔξωθεν περιηγμένον ἔτι μᾶλλον τῷ κάλλει τῆς ἦν ἐκπεπονημένον, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ὄψιν καὶ θεωρίαν ἐρχόμενον.

⁶⁵ For being triangular, each angle had the same arrangement of engraving, so that as they were turned, they maintained a single and identical appearance. The part of the crown inclined toward the table had a beautiful impression, but the outward-facing part was worked with even greater beauty, since it was intended for sight and contemplation.

⁶⁵ for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators;

⁶⁵ Each of its dimensions was triangular in shape, and each was sculpted in the same way, so that when turned about, they still invariably showed the same form. The part of the crown on the underside of the table was beautifully sculpted, but the part around on the outside, being exposed to the sight and admiration of onlookers, was even more elaborately adorned.

⁶⁶ διὸ καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν ὑπεροχὴν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν ὀξεῖαν συνέβαινε γίγνεσθαι, καὶ μηδεμίαν γωνίαν τριῶν οὐσῶν, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, περὶ τὴν‎ μεταγωγὴν τῆς τραπέζης ἐλάσσονα βλέπεσθαι. ἐνδιέκειντο δὲ ταῖς σχοινίσιν τῆς τορείας λίθοι πολυτελεῖς παράλληλοι περόναις χρυσαῖς διὰ τρημάτων κατειλημμένοι.

⁶⁶ Because of this, the projection of both parts was sharp, and none of the three angles (as we said before) appeared smaller than the others when the table was moved. Within the ropes of the chasing, precious stones were set in parallel, fastened through perforations by gold pins.

⁶⁶ for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them;

⁶⁶ Thus both those sides which stood out from the rest were acute and none of the corners, which as we mentioned were three, appeared smaller than another, when the table was turned about. Into the intricate cordwork precious stones were inserted, in parallel rows, fastened with golden buttons, with hollow centres.

⁶⁷ τὰ δ᾽ ἐκ πλαγίου τῆς στεφάνης καὶ πρὸς ὄψιν ἀνατείνοντα ὠῶν ἐκ λίθου καλλίστου πεποιημένων θέσει κατακεκόσμητο ῥάβδοις τὴν‎ ἀναγλυφὴν ἐοικότων πυκναῖς, αἳ περὶ τὸν κύκλον τῆς τραπέζης εἴληντο.	⁶⁷ The sides of the crown rising toward the view were adorned with a placement of 'eggs' [ovolo molding] made of the finest stone, decorated with dense relief work resembling rods that encircled the table.
⁶⁷ but the parts which were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the table round about.	⁶⁷ The visible parts to the side of the crown had a frieze of the finest stones, adorned with staves and multiple bas-reliefs surrounding the table.

⁶⁸ ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν ὠῶν διατύπωσιν στέφανον περιήγαγον οἱ τεχνῖται παντοίου καρποῦ φύσιν ἐντετορευμένον, ὡς ἀποκρέμασθαί τε βότρυς καὶ στάχυας ἀναστῆναι καὶ ῥόας ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι. τοὺς δὲ λίθους εἰς πᾶν γένος τῶν προειρημένων καρπῶν, ὡς ἑκάστου τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐντετυπῶσθαι χρόαν, ἐξεργασάμενοι συνέδησαν τῷ χρυσῷ περὶ ὅλην τὴν‎ τράπεζαν.

⁶⁸ Under this egg-pattern, the craftsmen ran a wreath engraved with every kind of fruit, so that clusters of grapes hung down, ears of corn stood up, and pomegranates were enclosed. They worked the stones into every genus of the aforementioned fruits, tinting each with its proper natural color, and bound them with gold all around the table.

⁶⁸ But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round the whole table.

⁶⁸ Under these oval engraved figures the workmen had traced a crown representing the forms of all sorts of fruit with emphasis on grapes and stalks of wheat. When they had made the stones representing all the above-named kinds of fruits, each shown in its proper colour, they fastened the whole table with gold.

⁶⁹ ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν στέφανον ὁμοίως ἡ τῶν ὠῶν διάθεσις πεποίητο καὶ ἡ τῆς ῥαβδώσεως ἀναγλυφή, τῆς τραπέζης ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερον μέρος ἔχειν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν τῆς ποικιλίας τῶν ἔργων καὶ γλαφυρότητος θέαν κατεσκευασμένης, ὡς καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἄλλων κυμάτων θέσιν καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς στεφάνης μηδὲ τῆς τραπέζης ἐφ᾽ ἕτερον μέρος ἐναλλαττομένης γίγνεσθαι διάφορον, τὴν‎ δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἄχρι καὶ τῶν ποδῶν ὄψιν τῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως διατετάσθαι.

⁶⁹ Beneath the wreath, the egg-pattern and rod-relief were repeated, so that the table had the same view of intricate variety (poikilia) and elegance on both sides. Even the feet were arranged with this same artistry.

⁶⁹ The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet;

⁶⁹ A similar set of oval figures and engraved staves was put under the crown, so that the table showed the same variety and elegance of ornamentation on both sides, and the wave effect and crown looked no different even if the table were turned upside down. The same appearance of ingenuity extended right down as far as the feet,

⁷⁰ ἔλασμα γὰρ χρυσοῦ τὸ πλάτος τεσσάρων δακτύλων ποιήσαντες καθ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ τῆς τραπέζης πλάτους εἰς τοῦτο τοὺς πόδας αὐτῆς ἐνέθεσαν, ἔπειτα περόναις καὶ κατακλεῖσιν αὐτοὺς ἐνέσφιγγον τῇ τραπέζῃ κατὰ τὴν‎ στεφάνην, ἵνα τὴν‎ θέαν τῆς καινουργίας καὶ πολυτελείας, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τις ἂν στήσῃ τὴν‎ τράπεζαν μέρει, παρέχωσι τὴν‎ αὐτήν.

⁷⁰ For having made a plate of gold four fingers wide across the whole breadth of the table, they set the feet into it, then tightened them to the table at the crown with pins and latches, so that the sight of its novelty and magnificence would be the same regardless of which side one placed it.

⁷⁰ for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed upon it:

⁷⁰ for through the entire breadth of the table there was a plate of gold four fingers broad, into which they inserted the feet fastening them to the table by buttons and button-holes at the level of the crown, so that no matter which side of the table one stood, the view of the ingenuity and artistry appeared the very same.

⁷¹ ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τραπέζης μαίανδρον ἐξέγλυψαν λίθους αὐτῷ κατὰ μέσον ἀξιολόγους ὥσπερ ἀστέρας ποικίλης ἰδέας ἐνθέντες, τόν τε ἄνθρακα καὶ τὸν σμάραγδον προσαυγάζοντας αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, τῶν τε ἄλλων γενῶν ὅσοι περισπούδαστοι καὶ ζηλωτοὶ πᾶσιν διὰ τὴν‎ πολυτέλειαν τῆς φύσεως ὑπάρχουσιν.

⁷¹ Upon the table-top, they carved a meander [Greek key], embedding remarkable stones of various types in the center like stars—carbuncles [rubies] and emeralds, each casting a most pleasant radiance upon the onlookers, along with other precious species sought by all for their natural luxury.

⁷¹ but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind.

⁷¹ On the table itself they engraved a meander, with starlike forms of various colours inlaid within it in precious stones, including the carbuncle and the emerald, each of them delightful to the viewer, along with other stones, all of them highly sought after because of their sparkling appearance.

⁷² μετὰ δὲ τὸν μαίανδρον πλέγμα τι σχοινοειδὲς περιῆκτο ῥόμβῳ τὴν‎ κατὰ μέσον ὄψιν ἐμφερές, ἐφ᾽ οὗ κρύσταλλός τε λίθος καὶ ἤλεκτρον ἐντετύπωτο τῇ παραλλήλῳ τῆς ἰδέας γειτνιάσει ψυχαγωγίαν θαυμαστὴν παρέχον τοῖς βλέπουσιν.

⁷² After the meander, a rope-like braid was wound around, resembling a rhombus in its center-view, upon which crystal and amber were engraved in parallel proximity, providing a wonderful enchantment (psychagogia) for those who saw it.

⁷² Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them.

⁷² Alongside the meander ran a texture like a net, the middle of which was shaped like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal and amber in parallel lines, which delighted the spirit of all who saw them by their marvellous splendour.

⁷³ τῶν δὲ ποδῶν ἦσαν αἱ κεφαλίδες εἰς κρίνα μεμιμημέναι τὰς ἐκφύσεις τῶν πετάλων ὑπὸ τὴν‎ τράπεζαν ἀνακλωμένων, εἰς ὀρθὸν δὲ τὴν‎ βλάστησιν ἔνδοθεν παρεχόντων ὁρᾶν.	⁷³ The heads of the feet were imitated as lilies, their petals bending back under the table, while their inner growth appeared to stand upright to the eye.
⁷³ The chapiters of the feet imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright within them.	⁷³ The capitals of the feet resembled lilies budding forth, their leaves bent beneath the table-top, and with the stalks visible, upright within them.

⁷⁴ ἡ δὲ βάσις αὐτοῖς ἦν ἐξ ἄνθρακος λίθου παλαιστιαία πεποιημένη σχῆμα κρηπῖδος ἀποτελοῦσα, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ὀκτὼ δακτύλων ἔχουσα, καθ᾽ οὗ τὸ πᾶν ἔλασμα τῶν ποδῶν ἐρήρειστο.	⁷⁴ The base for them was made of carbuncle [ruby] a handbreadth wide, forming a pedestal shape eight fingers in breadth, upon which the entire plate of the feet rested.
⁷⁴ Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth.	⁷⁴ Their bases were made of carbuncle, and the table-base resting upon that carbuncle was one palm deep and eight fingers wide.

⁷⁵ ἀνέγλυψαν δὲ λεπτομερεῖ καὶ φιλοπονωτάτῃ τορείᾳ τῶν ποδῶν ἕκαστον, κισσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ κλήματα ἀμπέλων σὺν καὶ βότρυσιν ἐκφύσαντες, ὡς εἰκάσαι μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῆς ἀληθείας· καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ πνεῦμα διὰ λεπτότητα καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ ἄκρον αὐτῶν ἔκτασιν κινούμενα φαντασίαν τῶν κατὰ φύσιν μᾶλλον ἢ τέχνης μιμημάτων παρεῖχεν.

⁷⁵ They engraved each foot with minute and most painstaking chasing, making ivy and vine-branches with clusters of grapes grow out of them, so that they seemed in no way inferior to reality; for indeed, they moved with the wind because of their thinness and extreme extension, providing a fantasy of natural objects rather than artistic imitations.

⁷⁵ Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation of art.

⁷⁵ On each of the feet they had carefully and delicately engraved with a fine tool a branch of ivy and vine-tendrils, sending forth clusters of grapes that had an extremely lifelike appearance. They were so slender and their extremities so fine that they moved with the wind and made one imagine them the product of nature rather than artistic imitations.

⁷⁶ ἐκαινούργησαν δὲ ὥστε τρίπτυχον οἱονεὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ὅλης κατασκευάσαι τραπέζης τῆς ἁρμονίας πρὸς ἄλληλα τῶν μερῶν οὕτω συνδεδεμένης, ὡς ἀόρατον εἶναι καὶ μηδ᾽ ἐπινοεῖσθαι τὰς συμβολάς. ἥμισυ δὲ πήχεως οὐκ ἔλασσον τῇ τραπέζῃ τὸ πάχος συνέβαινεν εἶναι.

⁷⁶ They innovated so as to make the whole table appear almost 'three-fold' in shape, the harmony of the parts being so bound together that the joints were invisible and could not even be imagined. The thickness of the table happened to be no less than half a cubit.

⁷⁶ They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit.

⁷⁶ They fashioned the entire fabric of the table in three parts, but the joints of the various parts were so blended that the joints where they met were invisible and could not be discerned. The thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit.

⁷⁷ Τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάθημα τοῦτο κατὰ πολλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλοτιμίαν τοιοῦτο τῇ τε πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῇ ποικιλίᾳ τῆς καλλονῆς καὶ τῇ μιμήσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν‎ τορείαν τῶν τεχνιτῶν συνετελέσθη, σπουδάσαντος εἰ καὶ μὴ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς προανακειμένης τῷ θεῷ τραπέζης ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι διάφορος, τῇ μέντοι γε τέχνῃ καὶ τῇ καινουργίᾳ καὶ τῇ λαμπρότητι τῆς κατασκευῆς πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ περίβλεπτον ἀπεργάσασθαι.

⁷⁷ This dedicated offering was thus completed according to the King’s great ambition (philotimia), through the luxury of the material, the variety of its beauty, and the imitation achieved by the craftsmen’s chasing. The King strove that, even if it were not different in size from the table previously dedicated to God, it should be made far superior and conspicuous through its art, novelty, and the brilliance of its construction."

⁷⁷ So that this gift, by the king’s great generosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer’s skill in imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection, while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was.

⁷⁷ Finally by the king’s great generosity, this gift, made of such valuable materials and so exquisitely carved by the artisans with graving tools in imitation of nature, was completed, while the giver fervently wished that though its size was no different from the one already dedicated to God, yet it should far excel it in artistry and the novelty of its design and and be more illustrious than the former in the splendour of its construction.

The "Invisible" Joinery
Josephus emphasizes that the table appeared τρίπτυχον (three-fold/tri-partite) but the joints were ἀόρατον (invisible). This reflects the high Hellenistic value of techne—where the skill of the artist is so great that it hides the labor. To the ancients, a seamless object was a reflection of divine perfection.

Kinetic Art: Moving in the Wind
Perhaps the most stunning detail is the ivy and vines on the legs that "moved with the wind because of their thinness" (πρὸς τὸ πνεῦμα... κινούμενα). This implies that the Alexandrian goldsmiths had mastered extremely thin-gauge gold foil and filigree. It wasn't just a static sculpture; it was a "living" piece of furniture that reacted to its environment.

Psychagogia: The Enchantment of the Soul
Josephus uses the word ψυχαγωγίαν (psychagogia), literally "the leading of the soul." This was a technical term in Greek rhetoric and aesthetics for art so beautiful it bypasses the intellect and captures the emotions. By using this term, Josephus argues that Ptolemy’s gift had a spiritual effect on the observer, bridging the gap between Greek aesthetic pleasure and Jewish religious awe.

Color Theory and "Naturalism"
The use of carbuncles (red), emeralds (green), crystal (clear), and amber (yellow) suggests a highly deliberate color palette intended to mimic nature. The "ears of corn" and "grapes" weren't just gold; they were encrusted with stones to match their οἰκείαν χρόαν (proper color). This "Polychrome" gold-work was a hallmark of the luxurious Ptolemaic court.

The "Riddle" of the Hebrew Dimensions
Ptolemy strictly followed the 2.5 x 1 x 1.5 cubit dimensions specified in the Book of Exodus for the Table of Showbread. Josephus highlights this to show that the King was not a "lawless" innovator; he was an "orthodox" artist who used the highest possible Greek technology to fulfill a Hebrew command.

Symmetry and Perspective
Josephus describes how the table was designed to look identical from every angle. This shows a sophisticated understanding of three-dimensional perspective. Whether a priest stood in front of it or passed by the side, the "novelty and magnificence" were constant.

⁷⁸ Τῶν δὲ κρατήρων χρύσεοι μὲν ἦσαν δύο, φολιδωτὴν δ᾽ εἶχον ἀπὸ τῆς βάσεως μέχρι τοῦ διαζώματος τὴν‎ τορείαν λίθων ταῖς σπείραις ποικίλων ἐνδεδεμένων.	⁷⁸ "Regarding the bowls (krateres), there were two of gold; they had a scale-like pattern (pholidōtēn) in their engraving from the base up to the middle belt, with various stones embedded within the coils.
⁷⁸ Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones enchased in the spiral circles.	⁷⁸ There were two golden mixing-bowls engraved with a leaf-like texture from their base to their waist, and with various sorts of stones inlaid within the coils.

⁷⁹ εἶτα ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ μαίανδρος πηχυαῖος τὸ ὕψος ἐξείργαστο κατὰ σύνθεσιν λίθων παντοίων τὴν‎ ἰδέαν, κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ ῥάβδωσις ἀναγέγλυπτο, καθ᾽ ἧς πλέγμα ῥομβωτὸν δικτύοις ἐμφερὲς ἕως τοῦ χείλους ἀνείλκυστο·

⁷⁹ Next, a meander [Greek key] a cubit in height had been worked upon it through a composition of stones of every kind of appearance, and upon this, a rod-like fluting was engraved; over this, a rhomboid braid resembling netting was drawn up to the rim.

⁷⁹ Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin,

⁷⁹ Alongside this was a meander of a cubit high, made from stones of all sorts of colours, and next to this were engraved a stem of rods, and then a rhombus in a texture of network, up to the brim of the basin.

⁸⁰ τὰ δὲ μέσα λίθων ἀσπίδια τετραδακτύλων ἀνεπλήρου τὸ κάλλος. περιεστέφετο δὲ τὰ χείλη τοῦ κρατῆρος κρίνων σμίλαξι καὶ ἀνθεμίσι καὶ βοτρύων σχοινίαις εἰς κύκλον περιηγμέναις.	⁸⁰ The center spaces were filled for beauty with small 'shield-bosses' (aspidia) of precious stone, four fingers wide. The rims of the bowl were crowned with bindweed lilies, floral motifs, and rope-like clusters of grapes encircling the whole.
⁸⁰ while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a circular manner.	⁸⁰ Small shields made of stones, four fingers deep, beautified the middle section, and the brim of each mixing bowl was wreathed in lily-leaves and the flower and tendrils of the vine, in a circular style.

⁸¹ τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρυσέους κρατῆρας δύο χωροῦντας ἑκάτερον ἀμφορέας τοῦτον κατεσκεύασαν τὸν τρόπον, οἱ δ᾽ ἀργύρεοι τῶν ἐσόπτρων τὴν‎ λαμπρότητα πολὺ διαυγέστεροι γεγόνεισαν, ὡς τρανοτέρας διὰ τούτων τὰς τῶν προσφερομένων ὄψεις ὁρᾶσθαι.

⁸¹ They constructed the two golden bowls, each holding two amphorae [roughly 52 liters], in this manner. The silver ones had become much more brilliant than the brightness of mirrors, so that the faces of those approaching were seen even more clearly through them.

⁸¹ And this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other.

⁸¹ This was the structure of the two golden mixing bowls, each containing two amphorae. The bowls of silver were much brighter and more splendid than mirrors, so that the images that fell upon them were more plainly visible than in the latter.

⁸² προσκατεσκεύασε δὲ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ φιάλας τριάκοντα, ὧν ὅσα χρυσὸς ἦν ἀλλὰ μὴ λίθῳ πολυτελεῖ διείληπτο, σμίλαξι κισσοῦ καὶ πετάλοις ἀμπέλων ἐσκίαστο φιλοτέχνως ἐντετορευμένων.	⁸² In addition to these, the King also fashioned thirty vials (phialas); in any place where there was gold not interrupted by a precious stone, it was shaded with ivy-tendrils and vine-leaves, skillfully engraved.
⁸² The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven.	⁸² To these the king added thirty salvers, made of gold and encrusted with precious stones, all artistically engraved with tendrils of ivy and vine-leaves.

⁸³ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐγίγνετο μὲν καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐμπειρίαν τῶν ἐργαζομένων θαυμασίων ὄντων περὶ τὴν‎ τέχνην, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας διαφερόντως ἀπηρτίζετο·	⁸³ These things came to be so partly through the experience of the workers, who were wonderful in their craft, but they were much more perfectly finished through the King's extraordinary diligence and ambition (philotimia).
⁸³ And these were the vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king,	⁸³ These effects were admirably achieved both by the skill of the workmen, who were marvellous at their craft, and even more by the diligence and generosity of the king.

⁸⁴ οὐ γὰρ τῆς χορηγίας τὸ ἄφθονον καὶ μεγαλόψυχον τοῖς τεχνίταις παρεῖχεν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ χρηματίζειν τοῖς δημοσίοις πράγμασιν ἀπειρηκὼς αὐτὸς τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι παρῆν καὶ τὴν‎ ὅλην ἐργασίαν ἐπέβλεπεν. αἴτιον δ᾽ ἦν τοῦτο τῆς τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐπιμελείας, οἳ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν‎ τούτου σπουδὴν ἀποβλέποντες φιλοπονώτερον τοῖς ἔργοις προσελιπάρουν.

⁸⁴ For he did not only provide the craftsmen with unstinting and magnanimous funding, but having even called a halt to his public business, he was present himself with those constructing them and oversaw the entire labor. This was the cause of the craftsmen’s extreme care: looking toward the King and his dedication, they persisted in their works with even greater industriousness."

⁸⁴ who not only supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work.

⁸⁴ Not only did he supply the artisans abundantly and lavishly with what they wanted, but also he took leave from public affairs and came and was present with the artisans, supervising the whole work. This was why the workmen were so diligent in their performance, for seeing the king’s great commitment they applied themselves more intensely to the work.

The Scale-Pattern (Pholidōtēn)
Josephus describes a "scale-like" texture on the base of the bowls. This was a hallmark of the Hellenistic "imbricate" style, where gold was hammered or cast to look like the scales of a fish or a pinecone. By embedding stones within these "scales," the artists created a shimmering, multi-textured surface that would catch the light from every direction.

The Optical Brilliance of the Silver
A fascinating detail is that the silver bowls were διαυγέστεροι (more transparent/brilliant) than mirrors. High-purity silver in antiquity was polished with bone ash to a "black-mirror" finish. Josephus notes that a priest approaching the bowl would see a τρανοτέρας (distinct/piercing) reflection of his own face—a detail that emphasizes the theme of the "encounter" between the Greek donor and the Jewish minister.

The King’s "Strike" from State Affairs
Josephus makes the startling claim that Ptolemy ἀπειρηκὼς (having forbidden/stopped) his public business to watch the goldsmiths. In an era where kings were often distant gods, this image of the world's most powerful man skipping his meetings to watch a jeweler engrave a vine-leaf is a profound statement on the value of the Septuagint project. To Ptolemy, the "Book" and its "Vessels" were more important than the "State."

Philoponōteron: The Psychology of Excellence
Josephus observes that the craftsmen worked harder not because they were paid more (though they were), but because they were ἀποβλέποντες (looking toward) the King. The King's "gaze" transformed mere labor into a performance of loyalty. This is a classic "top-down" model of cultural excellence: the quality of the art is a direct reflection of the quality of the patron's attention.

Technical Totality: The 30 Vials
The description of the 30 vials (phialas) mentions that any plain gold surface was "shaded" with ivy and vines. This reveals a horror vacui (fear of empty space) typical of the high-luxury Hellenistic style. Every millimeter of the 30 vessels had to be "conquered" by art, ensuring that no raw material was left unrefined by Greek techne.

⁸⁵ Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ πεμφθέντα εἰς ὑπὸ ἀναθήματα. ὁ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὰ καὶ τιμήσας τοὺς κομίσαντας καὶ δῶρα τῷ βασιλεῖ δοὺς κομίζειν ἀπέλυσε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

⁸⁵ "These, then, were the dedicated offerings sent to Jerusalem by Ptolemy. The High Priest Eleazar, having dedicated them and honored those who brought them, gave gifts to be carried back to the King and dismissed them to return to him.

⁸⁵ And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them.

⁸⁵ These were the gifts sent to Jerusalem by Ptolemy as dedicatory offerings. The high priest Eleazar dedicated them to God and paid due respect to those who brought them and sent them off with gifts to bring back to the king.

⁸⁶ παραγενομένων δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀκούσας τὴν‎ παρουσίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἐληλυθότας, εὐθὺς Μεταπέμπεται τὸν καὶ τὸν τοὺς πρέσβεις. οἱ δ᾽ ἀφικόμενοι τάς τε ἐπιστολάς, ἃς ἐκόμιζον αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἀπέδοσαν καὶ ὅσα φράζειν ἀπὸ λόγων ὑπέθετο ταῦτα ἐδήλωσαν.

⁸⁶ When they arrived at Alexandria and Ptolemy heard of their presence—and that the seventy elders had come—he immediately sent for the ambassadors, Andreas and Aristaeus. Upon their arrival, they delivered the letters they carried from the High Priest and reported all that he had instructed them to say by word of mouth.

⁸⁶ And when they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth.

⁸⁶ When they reached Alexandria and Ptolemy heard of their arrival and that the seventy elders had come also, he at once sent for his envoys, Andreas and Aristeas, who came to him and gave him the letter they brought from the high priest and answered orally all the questions he put to them.

⁸⁷ σπεύδων δ᾽ ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν [ πρεσβύταις] ἥκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν τῶν νόμων, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οὓς χρειῶν ἕνεκα παρεῖναι συνέβαινεν ἐκέλευσεν ἀπολῦσαι, παράδοξον τοῦτο ποιῶν καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἔθος·

⁸⁷ Being eager to meet with the elders who had come from Jerusalem for the translation of the laws, he ordered all others who happened to be present for their own needs to be dismissed, doing something extraordinary and contrary to custom.

⁸⁷ He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do;

⁸⁷ He then hurried to meet the elders who came from Jerusalem to translate the laws, and ordered that everyone who came for whatever other need be sent away, which was a surprising and unaccustomed thing,

⁸⁸ οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τοιούτων αἰτιῶν ἀχθέντες διὰ πέμπτης ἡμέρας αὐτῷ προσῄεσαν, οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες διὰ μηνός· τότε τοίνυν ἀπολύσας ἐκείνους τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ ἘλεαζάρουEleazar περιέμενεν.	⁸⁸ For those brought by such causes usually approached him every five days, and ambassadors every month; yet at that time, having dismissed them, he waited for those sent by Eleazar.
⁸⁸ for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month’s end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar;	⁸⁸ for those whose business brought them there for various matters used to come to him on the fifth of each month, by envoys at the end of the month; and when he had sent them away, he waited for those sent by Eleazar.

⁸⁹ ὡς δὲ παρῆλθον μετὰ καὶ τῶν δώρων οἱ γέροντες, ἃ τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίσαι ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν, καὶ τῶν διφθερῶν, αἷς ἐγγεγραμμένους εἶχον τοὺς νόμους χρυσοῖς γράμμασιν, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν βιβλίων.

⁸⁹ When the elders entered with the gifts the High Priest had given them to carry to the King, and with the parchments (diphtherōn) on which they had the laws written in golden letters, he inquired of them concerning the books.

⁸⁹ but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters he put questions to them concerning those books;

⁸⁹ As these elders came in with the gifts the high priest had given them to bring to the king and the parchments on which they had their laws written in golden letters, he questioned them about their books.

⁹⁰ ὡς δ᾽ ἀποκαλύψαντες τῶν ἐνειλημάτων ἐπέδειξαν αὐτῷ, θαυμάσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἰσχνότητος τοὺς ὑμένας καὶ τῆς συμβολῆς τὸ ἀνεπίγνωστον, οὕτως γὰρ ἥρμοστο, καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας χρόνῳ πλείονι χάριν ἔχειν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς τε ἐλθοῦσιν καὶ μείζονα τῷ πέμψαντι, πρὸ δὲ πάντων τῷ θεῷ, οὗ τοὺς νόμους εἶναι συμβέβηκεν.

⁹⁰ When they had uncovered them from their wrappings and displayed them to him, the King was astonished at the thinness of the membranes and the imperceptible nature of the joins—for they were so fitted together—and having done this for a long time, he said he gave thanks both to them for coming and even more to the sender, but above all to God, whose laws these happened to be.

⁹⁰ and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be.

⁹⁰ When they had taken off the covers wrapping them, they showed them to him and the king stood admiring the thinness of the parchments and the fine joinings, which were all but invisible, and this he did for a long time. He then thanked them for coming and even more the one who sent them, and, above all, thanked God from whom these laws had come.

⁹¹ ἐκβοησάντων δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἓν καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν συμπαρόντων γίγνεσθαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ἡδονῆς εἰς δάκρυα προύπεσεν, φύσει τῆς μεγάλης χαρᾶς πασχούσης καὶ τὰ τῶν λυπηρῶν σύμβολα.	⁹¹ As the elders and those present cried out all at once, wishing all good things to the King, he was moved to tears by the excess of his pleasure; for it is the nature of great joy to experience the same signs as sorrow.
⁹¹ Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows.	⁹¹ Then the elders and the people present with them, called out with one voice and wished all prosperity to the king, who burst into tears for the extreme pleasure he felt, for it is human to give the same expression to feelings of great joy as to those of sorrow.

⁹² κελεύσας δὲ τὰ βιβλία δοῦναι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς τάξεως τότε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἠσπάσατο, δίκαιον εἰπὼν εἶναι πρῶτον περὶ ὧν αὐτοὺς μετεπέμψατο τοὺς λόγους ἔπειτα κἀκείνους προσειπεῖν. τὴν‎ μέντοι γε ἡμέραν, καθ᾽ ἣν ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτόν, ποιήσειν καὶ κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐπίσημον εἰς ὅλον τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἐπηγγέλλετο·

⁹² Having commanded that the books be given to the officials in charge of the records, he then greeted the men, saying it was right first to speak of the matters for which he had sent for them, and then to address them personally. He promised to make the day they came to him a celebrated one, and notable every year for the rest of his life.

⁹² And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the whole course of his life;

⁹² When he told them to deliver the books to those appointed to receive them, he greeted the men and said that they should talk first of the mission about which they were sent and then about themselves. He promised that for the rest of his life he would mark and remember this day on which they came to him,

⁹³ ἔτυχεν γὰρ ἡ αὐτὴ εἶναι τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς νίκης, ἣν ἈντίγονονAntignus ναυμαχῶν ἐνίκησεν· συνεστιαθῆναί τε ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ καὶ καταλύσεις προσέταξεν αὐτοῖς δοθῆναι τὰς καλλίστας πρὸς τῇ ἄκρᾳ.	⁹³ For it happened that the day of their arrival was the same as the day of his victory, when he defeated Antigonus in a sea-fight. He commanded them to feast with him and ordered that the finest lodgings be given to them near the Citadel."
⁹³ for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city.	⁹³ for their coming coincided with the day he had won his victory over Antigonus at sea. He also said that they should sup with him, and ordered that the finest of lodgings be provided for them in the upper city.

Breaking the Royal "Clock"
Josephus emphasizes that Ptolemy violated strict court protocol (παρὰ τὸ ἔθος). Usually, common petitioners waited five days and foreign ambassadors waited a full month to see the King. By clearing his schedule immediately, Ptolemy signals that the Jewish Law is of a higher priority than the entire administrative machinery of the Egyptian Empire.

The Golden Torah: Material as Message
The scrolls were written in χρυσοῖς γράμμασιν (gold letters) on ἰσχνότητος (extremely thin) parchment. This was likely a "deluxe" copy made specifically for the King. In the ancient world, gold ink was rare and difficult to use on skin; it serves here as a physical metaphor for the "light" and "wealth" of the Law itself.

The Perfection of the Sofer (Scribe)
Ptolemy is mesmerized by the ἀνεπίγνωστον (imperceptible/unknowable) joins of the parchment. This is a direct nod to the skill of the Jewish scribes. A Torah scroll is made of many skins sewn together; that the King couldn't even see the seams suggests a level of craftsmanship that mirrored the "invisible joins" of the gold table he had sent to Jerusalem.

The King’s Tears: Joy as Sorrow
Josephus provides a touching psychological observation: great joy often looks like grief (τὰ τῶν λυπηρῶν σύμβολα). This humanizes the "Great King." It suggests that Ptolemy’s interest in the Law wasn't just academic or imperial—it was an emotional, perhaps even spiritual, relief to finally possess it.

Synchronicity and the Naval Victory
Ptolemy aligns the arrival of the elders with his victory over Antigonus (likely the Battle of Cos, c. 261 BCE). By declaring their arrival an annual holiday on the same day as a major military triumph, he elevates the intellectual victory of the translation to the same level as the military victory of his navy.

Lodging at the "Citadel"
The King places them in the ἄκρᾳ (Citadel/Acropolis), likely near the royal quarters and the Library. This was the most secure and prestigious part of Alexandria. He didn't just want them in the city; he wanted them under his personal protection and within his immediate reach.

⁹⁴ Ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν ξένων ἀποδοχῆς τεταγμένος καλέσας, ὃς εἶχεν τὴν‎ περὶ τούτων πρόνοιαν, ἐκέλευεν ἑτοιμάζειν ἑκάστῳ τὰ δέοντα πρὸς τὴν‎ δίαιταν. διετέτακτο δὲ τοῦτον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν τρόπον·

⁹⁴ "Now Nicanor, who was appointed over the reception of strangers, called Dorotheus, who had the care of these matters, and commanded him to prepare for each what was necessary for their diet. For it had been arranged by the King in this manner:

⁹⁴ Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner:

⁹⁴ Nicanor who was assigned to welcome visitors, called for Dorotheus, whose duty was to look after them and told him to furnish each of them with what was needed for their diet and way of living. The matter was ordered by the king as follows.

⁹⁵ κατὰ γὰρ πόλιν ἑκάστην, τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρῶνται περὶ τὴν‎ δίαιταν, ἦν τούτων ἐπιμελόμενος καὶ κατὰ τὸ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔθος πάντ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρεσκευάζετο, ἵνα τῷ συνήθει τρόπῳ τῆς διαίτης εὐωχούμενοι μᾶλλον ἥδωνται καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὡς ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντες δυσχεραίνωσιν. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ τούτους ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν‎ περὶ τὸν βίον ἀκρίβειαν ἐπὶ τούτοις καθεστῶτος.

⁹⁵ For each city, among those who follow the same customs regarding diet, there was someone in charge of them; and according to the custom of those arriving to him, everything was prepared for them, so that feasting in their accustomed manner of diet, they might be more pleased and not be vexed by anything as if it were foreign to them. This very thing happened regarding these men, as Dorotheus—who was appointed over these matters because of his precision regarding life—took charge.

⁹⁵ he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life;

⁹⁵ He took care that people from any city who followed a distinctive lifestyle should have everything prepared for them according to the visitors' custom, so that, being feasted according to their customary lifestyle, they would be better pleased and not distressed by having to cope with anything to which they were naturally averse. This was now how these men were treated by Dorotheus, who got his job because of his great skill in such matters of practical life.

⁹⁶ συνέστρωσε δὲ πάντα δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποδοχὰς καὶ διμερῆ τὴν‎ κλισίαν ἐποίησεν οὑτωσὶ προστάξαντος τοῦ βασιλέως· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἡμίσεις ἐκέλευσεν ἀνὰ χεῖρα κατακλιθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς μετὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ κλισίαν, οὐδὲν ἀπολιπὼν τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἄνδρας τιμῆς.

⁹⁶ He laid out everything through his own efforts for such receptions and arranged the seating in two parts, for the King had so commanded: he ordered half of them to be seated at his hand [on his right], and the rest behind his own couch, leaving out nothing of the honor due to the men.

⁹⁶ for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omitted that could be shown them.

⁹⁶ His duties included all matters concerning the reception of strangers and assigned them two rows of seats to sit on, as the king had told him to do, for he had ordered that half of their seats be set at his right hand and the other half behind his table and was careful to omit no respect that could be shown them.

⁹⁷ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὕτως κατεκλίθησαν ἐκέλευσε τὸν , οἷς ἔθεσι χρώμενοι διατελοῦσιν πάντες οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένοι κατὰ ταῦτα ὑπηρετεῖν. [διὸ] καὶ τοὺς ἱεροκήρυκας καὶ θύτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, οἳ τὰς κατευχὰς ἐποιοῦντο, παρῃτήσατο, τῶν δὲ παραγενομένων ἕνα ὄνομα ὄντα ἱερέα παρεκάλεσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ποιήσασθαι κατευχάς.

⁹⁷ When they were thus seated, he commanded Dorotheus to serve them according to the customs which all those who came to him from Judea continued to use. Therefore, he excused the heralds, the sacrificers, and the others who used to offer the prayers; instead, the King invited one of those who had arrived, a priest named Elisha, to offer the prayers.

⁹⁷ And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who w a priest, and desired him to say grace;

⁹⁷ When they were so seated, he had Dorotheus serve all who had come to him from Judea as they were accustomed to be served. He sent away his sacred heralds and the sacrificers and the others who used to say grace, but called one of those who had come to him, a priest named Eleazar, and bade him say the grace.

⁹⁸ ὁ δὲ στὰς εἰς μέσον ηὔχετο τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ ἀγαθὰ καὶ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, εἶτα κρότος ἐξ ἁπάντων μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ἤρθη καὶ παυσάμενοι πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπόλαυσιν τῶν παρεσκευασμένων ἐτράπησαν.

⁹⁸ Elisha, standing in the midst, prayed for good things for the King and those ruled by him; then a burst of applause arose from everyone with joy and shouting, and having ceased, they turned to the feast and the enjoyment of what had been prepared.

⁹⁸ who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them.

⁹⁸ He stood up and prayed for the king and his subjects to enjoy all prosperity. At this the whole company cheered loudly and joyfully and then began eating their supper and enjoying the fare set before them.

⁹⁹ διαλιπὼν δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἔδοξεν ἀποχρῶντα καιρὸν εἶναι φιλοσοφεῖν ἤρξατο καὶ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν λόγους ἐπηρώτα φυσικούς, καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ τῶν ζητουμένων θεωρίαν ἀκριβῶς ἐκείνων περὶ παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν λέγειν αὐτοῖς προβληθείη διασαφούντων, ἡδόμενος τούτοις ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας δώδεκα τὸ συμπόσιον ἐποιήσατο,

⁹⁹ After pausing for as long as seemed a sufficient time, the King began to philosophize and asked each of them questions on natural philosophy; and as they clarified the theory of the inquiries accurately concerning whatever was put before them, he, being delighted with these things, held the banquet for twelve days,

⁹⁹ And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve days in which they were treated;

⁹⁹ Shortly afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had passed, he began to philosophize with them and asked each of them a serious question that could enlighten his inquiries, and they explained all the problems raised by the king about every point.

¹⁰⁰ ὡς τῷ βουλομένῳ τὰ κατὰ μέρος γνῶναι τῶν ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ ζητηθέντων εἶναι μαθεῖν ἀναγνόντι τὸ ἈρισταίουAristeas βιβλίον, ὃ συνέγραψεν διὰ ταῦτα.	¹⁰⁰ so that anyone wishing to know the details of the things investigated at the banquet may learn them by reading the Book of Aristaeus, which he wrote for this very reason."
¹⁰⁰ and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.	¹⁰⁰ Well-pleased with their answers, he continued the symposium for twelve days, and whoever wishes to learn them may find the particular questions in the book of Aristeas, which he wrote about all of that.

The "Kosher" Protocol
Josephus emphasizes the King’s meticulous care (ἀκρίβειαν) regarding the guests' diet. This isn't just hospitality; it's state-sponsored religious accommodation. By having a specific officer (Dorotheus) for each culture's "dietary laws," the Ptolemies managed their multicultural empire by making "foreignness" feel at home. This likely refers to the Jewish elders' need for specific slaughtering and preparation methods.

The Prayer of Elisha
A significant moment of "Soft Power" occurs when the King dismisses his own ἱεροκήρυκας (sacred heralds) and θύτας (sacrificers). By allowing a Jewish priest to offer the prayer, Ptolemy acknowledges that on this occasion, the God of the Jews is the "Host" of the dinner. The prayer for the King’s subjects (τοῖς ἀρχομένοις) reinforces the political bond between the Jewish leadership and the Egyptian crown.

The Symmetry of Honor
The seating arrangement was highly symbolic. Placing half the elders ἀνὰ χεῖρα (at his hand) and the other half μετὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ κλισίαν (after his own couch) suggests they were treated as Philoi (Friends of the King)—the highest social rank in a Hellenistic court.

Banquet as University
In Alexandria, a banquet wasn't just for eating; it was a συμπόσιον (symposium) in the true sense—a "drinking together" paired with intellectual rigor. Josephus uses the verb φιλοσοφεῖν (to philosophize), showing that the King viewed these 72 elders not as "priests of a desert cult," but as high-level philosophers of φυσικούς (natural/universal) laws.

The "Book of Aristaeus"
Josephus cites his source: the Letter of Aristaeus. While modern scholars debate the exact date and authorship of that letter, for Josephus, it serves as the "Congressional Record" of the event. He points his readers to it for the "details," essentially saying, "If you want the full 72-question transcript, look at the original source."

Twelve Days of Wisdom
The duration—twelve days—mirrors the twelve tribes of Israel. Each day likely focused on a different group of elders. This marathon of intellect was intended to prove that the Jewish Law was not just a list of rules, but a coherent philosophical system capable of answering the most complex questions of a Greek King.

¹⁰¹ Θαυμάζοντος δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οὐ μόνον τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ φιλοσόφου προνοίᾳ διοικεῖσθαι πάντα φήσαντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἰκὸς καὶ τοῦ λόγου δύναμιν καὶ κάλλος εὑρῆσθαι, παύονται μὲν περὶ τούτων ἐπιζητοῦντες.

¹⁰¹ "While not only the King marveled at them, but also Menedemus the philosopher, who remarked that all things are governed by Providence—and for this reason it was likely that the power and beauty of their words had been found—they ceased their inquiries on these matters.

¹⁰¹ And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men’s words, they then left off asking any more such questions.

¹⁰¹ Not only the king but also the philosopher Menedemus admired them and said that everything was ruled by Providence and that probably that is why such force and beauty was shown in these men’s words. Finally they ceased asking any more such questions.

¹⁰² γεγενῆσθαι δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔλεγεν ἤδη παρόντων αὐτῶν· ὠφελῆσθαι γὰρ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν μεμαθηκότα, πῶς δεῖ βασιλεύειν· κελεύει τε αὐτοῖς ἀνὰ τρία δοθῆναι τάλαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀποκαταστήσοντας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κατάλυσιν.

¹⁰² The King said that the greatest of goods had come to him now that they were present, for he had been benefited by learning from them how one ought to rule; he commanded that three talents be given to each of them, along with those who would escort them to their lodgings.

¹⁰² But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming, for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should do it.

¹⁰² The king said that their coming was of great benefit to him, because they had helped him to see how he should govern his subjects. He ordered that they each should receive three talents and that the people assigned should bring them to their lodgings.

¹⁰³ διελθουσῶν δὲ τριῶν ἡμερῶν παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ καὶ διελθὼν τὸ ἑπταστάδιον χῶμα τῆς θαλάσσης πρὸς τὴν‎ νῆσον καὶ διαβὰς πρὸς τὴν‎ γέφυραν, προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰ βόρεια μέρη συνέδριον ἐποιήσατο ἐν τῷ παρὰ τὴν‎ ᾐόνα κατεσκευασμένῳ οἴκῳ πρὸς διάσκεψιν πραγμάτων ἠρεμίας καλῶς ἔχοντι.

¹⁰³ After three days had passed, Demetrius took them and, having traversed the Heptastadion [the seven-stade mole/bridge] of the sea toward the island and crossed over to the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts and held a session in a house constructed by the shore, which was well-suited for quiet consideration of matters.

¹⁰³ Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and fit for their discoursing together about their work.

¹⁰³ After three days Demetrius took them and went over the seven-furlong long causeway over the sea to an island. When they had crossed the bridge, he proceeded to the northern side and showed them where to meet, in a house near the shore, which was a quiet place suitable for them to talk together about their work.

¹⁰⁴ ἀγαγὼν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ παρεκάλει πάντων, ὧν ἂν δεηθεῖεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν τοῦ νόμου, παρόντων ἀκωλύτως ἐπιτελεῖν τὸ ἔργον. οἱ δ᾽ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα φιλοτίμως καὶ φιλοπόνως ἀκριβῆ τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν ποιούμενοι μέχρι μὲν ὥρας ἐνάτης πρὸς τούτῳ διετέλουν ὄντες,

¹⁰⁴ Having brought them there, he exhorted them to carry out the work of translating the Law without hindrance, provided with all they might need. They, with as much ambition and industriousness as possible, making the translation accurate, continued at this task until the ninth hour [3:00 PM].

¹⁰⁴ When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day;

¹⁰⁴ When he had brought them there, he implored them now that they had near them all that they needed for the translating of their law, to let nothing interrupt the work. As one, they set about the work of translation with great zeal and effort and continued at this until three o'clock in the afternoon.

¹⁰⁵ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ σώματος ἀπηλλάττοντο θεραπείαν ἀφθόνως αὐτοῖς τῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ δίαιταν χορηγουμένων καὶ προσέτι τοῦ πολλὰ καὶ τῶν παρασκευαζομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ, προσέταξε γάρ, αὐτοῖς παρέχοντος.

¹⁰⁵ Afterward, they departed for the care of the body, with a lavish supply of provisions provided for their diet; moreover, Dorotheus provided them with many of the things prepared for the King, for so the King had commanded.

¹⁰⁵ after which time they relaxed, and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king’s command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himself.

¹⁰⁵ Then they relaxed and took some physical exercise, and plentiful food was provided for them, for Dorotheus, at the king’s command, brought them much of what was provided for the king himself.

¹⁰⁶ πρωὶ δὲ πρὸς τὴν‎ αὐλὴν παραγινόμενοι καὶ τὸν ἀσπαζόμενοι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀπῄεσαν τόπον καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰς χεῖρας ἀπονιπτόμενοι καὶ καθαίροντες αὑτοὺς οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν νόμων ἑρμηνείαν ἐτρέποντο.

¹⁰⁶ In the morning, appearing at the court and greeting Ptolemy, they would depart again to the same place; and washing their hands in the sea and purifying themselves, they thus turned to the translation of the laws.

¹⁰⁶ But in the morning they came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands, and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws.

¹⁰⁶ In the morning they came to the court and greeted Ptolemy and then went back to their own place, where, after washing their hands, and purifying themselves, they set about translating the laws.

¹⁰⁷ Μεταγραφέντος δὲ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἑρμηνείαν ἔργου τέλος ἐν ἡμέραις ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δυσὶν λαβόντος, συναγαγὼν ὁ τοὺς ἅπαντας εἰς τὸν τόπον, ἔνθα καὶ μετεβλήθησαν οἱ νόμοι, παρόντων καὶ τῶν ἑρμηνέων ἀνέγνω τούτους.

¹⁰⁷ When the Law had been transcribed and the work of translation had reached its end in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews into the place where the laws had been changed [translated]; in the presence of the translators, he read them aloud.

¹⁰⁷ Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over.

¹⁰⁷ When the law was translated and the labour of interpretation was over, which was concluded in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews to the place where the laws had been translated, in in the presence of the interpreters read them aloud.

¹⁰⁸ τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἀπεδέξατο μὲν καὶ τοὺς διασαφήσαντας πρεσβυτέρους τὸν νόμον, ἐπῄνεσεν δὲ καὶ τὸν τῆς ἐπινοίας ὡς μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς εὑρετὴν γεγενημένον, παρεκάλεσάν τε δοῦναι καὶ τοῖς ἡγουμένοις αὐτῶν ἀναγνῶναι τὸν νόμον, ἠξίωσάν τε [πάντες] ὅ τε ἱερεὺς καὶ τῶν ἑρμηνέων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ τοῦ πολιτεύματος οἱ προεστηκότες, ἐπεὶ καλῶς τὰ τῆς ἑρμηνείας ἀπήρτισται, καὶ διαμεῖναι ταῦθ᾽, ὡς ἔχοι, καὶ μὴ μετακινεῖν αὐτά.

¹⁰⁸ The multitude accepted both the elders who had clarified the Law and praised Demetrius for his conception, as he had become the discoverer of great goods for them. They exhorted him to give the Law to their leaders to read, and everyone requested—both the priest and the elders of the translators and the presiding officers of the politeuma [the Jewish community council]—that since the work of translation was so beautifully finished, it should remain as it was and not be altered.

¹⁰⁸ The multitude did also approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth, made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished, it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered.

¹⁰⁸ The crowd approved of those elders, experts in the law and commended Demetrius for his proposal, for doing something to their great advantage, and they requested him also to let their leaders read the law, and all of them, from the priest and the oldest of the interpreters and the leaders of their nation requested that once the translation was completed, it should stay as it was and not be changed.

¹⁰⁹ ἁπάντων δ᾽ ἐπαινεσάντων τὴν‎ γνώμην ἐκέλευσαν, εἴ τις ἢ περισσόν τι προσγεγραμμένον ὁρᾷ τῷ νόμῳ ἢ λεῖπον, πάλιν ἐπισκοποῦντα τοῦτο καὶ ποιοῦντα φανερὸν διορθοῦν, σωφρόνως τοῦτο , ἵνα τὸ κριθὲν ἅπαξ ἔχειν καλῶς εἰς ἀεὶ διαμένῃ.

¹⁰⁹ When everyone had praised this opinion, they commanded that if anyone saw anything added to the Law that was superfluous, or anything lacking, he should look into it again and make it known for correction—acting thus prudently, so that what had once been judged to be well-done might remain forever."

¹⁰⁹ And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever.

¹⁰⁹ When all praised that proposal, they wisely ordered that if anyone noted anything added or omitted, it be reviewed and corrected in their presence, so that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might last for ever.

The Heptastadion and the Island of Pharos
Josephus provides specific Alexandrian geography. The Heptastadion was a massive mole (breakwater/bridge) about 1.3 km long that connected the mainland to the island of Pharos. By placing the translators on the northern, seaward side of the island, Demetrius ensured they were physically separated from the noise and "profane" bustle of the city, creating a monastic environment for sacred work.

The Nine-to-Three Workday
The translators worked until the ninth hour (roughly 3:00 PM). In the ancient world, this left enough daylight for the "care of the body"—bathing and the main meal. This detail emphasizes that the work was rigorous and structured, like a modern scholarly committee.

The Ritual of the Sea
A beautiful detail is the morning ritual: τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰς χεῖρας ἀπονιπτόμενοι (washing their hands in the sea). For the elders, the translation was a liturgical act. Since they were away from the Temple, the "living water" of the Mediterranean served as a mikvah (ritual bath), purifying them before they touched the sacred text. To Josephus’s Greek readers, this looked like the discipline of a philosophical school; to his Jewish readers, it was an act of high piety.

The Magic Number: 72
The translation took 72 days, matching the 72 translators. In the symbolic logic of the ancient world, this numerical harmony was proof of divine favor. It suggests that the work was not rushed, nor was it stalled; it was "perfectly" timed.

The Politeuma: Jewish Self-Governance
Josephus mentions the προεστηκότες τοῦ πολιτεύματος (the leaders of the community). A politeuma was a recognized ethnic corporation within a Greek city that had its own internal laws. This proves that the Septuagint wasn't just for the King’s library—it was immediately adopted as the "Constitution" for the 100,000+ Jews living in Alexandria.

The "Canonization" Curse
The final section describes a process of communal peer review. However, once the assembly agreed it was perfect, they declared it unalterable. This mirrors the warning in Deuteronomy 4:2 ("Do not add to what I command you and do not subtract from it"). By applying this rule to the Greek translation, they were effectively granting the Septuagint the same "Inspired" status as the original Hebrew.

¹¹⁰ μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ προαίρεσιν εἴς τι χρήσιμον ὁρῶν τετελειωμένην, μάλιστα [ὡς] δὲ τῶν νόμων ἀναγνωσθέντων αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν καὶ τὴν‎ σοφίαν τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἤρξατο ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, πῶς οὕτως θαυμαστῆς οὔσης τῆς νομοθεσίας οὐδεὶς οὔτε τῶν ἱστορικῶν αὐτῆς οὔτε τῶν ποιητῶν ἐπεμνήσθη.

¹¹⁰ "The King was therefore delighted at this, seeing that his purpose had been brought to a useful conclusion; but most of all, when the laws were read to him, he was struck with amazement at the mind and the wisdom of the Legislator. He began to discuss with Demetrius why, since the legislation was so wonderful, none of the historians or poets had ever made mention of it.

¹¹⁰ So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, "How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it."

¹¹⁰ The king was glad when he saw his plan so well achieved, and he was mainly delighted to hear the Laws read to him, and was astounded at the intelligence and wisdom of the Legislator. He began to say to Demetrius how strange it was that though this legislation was so wonderful, none of their poets or historians, had mentioned it.

¹¹¹ ὁ δὲ ΔημήτριοςDemetrius μηδένα τολμῆσαι τῆς τῶν νόμων τούτων ἀναγραφῆς ἅψασθαι διὰ τὸ θείαν αὐτὴν εἶναι καὶ σεμνὴν ἔφασκεν, καὶ ὅτι βλαβεῖεν ἤδη τινὲς τούτοις ἐγχειρήσαντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ,	¹¹¹ Demetrius replied that no one had dared to touch the recording of these laws because the legislation was divine and solemn, and that some who had previously attempted it had already been harmed by God.
¹¹¹ Demetrius made answer, "that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God."	¹¹¹ Demetrius replied that no one dared to attempt a description of these laws since they were divine and venerable and some who had attempted it were struck down by God.

¹¹² δηλῶν ὡς τε βουληθεὶς ἱστορῆσαί τι περὶ τούτων ἐταράχθη τὴν‎ διάνοιαν πλείοσιν ἢ τριάκοντα ἡμέραις καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἀνέσεις ἐξιλάσκετο τὸν , ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ παραφροσύνην ὑπονοῶν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὄναρ εἶδεν ὅτι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ συμβαίη περιεργαζομένῳ τὰ θεῖα καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐκφέρειν εἰς κοινοὺς ἀνθρώπους θελήσαντι·

¹¹² He pointed out that Theopompus, wishing to record something concerning them, had his mind disturbed for more than thirty days; during his intervals of relief, he entreated God, suspecting that his madness came from that source. Moreover, he saw in a dream that this had happened to him because he was meddling too much in divine matters and wished to publish them to common men.

¹¹² He also told him, that "Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer], as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again.

¹¹² He told him how Theopompus who wished to write something about them went astray in the head for more than thirty days, and during a remission of his illness prayed to God, suspecting that his madness had come from him. Furthermore, he saw in a dream that his illness affected him for being too curious about divine matters and wanting to publish them to ordinary folk, and when he gave up the attempt he regained his understanding.

¹¹³ καὶ ἀποσχόμενος κατέστη τὴν‎ διάνοιαν. ἐδήλου δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ποιητοῦ ἀναφέρεσθαι, ὅτι βουληθεὶς ἔν τινι δράματι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ βύβλῳ γεγραμμένων μνησθῆναι τὰς ὄψεις γλαυκωθείη καὶ συνιδὼν τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ πάθους ἐξευμενισάμενος τὸν .

¹¹³ And when he desisted, his mind was restored. He also pointed out that it was reported concerning Theodectes, the tragic poet, that when he wished to mention something written in the Holy Book in one of his dramas, his eyes became clouded with cataracts; and perceiving the cause, he was delivered from the affliction after he had appeased God."

¹¹³ Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God (by prayer), he was freed from that affliction.

¹¹³ He also told him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, of whom it was said that when in a dramatic play he wished to mention things contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes, and that when he became aware of the cause of his illness and appeased God, he was freed from that affliction.

The "Awe" of the Superpower
Ptolemy’s reaction is ἐξεπλάγη (struck with amazement/stunned). For a Hellenistic king, who viewed himself as the pinnacle of reason, to be "stunned" by the Mosaic Law is Josephus's way of asserting the superiority of Jewish revelation over Greek philosophy. The King recognizes that the Law isn't just a set of rules, but the product of a superior διάνοιαν (intellect).

The Danger of "Commonizing" the Divine
Demetrius explains the silence of Greek authors through the concept of περιεργαζομένῳ (meddling/being over-curious). In the ancient world, sacred things were taboo—they were set apart. The punishment for the historian Theopompus and the poet Theodectes was not for being "bad" writers, but for trying to bring "divine matters" into the realm of κοινοὺς ἀνθρώπους (common men/the profane).

Religious "Madness" and Blindness
The specific punishments are symbolic:

1) Theopompus (The Historian): Suffers a "disturbance of the mind" (ἐταράχθη τὴν διάνοιαν). History requires a clear mind; by trying to secularize the divine, he lost the very tool of his trade.

2) Theodectes (The Dramatist): Suffers "clouded eyes" (γλαυκωθείη—glaucoma/cataracts). Drama requires sight and spectacle; by misusing the "visions" of the Holy Book, he lost his physical sight.

The Septuagint as the "Safe" Bridge
By including these horror stories, Josephus makes a brilliant rhetorical move. He implies that the Septuagint is the only authorized and safe way for the Greek world to access the Jewish Law. Previous attempts by individuals were "meddling," but this project—sanctioned by the High Priest and a King—is a legitimate "opening" of the divine secret.

Apologetics Through Fear
Josephus is writing for a Roman and Greek audience that often looked down on Jewish "superstition." By citing famous figures like Theopompus (a well-known 4th-century BCE historian), he is speaking the language of his readers to prove that their own intellectual heroes were forced to respect the Jewish God through "divine' sanctions."

The Legislator as a Mastermind
The text shifts the focus from the People to the νομοθέτου (the Legislator/Moses). To a Greek reader, a nation was defined by its founder-legislator (like Solon for Athens or Lycurgus for Sparta). By praising the "mind" of Moses, Ptolemy is essentially admitting that the Jewish "constitution" is the greatest ever written.

¹¹⁴ Παραλαβὼν δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ , καθὼς προείρηται, προσκυνήσας αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευσε πολλὴν ποιεῖσθαι τῶν βιβλίων τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν, ἵνα διαμείνῃ ταῦτα καθαρῶς, τούς τε ἑρμηνεύσαντας παρεκάλεσεν συνεχῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς παραγίγνεσθαι·

¹¹⁴ "When the King received these books from Demetrius, as has been said before, he venerated them and commanded that great care be taken of the books so that they might remain in a pure state. He also exhorted the translators to visit him from Judea continually;

¹¹⁴ And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea,

¹¹⁴ When the king had received these books from Demetrius, as already said, he venerated them and ordered them to be treated with the greatest care, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also wanted the interpreters to come to him often from Judea.

¹¹⁵ τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς τιμὴν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν δώρων ὠφελείας λυσιτελήσειν· νῦν μὲν γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον αὐτοὺς ἐκπέμπειν ἔλεγεν, ἑκουσίως δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας τεύξεσθαι πάντων, ὧν ἥ τε αὐτῶν ἐστιν σοφία δικαία τυχεῖν καὶ ἡ ἐκείνου μεγαλοφροσύνη παρασχεῖν ἱκανή.

¹¹⁵ for he said this would be profitable for them, both for the honor they would receive from him and for the benefits of his gifts. For he said it was right to send them away for now, but if they came to him of their own accord, they would obtain everything that their own wisdom was just to receive and his magnanimity was capable of providing.

¹¹⁵ and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them.

¹¹⁵ He would pay them respect and give them gifts, while he admitted that it was now only fair to send them off, but if, of their own accord, they returned to him later, they would obtain all that their wisdom would fairly ask and what his generosity could give them.

¹¹⁶ τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτοὺς δοὺς ἑκάστῳ στολὰς ἀρίστας τρεῖς καὶ χρυσοῦ τάλαντα δύο καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντου καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ συμποσίου στρωμνήν.	¹¹⁶ At that time, therefore, he sent them away, giving to each three of the best robes, two talents of gold, a drinking cup worth a talent, and the entire set of furnishings from the banquet couch.
¹¹⁶ So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them.	¹¹⁶ Then he sent them off and gave to each of them three garments of high quality and two talents of gold and a cup of the value of one talent and the furnishings of the room where they had feasted.

¹¹⁷ καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκείνοις ἔχειν ἐδωρήσατο. τῷ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεῖ δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἔπεμψεν κλίνας ἀργυρόποδας δέκα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀκόλουθον αὐτῶν ἐπισκευὴν καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντων τριάκοντα, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ στολὰς δέκα καὶ πορφύραν καὶ στέφανον διαπρεπῆ καὶ βυσσίνης ὀθόνης ἱστοὺς ἑκατόν, ἔτι γε μὴν φιάλας καὶ τρύβλια καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ κρατῆρας χρυσοῦς πρὸς ἀνάθεσιν δύο.

¹¹⁷ These things he gave to them as a gift. To the High Priest Eleazar, he sent through them ten couches with silver feet and their accompanying equipment, a drinking vessel worth thirty talents, and in addition, ten robes, purple cloth, a magnificent crown, and a hundred webs of fine linen cloth, as well as vials, bowls, libation cups, and two golden bowls (krateres) for dedication.

¹¹⁷ But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God.

¹¹⁷ These were what he gave them as gifts, and through them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds with feet of silver and their furnishings and a cup of the value of thirty talents, plus ten garments and purple and a very beautiful crown and a hundred pieces of finest woven linen, and vessels and dishes and pouring vessels and two golden wine-jars to be dedicated to God.

¹¹⁸ παρεκάλεσεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ὅπως εἰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων θελήσειάν τινες πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψῃ, περὶ πολλοῦ ποιούμενος τὴν‎ μετὰ τῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ τυγχανόντων συνουσίαν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον εἰς τοὺς τοιούτους ἡδέως ἔχων κατατίθεσθαι. Καὶ τὰ μὲν εἰς δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν τοιαῦτα παρὰ τοῦ συνέβη γενέσθαι.

¹¹⁸ He also requested him through letters that, if any of these men wished to come back to him, he should permit it; for he set a high value on the company of those distinguished in education (paideia) and gladly spent his wealth on such people. Such, then, were the things that came to the Jews from Ptolemy Philadelphus for their glory and honor.

¹¹⁸ He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.

¹¹⁸ He urged him in a letter that if any of the translators wished to come to him they be allowed to do so, for he highly valued contact with men of learning and was most willing to spend his wealth upon such men. This was how Ptolemy Philadelphus treated the Jews, much to their honour and glory.

Chapter 3
[119-153]
The Jews prosper in Asia Minor,
and under Seleucus Nicator Antioch

☜ ☞

¹¹⁹ Ἔτυχον δὲ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τῆς τιμῆς, ἐπειδὴ συνεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς· καὶ γὰρ ὁ ἐν αἷς ἔκτισεν πόλεσιν ἐν τῇ καὶ τῇ κάτω καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μητροπόλει πολιτείας αὐτοὺς ἠξίωσεν καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικισθεῖσιν ἰσοτίμους ἀπέφηνεν καὶ , ὡς τὴν‎ πολιτείαν ταύτην ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαμένειν·

¹¹⁹ They also happened to receive honor from the Kings of Asia, because they had campaigned with them; for Seleucus Nicator, in the cities he founded in Asia and Lower Syria, and in the metropolis of Antioch itself, granted them citizenship and declared them to be of equal honor (isotimous) with the Macedonians and Greeks who were settled there, so that this citizenship remains even now."

¹¹⁹ The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very day:

¹¹⁹ The Jews also were honoured by the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Nicator Seleucus made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in lower Syria, and even in the capital, Antioch; and privileged them equally with the Macedonians and Greeks, who were there already, privileges that still continue today.

The Veneration of the Text (προσκυνήσας)
Josephus uses the word προσκυνήσας, which implies a physical act of bowing or prostration. For a Greek King to "venerate" a book of laws was an extreme expression of respect. Ptolemy treats the scrolls not just as literature, but as a living presence of the Divine. His command for the books to remain καθαρῶς (purely/cleanly) likely refers to both physical preservation and the prevention of textual corruption.

Investing in "Paideia"
Ptolemy explicitly states that he "gladly spends his wealth" on those who possess παιδείᾳ (education/culture). This is the quintessential Hellenistic royal ideology. Kings proved their legitimacy not just by winning wars, but by being the greatest patrons of the arts and sciences. By grouping the Jewish elders with the "educated," Josephus successfully moves them from "religious outsiders" to "intellectual elites."

The Royal "Swag Bag"
The gifts given to the elders and the High Priest are staggering. A "drinking cup worth a talent" was an object of immense luxury. Most significant are the κλίνας ἀργυρόποδας (silver-footed couches). In the Greco-Roman world, the kline (couch) was the center of social and intellectual life. By giving these to the High Priest, Ptolemy was literally sending the "Alexandrian lifestyle" back to Jerusalem.

Transition to the "Kings of Asia"
Josephus skillfully pivots from the Ptolemies to the Seleucids (the "Kings of Asia"). He wants to prove that Jewish prestige was not a "fluke" or a one-time event in Egypt. He cites Seleucus Nicator (the founder of the Seleucid Empire) to show that the other major superpower of the age also recognized Jewish excellence.

Isotimos: The Equality of Citizens
The term ἰσοτίμους (equal in honor) is a heavy legal word. Josephus claims that in the Great City of Antioch, Jews were legally equivalent to Macedonians and Greeks. This was a controversial claim in Josephus’s own time (the 1st century CE), as many Greek cities were trying to strip Jews of their rights. Josephus uses this historical precedent as a legal "brief" to defend Jewish rights in the Roman Empire.

"Even Until Now" (ἔτι καὶ νῦν)
Josephus ends by noting that this citizenship status persists in his own day. This is a common trope in Antiquities. He is constantly bridging the gap between the glorious past and his readers' present, reminding the world that the Jews are not a new or troublesome sect, but a nation of ancient, royally-recognized aristocrats.

¹²⁰ τεκμήριον δὲ τοῦτο· τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους ἀλλοφύλῳ ἐλαίου χρῆσθαι λαμβάνειν ὡρισμένον τι παρὰ τῶν γυμνασιάρχων εἰς ἐλαίου τιμὴν ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσεν. ὃ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ἐν τῷ νῦν πολέμῳ λῦσαι ἡγεμὼν ὢν τότε τῆς ἐτήρησεν,

¹²⁰ "And this is the proof: since the Jews were unwilling to use foreign oil, Seleucus [Nicator] commanded the gymnasiarchs [officials in charge of the gymnasia] that they should receive a fixed sum of money in place of the value of the oil. When the people of Antioch wished to abolish this during the present war, Mucianus, who was then governor of Syria, maintained it.

¹²⁰ an argument for which you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, they receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mucianus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to them.

¹²⁰ A sign of this is that whereas the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, they receive from the officers who oversee gymnastics a sum of money equal to the value of that oil. When in the last war, the people of Antioch wanted to stop this payment, Mucianus, who was then governor of Syria, preserved it to them.

¹²¹ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κρατήσαντος καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς οἰκουμένης δεηθέντες οἱ καὶ , ἵνα τὰ δίκαια τὰ τῆς πολιτείας μηκέτι μένῃ τοῖς , οὐκ ἐπέτυχον.

¹²¹ And afterward, when Vespasian and his son Titus had become masters of the inhabited world (oikoumene), the people of Alexandria and Antioch petitioned them that the rights of citizenship should no longer remain for the Jews; but they did not obtain their request.

¹²¹ And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did not obtain their request.

¹²¹ And later, when Vespasianus and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch asked for the Jews' citizenship to be abolished, their request was refused.

¹²² ἐξ οὗ τις ἂν κατανοήσειεν τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνην, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ καὶ , ὅτι καίτοι πολλὰ πονήσαντες ἐν τῷ πρὸς πολέμῳ καὶ πικρῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντες, ὅτι μὴ παρέδοσαν αὐτοῖς τὰ ὅπλα μέχρις δ᾽ ἐσχάτου πολεμοῦντες ὑπέμειναν,

¹²² From this, one might perceive the equity (epieikeia) and greatness of mind (megalophrosyne) of the Romans, especially that of Vespasian and Titus—that although they had suffered much in the war against the Jews and felt bitterly toward them because they would not lay down their arms but endured fighting until the very end,

¹²² In which behavior any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans, especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at a great deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were exasperated against them, because they did not deliver up their weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last,

¹²² In which behaviour the equity and generosity of the Romans can be seen, especially in the case of Vespasianus and Titus, who, although the war against the Jews had cost them great hardship and exasperation, because they did not hand over their weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last,

¹²³ οὐδενὸς αὐτοὺς τῶν ὑπαρχόντων κατὰ τὴν‎ προειρημένην πολιτείαν ἀφείλοντο· ἅμα γὰρ καὶ τῆς πρότερον ὀργῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν ἈλεξανδρέωνAlexandrians καὶ ἈντιοχέωνAntioch δήμων μεγίστων παρακλήσεως ἐκράτησαν,	¹²³ they did not deprive them of any of the rights belonging to the aforementioned citizenship. For they triumphed simultaneously over their former anger and over the entreaties of the great populaces of Alexandria and Antioch,
¹²³ yet did not they take away any of their forementioned privileges belonging to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very powerful people,	¹²³ yet they did not abolish any of their citizenship privileges mentioned above, but kept their anger in check, and denied the requests of such powerful people as the Alexandrians and Antiochians.

¹²⁴ ὥστε μηδὲν μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τούτους χάριτος μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμηθέντας μισοπονηρίας ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὸ λῦσαί τι τῶν ἀρχαίων τοῖς φιλανθρώπων, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀνταραμένους αὐτοῖς ὅπλα καὶ χωρήσαντας διὰ μάχης δεδωκέναι τιμωρίαν φήσαντες τοὺς οὐδὲν ἐξαμαρτόντας οὐκ ἐδικαίουν τῶν ὑπαρχόντων.

¹²⁴ so that they did not give in to any desire to gratify these people, nor to any hatred of the wickedness of those they had fought, so as to abolish any of the ancient humanitarian rights (philanthrōpōn) granted to the Jews. Instead, declaring that those who had taken up arms against them and met them in battle had paid the penalty, they did not judge it right to deprive those who had committed no wrong of their existing rights."

¹²⁴ insomuch that they did not yield to them, neither out of their favor to these people, nor out of their old grudge at those whose wicked opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient favors granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment already, and that it was not just to deprive those that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed.

¹²⁴ They did not yield to them, either to show favour to these people, or out of resentment of the wicked opponents they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient favours granted to the Jews, saying that those who had resisted them in arms and fought them, had suffered enough already, and that it was not right to remove the privileges they enjoyed, from the people who had not offended.

The "Oil Money" Conflict
This is a remarkable detail of ancient social life. Observant Jews considered oil produced by non-Jews to be ritually impure (halakhically problematic). However, the gymnasium (the center of Greek social and athletic life) provided oil for its members to use for bathing and exercise. Rather than forcing Jews to use "unclean" oil or lose the benefit, the Seleucid King—and later the Roman governors—provided a cash equivalent. This shows a high level of state-sponsored accommodation for Jewish dietary and purity laws.

The Logic of Mucianus
Gaius Licinius Mucianus was the powerful governor of Syria who helped Vespasian take the throne in 69 CE. Josephus notes that even in the heat of the "present war" (the Great Revolt, 66–73 CE), Mucianus refused to let the local Antiochenes use the rebellion as an excuse to strip loyal local Jews of their traditional "oil allowance."

Diplomatic Pressure from Alexandria and Antioch
Josephus reveals that the two greatest cities of the East, Alexandria and Antioch, tried to use the Jewish defeat in 70 CE as a political opportunity. They petitioned the new Flavian emperors to strip the Jews of their πολιτεία (citizenship/rights). This highlights the deep ethnic tensions that existed in these multicultural metropolises.

Epieikeia: The Equity of the Flavians
Josephus is writing under the patronage of the Flavians, and here he earns his keep. He praises Vespasian and Titus for their ἐπιείκειαν (equity/fairness). He argues that they were "Great-Minded" because they could distinguish between the rebels in Judea (who were punished) and the loyal Diaspora Jews (who kept their rights). To the Romans, law was about stability, and changing ancient rights just to please a local mob was seen as bad governance.

Individual vs. Collective Guilt
The legal argument used by Titus and Vespasian is sophisticated: those who fought δεδωκέναι τιμωρίαν (had already paid the penalty). Therefore, to punish the innocent Jews of the Diaspora would be a violation of Roman justice. Josephus uses this to reassure his Jewish readers and to remind his Roman readers that the "Jewish Problem" had been legally settled by the highest authorities in the land.

The "Gymnasiarch" and the State
The mention of the γυμνασιάρχων reminds us that Jews in these cities were integrated into the Greek educational system. They were members of the gymnasia, which was the hallmark of being a "civilized" Greek-speaking citizen. Josephus's point is clear: Jews were not just a religious sect; they were an integral, legally recognized part of the Hellenistic and Roman city-state.

¹²⁵ Ὅμοιον δέ τι τούτῳ καὶ φρονήσαντα περὶ τῶν οἴδαμεν· τῶν γὰρ κινηθέντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ δεομένων τοῦ , ἵνα τῆς πολιτείας, ἣν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν ὁ υἱωνὸς ὁ παρὰ τοῖς λεγόμενος,

¹²⁵ "We know that Marcus Agrippa held a similar view concerning the Jews. For when the Ionians rose up against them and petitioned Agrippa that they alone should enjoy the citizenship which Antiochus (the grandson of Seleucus, called 'Theos' [God] among the Greeks) had given them,

¹²⁵ We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them,

¹²⁵ We know that Marcus Agrippa was similarly disposed toward the Jews; for when aroused against them the people of Ionia begged Agrippa that they alone should enjoy the citizenship which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, called "The God" by the Greeks, had given them

¹²⁶ μόνοι μετέλθωσιν, δ᾽, εἰ συγγενεῖς εἰσιν αὐτοῖς , σέβεσθαι τοὺς αὐτῶν θεούς, καὶ δίκης περὶ τούτων συστάσης ἐνίκησαν οἱ τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι συνηγορήσαντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ · ὁ γὰρ ἀπεφήνατο μηδὲν αὐτῷ καινίζειν ἐξεῖναι.

¹²⁶ demanding that if the Jews were truly kin to them, they ought to worship the Ionians' gods—a trial was held on these matters. The Jews won the right to continue using their own customs, with Nicolaus of Damascus acting as their advocate; for Agrippa declared that it was not permitted for him to innovate anything [against their ancient rights].

¹²⁶ they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate.

¹²⁶ and asked that if the Jews were to share it with them, they must be obliged to worship the same gods as themselves. When this conflict came to trial, the Jews, defended by Nicolaus of Damascus, prevailed and were allowed to follow their own customs, for Agrippa gave sentence that nothing be changed.

¹²⁷ τὸ δ᾽ ἀκριβὲς εἴ τις βούλεται καταμαθεῖν, ἀναγνώτω τοῦ τὴν‎ ἑκατοστὴν καὶ εἰκοστὴν καὶ τρίτην καὶ τετάρτην. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ὑπ᾽ κριθέντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἴσως θαυμάζειν· οὐ γὰρ ἐπολέμει τότε τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔθνος·

¹²⁷ If anyone wishes to learn the exact details, let him read the 123rd and 124th books of Nicolaus's history. Now, concerning the judgments made by Agrippa, it is perhaps not to be wondered at, for our nation was not then at war with the Romans.

¹²⁷ And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans.

¹²⁷ If one wants to study this matter in detail one may read the hundred and twenty-third and twenty-fourth books of Nicolaus' history. Nor was this decision of Agrippa surprising, since at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans.

¹²⁸ δ᾽ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν‎ μεγαλοφροσύνην εἰκότως ἐκπλαγείη μετὰ πολέμους καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας οὓς ἔσχον πρὸς ἡμᾶς μετριοπαθησάντων. ἐπανάξω δὲ τὸν λόγον ὅθεν ἐπὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐξέβην.

¹²⁸ But one might rightly be struck with amazement at the greatness of mind (megalophrosyne) of Vespasian and Titus, who showed such moderation (metriopatheis) after the wars and such great struggles as they had against us. But I will return the discourse to the point from which I digressed into these matters."

¹²⁸ But one may well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and Titus, that after so great wars and contests which they had from us, they should use such moderation. But I will now return to that part of my history whence I made the present digression.

¹²⁸ One may well admire, however, the generosity of Vespasian and Titus, who after such warfare and opposition as they had from us, were so moderate with us. But I now return to the story from which I digressed.

The Litmus Test of "Kinsmanship" (Συγγενεῖς)
The Ionians used a classic Hellenistic legal trap: they argued that if the Jews wanted the same civic rights as the Greeks, they had to prove their "kinship" by worshipping the local Greek gods. To the Greeks, citizenship and religion were inseparable. Josephus shows that the Romans broke this link, allowing Jews to be "citizens" of a Greek city while remaining religiously "exclusive."

Nicolaus of Damascus: The Jewish Advocate
Josephus cites Nicolaus of Damascus, the brilliant court historian of Herod the Great and a personal friend of Augustus and Agrippa. Nicolaus was one of the most prolific writers of antiquity. By referencing specific book numbers (123 and 124), Josephus is inviting his skeptical Roman readers to "fact-check" him at the local library, a move that adds immense credibility to his narrative.

"Not Permitted to Innovate" (Μηδὲν Καινίζειν)
Agrippa’s ruling—that he was not allowed to "innovate"—reveals the bedrock of Roman conservative governance. The Romans hated novacula (innovation/revolution). Once a right was granted by a previous King (in this case, Antiochus II Theos), the Romans viewed it as a permanent legal fixture. Agrippa saw himself as the guardian of the status quo, not its author.

The Moral Superiority of the Flavians
Josephus admits that Agrippa’s fairness was easy because there was no war. However, he holds up Vespasian and Titus as even greater figures because they upheld Jewish rights after the Jews had humiliated Roman legions and cost the Empire a fortune in blood and treasure. He uses the term μετριοπαθησάντων (showing moderate feelings), a Stoic virtue, to describe the Emperors' refusal to take revenge on the Diaspora for the sins of the Judean rebels.

The "Theos" Epithet
Josephus mentions that Antiochus II was called Θεὸς (God) by the Greeks. This is a subtle jab at Greek culture. To Josephus and his Jewish readers, calling a mortal king "God" was the height of absurdity, yet it was this "God" who had legally recognized the Jewish Law. It highlights the irony that even "divine" Greek kings felt the need to honor the God of Israel.

The Historian's Digression
Josephus explicitly acknowledges he has "digressed" (ἐξέβην). His goal in this entire section was to prove that Jews were respected by everyone from the Ptolemies to the Romans. Having established this "Golden Age" of status, he now feels ready to return to the historical timeline of the Hellenistic kings.

¹²⁹ Τοὺς γὰρ ἸουδαίουςJews ἐπ᾽ ἈντιόχουAntiochus τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλεύοντος τῆς ἈσίαςAsia ἔτυχεν αὐτούς τε πολλὰ ταλαιπωρῆσαι τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν κακουμένης καὶ τοὺς τὴν‎ κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria νεμομένους.	¹²⁹ "For it happened that during the reign of Antiochus the Great over Asia, the Jews and those inhabiting Coele-Syria suffered greatly, as their land was being ravaged.
¹²⁹ Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed;	¹²⁹ In the reign of Antiochus the Great, the ruler of all Asia, the Jews and the people of Coele-Syria were in dire straits and their land was greatly harassed.

¹³⁰ πολεμοῦντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπικληθέντα δὲ , κακοπαθεῖν συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς καὶ νικῶντος καὶ πταίοντος ταὐτὰ πάσχειν, ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον χειμαζομένης νεὼς καὶ πονουμένης ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἑκατέρωθεν μεταξὺ τῆς εὐπραγίας τῆς καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θάτερον αὐτοῦ‎ τροπῆς τῶν πραγμάτων κείμενοι.

¹³⁰ For while he was at war with Ptolemaic Philopator and his son Ptolemaic Epiphanes, they suffered hardships; whether he was victorious or defeated, they suffered the same. They were exactly like a ship tossed by a storm and troubled by the waves on both sides, lying between the success of Antiochus and the reversal of his fortunes.

¹³⁰ for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus’s prosperity and its change to adversity.

¹³⁰ For during his wars with Ptolemy Philopater and his son, Ptolemy nicknamed Epiphanes, these people suffered both when he was defeated and when he was victorious, so that they were like a storm-tossed ship, struck from both sides by the waves. Such was their situation, caught between Antiochus' prosperity and his reverses.

¹³¹ νικήσας μέντοι τὸν ὁ τὴν‎ προσάγεται. τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ μεγάλην ἐξέπεμψε δύναμιν καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ , ὃς πολλάς τε αὐτῶν πόλεις ἔλαβεν καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔθνος· πολεμούμενον γὰρ αὐτῷ προσέθετο.

¹³¹ But when Antiochus defeated Ptolemy, he brought Judea over to himself. After Philopator died, his son sent a great force and the general Scopas against those in Coele-Syria, who took many of their cities and our nation; for being attacked, it submitted to him.

¹³¹ But at length, when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea; and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation;

¹³¹ When Antiochus defeated Ptolemy, he captured Judea, but when Philopater died his son sent out a large army under his general Scopas, against the people of Coele-Syria, which captured many of their cities and our nation in particular, which, when attacked, went over to him.

¹³² μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τὸν ΣκόπανScopas ἈντίοχοςAntiochus νικᾷ συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan καὶ πολλὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς στρατιᾶς διέφθειρεν.	¹³² But not long after, Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle at the sources of the Jordan and destroyed much of his army.
¹³² which when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus overcame Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army.	¹³² Not long afterward, Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle fought at the fountains of the Jordan and destroyed most of his army.

¹³³ ὕστερον δ᾽ χειρωσαμένου τὰς ἐν τῇ πόλεις, ἃς ὁ κατεσχήκει, καὶ τὴν‎ , ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσέθεντο οἱ καὶ τῇ πόλει δεξάμενοι πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ τε στρατιᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασιν παρέσχον καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ καταλειφθέντας ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν φρουροὺς πολιορκοῦντι προθύμως συνεμάχησαν.

¹³³ Later, after Antiochus had subdued the cities in Coele-Syria which Scopas had held, as well as Samaria, the Jews voluntarily went over to him; receiving him into the city, they provided an abundance for his entire army and his elephants, and they eagerly fought alongside him to besiege the Egyptian guards left by Scopas in the Citadel (Akra) of Jerusalem.

¹³³ But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas had gotten into his possession, and Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accord, went over to him, and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he besieged the garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem.

¹³³ Later, when Antiochus subdued the cities of Coele-Syria which Scopas had occupied, including Samaria, the Jews went over to him of their own accord and welcomed him into their city and provided plentifully for his whole army and his elephants and willingly helped him when he besieged the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem.

¹³⁴ ὁ οὖν δίκαιον ἡγησάμενος τὴν‎ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν σπουδὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν ἀμείψασθαι γράφει τοῖς τε στρατηγοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις μαρτυρῶν τοῖς ὑπὲρ ὧν εὖ πάθοι πρὸς αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς δωρεὰς ἃς ὑπὲρ τούτων διέγνω παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐμφανίζων.

¹³⁴ Antiochus, thinking it right to reward the zeal and ambition of the Jews toward him, wrote to his generals and friends, bearing witness to the Jews for the good he had received from them and making manifest the gifts he had decided to provide them.

¹³⁴ Wherefore Antiochus thought it but just to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his service. So he wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good behavior of the Jews towards him, and informed them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for that their behavior.

¹³⁴ Antiochus thought it only fair to repay the Jews' diligence and zeal in his service, so he wrote to his army generals and his friends witnessing to the favourable attitude of the Jews and telling them the rewards he meant to grant them for their conduct.

¹³⁵ παραθήσομαι δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τὰς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν γραφείσας προδιελθών, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτοις ἡμῶν τοῖς λόγοις ὁ · ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑξκαιδεκάτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φησιν οὕτως· " ὁ δὲ τοῦ στρατηγὸς ὁρμήσας εἰς τοὺς ἄνω τόπους κατεστρέψατο ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τὸ ἔθνος. λέγει δὲ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ βίβλῳ,

¹³⁵ I will set forth the letters written to the generals after first noting how Polybius of Megalopolis bears witness to these accounts; for in the sixteenth book of his Histories, he says: 'Scopas, the general of Ptolemy, setting out for the upper regions, subdued the Jewish nation during the winter.'

¹³⁵ I will set down presently the epistles themselves which he wrote to the generals concerning them, but will first produce the testimony of Polybius of Megalopolis; for thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history: "Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy’s army, went in haste to the superior parts of the country, and in the winter time overthrew the nation of the Jews?"

¹³⁵ I will present the letters themselves which he wrote to the generals about them, but will first give the testimony of Polybius of Megalopolis, for in the sixteenth book of his history he says, "Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy’s army, hurried to the upper parts of the country and destroyed the Jewish nation during the winter."

¹³⁶ ὡς τοῦ Νικηθέντος ὑπ᾽ τὴν‎ μὲν καὶ καὶ καὶ παρέλαβεν , μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ προσεχώρησαν αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ προσαγορευόμενον κατοικοῦντες, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ πλείω λέγειν ἔχοντες καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τῆς γενομένης περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπιφανείας, εἰς

¹³⁶ He says in the same book that after Scopas was defeated by Antiochus, Antiochus took Batanea, Samaria, Abila, and Gadara; and shortly after, the Jews inhabiting the area around the Temple called Jerusalem joined him. Concerning this [the Temple], although we have more to say—and especially regarding the Manifestation (epiphaneia) that occurred around the Temple—we shall postpone that narrative to another time.

¹³⁶ He also saith, in the same book, that "when Seopas was conquered by Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea, and Samaria, and Abila, and Gadara; and that, a while afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near that temple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which, although I have more to say, and particularly concerning the presence of God about that temple, yet do I put off that history till another opportunity."

¹³⁶ In the same book he also tells how when Scopas was conquered by Antiochus, Antiochus took Batanea and Samaria and Abila and Gadara, and that a little later the Jews who lived near the temple called Jerusalem came to him. We have more to say about this and particularly about the divine epiphanies surrounding that temple, but we will postpone that story for another occasion.

¹³⁷ ἕτερον καιρὸν ὑπερθησόμεθα τὴν‎ διήγησιν. Καὶ ΠολύβιοςPolybius μὲν ταῦτα ἱστόρησεν. ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἐπανάξομεν τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὴν‎ διήγησιν παραθέμενοι πρῶτον τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ἈντιόχουAntiochus.	¹³⁷ And so, Polybius has recorded these things. But we shall return the discourse to the narrative, first setting forth the letters of King Antiochus."
¹³⁷ This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return to the series of the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus:	¹³⁷ That is what Polybius reports. But we will return to the thread of our story, when we have first cited the letters of king Antiochus.

¹³⁸ Βασιλεὺς χαίρειν. τῶν καὶ παραυτίκα μέν, ἡνίκα τῆς χώρας ἐπέβημεν αὐτῶν, ἐπιδειξαμένων τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλότιμον καὶ παραγενομένους δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν λαμπρῶς ἐκδεξαμένων καὶ μετὰ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπαντησάντων, ἄφθονον δὲ τὴν‎ χορηγίαν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασι παρεσχημένων, συνεξελόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροὺς τῶν ,

¹³⁸ Since the Jews, immediately upon our entering their territory, displayed their zeal toward us, and when we arrived at the city, received us magnificently and met us with their Senate (Gerousia), and provided unstinting supplies for our soldiers and elephants, and helped us expel the Egyptian guards in the Citadel—

¹³⁸ "King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting. "Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel,

¹³⁸ "King Antiochus to Ptolemy, Greetings. Since when we first entered their country, the Jews demonstrated their friendship toward us and when we came to their city, received us lavishly and came to meet us with their council and supplied abundant provisions to our soldiers and to the elephants and joined us in expelling the Egyptian garrison from the citadel.

¹³⁹ ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς ἀμείψασθαι καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτῶν ἀναλαβεῖν κατεφθαρμένην ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τοὺς πολέμους συμπεσόντων καὶ συνοικίσαι τῶν διεσπαρμένων εἰς αὐτὴν πάλιν συνελθόντων.	¹³⁹ We have judged it right to reward them for these things and to restore their city, which was destroyed by the accidents of war, and to bring back those scattered from it to inhabit it again.
¹³⁹ we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city.	¹³⁹ We have thought fit to reward them and to restore their city which has been damaged in the wars, and to repopulate it with the people who were scattered and have now returned.

¹⁴⁰ πρῶτον δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐκρίναμεν διὰ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν παρασχεῖν εἰς τὰς θυσίας σύνταξιν κτηνῶν τε θυσίμων καὶ οἴνου καὶ ἐλαίου καὶ λιβάνου ἀργυρίου μυριάδας δύο καὶ σεμιδάλεως ἀρτάβας ἱερᾶς κατὰ τὸν ἐπιχώριον νόμον πυρῶν μεδίμνους χιλίους τετρακοσίους ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἁλῶν μεδίμνους τριακοσίους ἑβδομηκονταπέντε.

¹⁴⁰ First, we have decided, because of their piety, to provide a grant for their sacrifices—for sacrificial animals, wine, oil, and frankincense—the sum of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and for the sacred fine flour according to their local law, one thousand four hundred and sixty medimnoi of wheat and three hundred and seventy-five medimnoi of salt.

¹⁴⁰ And, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt.

¹⁴⁰ First, because of their piety toward God, we have decided to grant for their sacrifices animals that are fit for sacrifice, and wine and oil and frankincense to the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver and some sacred artabrae of fine flour, with a thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt.

¹⁴¹ τελεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βούλομαι, καθὼς ἐπέσταλκα, καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπαρτισθῆναι ἔργον τάς τε στοὰς κἂν εἴ τι ἕτερον οἰκοδομῆσαι δέοι· ἡ δὲ τῶν ξύλων ὕλη κατακομιζέσθω ἐξ αὐτῆς τε τῆς καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ μηδενὸς πρασσομένου τέλος. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἐν οἷς ἂν ἐπιφανεστέραν γίγνεσθαι τὴν‎ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπισκευὴν δέῃ.

¹⁴¹ I wish these things to be completed for them, as I have commanded, and that the work around the Temple be finished, including the porticoes (stoas) and whatever else needs building. Let the timber be brought from Judea itself and from other nations and from Lebanon, without any tax being charged.

¹⁴¹ And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious;

¹⁴¹ I want these payments fully paid to them, as I have ordered you, and want the work completed on the temple and the porticoes and anything else that needs to be rebuilt. Let the timber from Judea and the other nations and from Libanus be brought to them tax free, and the same for the other materials needed to make the temple more glorious.

¹⁴² πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ᾽ ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων.

¹⁴² Let all those of the nation live according to their ancestral laws (patrious nomous), and let the Senate, the priests, the scribes of the Temple, and the sacred singers be released from the poll tax, the crown tax, and other taxes.

¹⁴² and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also.

¹⁴² Let all the people of that nation live by their ancestral laws, and let the elders and priests and temple scribes and sacred singers be exempt from poll-tax and the crown tax and other taxes too.

¹⁴³ ἵνα δὲ θᾶττον ἡ πόλις κατοικισθῇ, δίδωμι τοῖς τε νῦν κατοικοῦσιν καὶ κατελευσομένοις ἕως τοῦ ὙπερβερεταίουHyperberetmus μηνὸς ἀτελέσιν εἶναι μέχρι τριῶν ἐτῶν.	¹⁴³ And so that the city may be inhabited more quickly, I grant to those now inhabiting it and those who return by the month of Hyperberetaios to be tax-free for three years.
¹⁴³ And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus.	¹⁴³ Also, so that the city may be repopulated the sooner I grant exemption from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants and any others who move to it, until the month Hyperheretus.

¹⁴⁴ ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν‎ βλάβην. Καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν."

¹⁴⁴ We also release them for the future from one-third of their taxes, so that their damage may be repaired. And as many as were carried away from the city and are in slavery, we set them and their children free and command their property to be restored to them.'"

¹⁴⁴ We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them."

¹⁴⁴ For the future we exempt them from a third of their taxes, to make up for the losses they have sustained. And to all citizens who have been taken away as slaves, we grant freedom to them and their children and command that their property be restored to them."

The "Ship in a Storm" Metaphor
Josephus uses a vivid nautical metaphor to describe Judea's geopolitical reality. Being caught between the Ptolemies (South) and the Seleucids (North) meant that Judea was the "buffer state." Whether their masters were winning or losing, the Jews' crops were trampled and their cities were besieged. This explains why they eventually "voluntarily" chose a side: they needed the stability of a definitive victor.

The Logistics of War: Elephants
Antiochus III was famous for his use of war elephants (obtained from India). Josephus notes that the Jews provided "abundance" for these animals. Feeding a corps of war elephants was a massive logistical undertaking; the Jews' ability to do so suggests that, despite the war, the region still possessed significant agricultural reserves.

460 Medimnoi of wheat:
One medimnos is approx. 52.5 litres (about 14 US gallons).
460 medimnoi would be about 24,150 litres (6460 US gal.).
Since a litre of wheat weighs about 0.77 kg, this would be 18,595 kg (nearly 41,000 pounds and occupy 24.15 cubic metres (685 US bushels).

The Battle of Panium (Sources of the Jordan)
Josephus references the decisive Battle of Panium (c. 200 BCE). This battle marked the end of Ptolemaic rule in the Levant. By mentioning the sources of the Jordan, Josephus pins the narrative to a specific, recognizable landmark (modern-day Banias/Caesarea Philippi).

Recognition of the Gerousia (Senate)
Antiochus’s letter acknowledges the γερουσίας. This confirms that Jerusalem was governed by a council of elders, not just a single High Priest. Antiochus treats Jerusalem as a Greek polis (city-state), granting it "autonomy" to live under its πατρίους νόμους (ancestral laws)—a standard Seleucid diplomatic concession that would later be tragically revoked by his son, Antiochus IV Epiphanes.

Tax Breaks as Reconstruction Aid
The "Three-Year Tax Holiday" and the "One-Third Tax Cut" were sophisticated economic tools. Antiochus realized that a bankrupt province cannot pay taxes. By allowing the Jews to keep their capital, he ensured they would have the funds to rebuild the economy, which would eventually lead to higher tax yields for his empire.

Timber from Lebanon
The King’s grant of timber from Lebanon without tax is a major gift. Historically, the cedars of Lebanon were a royal monopoly and an incredibly expensive resource. Granting the Temple "tax-free" access to this timber was the ultimate sign of royal favor, putting the Jerusalem Temple on par with the great shrines of the Greek world.

¹⁴⁵ ἡ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα περιεῖχεν. σεμνύνων δὲ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐξέθηκεν περιέχον τάδε· μηδενὶ ἐξεῖναι ἀλλοφύλῳ εἰς τὸν περίβολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς , εἰ μὴ οἷς ἁγνισθεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ τὸν πάτριον νόμον.

¹⁴⁵ "Such were the contents of the letter. To honor the Temple further, the King published a public notice (programma) throughout the entire kingdom, containing the following: 'It is permitted to no foreigner to enter within the enclosure of the Temple which is forbidden to the Jews, except for those who are accustomed to do so after being purified according to the ancestral law.

¹⁴⁵ And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which contained what follows: "It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified themselves.

¹⁴⁵ These were the contents of this letter. He also published a decree through all his kingdom in honour of the temple, to the following effect: "It is unlawful for any foreigner to come within the perimeter of the temple; it is even forbidden to the Jews too, except to those who have purified themselves according to their custom.

¹⁴⁶ μηδ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν εἰσφερέσθω ἵππεια κρέα μηδὲ ἡμιόνεια μηδὲ ἀγρίων ὄνων καὶ ἡμέρων παρδάλεών τε καὶ ἀλωπέκων καὶ λαγῶν καὶ καθόλου δὲ πάντων τῶν ζῴων τοῖς · μηδὲ τὰς δορὰς εἰσφέρειν ἐξεῖναι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τρέφειν τι τούτων ἐν τῇ πόλει· μόνοις δὲ τοῖς προγονικοῖς θύμασιν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ τῷ θεῷ δεῖ καλλιερεῖν, ἐπιτετράφθαι χρῆσθαι. ὁ δέ τι τούτων παραβὰς ἀποτινύτω τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τρισχιλίας."

¹⁴⁶ Nor let there be brought into the city the flesh of horses, nor of mules, nor of wild or tame asses, nor of leopards, foxes, or hares—and in general, of all animals forbidden to the Jews. Nor is it permitted to bring in their skins, nor even to breed any of these animals in the city. Only the ancestral sacrificial animals, from which it is necessary to offer pleasing sacrifices to God, are permitted to be used. Let anyone who transgresses any of these rules pay to the priests three thousand drachmas of silver.'

¹⁴⁶ Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver."

¹⁴⁶ No flesh of horses or mules or donkeys, wild or tame, may be brought into the city, nor that of leopards, foxes or hares or of any animal which the Jews are forbidden to eat. Nor may their skins be brought into it, and no such animal may be bred within the city. They may sacrifice only as their ancestors did, by which they made atonement to God. Whoever transgresses any of these orders must pay three thousand drachmae of silver to the priests."

¹⁴⁷ Ἔγραψε δὲ μαρτυρῶν ἡμῖν εὐσέβειάν τε καὶ πίστιν, ἡνίκα νεωτερίζοντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ καὶ καθ᾽ ὃν ἦν καιρὸν ἐν ταῖς ἄνω σατραπείαις, κελεύων τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγὸν καὶ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλον πέμψαι τινὰς τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐκ εἰς .

¹⁴⁷ He also wrote bearing witness to our piety and loyalty when he learned of revolts in Phrygia and Lydia, at the time he was in the upper satrapies. He commanded Zeuxis, his general and among his closest friends, to send some of our people from Babylon to Phrygia.

¹⁴⁷ Moreover, this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis, the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of our nation out of Babylon into Phrygia.

¹⁴⁷ He also witnessed to our piety and fidelity in a letter written when he was told of a rebellion in Phrygia and Lydia, at a time when he was in the upper provinces, where he ordered Zeuxis, his army general and closest friend, to send some of our nation from Babylon into Phrygia.

¹⁴⁸ γράφει δ᾽ οὕτως· " βασιλεὺς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ΖεύξιδιZeuxis τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσαι, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ὑγιαίνω δὲ καὶ αὐτός.	¹⁴⁸ He wrote as follows: 'King Antiochus to Father Zeuxis, greeting. If you are well, it is good; I also am healthy.
¹⁴⁸ The epistle was this: "King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting. "If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health.	¹⁴⁸ The letter was this: "King Antiochus to Zeuxis his father, Greetings. I hope you are in good health, as I also am healthy.

¹⁴⁹ πυνθανόμενος τοὺς ἐν καὶ νεωτερίζοντας μεγάλης ἐπιστροφῆς τοῦτό μοι δεῖσθαι, καὶ βουλευσαμένῳ μοι μετὰ τῶν φίλων, τί δεῖ ποιεῖν, ἔδοξεν εἰς τὰ φρούρια καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους τόπους τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς καὶ οἴκους δισχιλίους σὺν ἐπισκευῇ μεταγαγεῖν.

¹⁴⁹ Learning of those revolting in Lydia and Phrygia, I judged that this required great attention from me. Having consulted with my friends as to what ought to be done, I have decided to transport two thousand Jewish households from Mesopotamia and Babylonia, with their belongings, to the fortresses and most essential places.

¹⁴⁹ Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient;

¹⁴⁹ Having learned of a rebellion in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that it needs great care, and after consulting my friends about what to do, have decided to remove two thousand Jewish families, with their property, from Mesopotamia and Babylon to strongholds and the most suitable places.

¹⁵⁰ πέπεισμαι γὰρ εὔνους αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἡμετέρων φύλακας διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ μαρτυρουμένους δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων εἰς πίστιν οἶδα καὶ προθυμίαν εἰς ἃ παρακαλοῦνται· βούλομαι τοίνυν καίπερ ἐργώδους ὄντος τοῦ μεταγαγεῖν ὑποσχομένους νόμοις αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις.

¹⁵⁰ For I am persuaded they will be well-disposed guards of our interests because of their piety toward God; and I know them to be witnessed to by their ancestors for their loyalty and zeal for what they are called to do. Therefore, even though it is a laborious task to relocate them, I wish them to use their own laws.

¹⁵⁰ for I am persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws.

¹⁵⁰ I am convinced that they will loyally guard our possessions because of their piety toward God and as I know that my predecessors have testified to their willingness to faithfully do what is asked of them. Therefore, though it is a major task, I want you to relocate these Jews, with the promise that they shall be allowed to follow their own laws.

¹⁵¹ ὅταν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀγάγῃς εἰς τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους, εἴς τ᾽ οἰκοδομίας οἰκιῶν αὐτοῖς δώσεις τόπον ἑκάστῳ καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ φυτείαν ἀμπέλων, καὶ ἀτελεῖς τῶν ἐκ τῆς γῆς καρπῶν ἀνήσεις ἐπὶ ἔτη δέκα.

¹⁵¹ When you have brought them to the aforementioned places, you shall give to each a place for the building of houses and land for farming and the planting of vines; and you shall release them from taxes on the fruits of the land for ten years.

¹⁵¹ And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned, thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years;

¹⁵¹ When you have brought them to the aforementioned places, you shall give to each family a place to build a house and a portion of land for farming and planting their vines, and you shall exonerate them from tax on the fruits of the earth for ten years.

¹⁵² μετρείσθωσαν δὲ καὶ ἄχρις ἂν τοὺς παρὰ τῆς γῆς καρποὺς λαμβάνωσιν σῖτον εἰς τὰς τῶν θεραπόντων διατροφάς· διδόσθω δὲ καὶ τοῖς εἰς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετοῦσιν τὸ αὔταρκες, ἵνα τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τυγχάνοντες φιλανθρωπίας προθυμοτέρους παρέχωσιν αὑτοὺς περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα.

¹⁵² Let there be measured out to them also—until they receive the fruits of the land—grain for the support of their servants. Let there be given also to those who perform the necessary services what is sufficient, so that meeting with such humanitarianism from us, they may show themselves more zealous for our interests.

¹⁵² and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the maintenance of their servants, until they receive breadcorn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs.

¹⁵² Until they can grow from the earth corn for bread, let them be granted enough wheat to maintain their servants. Those who minister to them in the essentials of life should also be provided for, so that benefitting from our goodwill they may prove more willing and obliging about our affairs.

¹⁵³ πρόνοιαν δὲ ποιοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, ὅπως ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ἐνοχλῆται. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἈντιόχουAntiochus φιλίας τοῦ μεγάλου πρὸς ἸουδαίουςJews ταῦτα ἡμῖν ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω μαρτύρια.	¹⁵³ Take care also of the nation as much as possible, so that it is disturbed by no one.' Regarding the friendship of Antiochus the Great toward the Jews, let these things we have said be sufficient witness."
¹⁵³ Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one." Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews.	¹⁵³ Take care of that nation as best you can, that they are not upset by anyone." These testimonials amply show the friendship that Antiochus the Great had for the Jews.

The "Zoonotic" Purity of Jerusalem
Antiochus’s decree concerning animals is fascinatingly specific. It forbids not just the eating of non-kosher meat (horses, mules, leopards, foxes), but even the skins and the breeding of such animals within Jerusalem. This suggests that the King was granting the entire city of Jerusalem the status of a "Temple precinct." By making the city a sanctuary for Jewish purity laws, he integrated the Jewish religious code into the civil law of the Seleucid Empire.

The High Cost of Transgression
The fine of 3,000 drachmas was a massive sum (roughly 8-10 years' wages for a common laborer). Notably, this fine was to be paid to the priests. This effectively created a self-funding enforcement mechanism: the priesthood had a financial incentive to guard the city's ritual boundaries.

Jews as "Elite Border Guards"
The letter to Zeuxis reveals a surprising strategic reality: the Seleucids trusted Jewish settlers more than they trusted their own Greek or local populations in Asia Minor. Antiochus refers to their πίστιν (loyalty/faith) and προθυμίαν (zeal). By moving 2,000 families from Babylon (where they had lived for centuries) to the "fortresses" of Phrygia and Lydia, he was creating a network of loyalist "garrison-colonies."

The "Tax Holiday" as Social Engineering
To ensure these 2,000 families remained loyal and prosperous, Antiochus provided a ten-year tax exemption on agricultural products. This is one of the most generous resettlement packages in ancient history. It highlights the "contractual" nature of ancient empires: the Jews provided military security, and in exchange, the King provided religious autonomy and economic freedom.

"Father" Zeuxis
Antiochus addresses his general Zeuxis as πατρὶ (Father). This was a high-ranking honorary title in the Seleucid court (similar to "Friend of the King"), indicating that Zeuxis was a senior statesman with nearly vice-regal powers. The fact that the King entrusted the Jewish relocation to his highest official shows how vital the project was to the stability of the Empire.

Josephus’s Apologetic Goal
Josephus concludes this section by stating these are ἀποχρώντως (sufficient) witnesses. His goal is to show the Romans (his current audience) that the Jews are a "loyalist people" by nature. He is using these 300-year-old Seleucid documents to argue that Jews make the best subjects for an empire—if only the empire respects their Law.

Chapter 4
[154-236]
Pact between Antiochus and Ptolemy.
Onias angers Ptolemy.
Matters improved by Joseph and his son Hyrcanus

☜ ☞

¹⁵⁴ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φιλίαν καὶ σπονδὰς πρὸς ἐποιήσατο καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον παραχωρήσας αὐτῷ τῆς κοίλης καὶ καὶ καὶ φερνῆς ὀνόματι.

¹⁵⁴ "After these things, Antiochus made a friendship and a treaty with Ptolemy, and he gave to him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, ceding to him Coele-Syria, Samaria, Judea, and Phoenicia by way of a dowry (phernē).

¹⁵⁴ After this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry.

¹⁵⁴ After this, Antiochus made a friendship and pact with Ptolemy and gave him his daughter Cleopatra as his wife and yielded up to him Coele-Syria and Samaria and Judea and Phoenicia, by way of dowry.

¹⁵⁵ καὶ διαιρεθέντων εἰς ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς βασιλέας τῶν φόρων τὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστοι τῶν ἐπισήμωνsplendid ὠνοῦντο πατρίδας φορολογεῖν καὶ συναθροίζοντες τὸ προστεταγμένον κεφάλαιον τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐτέλουν.	¹⁵⁵ And when the taxes were divided between the two kings, the prominent men [of each region] began to purchase the right to collect taxes in their own respective homelands; collecting the prescribed sum, they paid it to the kings.
¹⁵⁵ And upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men framed the taxes of their several countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the [two] kings.	¹⁵⁵ And upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the leaders framed the taxes of their several countries and collecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the kings.

¹⁵⁶ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ΣαμαρεῖςSamaritans εὖ πράσσοντες πολλὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἐκάκωσαν τήν τε χώραν αὐτῶν τεμόντες καὶ σώματα διαρπάσαντες· ἐγένετο δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως ὈνίουOnias.	¹⁵⁶ During this time, the Samaritans, being in a prosperous state, inflicted many evils upon the Jews, ravaging their land and seizing persons [as slaves]; these things occurred during the high priesthood of Onias.
¹⁵⁶ Now at this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias was high priest;	¹⁵⁶ At this time the Samaritans were prospering and caused the Jews much distress by annexing parts of their land and carrying off slaves.

¹⁵⁷ τελευτήσαντος γὰρ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ θεῖος αὐτοῦ‎ παρέλαβεν, μεθ᾽ ὃν καταστρέψαντα τὸν βίον τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἐξεδέξατο υἱὸς ὢν τοῦ δικαίου κληθέντος· δ᾽ ἦν ἀδελφὸς , καθὼς προεῖπον.

¹⁵⁷ For after Eleazar died, his uncle Manasseh took up the high priesthood; and after he finished his life, Onias received the honor, being the son of Simon, who was called 'the Just'—this Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before.

¹⁵⁷ for after Eleazar’s death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just:

¹⁵⁷ This was when Onias was high priest, for when Eleazar died his uncle Manasses held the high-priesthood and when his life ended, that dignity passed to Onias, the son of the Simon known as The Just, who as I said earlier was Eleazar’s brother.

¹⁵⁸ οὗτος ὁ βραχὺς ἦν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν καὶ χρημάτων ἥττων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ φόρον, ὃν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν οἱ πατέρες αὐτοῦ‎ ἐτέλουν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, τάλαντα εἴκοσιν ἀργυρίου μὴ δούς, εἰς ὀργὴν ἐκίνησεν τὸν βασιλέα [τὸν , ὃς ἦν πατὴρ τοῦ ].

¹⁵⁸ This Onias was narrow-minded and a slave to money; because of this, he did not pay the twenty talents of silver—the tax for the people which his fathers had paid to the kings from their own resources—and thus he provoked the anger of King Ptolemy Euergetes, the father of Philopator.

¹⁵⁸ which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater.

¹⁵⁸ This Onias was mean-spirited and attached to money, and for that reason, when he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver which his ancestors paid out of their own resources, he provoked the anger of king Ptolemy Euergetes, the father of Philopator.

¹⁵⁹ καὶ πέμψας εἰς πρεσβευτὴν ᾐτιᾶτο τὸν ὡς οὐκ ἀποδιδόντα τοὺς φόρους καὶ ἠπείλει κληρουχήσειν αὐτῶν τὴν‎ γῆν οὐκ ἀπολαβὼν καὶ πέμψειν τοὺς ἐνοικήσοντας στρατιώτας. ἀκούσαντες δὲ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ συνεχύθησαν, τὸν δὲ τούτων ἐδυσώπει διὰ τὴν‎ φιλοχρηματίαν οὐδέν.

¹⁵⁹ The King sent an ambassador to Jerusalem and accused Onias of not paying the taxes, threatening that if he did not receive them, he would distribute their land by lot (klērouchēsein) and send soldiers to inhabit it. When the Jews heard these things from the King, they were thrown into confusion; yet Onias was not at all shamed by these things on account of his love for money."

¹⁵⁹ Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of things nature made him ashamed.

¹⁵⁹ He sent an envoy to Jerusalem complaining that Onias did not pay his taxes and threatening, if he did not receive them, to seize their land and send soldiers to occupy it. When the Jews heard the king’s message the Jews were shaken, but Onias was such a money-lover that nothing of this kind made him ashamed.

The Cleopatra "Dowry"
The Cleopatra mentioned here is Cleopatra I Syra, the first of many famous Cleopatras in the Ptolemaic line. Antiochus III gave her to Ptolemy V in an attempt to stabilize the border. Josephus notes that Judea was part of her phernē (dowry). This turned the Jewish homeland into a "marital gift," highlighting how the fate of the nation was often decided in the bedrooms and banquet halls of Hellenistic palaces.

Tax Farming: Privatizing the Revenue
Josephus describes the system of tax farming. The kings didn't collect taxes directly; they auctioned the right to collect them to "prominent men" (ἐπισήμων). These men paid a fixed sum up-front and then squeezed the local population for as much as possible to make a profit. This system created a wealthy, Hellenized Jewish elite (like the Tobiads) who often had more loyalty to the Greek kings than to their own people.

The Degeneration of Leadership
Josephus contrasts Onias II with his father, Simon the Just. While Simon was the paragon of Jewish piety and social responsibility, Onias is described as βραχὺς τὴν διάνοιαν (narrow-minded/short-witted) and χρημάτων ἥττων (a slave to money). This starts a recurring theme in Josephus: the decline of the High Priesthood from a spiritual office to a political and financial prize.

The "Twenty Talents" Crisis
The 20 talents Onias refused to pay was actually a traditional personal contribution from the High Priest’s own funds, symbolizing his role as the "representative" of the nation. By pocketing this money, Onias wasn't just being cheap; he was committing a diplomatic insult.

The Threat of Klerouchy
Ptolemy’s threat to κληρουχήσειν (distribute by lot) the land is the "nuclear option." A klerouchy was a colony of Greek soldiers settled on confiscated land. If Ptolemy had followed through, Jerusalem would have been surrounded by Greek military veterans, effectively ending Jewish autonomy 150 years before the Romans arrived.

Samaritan Opportunism
Josephus notes that the Samaritans took advantage of this leadership vacuum. When the central Jewish authority was weak and "confused" (συνεχύθησαν), the Samaritans—who were experiencing a period of economic and political "prosperity"—raided Judean territory. This reflects the long-standing, bitter rivalry between Jerusalem and Mount Gerizim.

¹⁶⁰ δέ τις, νέος μὲν ἔτι τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν, ἐπὶ σεμνότητι δὲ καὶ προνοίᾳ δικαιοσύνης δόξαν ἔχων παρὰ τοῖς , μὲν πατρός, ἐκ δὲ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφῆς γεγονώς, δηλωσάσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς τὴν‎ τοῦ παρουσίαν, ἔτυχεν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀποδημῶν εἰς κώμην ἐξ ἧς ὑπῆρχεν,

¹⁶⁰ "Now there was a certain Joseph, still young in age, but possessing a reputation among the Jerusalemites for dignity and foresight in justice. He was the son of Tobias, born of the sister of Onias the High Priest. When his mother informed him of the ambassador’s presence—for he happened to be away at his village of Phikola, where he was from—

¹⁶⁰ There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father’s name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him of the coming of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning at a village named Phicol, where he was born.

¹⁶⁰ There was a man named Joseph, young in age but already enjoying a reputation for justice among the people of Jerusalem for his gravity and prudence. His father’s name was Tobias, and as he happened to be in his native village of Phicol, his mother, the sister of the high priest Onias, told him of the envoy’s arrival.

¹⁶¹ ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπέπληττε τῷ μὴ προνοουμένῳ τῆς ἀσφαλείας τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς κινδύνους τὸ ἔθνος βουλομένῳ περιστῆσαι διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν χρημάτων ἀποστέρησιν, δι᾽ ἃ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ τὴν‎ προστασίαν λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς ἐπιτυχεῖν.

¹⁶¹ He came to the city and rebuked Onias for not providing for the safety of the citizens, but rather willing to surround the nation with dangers because of the withholding of the money; it was for the sake of such things, Joseph said, that Onias had received the leadership of the people and attained the high priestly honor.

¹⁶¹ Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and had been made high priest;

¹⁶¹ He went to the city and reproached Onias for not taking care of his countrymen’s safety but putting the nation in danger by not paying this money. It was, he told him, to care for their safety that he had received authority and been invested with the honour of high priest.

¹⁶² εἰ δ᾽ ἐρωτικῶς οὕτως ἔχοι τῶν χρημάτων, ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν‎ πατρίδα κινδυνεύουσαν ἰδεῖν ὑπομεῖναι καὶ πᾶν παθόντας αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς πολίτας, συνεβούλευσεν ἀπελθόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα δεηθῆναι αὐτοῦ‎ ἢ πάντων αὐτῷ παραχωρῆσαι τῶν χρημάτων ἢ μέρους.

¹⁶² And if he was so passionately in love with money that for its sake he could endure seeing his fatherland in danger and his citizens suffering whatever might happen, Joseph advised him to go to the King and petition him either to waive all the money or a portion of it.

¹⁶² but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded.

¹⁶² Even if he was such a lover of money that he could bear to see his country endangered because of it and let his countrymen suffer major damage, he advised him to go to the king and petition him to cancel either the whole or a part of the sum demanded.

¹⁶³ τοῦ δὲ μήτε ἄρχειν θέλειν ἀποκριναμένου καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δ᾽ εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἀποθέσθαι λέγοντος μήτε ἀναβήσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, μέλειν γὰρ αὐτῷ περὶ τούτων οὐδέν, εἰ πρεσβεύειν αὐτῷ συγχωρεῖ πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπηρώτησεν.

¹⁶³ But when Onias replied that he did not even wish to rule—saying he was ready to set aside the high priesthood if it were possible—and that he would not go up to the King because he cared nothing for these matters, Joseph asked if he would allow him to serve as ambassador to Ptolemy on behalf of the nation.

¹⁶³ Onias’s answer was this: That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation.

¹⁶³ When Onias replied that he did not want his authority and was prepared to resign the high priesthood if possible, but that he would not go up to the king as he did not want to be involved in such matters, the other asked if he would let him to go as envoy to Ptolemy, on behalf of the nation.

¹⁶⁴ φήσαντος δὲ ἐπιτρέπειν ἀναβὰς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ὁ καὶ συγκαλέσας τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν μηδὲν ταράσσεσθαι μηδὲ φοβεῖσθαι παρῄνει διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ θείου περὶ αὐτῶν ἀμέλειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀδείᾳ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς σκυθρωποτέρας ἐλπίδος τὴν‎ διάνοιαν αὐτοὺς ἔχειν ἠξίου· πρεσβεύσειν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπηγγέλλετο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πείσειν αὐτόν, ὅτι μηδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν.

¹⁶⁴ When Onias said he permitted it, Joseph went up into the Temple and, having called the multitude together in assembly (ekklēsia), exhorted them not to be troubled or afraid on account of the neglect of his uncle Onias concerning them; he requested them to keep their minds free from the fear of a grimmer hope. For he promised that he himself would go as ambassador to the King and persuade him that they were doing no wrong.

¹⁶⁴ He replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the multitude together to a congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor affrighted, because of his uncle Onias’s carelessness, but desired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he promised them that he would be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong.

¹⁶⁴ When he replied that he would allow him, Joseph went up into the temple and summoned the populace and urged them not to be troubled nor fearful because of the carelessness of his uncle Onias, but to be at peace and not upset themselves with anxiety, for he promised to be their envoy to the king and persuade him that they had done him no wrong.

¹⁶⁵ καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος τούτων ἀκοῦσαν εὐχαριστεῖ τῷ , καταβὰς δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ξενίᾳ τε ὑποδέχεται τὸν παρὰ τοῦ πεπρεσβευκότα καὶ δωρησάμενος αὐτὸν πολυτελέσι δωρεαῖς καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἑστιάσας φιλοτίμως ἡμέρας προέπεμψε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, φράσας αὐτῷ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀκολουθήσειν·

¹⁶⁵ The multitude, hearing these things, gave thanks to Joseph. He himself, descending from the Temple, received Ptolemy’s ambassador with hospitality; having presented him with costly gifts and entertained him magnificently for many days at feasts, he sent him on his way to the King, telling him that he himself would follow.

¹⁶⁵ And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy’s ambassador in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him, and told him that he would soon follow him;

¹⁶⁵ Hearing this the people thanked Joseph and he went down from the temple and treated Ptolemy’s envoy hospitably, presenting him with rich gifts and feasting him magnificently for many days, and then sent him on ahead to the king, saying that he would soon follow him,

¹⁶⁶ καὶ γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον γεγόνει πρόθυμος πρὸς τὴν‎ ἄφιξιν τὴν‎ παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα τοῦ προτρεψαμένου καὶ παρορμήσαντος εἰς ἐλθεῖν καὶ πάντων ὧν ἂν δέηται παρὰ τυχεῖν αὐτὸν ποιήσειν · τὸ γὰρ ἐλευθέριον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸ σεμνὸν τοῦ ἤθους λίαν ἠγάπησεν.

¹⁶⁶ Indeed, the ambassador had made him even more eager for his arrival before the King, having urged and incited him to come to Egypt, promising that he would make him obtain everything he needed from Ptolemy; for he had greatly admired Joseph’s generosity and the dignity of his character."

¹⁶⁶ for he was now more willing to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his deportment.

¹⁶⁶ for he was now more willing to go to the king, encouraged by the envoy, who urged him to come into Egypt, promising to ensure that he obtained from Ptolemy everything he asked, for he was very impressed with his frankness and his sobriety of manner.

The Tobiad Profile: Dignity and Foresight
Josephus introduces Joseph with two key Greek virtues: σεμνότητι (dignity/gravity) and προνοίᾳ (foresight/providence). While Onias is depicted as a "slave to money," Joseph is depicted as a "master of wealth." He uses money as a tool for diplomacy rather than hoarding it as an end in itself.

The Phikola Estates
Joseph was away at his village, Phikola. This highlights that the Tobiads were essentially "country gentry"—powerful landowners from the Transjordan (modern-day Jordan) who maintained a massive power base outside of Jerusalem. Their wealth came from the land, which gave them the independence to challenge the urban priesthood.

Onias's "Quiet Quitting"
Onias’s response is fascinating: he claims he is ready to ἀποθέσθαι (lay down) the high priesthood. This suggests he viewed the office as a burden of state rather than a sacred calling. His apathy (μέλειν γὰρ αὐτῷ περὶ τούτων οὐδέν) creates the power vacuum that Joseph, a layman, is more than happy to fill.

The Ekklēsia in the Temple
Josephus uses the term ἐκκλησίαν (assembly) to describe the gathering in the Temple. This shows that Jerusalem, while a theocracy, still functioned with elements of a Greek polis. The "multitude" had to be addressed and reassured by a leader who could speak the language of the people. Joseph’s speech is a masterclass in crisis management.

Diplomacy through Gastronomy
Joseph understands that the way to a King's heart is through his ambassadors. By entertaining the envoy for πολλὰς ἡμέρας (many days) with "costly gifts," he is practicing "Soft Power." He flips the ambassador from an accuser into an ally. The envoy is so impressed by Joseph's ἐλευθέριον (liberality/noble-heartedness) that he becomes Joseph's personal lobbyist at the Alexandrian court.

The Rise of the "Middle Man"
This passage marks a shift in Jewish history where political power begins to move away from the "hereditary high priest" toward the "charismatic diplomat." Joseph doesn't have the "holy oil," but he has the "social capital." This dynamic—the tension between the religious establishment and the savvy political elite—will define Judean history all the way to the time of Herod the Great.

¹⁶⁷ Καὶ ὁ μὲν πρεσβευτὴς ἐλθὼν εἰς ἀπήγγειλεν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ τοῦ ἀγνωμοσύνην καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ χρηστότητος ἐδήλου, καὶ ὅτι μέλλοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἥξειν παραιτησόμενος τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τὸ πλῆθος· εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ προστάτην· ἀμέλει τοσαύτῃ [περὶ] τῶν ἐγκωμίων τῶν περὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου διετέλεσε χρώμενος , ὥστε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ‎ προδιέθηκεν οἰκείως ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν οὔπω παρόντα.

¹⁶⁷ "When the ambassador arrived in Egypt, he reported to the King the unreasonableness of Onias and made clear the excellence of Joseph, and that he was about to come to him to plead for the multitude regarding their offenses; for he was their protector. Indeed, the ambassador continued to use such an abundance of praises concerning the young man that he predisposed both the King and his wife Cleopatra to be kindly disposed toward Joseph even before his arrival.

¹⁶⁷ When Ptolemy’s ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him to excuse the multitude, as not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came.

¹⁶⁷ When Ptolemy’s envoy returned to Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtlessness of Onias, and of Joseph’s virtuous manner, and that he was coming to him as his people’s patron, to plead for them and show that they had done him no harm. He praised the young man so highly that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra to feel kindly toward him before his arrival.

¹⁶⁸ ὁ δὲ διαπέμψας πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰς καὶ δανεισάμενος ἀργύριον καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀποδημίαν ἑτοιμασάμενος ἐσθῆτάς τε καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ ὑποζύγια, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὡς περὶ δισμυρίας δραχμὰς παρασκευασάμενος εἰς παρεγένετο.

¹⁶⁸ Joseph, having sent to his friends in Samaria and borrowed money, and having prepared the things for his journey—clothing, drinking cups, and pack animals—and having prepared these things at a cost of about twenty thousand drachmas, arrived at Alexandria.

¹⁶⁸ So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria.

¹⁶⁸ Joseph sent to his friends in Samaria and borrowed money of them and got ready what was needed for his journey, clothing and cups and beasts for burden to the value of about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria.

¹⁶⁹ ἔτυχεν δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν πάντας ἀναβαίνειν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων τῶν τῆς καὶ πρώτους καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν τελῶν ὠνήν· κατ᾽ ἔτος δὲ αὐτὰ τοῖς δυνατοῖς τῶν ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει ἐπίπρασκεν ὁ βασιλεύς.

¹⁶⁹ It happened at that time that all the leading men and officials from the cities of Syria and Phoenicia were going up for the auction of the taxes; for every year the King would sell these to the powerful men in each city.

¹⁶⁹ Now it happened that at this time all the principal men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every city.

¹⁶⁹ Now at this time all the leaders and officers went up from the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes, for every year the king sold them to the most powerful men in every city.

¹⁷⁰ ὁρῶντες οὖν οὗτοι κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν τὸν ἐχλεύαζον ἐπὶ πενίᾳ καὶ λιτότητι. ὡς δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀφικόμενος ἐν τὸν ἤκουσεν ὄντα, ὑπαντησάμενος συνέβαλεν αὐτῷ.

¹⁷⁰ Seeing Joseph on the road, these men mocked him for his poverty and simplicity. But when he reached Alexandria and heard that Ptolemy was in Memphis, he went to meet him and joined his company.

¹⁷⁰ So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with him;

¹⁷⁰ Seeing Joseph on his journey these men laughed at him for his poverty and lowliness, but when he came to Alexandria and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up there to meet with him.

¹⁷¹ καθεζομένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπ᾽ ὀχήματος μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ μετὰ φίλου, οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ὁ πρεσβεύσας εἰς καὶ παρὰ ξενισθείς, θεασάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ εὐθὺς ἐποίει τῷ βασιλεῖ γνώριμον, τοῦτον εἶναι λέγων, περὶ οὗ παραγενόμενος ἐξ ἀπήγγειλεν, ὡς ἀγαθός τε εἴη καὶ φιλότιμος νεανίσκος.

¹⁷¹ As the King was sitting in his chariot with his wife and with Athenion—the friend who had served as ambassador to Jerusalem and had been Joseph's guest—Athenion, upon seeing him, immediately made him known to the King, saying that this was the one of whom he had reported upon arriving from Jerusalem, that he was a good and ambitious young man.

¹⁷¹ which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good and generous a young man he was.

¹⁷¹ The king happened to be sitting in his chariot, with his wife and with his friend Athenion, the very person who had gone as envoy in Jerusalem and had been entertained by Joseph, and when Athenion saw him, he at once introduced him to the king, saying what a good and generous a young man he was.

¹⁷² ὁ δὲ πρῶτός τε αὐτὸν ἠσπάσατο καὶ δὴ ἀναβῆναι ἐπὶ τὸ ὄχημα παρεκάλεσεν καὶ καθεσθέντος ἤρξατο περὶ τῶν . ὁ δέ " συγγίνωσκε, φησίν, αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ γῆρας· οὐ γὰρ λανθάνει σε πάντως, ὅτι καὶ τοὺς πρεσβύτας καὶ τὰ νήπια τὴν‎ αὐτὴν διάνοιαν ἔχειν συμβέβηκεν. παρὰ δ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔσται‎ σοι τῶν νέων ἅπαντα,

¹⁷² Ptolemy was the first to greet him and invited him to come up into the chariot. When he was seated, the King began to bring charges regarding the actions of Onias. But Joseph said, 'Forgive him on account of his old age; for surely it does not escape you that old men and infants happen to have the same state of mind. But from us, the young, you shall have everything, so that you have nothing to complain of.'

¹⁷² So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of the management of Onias: to which he answered, "Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to complain."

¹⁷² So Ptolemy greeted him first, inviting him up into his chariot, and began to complain of what Onias had done, while Joseph sat there. His reply was, "Forgive him on account of his age, for you must be aware that old men and infants have the same attitude, but you shall have all that you require from us, the younger population, and have no cause for complaint."

¹⁷³ ὥστε μηδὲν αἰτιᾶσθαι. ἡσθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ χάριτι καὶ τῇ εὐτραπελίᾳ τοῦ νεανίσκου μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ὡς ἤδη καὶ πεπειραμένος ἀγαπᾶν ἤρξατο, ὡς ἔν τε τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτὸν κελεῦσαι διαιτᾶσθαι καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑστιάσεως τῆς ἰδίας ἔχειν.

¹⁷³ Delighted by the charm (chariti) and the witty cleverness (eutrapelia) of the young man, the King began to love him even more, as if he had already tested his character, so that he commanded him to reside in the palace and to have him at his own table every day.

¹⁷³ With this good humor and pleasantry of the young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the king’s palace, and be a guest at his own table every day.

¹⁷³ The king was so delighted with the young man’s good humour and pleasantry that though he had had long known of him, he began to like him still more, so that he told him to dine in the palace and be a guest at his own table every day.

¹⁷⁴ γενομένου δ᾽ ἐν ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria τοῦ βασιλέως ἰδόντες οἱ πρῶτοι τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria συγκαθεζόμενον αὐτῷ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀηδῶς ἔφερον.	¹⁷⁴ But when the King arrived in Alexandria, the leading men of Syria, seeing Joseph sitting with him, took it very poorly."
¹⁷⁴ But when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much offended at it.	¹⁷⁴ When the king got to Alexandria, the Syrian leaders saw him sitting with the king and were much offended at it.

Pre-Selling the Hero
Joseph is a master of "advance PR." By treating the ambassador Athenion like royalty in Jerusalem, he ensured that his reputation reached the Egyptian court before he did. This "halo effect" is so strong that even Cleopatra I (the Seleucid-born Queen) is already a fan before meeting him.

The 20,000 Drachma Investment
Joseph borrows a massive sum—20,000 drachmas (about 3.3 talents)—from his Samaritan friends. This is a gamble. He spends it all on "clothing, drinking cups, and pack animals." In the Hellenistic world, optics were everything. To speak to a King, one had to look like a King’s friend.

The Annual Tax Auction
Josephus gives us a rare look at the Ptolemaic economy. The "tax-farming" auction was the most important financial event of the year. The "leading men" (πρῶτοι) of the Syrian cities were the ultra-wealthy elite. Their mockery of Joseph's "poverty" suggests that while 20,000 drachmas was a lot for a Judean, it was "pocket change" compared to the massive wealth of the Phoenician and Syrian merchants.

The "Second Childhood" Defense
Joseph’s defense of his uncle Onias is a brilliant piece of rhetoric. He doesn't try to argue that Onias was right; he argues that Onias is senile. By comparing the High Priest to an infant, he effectively "neuterizes" the political threat. It’s a witty, slightly disrespectful, but highly effective way to let the King save face while dismissing the debt.

Eutrapelia: The Virtue of Wit
Josephus uses the word εὐτραπελίᾳ (witty cleverness/versatility). In Aristotelian ethics, eutrapelia was the "golden mean" of wit—not being a buffoon, but not being a bore. By displaying this specifically Greek virtue, Joseph proves to Ptolemy that he is a "Hellenized" gentleman who can be trusted in the King's inner circle.

The Jealousy of the Elite
The passage ends with a "cliffhanger" of social tension. The Syrian elites, who mocked Joseph on the road, now see him sitting in the royal chariot. This sets the stage for the next scene: the tax auction, where Joseph will use his new royal favor to financially destroy his rivals.

¹⁷⁵ Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔμελλεν τὰ τέλη πιπράσκεσθαι τῶν πόλεων, ἠγόραζον οἱ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς πατρίσιν διαφέροντες. εἰς ὀκτακισχίλια δὲ τάλαντα συναθροιζομένων τῶν τῆς κοίλης τελῶν καὶ τῆς καὶ σὺν τῇ ,

¹⁷⁵ "When the day arrived on which the taxes of the cities were to be sold, those who were preeminent in rank in their own homelands began to bid. As the total for the taxes of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and Samaria was being gathered at eight thousand talents,

¹⁷⁵ And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dignity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together, of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria, [as they were bidden for,] came to eight thousand talents.

¹⁷⁵ When the day came when the king was to farm out the taxes of the cities and the leading dignitaries from the various countries were to bid for them, the combined sum of the taxes for Coele-Syria and Phoenicia and Judea, plus Samaria, came to eight thousand talents.

¹⁷⁶ προσελθὼν τοὺς μὲν ὠνουμένους διέβαλλεν ὡς συνθεμένους ὀλίγην αὐτῷ τιμὴν ὑφίστασθαι τῶν τελῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ διπλασίονα δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτόντων εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς οὐσίας ἀναπέμψειν αὐτῷ· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο τοῖς τέλεσι συνεπιπράσκετο.

¹⁷⁶ Joseph came forward and accused those bidding of having conspired together to offer the King a low price for the taxes; he himself promised to give double [sixteen thousand talents] and to send to the King the estates of those who had offended against his house—for this [right of confiscation] was sold along with the taxes.

¹⁷⁶ Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them: but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole substance; for this privilege was sold together with the taxes themselves.

¹⁷⁶ At this Joseph accused the bidders of agreeing together to value the taxes at too low a rate, and promised that he himself would pay twice as much for them; and would send back to the king all the property of any who did not pay, for this right was sold along with the taxes.

¹⁷⁷ τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἡδέως ἀκούσαντος καὶ ὡς αὔξοντι τὴν‎ πρόσοδον αὐτοῦ‎ κατακυροῦν τὴν‎ ὠνὴν τῶν τελῶν ἐκείνῳ φήσαντος, ἐρομένου δὲ εἰ καὶ τοὺς ἐγγυησομένους αὐτὸν ἔχει, σφόδρ᾽ ἀστείως · " δώσω γὰρ εἶπεν ἀνθρώπους ἀγαθοὺς καὶ καλούς,

¹⁷⁷ The King, having heard this with pleasure and saying that he would knock down the sale of the taxes to him as one who increased his revenue, asked if he also had those who would stand as sureties (guarantors) for him. Joseph replied very urbanely: 'I will give you,' he said, 'men who are good and noble, whom you will not distrust.'

¹⁷⁷ The king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked him this question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, "I will give such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you shall have no reason to distrust."

¹⁷⁷ The king was pleased with the offer since it increased his revenues, and said he would grant him the sale of the taxes. When he asked if he had any guarantor to offer for the payment of the money, he answered very pleasantly, "I offer the surety of good and responsible persons, which you shall have no reason to distrust."

¹⁷⁸ οἷς οὐκ ἀπιστήσετε. λέγειν δὲ τούτους οἵτινες εἶεν εἰπόντος, " αὐτόν, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, σέ τε καὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα τὴν‎ σὴν ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρου μέρους ἐγγυησομένους δίδωμί σοι. γελάσας δ᾽ ὁ συνεχώρησεν αὐτῷ δίχα τῶν ὁμολογούντων ἔχειν τὰ τέλη.

¹⁷⁸ When the King told him to say who these were, he said, 'O King, I give you yourself and your wife as my guarantors, each for a half-share.' Ptolemy, having laughed, granted him the taxes without the usual requirement of those who provide security.

¹⁷⁸ And when he bid him name them who they were, he replied, "I give thee no other persons, O king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security for both parties." So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes without any sureties.

¹⁷⁸ When asked to say who they were, he answered, "I give you no other persons, O king, for my sureties than yourself and your wife, and you will be guarantor for both parties." So Ptolemy laughed at this and granted him the farming of the taxes without any guarantors.

¹⁷⁹ τοῦτο σφόδρα τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐλθόντας ἐλύπησεν ὡς παρευδοκιμηθέντας. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπανῆκον εἰς τὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστοι πατρίδας μετ᾽ αἰσχύνης.	¹⁷⁹ This greatly grieved those who had come to Egypt from the cities, as they had been outdone in reputation. And so they each returned to their own homelands with shame."
¹⁷⁹ This procedure was a sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame.	¹⁷⁹ This was a severe blow to those who had come to Egypt from the various cities, who were utterly disappointed, and they each returned home, embarrassed.

1. The High-Stakes Gamble (16,000 Talents) To put this number in perspective, 16,000 talents was an astronomical sum—roughly double the entire annual revenue of the region. Joseph is practicing a classic "disruptor" strategy. He gambles that by doubling the bid, he makes it impossible for the King to say no, even if Joseph currently lacks the liquid capital to back it up. One talent is equal to more than $400,000. Thus 16,000 talents would be worth about $6.4 Billion. 2. Confiscation as a "Value-Add" Josephus notes that the right to seize the property of tax-evaders (τὰς οὐσίας ἀναπέμψειν) was "sold along with the taxes." This meant the tax-farmer wasn't just a collector; he was a paramilitary governor with the power of life and death over the local nobility. Joseph explicitly offers to use this power to enrich the King’s private treasury (the oikos), turning a fiscal contract into a political purge. 3. The Wit of the "Surety" In the Ptolemaic tax system, a bidder had to provide ἐγγυησομένους (guarantors)—wealthy men who would pay the debt if the tax-farmer failed. By naming the King and Queen as his guarantors, Joseph performs a brilliant rhetorical "checkmate." If the King accepts the joke, he waives the legal requirement for security (which he does). It creates a psychological bond; by "guaranteeing" Joseph, the King becomes a partner in Joseph's success. 4. Asteios: The Urbanity of the Outsider Josephus describes Joseph’s reply as σφόδρʼ ἀστείως (very urbanely/sophisticatedly). This is high praise. It suggests that Joseph, despite being from a "provincial" Judean village, had mastered the refined, ironic humor of the Alexandrian court. He isn't just a tax collector; he is a courtier who knows how to make a King laugh. 5. The Shame of the Elite The Greek elites are described as returning μετʼ αἰσχύνης (with shame). In a "shame-honor" culture, being outbid by a younger, "poorer" Judean in front of the King was a devastating social blow. This set the stage for the extreme violence Joseph would later use to collect these taxes, as he now had to prove he could actually deliver the 16,000 talents he promised. 6. The Birth of the "Tax-Farmer" Archetype This narrative explains why "tax collectors" are so reviled in later Jewish literature (including the New Testament). Joseph’s rise was based on aggressive financial extraction and royal favoritism, creating a class of wealthy Hellenized Jews who were seen by the common people as agents of foreign oppression.

¹⁸⁰ Ὁ δὲ λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πεζῶν μὲν στρατιώτας δισχιλίους, ἠξίωσε γὰρ βοήθειάν τινα λαβεῖν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καταφρονοῦντας ἔχῃ βιάζεσθαι, καὶ δανεισάμενος ἐν παρὰ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων τάλαντα πεντακόσια εἰς ἐξώρμησεν.

¹⁸⁰ "Joseph, having received from the King two thousand infantry soldiers—for he had requested some assistance so that he might be able to compel those in the cities who treated him with contempt—and having borrowed five hundred talents in Alexandria from the King's friends, set out for Syria.

¹⁸⁰ But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king’s friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria.

¹⁸⁰ Joseph took with him from the king two thousand foot soldiers, for he needed some help to force the payment from those in the cities who were resisting, and borrowing five hundred talents from the king’s friends in Alexandria, he hurried back into Syria.

¹⁸¹ γενόμενος δὲ ἐν τοὺς φόρους ἀπαιτῶν τοὺς , ἐπεὶ μηδὲν ἐβούλοντο διδόναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσύβριζον αὐτόν, συλλαβὼν αὐτῶν τοὺς πρωτεύοντας ὡς εἴκοσιν ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν εἰς χίλια τάλαντα ἀθροισθείσας ἔπεμψε τῷ βασιλεῖ, δηλῶν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ γεγενημένα.

¹⁸¹ When he arrived in Ashkelon and demanded the taxes from the Ashkelonites, they refused to give anything and even insulted him. Consequently, he seized about twenty of their leading men, executed them, and sent their estates—which totaled a thousand talents—to the King, reporting what had occurred.

¹⁸¹ And when he was at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him what he had done.

¹⁸¹ When he was at Askalon and demanded the taxes of the people of Askalon, they refused to pay anything and insulted him to his face, so taking about twenty of the leaders he killed them and gathered together all they had and sent it to the king, with a report of what he had done.

¹⁸² θαυμάσας δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ τοῦ φρονήματος καὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐπαινέσας ἐφίησιν αὐτῷ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλεται. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες οἱ κατεπλάγησαν καὶ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀπειθείας χαλεπὸν ἔχοντες τοὺς τῶν ἄνδρας ἀνῃρημένους ἀνοίγοντες τὰς πύλας ἐδέχοντο προθύμως τὸν καὶ τοὺς φόρους ἐτέλουν.

¹⁸² Ptolemy, marveling at his resolve (phronēmatos) and praising his actions, allowed him to do whatever he wished. When the Syrians heard this, they were struck with terror; having the executed men of Ashkelon as a harsh example of disobedience, they opened their gates and eagerly received Joseph, paying their taxes.

¹⁸² Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and having before them a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes.

¹⁸² Ptolemy admired the man’s prudence and commended his action and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard it they were astounded, and bearing in mind the sad example in the men of Askalon who had been killed, they opened their gates and willingly admitted Joseph and paid their taxes.

¹⁸³ δὲ καὶ ὑβρίζειν αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ παρέχειν τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ, οὓς μηδὲν ἀμφισβητοῦντες ἐτέλουν, καὶ τούτων ἀποκτείνας τοὺς πρώτους τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἀπέστειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ.

¹⁸³ When the inhabitants of Scythopolis also attempted to insult him and refuse the taxes which they usually paid without dispute, he executed their leading men as well and sent their estates to the King.

¹⁸³ And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects to the king.

¹⁸³ When the people of Scythopolis tried to insult him and would not pay him their former level of taxes but argued about them, he also killed the leaders of that city and sent their property to the king.

¹⁸⁴ συναγαγὼν δὲ πολλὰ χρήματα καὶ κέρδη μεγάλα ποιήσας ἐκ τῆς ὠνῆς τῶν τελῶν, εἰς τὸ διαμεῖναι τὴν‎ ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτῷ δύναμιν τοῖς οὖσι κατεχρήσατο, τὴν‎ ἀφορμὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπόθεσιν τῆς τότε εὐτυχίας τηρεῖν φρόνιμον ἡγούμενος ἐξ αὐτῶν ὧν αὐτὸς ἐκέκτητο·

¹⁸⁴ Having gathered vast sums of money and made great profits from the purchase of the taxes, he used his wealth to maintain his existing power, deeming it prudent to preserve the source and foundation of his current good fortune from his own acquisitions.

¹⁸⁴ By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and he made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he was already possessed of,

¹⁸⁴ By this means he amassed great wealth and made huge profit by this farming of the taxes, and he used the property he had so gained to support his authority, thinking it prudent to maintain what had caused his present good fortune by means of what he owned already.

¹⁸⁵ πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπὸ χεῖρα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra δῶρα ἔπεμπεν καὶ τοῖς φίλοις αὐτῶν καὶ πᾶσιν τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν δυνατοῖς ὠνούμενος διὰ τούτων τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.	¹⁸⁵ For he sent many gifts privately to the King and Cleopatra, and to their friends and all the powerful people of the court, purchasing their goodwill through these means."
¹⁸⁵ for he privately sent many presents to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself.	¹⁸⁵ For he secretly sent many gifts to the king and Cleopatra and to their friends and to all those in power at the court and thereby purchased their goodwill.

The "Startup Capital" of an Empire
Joseph begins his mission with two types of capital: military (2,000 soldiers) and financial (500 borrowed talents). This illustrates the symbiotic relationship between the Judean elite and the Alexandrian court. He uses the King's friends to fund the very mission that will enrich the King, creating a closed loop of vested interests.

Ashkelon as the "Bloody Example"
Ashkelon was an ancient Philistine city with a long history of friction with Judea. By executing twenty of their πρωτεύοντας (leading men/aristocrats), Joseph wasn't just collecting debt; he was decapitating the local political opposition. Sending the entire 1,000-talent haul of their confiscated estates to the King was a brilliant strategic move—it proved to Ptolemy that Joseph’s "doubled bid" was actually realistic.

Scythopolis (Beth Shean)
The resistance in Scythopolis is notable because Josephus mentions they usually paid "without dispute." Their sudden refusal suggests they were testing the young Judean "upstart." Joseph’s identical response—execution and confiscation—signaled to the entire region that the rules of the game had changed. Diplomacy was over; extraction had begun.

Phronēma: The King's Approval of Violence
Ptolemy's reaction is θαυμάσας (marveling). He praises Joseph's φρονήματος (high spirit/resolve). In the brutal logic of Hellenistic kingship, a tax collector who kills to get the money is "loyal," while a lenient one is "weak." This royal "blank check" allowed Joseph to operate as a virtual viceroy.

The "Recycling" of Bribery
Josephus explains Joseph's business model with cold clarity: he uses the profits from his taxes to buy "goodwill" (εὔνοιαν) at court.

1) He rewards the King and Queen with gifts.

2) He pays off the "friends" and court officials.

3) This ensures that if any city complained about his brutality, the complaints would land on ears that had already been "softened" by Tobiad gold.

The "Second King" of Judea
For twenty-two years, Joseph ben Tobias would hold this position. He effectively bypassed the High Priest's political authority. While the High Priest handled the Temple, Joseph handled the money and the army. This created a dual-power structure in Jerusalem that eventually led to a civil war between the "pro-Tobiad" Hellenizers and the traditionalists.

¹⁸⁶ Ἀπέλαυσε δὲ ταύτης τῆς εὐτυχίας ἐπὶ ἔτη εἴκοσι καὶ δύο, πατὴρ μὲν γενόμενος ἐκ μιᾶς γυναικὸς παίδων ἑπτά, ποιησάμενος δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ΣολυμίουSollymius θυγατρὸς ἕνα ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὄνομα.	¹⁸⁶ "Joseph enjoyed this good fortune for twenty-two years; he became the father of seven sons by one wife, and he also fathered one named Hyrcanus by the daughter of his brother Solymius.
¹⁸⁶ This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was become the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius’s daughter,	¹⁸⁶ He enjoyed this good fortune for twenty-two years and had fathered seven sons by one wife, as well as another son named Hyrcanus, by the daughter of his brother Solymius, whom he married as follows.

¹⁸⁷ γαμεῖ δὲ ταύτην ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· τἀδελφῷ ποτε συνελθὼν εἰς ἄγοντι καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα γάμων ὥραν , ὅπως αὐτὴν συνοικίσῃ τινὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος , καὶ δειπνῶν παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὀρχηστρίδος εἰσελθούσης εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον εὐπρεποῦς ἐρασθεὶς τῷ ἀδελφῷ τοῦτο μηνύει παρακαλῶν αὐτόν, ἐπεὶ καὶ νόμῳ κεκώλυται παρὰ ἀλλοφύλῳ πλησιάζειν γυναικί, συγκρύψαντα τὸ ἁμάρτημα καὶ διάκονον ἀγαθὸν γενόμενον παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ ὥστ᾽ ἐκπλῆσαι τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν.

¹⁸⁷ He married her for the following reason: Once, when he went to Alexandria with his brother, who was bringing his daughter—then of marriageable age—in order to marry her to some Jew of high rank, Joseph was dining with the King. A beautiful dancing girl entered the banquet, and Joseph fell in love with her. He revealed this to his brother and entreated him—since it is forbidden by Jewish law to have intimacy with a foreign woman—to help him hide the sin and serve as a good assistant so that he might satisfy his desire.

¹⁸⁷ whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along with him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king, and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires.

¹⁸⁷ He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had brought along a marriageable daughter, intending to give her in wedlock to some of the leading Jews there. He had supper with the king and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it and implored him to conceal his offence, since a Jew is forbidden by their law to make love to a non-Jewish woman, and to be kind and help him to achieve his desires.

¹⁸⁸ ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἀσμένως δεξάμενος τὴν‎ διακονίαν, κοσμήσας τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατέρα νυκτὸς ἤγαγε πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ συγκατεκοίμισεν. ὁ δ᾽ ὑπὸ μέθης ἀγνοήσας τἀληθὲς συνέρχεται τῇ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ θυγατρί, καὶ τούτου γενομένου πολλάκις ἤρα σφοδρότερον. ἔφη δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν, ὡς κινδυνεύει τῷ ζῆν ἐρῶν ὀρχηστρίδος, ἧς ἴσως οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ παραχωρήσειν τὸν βασιλέα.

¹⁸⁸ The brother gladly accepted the task; he adorned his own daughter and led her to Joseph by night and placed her in bed with him. Joseph, being drunk, did not know the truth and lay with his brother's daughter. This happened many times, and he fell more violently in love. He said to his brother that he was in danger of losing his life for love of the dancing girl, whom the King would likely not grant to him.

¹⁸⁸ Upon which his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and so lay with his brother’s daughter; and this did he many times, and loved her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that he loved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him].

¹⁸⁸ The brother willingly undertook this service but then adorned his own daughter and brought her to him by night and placed her in his bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, did not recognize her and so had intercourse with his brother’s daughter, which he did many times and loved her very well. He told his brother that he was risking his life for the sake of a singer whom the king probably would not allow him to wed.

¹⁸⁹ τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφοῦ μηδὲν ἀγωνιᾶν παρακαλοῦντος, ἀπολαύειν δ᾽ ἧς ἐρᾷ μετ᾽ ἀδείας καὶ γυναῖκα ἔχειν αὐτὴν φήσαντος καὶ τἀληθὲς αὐτῷ φανερὸν ποιήσαντος, ὡς ἕλοιτο μᾶλλον τὴν‎ ἰδίαν ὑβρίσαι θυγατέρα ἢ περιιδεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐν αἰσχύνῃ γενόμενον, ἐπαινέσας αὐτὸν τῆς φιλαδελφίας συνῴκησεν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ θυγατρὶ καὶ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐγέννησεν , ὡς προειρήκαμεν.

¹⁸⁹ But his brother urged him not to be anxious, saying he should enjoy the woman he loved without fear and have her as his wife. He then revealed the truth to him: that he had chosen to dishonor his own daughter rather than see Joseph fall into disgrace. Joseph praised him for his brotherly love and lived with the daughter, begetting from her a son, Hyrcanus, as we said before.

¹⁸⁹ But his brother bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook him, and see him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son, whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before.

¹⁸⁹ But the brother told him not to worry about it and that he could enjoy his lover without any danger and even have her as his wife, and revealed to him the truth of the matter, assuring him that he would rather see his own daughter abused than neglect him and see him disgraced. Joseph praised him for this brotherly love of his and married his daughter, and by her begot his son Hyrcanus, as we have said.

¹⁹⁰ ἔτι δὲ ὢν τρισκαίδεκα ἐτῶν οὗτος ὁ παῖς νεώτερος ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν‎ φυσικὴν ἀνδρείαν καὶ σύνεσιν, ὡς ζηλοτυπηθῆναι δεινῶς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὄντα πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ φθονηθῆναι δυνάμενον.	¹⁹⁰ When this boy was only thirteen years old, he displayed such natural courage and intelligence that he was terribly envied by his brothers, as he was much better than they and likely to be preferred.
¹⁹⁰ And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above them, and such a one as they might well envy,	¹⁹⁰ When his youngest son, at the age of thirteen showed a mind that was courageous and wise and was greatly envied by his brothers, being very enviable and much more gifted than they.

¹⁹¹ τοῦ δὲ γνῶναι θελήσαντος, τίς αὐτῷ τῶν υἱῶν πρὸς ἀρετὴν εὖ πέφυκεν καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα πέμψαντος πρὸς τοὺς παιδεύειν τότε δόξαν ἔχοντας, οἱ λοιποὶ μὲν ὑπὸ ῥᾳθυμίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸ φιλεργεῖν μαλακίας ἀνόητοι καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ἐπανῆκον αὐτῷ, μετὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνους τὸν νεώτατον ,

¹⁹¹ Joseph, wishing to know which of his sons was naturally gifted in virtue, sent them one by one to those then famous for education. The others, out of laziness and a soft resistance to hard work, returned to him foolish and ignorant. After them, he sent the youngest, Hyrcanus.

¹⁹¹ Joseph had once a mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned.

¹⁹¹ Joseph once wished to know which of his sons was the most virtuous and when he sent each of them to men of the best reputation as teachers, the rest of his children, because of their sloth and unwillingness to take trouble, returned to him foolish and unlearned.

¹⁹² δοὺς αὐτῷ τριακόσια ζεύγη βοῶν, ἐξέπεμψεν ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν δύο εἰς τὴν‎ ἐρημίαν σπεροῦντα τὴν‎ γῆν ἀποκρύψας τοὺς ζευκτῆρας ἱμάντας.	¹⁹² Giving him three hundred yokes of oxen, Joseph sent him on a two-day journey into the wilderness to sow the land, but he hid the leather straps used to yoke them together.
¹⁹² After them he sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together.	¹⁹² Then he sent Hyrcanus, the youngest, with three hundred yoke of oxen and told him go two days' journey into the wilderness and sow the land there, but secretly kept back the yokes of the oxen that held them together.

¹⁹³ ὁ δὲ γενόμενος ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καὶ τοὺς ἱμάντας οὐκ ἔχων, τῆς μὲν τῶν βοηλατῶν γνώμης κατηλόγησεν συμβουλευόντων πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα κομιοῦντάς τινας τοὺς ἱμάντας, τὸν δὲ καιρὸν ἡγησάμενος μὴ δεῖν ἀπολλύναι περιμένοντα τοὺς ἀποσταλησομένους ἐπενόησέν τι στρατηγικὸν καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας πρεσβύτερον.

¹⁹³ When Hyrcanus arrived at the place and found he had no straps, he ignored the advice of the ox-drivers, who suggested sending someone back to his father to fetch some. Thinking it wrong to waste time waiting for messengers, he devised something strategic and beyond his years.

¹⁹³ When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yokes with him, he condemned the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than his own;

¹⁹³ When he came to the place and found he had no yokes with him, he ignored the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send back to his father to bring them some yokes. Instead, thinking that he should not waste his time by sending for the yokes, he invented a plan worthy of a more mature mind than his own,

¹⁹⁴ κατασφάξας γὰρ δέκα ζεύγη τὰ μὲν κρέα τοῖς ἐργάταις διένειμεν, τεμὼν δὲ τὰς δορὰς αὐτῶν καὶ ποιήσας ἱμάντας ἐνέδησεν τούτοις τὰ ζυγά, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον σπείρας ἣν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῷ προσέταξε γῆν ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς αὐτόν.

¹⁹⁴ He slaughtered ten yokes of oxen and distributed the meat to the workmen; then, cutting up their hides and making straps from them, he bound the yokes with these. In this way, having sown the land his father had commanded, he returned to him.

¹⁹⁴ for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the laborers, and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him.

¹⁹⁴ for he killed ten yoke of the oxen and distributed the meat among the workers and cut the hides into pieces to make himself yokes, with which he yoked the oxen so that he sowed the land his father had sent him to sow and returned to him.

¹⁹⁵ ἐλθόντα δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ ὑπερηγάπησεν τοῦ φρονήματος, καὶ τὴν‎ ὀξύτητα τῆς διανοίας καὶ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τολμηρὸν ἐπαινέσας ὡς μόνον ὄντα γνήσιον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔστεργεν ἀχθομένων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν.	¹⁹⁵ When he arrived, his father was overjoyed at his spirit (phronēmatos); praising the sharpness of his mind and the boldness accompanying it, he loved him all the more as his only 'genuine' son, while the brothers were grieved at this."
¹⁹⁵ And when he was come back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it.	¹⁹⁵ When he arrived, his father was very delighted with his prudence, praising his sharp understanding and the audacity of what he did. And he loved him even more, as if he alone were his genuine son, to the annoyance of his brothers.

The "Bait and Switch" Marriage
The story of Hyrcanus’s birth mirrors the biblical story of Jacob, Leah, and Rachel, but with a Hellenistic twist. Joseph thinks he is pursuing a "foreign" (and therefore forbidden) dancing girl, but his brother secretly substitutes his own daughter to protect Joseph from religious impurity and royal scandal.

Irony:
To prevent the "sin" of intermarriage, the brother commits the "sin" of deceiving his own daughter and brother. In the Tobiad world, political survival and family loyalty often trumped conventional morality.

The "Genuine" Son (γνήσιον):
Josephus notes that Joseph considered Hyrcanus his only "genuine" son. This is a deliberate jab at the other seven sons. In the Greek mind, a son's legitimacy wasn't just about birth; it was about nature (φύσιν). Because Hyrcanus possessed his father’s wit and "boldness," he was seen as the true continuation of the lineage.

The Test of the Oxen: A Strategic Mind
The "Ordeal of the Oxen" is a classic folk-hero tale. Joseph sets a trap (removing the ἱμάντας or yoking straps) to see if his son can solve a logistical crisis.

1) The Solution: Hyrcanus doesn't just solve the problem; he does so with a cold, "strategic" (στρατηγικόν) calculation. He sacrifices property (the 10 pairs of oxen) to achieve the mission.

2) The Symbolism: Slaughtering the very tools of the work to create the means to finish the work shows a ruthless pragmatism that perfectly prepared Hyrcanus for the cutthroat world of tax farming.

Education and "Softness"
Josephus contrasts Hyrcanus with his brothers, who are ῥᾳθυμίας (lazy) and μαλακίας (soft/effeminate). This reflects a common aristocratic anxiety in the 2nd century BCE: that the wealth of the first generation (Joseph) would lead to the degeneracy of the second. Hyrcanus is the exception because he retains the "ruggedness" of the wilderness.

Seeds of Civil War
This passage sets the stage for the Tobiad Civil War. The "terrible envy" (ζηλοτυπηθῆναι) of the older brothers is not just sibling rivalry; it is the beginning of a political schism. Eventually, the "Seven Sons" will side with the Seleucids, while Hyrcanus will remain loyal to the Ptolemies, dragging all of Judea into their family feud.

The 300 Yokes
The scale of Joseph’s wealth is underscored by the fact that he can casually hand a 13-year-old 300 yokes of oxen (600 animals). This confirms that the Tobiads weren't just tax collectors; they were massive latifundistas (landowners) with huge agricultural operations in the Transjordan.

¹⁹⁶ ὡς δ᾽ ἀπήγγειλέ τις αὐτῷ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν υἱὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ πάντες οἱ πρῶτοι τῆς καὶ τῆς χώρας ἑορτάζοντες τὴν‎ γενέσιον ἡμέραν τοῦ παιδίου μετὰ μεγάλης παρασκευῆς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξώρμων, αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ γήρως κατείχετο, τῶν δὲ υἱῶν ἀπεπειρᾶτο εἴ τις αὐτῶν ἀπελθεῖν βούλεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

¹⁹⁶ "When someone reported to Joseph at that time that a son had been born to King Ptolemy, and all the leading men of Syria and the subject territories were setting out for Alexandria with great preparations to celebrate the child’s birthday, Joseph himself was held back by old age. He tested his sons to see if any of them wished to go to the King.

¹⁹⁶ But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him, were to keep a festival, on account of the child’s birthday, and went away in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be willing to go to the king.

¹⁹⁶ When someone told him that a son had just been born to Ptolemy and that all the leaders of Syria and the other countries under him were to hold a festival for the child’s birthday and were speeding to Alexandria with great retinues, he was hindered himself by old age from going but asked his sons if any of them were willing to go to the king.

¹⁹⁷ τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων παραιτησαμένων καὶ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας συνουσίας ἀγροικότερον ἔχειν φησάντων, τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν πέμπειν συμβουλευσάντων, ἡδέως ἀκούσας καλεῖ τὸν καὶ εἰ δύναται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα βαδίσαι καὶ πρόθυμός ἐστιν ἀνέκρινεν.

¹⁹⁷ When the elder sons declined, claiming they were too rustic for such social gatherings, they advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus. Hearing this with pleasure, Joseph called Hyrcanus and asked if he was able and willing to travel to the King.

¹⁹⁷ And when the elder sons excused themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation, and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to the king, and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not.

¹⁹⁷ When the elder sons excused themselves saying that they were not good enough courtiers for such an occasion and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly agreed and called Hyrcanus to ask if he could and would go to the king.

¹⁹⁸ ἐπαγγειλαμένου δὲ πορεύσεσθαι καὶ δεῖσθαι χρημάτων οὐ πολλῶν φήσαντος εἰς τὴν‎ ὁδόν, ζήσεσθαι γὰρ ἐπιεικῶς ὥστε ἀρκέσειν αὐτῷ δραχμὰς μυρίας, ἥσθη τοῦ παιδὸς τῇ σωφροσύνῃ.	¹⁹⁸ Hyrcanus promised to go and stated he would not need much money for the journey, saying ten thousand drachmas would suffice for him to live moderately; Joseph was delighted by the boy’s self-restraint (sophrosyne).
¹⁹⁸ And upon his promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son’s prudence.	¹⁹⁸ He was pleased with his son’s prudence when he promised to go, saying that he would not want much money for his journey, as he would live modestly and that ten thousand drachmas would suffice.

¹⁹⁹ διαλιπὼν δὲ ὀλίγον ὁ παῖς συνεβούλευε τῷ πατρὶ δῶρα μὲν αὐτόθεν μὴ πέμπειν τῷ βασιλεῖ, δοῦναι δὲ ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τὸν ἐν οἰκονόμον, ὅπως αὐτῷ παρέχῃ πρὸς ὠνὴν ὧν ἂν εὕρῃ καλλίστων καὶ πολυτελῶν χρήματα.

¹⁹⁹ But after a short delay, the boy advised his father not to send gifts from home to the King, but rather to give him a letter to the steward (oikonomos) in Alexandria, so that he might provide him with funds to purchase the most beautiful and costly things he could find.

¹⁹⁹ After a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most excellent and most precious.

¹⁹⁹ A little later the son advised his father not to send his gifts to the king from there, but to give him a letter to his steward in Alexandria, to furnish him with money to buy something excellent and precious.

²⁰⁰ ὁ δὲ νομίζων δέκα ταλάντων ἔσεσθαι τὴν‎ εἰς τὰς δωρεὰς τῷ βασιλεῖ δαπάνην καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαινέσας ὡς παραινοῦντα καλῶς, γράφει τῷ οἰκονόμῳ , ὃς ἅπαντα τὰ ἐν χρήματα αὐτοῦ‎ διῴκει οὐκ ὄντα ἐλάσσω τρισχιλίων ταλάντων·

²⁰⁰ Joseph, thinking the expenditure for the King's gifts would be around ten talents, and praising his son for giving good advice, wrote to the steward Arion, who managed all of Joseph's funds in Alexandria—which were no less than three thousand talents.

²⁰⁰ So he thinking that the expense of ten talents would be enough for presents to be made to the king, and commending his son, as giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that managed all his money matters at Alexandria; which money was not less than three thousand talents on his account,

²⁰⁰ Thinking that ten talents would be enough for gifts to make to the king and commending his son for his good advice, he wrote to Arion his steward, who managed all his money matters in Alexandria, amounting to no less than three thousand talents.

²⁰¹ ὁ γὰρ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria χρήματα ἔπεμπεν εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria καὶ τῆς προθεσμίας ἐνισταμένης, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔδει τῷ βασιλεῖ τοὺς φόρους ἀπαριθμεῖν, ἔγραφεν τῷ ἈρίονιArion τοῦτο ποιεῖν.	²⁰¹ For Joseph used to send the money from Syria to Alexandria, and when the deadline arrived for paying the taxes to the King, he would write to Arion to do so.
²⁰¹ for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to pay them.	²⁰¹ In fact, Joseph used to send to Alexandria the money he collected in Syria and on the appointed day for the payment of the taxes to the king he would write to Arion to pay them.

²⁰² πρὸς οὖν τοῦτον ἀπαιτήσας τὸν πατέρα ἐπιστολήν, λαβὼν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria ὥρμησεν. ἐξελθόντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γράφουσιν οἱ ἀδελφοὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως φίλοις, ἵν᾽ αὐτὸν διαφθείρωσιν.	²⁰² Having requested this letter from his father and received it, Hyrcanus set out for Alexandria. But after his departure, his brothers wrote to all the King's friends, urging them to destroy him."
²⁰² So when the son had asked his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king’s friends, that they should destroy him.	²⁰² After asking and receiving from his father a letter of credit to the steward, the son hurried to Alexandria, and when he was gone his brothers wrote to all the king’s friends, to do away with him.

The Trap of "Rustic" Humility
The elder brothers decline the mission by calling themselves ἀγροικότερον (too rustic/uncouth). This is a calculated move. They likely believe that the "refined" Alexandrian court will swallow the young Hyrcanus whole, or that he will embarrass himself. By recommending him, they aren't being kind; they are setting him up for a social execution.

The Sophrosyne Ruse
Hyrcanus plays the "modest son" perfectly. By asking for only 10,000 drachmas (a relatively small sum for a Tobiad) for his travel expenses, he wins his father's trust through σωφροσύνῃ (self-restraint/moderation). This modesty is a mask; it's a "low-cost" buy-in that allows him to ask for the much more dangerous "blank check" later.

The "Blank Check" Strategy
Hyrcanus’s real genius lies in the request for the letter to Arion. He convinces his father that it’s more efficient to buy gifts in Alexandria than to ship them from Judea. Joseph, thinking the gifts will cost 10 talents, signs the letter. However, the letter gives Hyrcanus access to the entire account—3,000 talents (roughly 18,000,000 drachmas). Hyrcanus has effectively tricked his father into giving him the keys to the kingdom.

Arion and the Shadow Bank
The mention of Arion reveals how the Tobiad empire functioned. They didn't just collect taxes; they ran a sophisticated cross-border financial network. The 3,000 talents held in Alexandria acted as a "escrow" or "liquidity fund." This allowed Joseph to bid high on tax contracts because he already had the cash sitting in the Egyptian capital.

Fratricide and the "Evil Eye" of Envy
The brothers' letter to the King's friends asking them to διαφθείρωσιν (destroy/corrupt) Hyrcanus marks a dark turn. This isn't just sibling rivalry; it's an attempt at political assassination. They want the boy dead or imprisoned before he can gain the King's favor.

The 3,000 Talents: Massive Wealth
To put 3,000 talents in perspective: it is roughly 180,000 pounds of silver. This was enough to fund an entire mercenary army or build a fleet. Josephus is emphasizing that the Tobiads were not just wealthy Jews; they were among the wealthiest individuals in the entire Hellenistic world, rivaling the kings themselves.

²⁰³ ὡς δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπέδωκε τῷ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν, ἐπερωτήσαντος αὐτοῦ‎, πόσα βούλεται τάλαντα λαβεῖν, ἤλπισε δ᾽ αὐτὸν αἰτήσειν δέκα ἢ βραχεῖ τούτων πλέον, εἰπόντος χιλίων χρῄζειν ὀργισθεὶς ἐπέπληττεν αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσώτως ζῆν διεγνωκότι, καὶ πῶς ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ συναγάγοι τὴν‎ οὐσίαν [ὡς] πονῶν καὶ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἀντέχων ἐδήλου καὶ μιμητὴν αὐτὸν ἠξίου γενέσθαι τοῦ γεγεννηκότος· δώσειν δ᾽ οὐδὲν πλέον ταλάντων δέκα καὶ ταῦτα εἰς δωρεὰς τῷ βασιλεῖ.

²⁰³ "When he arrived in Alexandria and delivered the letter to Arion, the steward asked him how many talents he wished to receive. Arion expected him to ask for ten, or perhaps a little more; but when Hyrcanus said he needed one thousand, Arion was enraged and rebuked him. He declared that Hyrcanus had decided to live a life of profligacy, and he pointed out how his father had amassed this wealth through labor and by resisting his own desires, demanding that the boy imitate his parent. He insisted he would give him no more than ten talents, and those only for the King's gifts.

²⁰³ But when he was come to Alexandria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said he wanted a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to live extravagantly; and he let him know how his father had gathered together his estate by painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he would give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the king also.

²⁰³ When he reached Alexandria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he wanted, hoping that he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more. He said he wanted a thousand talents. The steward was angered by this and rebuked him for wanting to live extravagantly, and said how his father had earned his property by hard work and by resisting his inclinations, and told him he should imitate his father’s example. He said he would give him no more than ten talents, and only for a gift to the king.

²⁰⁴ παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ παῖς εἰς δεσμὰ τὸν ἐνέβαλεν. τῆς δὲ τοῦ γυναικὸς τοῦτο δηλωσάσης τῇ καὶ δεηθείσης, ὅπως ἐπιπλήξῃ τῷ παιδί, σφόδρα γὰρ ἦν ὁ ἐν τιμῇ παρ᾽ αὐτῇ, φανερὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτο ἐποίησεν ἡ .

²⁰⁴ Provoked by this, the boy cast Arion into chains. When Arion’s wife reported this to Cleopatra and entreated her to punish the boy—for Arion was held in high honor by her—Cleopatra made the matter known to the King.

²⁰⁴ The son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But when Arion’s wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with her,) Cleopatra informed the king of it.

²⁰⁴ The son was furious and had Arion thrown into prison. Then Arion’s wife told this to Cleopatra, who had a high regard for Arion, asking her to reprimand the lad, and Cleopatra told it to the king.

²⁰⁵ ὁ δὲ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy πέμψας πρὸς τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus θαυμάζειν ἔλεγεν, πῶς ἀποσταλεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς οὔτε ὀφθείη αὐτῷ καὶ προσέτι δήσειεν τὸν οἰκονόμον·	²⁰⁵ Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus and said he marveled at how, having been sent to him by his father, he had neither appeared before him nor seen him, but had furthermore imprisoned the steward. He therefore commanded him to come and explain the reason for this.
²⁰⁵ And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done.	²⁰⁵ Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus, expressing surprise that he had not yet presented himself, though sent to him by his father, and had put the steward in prison, and bade him come to him and explain his actions.

²⁰⁶ ἐλθόντα οὖν τὴν‎ αἰτίαν αὐτῷ μηνύειν ἐκέλευσεν. τὸν δέ φασιν ἀποκρίνασθαι τῷ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν αὐτῷ, ὅτι νόμος ἐστὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ κωλύων τὸν γεννηθέντα γεύσασθαι θυσιῶν, πρὶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἔλθῃ καὶ θύσῃ τῷ θεῷ· κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν λογισμὸν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν περιμένων τὰ δῶρα κομίσαι τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργέτῃ γεγενημένῳ.

²⁰⁶ They say he replied to the King’s messenger by telling him: 'There is a law with us that forbids the newborn to taste the sacrifices before he comes to the Temple and offers them to God. By this same logic, I have not come before you, waiting until I could bring the gifts of my father, who has been your benefactor.

²⁰⁶ And they report that the answer he made to the king’s messenger was this: That "there was a law of his that forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning he did not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to make to him, as to one who had been his father’s benefactor;

²⁰⁶ They say he answered the king that according to law no creature could taste of a sacrifice until he had been to the temple and sacrificed to God. By this reasoning he had not yet come to him in person with the gift he was to make to him, as his father’s benefactor.

²⁰⁷ τὸν δὲ δοῦλον κολάσαι παρακούσαντα ὧν προσέταξεν· διαφέρειν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὸν εἶναί τινα δεσπότην ἢ μέγαν· ἂν οὖν μὴ κολάζωμεν τοὺς τοιούτους, καὶ σὺ προσδόκα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων καταφρονηθήσεσθαι. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ εἰς γέλωτα ἐτράπη καὶ τὴν‎ μεγαλοφροσύνην τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθαύμασεν.

²⁰⁷ As for the slave [Arion], I punished him for disobeying my orders; for it makes little difference whether one's master be small or great—if we do not punish such men, you yourself should expect to be treated with contempt by your subjects.' Hearing this, Ptolemy burst into laughter and marveled at the greatness of mind (megalophrosyne) of the boy."

²⁰⁷ and that he had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered not Whether a master was little or great: so that unless we punish such as these, thou thyself mayst also expect to be despised by thy subjects." Upon hearing this his answer he fell alaughing, and wondered at the great soul of the child.

²⁰⁷ He had punished the slave for disobeying his orders; for it did not matter whether a master be young or old, and "unless we punish faults such as these, even you yourself may expect to be scorned by your subjects." On hearing this, Ptolemy burst out laughing, amazed at the child’s magnanimity.

The Audit War: 10 vs. 1,000
The conflict between Arion and Hyrcanus is a classic battle between an old-guard bureaucrat and a young, aggressive heir.

1) Arion's Perspective: He sees himself as the protector of Joseph's "labor" (πονῶν). To him, 1,000 talents (one-third of the entire family reserve) is an insane request for a teenager's "gift-shopping" trip.

2) Hyrcanus's Perspective: He understands that in the Hellenistic world, power is bought, not saved. To truly "own" the Alexandrian court, he needs to spend on a scale that makes his brothers look like peasants.

The Legal Status of Arion
Hyrcanus refers to Arion as a δοῦλον (slave). While Arion was a high-ranking official who managed 3,000 talents and had the ear of Queen Cleopatra, he was technically a "royal slave" or a "house-born slave" of the Tobiads. Hyrcanus’s decision to chain him was a brutal reminder of his social status.

The "Sacrifice" Metaphor
Hyrcanus’s excuse to the King is a masterpiece of cultural "rebranding." He takes a Jewish custom—not eating of the sacrifices before they are offered—and applies it to his diplomatic protocol. He frames his "rudeness" (not visiting the King immediately) as a sign of piety toward his benefactor. He successfully turns a breach of etiquette into a virtue.

Machiavellian Advice to a King
Hyrcanus tells Ptolemy that if a master (no matter how "small") lets a servant disobey him, it invites revolution at the highest level: "You yourself should expect to be treated with contempt by your subjects." This is exactly what a Hellenistic monarch wanted to hear. By framing his domestic abuse of a steward as a lesson in "sovereignty," Hyrcanus aligns his interests with the King's own power.

Megalophrosyne and the King's Laughter
The King’s reaction—εἰς γέλωτα ἐτράπη (turned to laughter)—is the turning point. In Josephus's narratives, royal laughter usually signals that a character has successfully "won" the encounter. Ptolemy's admiration for the boy’s μεγαλοφροσύνην (greatness of soul/magnanimity) places Hyrcanus in the same category as the greatest Greek heroes and statesmen.

The Queen's Intervention
The fact that Arion’s wife could go directly to Cleopatra I shows how integrated the Tobiads were into the Ptolemaic court. Arion wasn't just a bank manager; he was a court fixture. Hyrcanus was playing a dangerous game by attacking a man with "friends in high places," yet his wit allowed him to bypass even the Queen's anger.

²⁰⁸ Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ , ὅτι τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς διετέθη τὸν τρόπον καὶ μηδεμία βοήθειά ἐστιν αὐτῷ, δοὺς τὰ χίλια τάλαντα τῷ παιδὶ τῶν δεσμῶν ἀπελύθη. Καὶ τρεῖς διαλιπὼν ἡμέρας ὁ ἠσπάσατο τοὺς βασιλέας.

²⁰⁸ "When Arion learned that the King was disposed in this way and that there was no help for him, he gave the thousand talents to the boy and was released from his chains. After three days, Hyrcanus went to greet the King and Queen.

²⁰⁸ When Arion was apprised that this was the king’s disposition, and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen.

²⁰⁸ When Arion was notified about the king’s attitude and that he had no alternative he gave the child a thousand talents and was set free from prison, and three days later, Hyrcanus came to greet the king and queen.

²⁰⁹ οἱ δὲ ἀσμένως αὐτὸν εἶδον καὶ φιλοφρόνως εἱστίασαν διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τιμήν. λάθρα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἀπελθὼν ὠνεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτῶν παῖδας μὲν ἑκατὸν γράμματα ἐπισταμένους καὶ ἀκμαιοτάτους, ἑνὸς ἕκαστον ταλάντου, ἑκατὸν δὲ παρθένους τῆς αὐτῆς τιμῆς ἑκάστην.

²⁰⁹ They saw him gladly and entertained him affectionately out of honor for his father. But secretly going to the merchants, he purchased from them one hundred boys, well-educated and in the prime of youth, for one talent each, and one hundred maidens at the same price.

²⁰⁹ They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants privately, and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other.

²⁰⁹ They saw him with pleasure and cordially made a feast for him because of their respect for his father. Then he went secretly to the merchants and bought, at a talent apiece, a hundred boys who had acquired learning and were in the bloom of their youth, and he bought a hundred girls, at the same price.

²¹⁰ κληθεὶς δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ τῶν πρώτων τῆς χώρας ὑποκατακλίνεται πάντων, καταφρονηθεὶς ὡς παῖς ἔτι τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ὑπὸ τῶν τοὺς τόπους κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν διανεμόντων.	²¹⁰ When he was invited to a banquet with the leading men of the country, he was placed at the very bottom of the table, being looked down upon as a mere child by those who distributed places according to rank.
²¹⁰ And when he was invited to feast with the king among the principal men in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one according to their dignity.	²¹⁰ When he was invited to a feast with the king with the aristocrats of the country, he sat down as lowest of them all, because, being a child in age, he was little regarded by those who assigned places according to dignity.

²¹¹ τῶν δὲ συγκατακειμένων πάντων τῶν μερῶν τὰ ὀστᾶ, ἀφῄρουν γὰρ αὐτοὶ τὰς σάρκας, σωρευόντων ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus, ὡς πληρῶσαι τὴν‎ παρακειμένην αὐτῷ τράπεζαν,	²¹¹ While all those reclining with him were piling up bones in front of Hyrcanus—for they themselves were stripping off the meat—so that his place at the table was full of them,
²¹¹ Now when all those that sat with him had laid the bones Of the several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where he sat was filled full with them,	²¹¹ When all who sat along with him had put the bones of the various joints in a heap before Hyrcanus, after removing the flesh from them, until the table where he sat was filled with them,

²¹² ὃς ἦν τοῦ βασιλέως ἄθυρμα καὶ πρὸς τὰ σκώμματα καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς πότοις γέλωτας ἀπεδέδεικτο, παρακαλεσάντων αὐτὸν τῶν κατακειμένων τῇ τραπέζῃ παρεστὼς τῷ βασιλεῖ, " ὁρᾷς, εἶπεν, ὦ δέσποτα, τὰ παρακείμενα ὀστᾶ; ἐκ τούτου στόχασαι, ὅτι καὶ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν

²¹² Tryphon, who was the King's jester and appointed to make jokes and provoke laughter at drinking parties, was urged on by those at the table. Standing by the King, he said, 'Do you see, O Master, the bones lying before Hyrcanus? From this, you may guess that his father stripped all of Syria just as this boy has stripped these bones of their meat.'

²¹² Trypho, who was the king’s jester, and was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, "Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou mayst conjecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones."

²¹² Tryphon, the king’s jester whose job was joking and laughing during the drinking, was called on by those sitting at table; and standing beside the king he said, "Do you not see, my lord, the bones beside Hyrcanus? By this parable you may see how his father stripped all Syria as bare as he has made these bones."

²¹³ περιέδυσεν ὡς οὗτος ταῦτα τῶν σαρκῶν ἐγύμνωσεν. γελάσαντος δὲ πρὸς τὸν τοῦ λόγον τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἐρομένου τὸν , ὅτι τοσαῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ παράκειται ὀστᾶ, " εἰκότως, εἶπεν, ὦ δέσποτα· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ κύνας τὰ ὀστᾶ σὺν τοῖς κρέασιν κατεσθίειν, ὥσπερ οὗτοι " πρὸς τοὺς κατακειμένους ἐπιβλέπων, ὅτι μηθὲν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν ἔκειτο, " οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι τὸ κρέας ἐσθίουσιν, τὰ δ᾽ ὀστᾶ ῥίπτουσιν,

²¹³ The King laughed at Tryphon’s word and asked Hyrcanus why so many bones lay before him. He replied, 'Naturally, O Master; for dogs eat the bones along with the meat'—looking toward those reclining as if to show that nothing lay before them—'but men eat the meat and throw away the bones, which is exactly what I, being a man, have done.'

²¹³ And the king laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones before him? he replied, "Very rightfully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now done."

²¹³ Laughing at what Tryphon said, the king asked Hyrcanus how he came to have so many bones before him. He answered, "Very properly, my lord, for it is the dogs that eat both flesh and bones together, as these have done," meanwhile looking at the guests, "for there is nothing in front of them, but human beings eat the flesh and throw away the bones, as I, a human being, have now done."

²¹⁴ ὅπερ ἄνθρωπος ὢν κἀγὼ νῦν πεποίηκα. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς θαυμάζει τὴν‎ ἀπόκρισιν αὐτοῦ‎ σοφὴν οὕτως γενομένην καὶ πάντας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνακροτῆσαι τῆς εὐτραπελίας ἀποδεχόμενος αὐτόν.	²¹⁴ The King marveled at his answer, being so wise, and commanded everyone to applaud his wit (eutrapelia), accepting him fully.
²¹⁴ Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one.	²¹⁴ The king admired his answer, so wisely made, and bade them all applaud him, as a mark of their approval of his facetious jest.

²¹⁵ τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων πορευόμενος καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν δυνατῶν τοὺς μὲν ἠσπάζετο, παρὰ δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἀπεπυνθάνετο, τί μέλλουσιν διδόναι τῷ βασιλεῖ δῶρον ἐν τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ‎ γενεσίῳ.

²¹⁵ The next day, going to each of the King's friends and the powerful people of the court, he greeted them and inquired of their servants what they intended to give the King as a gift for his son's birthday.

²¹⁵ On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king’s friends, and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on his son’s birthday;

²¹⁵ Next day he went around to greet all the king’s friends and the powerful people at court and asked their servants what gift they intended giving the king on his son’s birthday.

²¹⁶ τῶν δὲ ἀνὰ δέκα τάλαντα μέλλειν διδόναι φησάντων τοὺς μέν, τοὺς δὲ ἐν ἀξίᾳ κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς οὐσίας ἕκαστον αὐτῶν, ὑπεκρίνετο λυπεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι τοιαύτην προσενεγκεῖν δωρεάν· πλέον γὰρ πέντε ταλάντων οὐκ ἔχειν. οἱ δὲ θεράποντες ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ἀπήγγελλον τοῖς δεσπόταις.

²¹⁶ When some said they would give ten talents, and others according to the size of their wealth, he pretended to be grieved because he could not bring such a gift, claiming he had no more than five talents. The servants, hearing this, reported it to their masters.

²¹⁶ and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every one give according to the quantity of their riches, he pretended to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents. And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters;

²¹⁶ When some said that they would give above ten talents and others that all the people of greater dignity would give according to the extent of their riches, he pretended to each of them to be grieved that he could not bring so large a gift, since he had no more than five talents, and the servants, hearing what he said, told it to their masters,

²¹⁷ χαιρόντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς καταγνωσθησομένου τοῦ καὶ προσκρούσοντος τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ τὴν‎ βραχύτητα τῆς δωρεᾶς, Ἐνστάσης τῆς ἡμέρας οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι προσέφερον τῷ βασιλεῖ ταλάντων οἱ λίαν μεγαλοδωρεῖσθαι νομίζοντες οὐ πλεῖον εἴκοσι, ὁ δ᾽ οὓς ὠνήσατο παῖδας ἑκατὸν καὶ παρθένους τοσαύτας ἀνὰ τάλαντον ἑκάστῳ φέρειν δοὺς προσήγαγεν τοὺς μὲν τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὰς δὲ τῇ .

²¹⁷ They rejoiced, thinking that Joseph would be discredited and would clash with the King because of the smallness of the gift. But when the day arrived, while the others brought gifts they thought were magnificent—no more than twenty talents—Hyrcanus brought the hundred boys and hundred maidens he had bought, giving one to each to carry a talent of silver, and presented the boys to the King and the maidens to Cleopatra.

²¹⁷ and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came, the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry, and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleopatra;

²¹⁷ These were glad at the prospect that Joseph would be scorned and would anger the king by the smallness of his gift. When the day came, none of the others, even those who brought the most, offered the king more than twenty talents, but Hyrcanus gave to each of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece to carry, and led the boys to the king and the girls to Cleopatra.

²¹⁸ πάντων δὲ θαυμασάντων τὴν‎ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῶν δώρων πολυτέλειαν καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἔτι καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ θεραπείαν τοῦ βασιλέως οὖσιν πολλῶν ἄξια ταλάντων δῶρα ἔδωκεν, ὡς διαφυγεῖν τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον· τούτοις γὰρ ἐγεγράφεισαν αὐτοῦ‎ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ διαχρήσασθαι τὸν .

²¹⁸ Everyone, including the monarchs themselves, marveled at the unexpected luxury of the gifts. He also gave gifts worth many talents to the friends and those in the King’s service, so as to escape the danger from them; for his brothers had written to them to destroy Hyrcanus.

²¹⁸ every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus’s brethren had written to destroy him.

²¹⁸ All, including the royal couple, were amazed at the unexpected magnificence of his gifts, and he gave gifts to the king’s friends and attendants to the value of many talents, to avert any danger from them, for it was to them that Hyrcanus' brothers had written to destroy him.

²¹⁹ δὲ τὴν‎ μεγαλοψυχίαν ἀγασάμενος τοῦ μειρακίου προσέταξεν αὐτῷ δωρεὰν ἣν βούλεται λαμβάνειν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐδὲν πλέον ἠξίωσεν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἢ γράψαι τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ‎.

²¹⁹ Ptolemy, admiring the high-mindedness (megalopsychia) of the youth, commanded him to take whatever gift he desired. He asked for nothing more than that the King write to his father and brothers on his behalf.

²¹⁹ Now Ptolemy admired at the young man’s magnanimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father and brethren about him.

²¹⁹ Admiring the young man’s magnanimity, Ptolemy assigned him any gift he wished, but he asked the king to do no more for him than to write to his father and brothers about him.

²²⁰ τιμήσας οὖν αὐτὸν φιλοτιμότατα καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς λαμπρὰς καὶ τῷ τε πατρὶ γράψας καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἐπιτρόποιςmanager ἐξέπεμψεν.	²²⁰ Having honored him most ambitiously and given him brilliant gifts, the King sent him away, writing to his father, his brothers, and all his governors and overseers.
²²⁰ So when the king had paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away.	²²⁰ After showing him great respect and giving him large gifts and writing to his father and brothers and all his leaders and officers about him, he sent him off.

²²¹ ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ τούτων τετυχηκότα τὸν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης ἐπανερχόμενον τιμῆς, ἐξῆλθον ὑπαντησόμενοι καὶ διαφθεροῦντες αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰδότος· ὀργιζόμενος γὰρ αὐτῷ ἕνεκεν τῶν εἰς τὰς δωρεὰς χρημάτων οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ‎. τὴν‎ ὀργὴν μέντοι τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ὁ ἀπεκρύπτετο φοβούμενος τὸν βασιλέα.

²²¹ But when the brothers heard that Hyrcanus had obtained these things from the King and was returning with great honor, they went out to meet him and destroy him, even with their father's knowledge; for Joseph, angry at him because of the money spent on the gifts, did not care for his safety. Joseph did, however, hide his anger toward his son out of fear of the King.

²²¹ But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of their father; for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king.

²²¹ When his brothers heard that Hyrcanus had received such favours from the king and was returning home in great honour, they went out to meet and kill him, even with their father’s knowledge, who was angry with him for the amount he had spent on gifts and was unconcerned for his safety. But for fear of the king Joseph concealed his anger against his son.

²²² συμβαλόντων δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς μάχην ἄλλους τε τῶν σὺν αὐτοῖς πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ δύο τῶν ἀδελφῶν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διεσώθησαν εἰς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. παραγενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπεὶ μηδεὶς ἐδέχετο, δείσας ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν‎ πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ κἀκεῖ διέτριβεν φορολογῶν τοὺς βαρβάρους.

²²² When the brothers engaged him in battle, Hyrcanus killed many of those with them and two of the brothers; the rest escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus arrived at the city and no one would receive him, he withdrew in fear to the region across the Jordan River, and there he spent his time taxing the barbarians."

²²² And when Hyrcanus’s brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes.

²²² When the brothers came to fight him, he killed many of those who accompanied them, and two of his brothers themselves, but the rest escaped to their father in Jerusalem. On reaching the city, where no one would receive him, he was afraid for his life and retreated across the river Jordan and lived there, still taking taxes from the barbarians.

The "Bone" Joke: Intellectual Dominance
The banquet scene is a classic piece of "courtier literature." The elite guests try to "shame" Hyrcanus by treating him like a scavenger. Hyrcanus flips the script: by leaving the bones, he identifies himself as a human (who eats selectively) and his rivals as dogs (who eat indiscriminately).

Strategic Philanthropy (The 200 Slaves)
Hyrcanus’s gift is a masterpiece of psychological warfare.

1) The Bait: He pretends to be poor to lower everyone's expectations.

2) The Switch: He gives 200 talents' worth of human capital (highly educated slaves) plus the silver they carried.

3) The Result: He didn't just give a gift; he overwhelmed the court. By spending 200 talents on the King and Queen and "many talents" on the courtiers, he literally bought off the people his brothers had hired to kill him.

Megalopsychia (High-Mindedness)
Ptolemy praises Hyrcanus’s μεγαλοψυχίαν. In Aristotelian ethics, this is the "crown of the virtues"—the attribute of a man who knows he is worthy of great things and acts accordingly. By asking only for a "letter of recommendation" rather than money or land, Hyrcanus proves he values status and safety over mere wealth.

The Tobiad Civil War
The transition from "spending" to "slaughtering" is abrupt and brutal.

1) Joseph’s Betrayal: Joseph is so "hurt in the wallet" by the 1,000-talent expenditure that he effectively gives his older sons permission to commit fratricide.

2) The Outcome: Hyrcanus kills two of his brothers. This wasn't just a family feud; it was the beginning of a schism in Judean society between the urban elite (the brothers in Jerusalem) and the Transjordanian warlords (Hyrcanus).

The Move to Transjordan
The fact that Jerusalem "did not receive" Hyrcanus shows that the "Seven Brothers" held the local political power. Hyrcanus’s retreat to the πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου (Perea/Transjordan) led to the construction of the famous palace of Qasr al-Abd at Tyros.

"Taxing the Barbarians"
Josephus ends with Hyrcanus φορολογῶν τοὺς βαρβάρους (taxing the barbarians, likely Arab tribes). He became a "Marcher Lord," a semi-independent ruler on the edge of the desert, continuing the family business of tax farming through raw military force.

²²³ Ἐβασίλευσεν δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἈσίαςAsia ΣέλευκοςSeleucus ὁ ΣωτὴρSoter ἐπικαλούμενος υἱὸς ὢν ἈντιόχουAntiochus τοῦ μεγάλου.	²²³ "At that time, Seleucus, called the Savior (Soter), was reigning over Asia; he was the son of Antiochus the Great.
²²³ At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great.	²²³ Meanwhile Seleucus, who was surnamed Soter, the son of Antiochus the Great, ruled over Asia.

²²⁴ τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ ὁ τοῦ πατὴρ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς γενόμενος καὶ μεγαλόφρων, καὶ τὸν τῶν λαὸν ἐκ πτωχείας καὶ πραγμάτων ἀσθενῶν εἰς λαμπροτέρας ἀφορμὰς τοῦ βίου καταστήσας, εἴκοσι ἔτη καὶ δύο τὰ τέλη τῆς καὶ τῆς καὶ κατασχών. ἀπέθανεν δὲ καὶ ὁ θεῖος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην τῷ παιδὶ καταλιπών.

²²⁴ Joseph, the father of Hyrcanus, also died, having been a good and large-minded man. He had established the Jewish people from poverty and weak circumstances into more brilliant opportunities for life, having held the taxes of Syria, Phoenicia, and Samaria for twenty-two years. His uncle Onias also died, leaving the High Priesthood to his son Simon.

²²⁴ And [now] Hyrcanus’s father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great magnanimity; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left the high priesthood to his son Simeon.

²²⁴ Then Hyrcanus' father, Joseph, died, a good man of great spirit who brought the Jews from a state of poverty and material squalor to one that was more splendid. He held the farming of taxes in Syria and Phoenicia and Samaria for twenty-two years. His uncle Onias also died and left the high priesthood to his son Simon.

²²⁵ τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ διάδοχος τῆς τιμῆς ὈνίαςOnias γίνεται, πρὸς ὃν ὁ ΛακεδαιμονίωνSpartans βασιλεὺς ἌρειοςAreus πρεσβείαν τε ἔπεμψεν καὶ ἐπιστολάς, ὧν τὸ ἀντίγραφόν ἐστι τοιοῦτο·	²²⁵ When Simon also died, his son Onias [III] became the successor to the honor. To him, the King of the Lacedaemonians, Areus, sent an embassy and letters, the copy of which is as follows:
²²⁵ And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows:	²²⁵ After the latter’s death that dignity passed to his son Onias, to whom Areus, king of the Spartans, sent a delegation, with a letter; the copy whereof here follows:

²²⁶ "βασιλεὺς χαίρειν. ἐντυχόντες γραφῇ τινι εὕρομεν, ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς εἶεν γένους καὶ καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς οἰκειότητος. δίκαιον οὖν ἐστιν ἀδελφοὺς ὑμᾶς ὄντας διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς περὶ ὧν ἂν βούλησθε.

²²⁶ 'Areus, King of the Lacedaemonians, to Onias, greeting. Having happened upon a certain writing, we have found that the Jews and the Lacedaemonians are of one race and are from the kinship of Abraham. It is right, therefore, since you are our brothers, that you write to us regarding whatever you wish.

²²⁶ "Areus, King Of The Lacedemonians, To Onias, Sendeth Greeting. "We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abraham It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about any of your concerns as you please.

²²⁶ "Areus, king of the Apartans, to Onias, greetings. We have found a document which says that the Jews and the Spartans come from a single stock and are derived from the clan of Abraham. It is only right that you, our brothers, should send to us as you please about any of your concerns.

²²⁷ ποιήσομεν δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς τοῦτο, καὶ τά τε ὑμέτερα ἴδια νομιοῦμεν καὶ τὰ αὑτῶν κοινὰ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἕξομεν. ὁ φέρων τὰ γράμματα διαπέμπει τὰς ἐπιστολάς. τὰ γεγραμμένα ἐστὶν τετράγωνα· ἡ σφραγίς ἐστιν ἀετὸς δράκοντος ἐπειλημμένος."

²²⁷ We shall also do this, and we shall consider your affairs as our own, and we shall hold our own things in common with you. Demoteles, who brings this letter, delivers the epistles. The writing is on a square sheet; the seal is an eagle clutching a serpent.'"

²²⁷ We will also do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four-square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his claws."

²²⁷ We will also do the same and take your concerns as our own and will look upon our concerns as shared with you. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four-square, and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon in his claws."

The Eulogy of a "Self-Made" Aristocrat
Josephus paints Joseph ben Tobias as a transformative figure. While the High Priests focused on ritual, Joseph focused on ἀφορμὰς τοῦ βίου (opportunities for life/resources). Josephus credits him with lifting the nation out of "poverty." This reflects the emergence of a Jewish middle class and an urban elite that thrived under Hellenistic economic structures.

The Spartan Connection: Myth or Diplomacy?
The claim that Spartans and Jews are "brothers" through Abraham seems bizarre to modern readers, but it was a sophisticated diplomatic move in the 3rd century BCE.

1) Why Abraham? The Greeks often looked for "barbarian" ancestors for their own heroes. Some scholars suggest the Spartans linked themselves to Abraham through Keturah (Abraham’s second wife), whose descendants were thought to have migrated toward Libya or the Peloponnese.

2) The Goal: King Areus was likely looking for allies against the rising power of the Achaean League or the Macedonians. Claiming "kinship" (oikeiotēs) was the standard way to form a military alliance in the Greek world.

The Eagle and the Serpent
The seal—an eagle clutching a serpent—is deeply symbolic. In Greek thought (from Homer onward), this was an omen of victory or a symbol of the struggle between sky/spirit and earth/chaos. By describing the seal and the "square" shape of the letter, Josephus is trying to provide "archaeological" proof to his Roman readers that this letter was a real, physical artifact in the Temple archives.

The Shift in High Priests
The line of succession (Onias II → Simon II → Onias III) is critical. Simon II is often identified with "Simon the Just" mentioned in the Wisdom of Ben Sira (Sirach 50), a hero who repaired the Temple. However, his son Onias III (the recipient of the Spartan letter) would be the last "legitimate" Zadokite High Priest before the office was sold to the highest bidder under Antiochus Epiphanes.

Seleucus IV Soter: The Quiet King
Seleucus IV is mentioned briefly. His reign was largely spent trying to pay off the massive war indemnity his father (Antiochus the Great) owed to Rome. This financial pressure is what eventually led his official, Heliodorus, to attempt to rob the Temple in Jerusalem—an event that would shatter the peace Joseph ben Tobias had built.

²²⁸ ἡ μὲν οὖν ἡ πεμφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦτον περιεῖχε τὸν τρόπον. ἀποθανόντος δὲ τὸν λαὸν συνέβη στασιάσαι διὰ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎. τῶν γὰρ πρεσβυτέρων πόλεμον ἐξενεγκαμένων πρὸς , ὃς ἦν νεώτατος τῶν τέκνων, διέστη τὸ πλῆθος.

²²⁸ "Such was the nature of the letter sent by the King of the Lacedaemonians. But after the death of Joseph, it happened that the people fell into sedition because of his sons. For when the elder brothers waged war against Hyrcanus, the youngest of Joseph's children, the multitude was divided.

²²⁸ And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of Joseph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons.

²²⁸ These were the contents of the letter sent by the king of the Spartans. But the people grew rebellious after the death of Joseph, on account of his sons, for whereas the elders were hostile to Hyrcanus, the youngest of Joseph’s sons, the people were divided.

²²⁹ καὶ οἱ μὲν πλείους τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις συνεμάχουν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς διὰ τὴν‎ συγγένειαν· ὁ δὲ ἐπανελθεῖν μὲν οὐκέτι ἔγνω εἰς , προσκαθίσας δὲ τοῖς πέραν τοῦ συνεχῶς ἐπολέμει τοὺς , ὡς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ λαβεῖν αἰχμαλώτους.

²²⁹ The majority fought on the side of the elder brothers, as did the High Priest Simon, on account of their kinship. Hyrcanus, deciding he could no longer return to Jerusalem, settled in the region across the Jordan and continually made war upon the Arabs, killing many and taking others captive.

²²⁹ For whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph’s sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and took many of them captives.

²²⁹ The majority sided with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high priest for the sake of kinship. But Hyrcanus decided to return to Jerusalem no more, and based himself beyond the Jordan and was at perpetual war with the Arabs and killed many of them and took many as prisoners.

²³⁰ ᾠκοδόμησεν δὲ βᾶριν ἰσχυρὰν ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ κατασκευάσας πᾶσαν μέχρι καὶ τῆς στέγης ἐγγλύψας ζῷα παμμεγεθέστατα, περιήγαγεν δ᾽ αὐτῇ εὔριπον μέγαν καὶ βαθύν.	²³⁰ He built a strong fortress (baris) constructed entirely of white stone up to the roof, and he carved upon it animals of massive size; he also surrounded it with a large and deep moat.
²³⁰ He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water.	²³⁰ He also built a strong fortress, formed entirely of white stone to the very roof with animals of a mighty size engraved upon it and drew around it a large, deep channel of water.

²³¹ ἐκ δὲ τῆς καταντικρὺ τοῦ ὄρους πέτρας διατεμὼν αὐτῆς τὸ προέχον σπήλαια πολλῶν σταδίων τὸ μῆκος κατεσκεύασεν. ἔπειτα οἴκους ἐν αὐτῇ τοὺς μὲν εἰς συμπόσια τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς ὕπνον καὶ δίαιταν ἐποίησεν, ὑδάτων δὲ διαθεόντων πλῆθος, ἃ καὶ τέρψις ἦν καὶ κόσμος τῆς αὐλῆς, εἰσήγαγεν.

²³¹ Cutting through the projecting rock of the mountain opposite, he fashioned caves many furlongs in length. Then, within the rock, he made chambers—some for banqueting and others for sleep and living—and he brought in a great abundance of running water, which served both for pleasure and as an ornament to the court.

²³¹ He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a rock that was over against him; and then he made large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very delightful and ornamental in the court.

²³¹ Then he made caves, many furlongs in length, by hollowing the rock across from him, and made large rooms in it, some for feasting and some as sleeping and living quarters. He also brought in a great supply of water to run through it and which was pleasing and ornamental in the court.

²³² τὰ μέντοι στόμια τῶν σπηλαίων ὥστε ἕνα δι᾽ αὐτῶν εἰσδῦναι καὶ μὴ πλείους βραχύτερα ἤνοιξεν· καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα τοῦ μὴ πολιορκηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι ληφθεὶς κατεσκεύασεν.

²³² However, he made the openings of the caves narrow, so that only one person could enter at a time and no more; he constructed these intentionally for safety, lest he be besieged by his brothers and risk being captured.

²³² But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a good one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them.

²³² The entrances at the mouth of the caves he made so narrow that no more than one person could enter by them at once. There was a good reason for building them in that way: it was for his own safety, against the danger of being besieged and captured by his brothers.

²³³ προσῳκοδόμησε δὲ καὶ αὐλὰς τῷ μεγέθει διαφερούσας καὶ παραδείσοις ἐκόσμησε παμμήκεσι. Καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀπεργασάμενος τὸν τόπον ὠνόμασεν. Οὗτος ὁ τόπος ἐστὶ μεταξὺ τῆς καὶ τῆς πέραν τοῦ οὐ πόρρω τῆς .

²³³ He also built courtyards of extraordinary size and adorned them with very long parks (paradeisois). Having completed the place in this manner, he named it Tyros. This place is between Arabia and Judea, across the Jordan River, not far from the region of Heshbon.

²³³ Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country of Heshbon.

²³³ He went on to build courts of extraordinary size, adorned with vast gardens, and when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre, located between Arabia and Judea, beyond the Jordan, not far from the district of Hessebon.

²³⁴ ἦρξε δ᾽ ἐκείνων τῶν μερῶν ἐπὶ ἔτη ἑπτά, πάντα τὸν χρόνον ὃν τῆς ἐβασίλευσεν. ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὁ κληθεὶς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν κατέσχεν.

²³⁴ He ruled those parts for seven years, during the entire time that Seleucus reigned over Syria. But when Seleucus died, his brother Antiochus, called Epiphanes, seized the kingdom.

²³⁴ And he ruled over those parts for seven years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kingdom.

²³⁴ He ruled over those parts for seven years, even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. When he died his brother Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, took over the kingdom.

²³⁵ τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς βασιλεὺς καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπικαλούμενος , καταλιπὼν δύο παῖδας ἔτι βραχεῖς τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν, ὧν ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος ἐκαλεῖτο, δὲ ὁ νεώτερος.

²³⁵ Ptolemy, the King of Egypt—also called Epiphanes—likewise died, leaving two sons still young in age: the elder was called Philometor and the younger Physcon.

²³⁵ Ptolemy also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer, and the youngest Physcon.

²³⁵ Ptolemy the king of Egypt, surnamed Epiphanes, also died, leaving two young sons, the elder called Philometer and the younger Physcon.

²³⁶ δὲ ὁρῶν μεγάλην δύναμιν ἔχοντα τὸν καὶ δείσας, μὴ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κολασθῇ διὰ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς αὐτῷ πεπραγμένα, τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον αὐτόχειρ αὐτοῦ‎ γενόμενος. τὴν‎ δ᾽ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ‎ πᾶσαν λαμβάνει.

²³⁶ Hyrcanus, seeing that Antiochus possessed great power and fearing that he might be captured and punished for his actions against the Arabs, ended his life by his own hand. Antiochus then seized all of his property."

²³⁶ As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance.

²³⁶ Seeing the large army of Antiochus and fearful of being captured by him and punished for what he had done to the Arabs, Hyrcanus took his own life, and Antiochus seized all his property

The Architecture of Paranoia: Qasr al-Abd
Josephus’s description of the βᾶριν (fortress/palace) is remarkably accurate, as confirmed by the ruins at modern Iraq al-Amir in Jordan.

1) The "White Stone" and Animals: Archaeologists have found massive blocks and a famous frieze of leopards/lions (the "massive animals" Josephus mentions).

2) The Moat: The "deep moat" was actually a massive artificial lake that surrounded the palace, making it appear to float. This was a classic Persian-style "paradise" layout, combining luxury with a defensive barrier.

The Bunker Mentality
The description of the σπήλαια (caves) is a chilling look into Hyrcanus's state of mind. He lived in a state of constant fear of his brothers. The "one-man-wide" entrances are a classic defensive feature (thermopylae-style) designed to nullify a larger attacking force. It reveals the tragedy of the Tobiads: they had immense wealth but could not enjoy a moment of peace in their own family.

The Shift from Ptolemy to Seleucus
Hyrcanus’s safety depended entirely on the Ptolemaic (Egyptian) shield. As long as the Ptolemies controlled the region or stayed strong, he was their loyal agent in the Transjordan. When Antiochus IV Epiphanes took the Seleucid throne, the "rules" changed. Antiochus was aggressive and cash-strapped; a wealthy, pro-Egyptian warlord like Hyrcanus was an easy target for "punishment" and confiscation.

Suicide as a "Noble" Exit
In the Hellenistic world, suicide was often seen as the only honorable exit for a fallen leader (think of Cato or Hannibal). By becoming αὐτόχειρ (his own executioner), Hyrcanus denied Antiochus the satisfaction of a public trial or execution. However, he could not protect his wealth; Antiochus seized the "3,000 talents" and the magnificent Tyros estate to fund his upcoming wars.

The Division of the "Multitude"
Josephus notes that the "majority" of Jews and the High Priest Simon II sided with the elder brothers. This suggests that while Joseph and Hyrcanus were brilliant, they were viewed as "upstarts" or "Hellenized radicals" by the Jerusalem establishment. The elder brothers represented the status quo, and their victory in Jerusalem marked the end of Hyrcanus’s attempt to lead the nation.

The Naming of "Tyros"
Hyrcanus named his fortress Tyros, which is the Greek form of the Aramaic Tura (Rock/Fortress). It’s an interesting play on words, as the rock-cut nature of the site was its defining feature. Today, the name survives in the nearby Wadi as-Seer.

Chapter 5
[237-264]
Antiochus Epiphanes forces the Jews to adopt Greek ways.
Samaritan Temple is dedicated to Zeus

☜ ☞

²³⁷ Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἀποθανόντος καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ‎ [] τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν· ὁ γὰρ παῖς, ὃν καταλελοίπει, ἔτι νήπιος ἦν. δηλώσομεν δὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου κατὰ χώραν ἕκαστα.

²³⁷ "Around the same time, when the High Priest Onias [III] had died, Antiochus granted the High Priesthood to his brother Jesus; for the son whom Onias had left behind was still an infant. We shall explain the matters concerning that child in their proper place.

²³⁷ About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child.

²³⁷ About this time, when the high priest Onias died they gave the high priesthood to Joshua his brother, because the son Onias left behind him was only an infant, and we will in due time report what happened to this child.

²³⁸ δέ, οὗτος γὰρ ἦν ὁ τοῦ ἀδελφός, τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφῃρέθη προσοργισθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δόντος αὐτὴν τῷ νεωτάτῳ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀδελφῷ τοὔνομα. γὰρ οὗτοι τρεῖς ἐγένοντο παῖδες, καὶ εἰς τοὺς τρεῖς ἧκεν ἡ ἀρχιερωσύνη, καθὼς δεδηλώκαμεν.

²³⁸ But Jesus—who was the brother of Onias—was himself deprived of the High Priesthood when the King became angry with him and gave it to his youngest brother, also named Onias. For these three were born to Simon, and the High Priesthood came to all three of them, as we have already reported.

²³⁸ But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader.

²³⁸ But the king, who was angry with Joshua, the brother of Onias, for taking the high priesthood, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name was also Onias; for Simon had these three sons, each of whom gained the high priesthood, as we have said.

²³⁹ ὁ μὲν οὖν αὑτὸν μετωνόμασεν, ὁ δὲ ἐκλήθη . στασιάσαντος οὖν τοῦ προτέρου ἀρχιερέως πρὸς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα κατασταθέντα καὶ τοῦ πλήθους διανεμηθέντος εἰς ἑκατέρους, ἐκ τῆς μοίρας οἱ παῖδες ἐγένοντο,

²³⁹ Now, Jesus renamed himself Jason, while Onias was called Menelaus. When a sedition arose between the former High Priest, Jesus, and Menelaus, who was appointed afterward, and the multitude was divided between the two, the sons of Tobias took the side of Menelaus.

²³⁹ This Jesus changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus,

²³⁹ This Joshua changed his name to Jason, while Onias took the name Menelaus. When the former high priest, Joshua, rebelled against Menelaus, who was appointed after him, the people were divided between them.

²⁴⁰ τὸ δὲ πλέον τοῦ λαοῦ τῷ συνελάμβανεν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πονούμενοι ὅ τε καὶ οἱ παῖδες οἱ τοῦ πρὸς ἀνεχώρησαν δηλοῦντες αὐτῷ, ὅτι βούλονται τοὺς πατρίους νόμους καταλιπόντες καὶ τὴν‎ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πολιτείαν ἕπεσθαι τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν ἔχειν.

²⁴⁰ However, the majority of the people supported Jason. Being hard-pressed by him, Menelaus and the sons of Tobias withdrew to Antiochus, declaring to him that they wished to abandon their ancestral laws and their way of life according to them, and instead to follow the King's laws and possess the Greek way of life (Helleniken politeian).

²⁴⁰ but the greater part of the people assisted Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king’s laws, and the Grecian way of living.

²⁴⁰ The sons of Tobias took the side of Menelaus, while the majority of the people sided with Jason, and so Menelaus and the sons of Tobias came under pressure and went to Antiochus to say that they wanted to abandon their ancestral laws and the lifestyle that went with them, in order to follow the king’s laws and the Greek lifestyle.

²⁴¹ παρεκάλεσαν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐπιτρέψαι αὐτοῖς οἰκοδομῆσαι γυμνάσιον ἐν . συγχωρήσαντος δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομὴν ἐπεκάλυψαν, ὡς ἂν εἶεν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀπόδυσιν , τά τε ἄλλα πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἦν αὐτοῖς πάτρια παρέντες ἐμιμοῦντο τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ἔργα.

²⁴¹ They requested, therefore, that he permit them to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem. When he granted this, they also concealed the circumcision of their private parts, so that they might be Greeks even when stripped naked; and abandoning all other ancestral customs, they imitated the practices of the other nations."

²⁴¹ Wherefore they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other nations.

²⁴¹ They asked his permission to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem. When he allowed it, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, so that even when naked they might appear to be Greeks. They abandoned all their ancestral customs and imitated the practices of the other nations.

The Greek Name-Swapping
The adoption of Greek names (Jason for Jesus/Yeshua, Menelaus for Onias) was a profound cultural statement. It signaled that these leaders viewed themselves primarily as citizens of the Hellenistic world rather than guardians of a distinct covenant. "Jason" was likely chosen because it sounded phonetically similar to "Jesus" but linked the bearer to the Greek hero of the Argonauts.

The Tobiad-Menelaus Alliance
Notice that the sons of Tobias (the cousins of the High Priests) side with Menelaus. This reinforces the theme that the Tobiads were the primary engine of Hellenization. Finding themselves on the losing side of a popular revolt led by Jason, they fled to the King to request a total cultural transformation as a way to maintain their power.

The "Gymnasium" as a Political Weapon
In the Greek world, a gymnasium was not just a place for exercise; it was the heart of the polis. By building one in Jerusalem, the Hellenizers were effectively attempting to convert Jerusalem into a Greek city (Antioch-at-Jerusalem). This meant education would focus on Homer and athletics rather than the Torah.

Epispasm: The Ultimate Apostasy
Josephus mentions that they "concealed their circumcision" (τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομὴν ἐπεκάλυψαν). This refers to a surgical procedure known as epispasm. Since Greek athletics were performed in the nude, circumcision was a visible "mark of the covenant" that invited Greek ridicule. To the traditionalist Jews, this was the ultimate betrayal—the literal attempt to erase the mark of God from their bodies to fit in with the "nations."

The Radical Request
The text says they wished to καταλιπόντες (abandon) their ancestral laws. This was unprecedented. Usually, ancient peoples fought to keep their laws. Here, a segment of the Jewish aristocracy actively petitioned a foreign king to abolish Jewish law and replace it with "the King’s laws" (τοῖς βασιλικοῖς).

The Three Brothers
Josephus highlights that all three sons of Simon II eventually held the High Priesthood. This instability—moving from the pious Onias III to the Hellenizing Jason, and finally to the even more radical Menelaus—shows the total collapse of the religious office into a political commodity to be bought and sold at the Seleucid court.

²⁴² δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ χωρούσης κατὰ τρόπον ἐπὶ τὴν‎ διέγνω στρατεύσασθαι, πόθον αὐτῆς λαβὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν παίδων καταφρονεῖν ἀσθενῶν ἔτι τυγχανόντων καὶ μηδέπω πράγματα τηλικαῦτα διέπειν δυναμένων.

²⁴² "When the kingdom proceeded according to his desires, Antiochus decided to campaign against Egypt, because he coveted it and because he looked down upon the sons of Ptolemy as being still weak and not yet able to manage such great affairs.

²⁴² Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he condemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence;

²⁴² When his kingdom was in good order, Antiochus resolved to invade Egypt, because he wanted to take it and scorned the son of Ptolemy as a weakling still unable to manage such great affairs.

²⁴³ γενόμενος οὖν μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως κατὰ τὸ καὶ δόλῳ τὸν ἐκπεριελθὼν καταλαμβάνει τὴν‎ , καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τοῖς περὶ τόποις καὶ κατασχὼν ταύτην ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ , ὡς πολιορκίᾳ παραστησόμενος αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ βασιλεύοντα χειρωσόμενος .

²⁴³ Having arrived at Pelusium with a great force, and having outmaneuvered Ptolemy Philometor by deceit, he seized Egypt; and being in the regions around Memphis and having occupied it, he set out for Alexandria, intending to reduce it by siege and to subdue the Ptolemy reigning there.

²⁴³ so he came with great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis; and when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, who reigned there.

²⁴³ So he came with a great force to Pelusium and tricked Ptolemy Philometor and captured Egypt. He came to the places around Memphis, and after taking them, hurried to Alexandria, hoping to take it by siege and to subdue Ptolemy, who ruled there.

²⁴⁴ ἀπεκρούσθη δ᾽ οὐ τῆς ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὅλης ΑἰγύπτουEgypt, ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin αὐτῷ παραγγειλάντων ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν.	²⁴⁴ But he was repulsed not only from Alexandria but from the whole of Egypt, for the Romans commanded him to stay away from that country, as I have already explained elsewhere.
²⁴⁴ But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly declared.	²⁴⁴ But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but also from the whole of Egypt, when the Romans ordered him to leave that country alone; as I have said elsewhere.

²⁴⁵ διηγήσομαι δὲ κατὰ μέρος τὰ περὶ τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τήν τε ἐχειρώσατο καὶ τὸν ναόν· ἐν γὰρ τῇ πρώτῃ μου πραγματείᾳ κεφαλαιωδῶς αὐτῶν ἐπιμνησθεὶς ἀναγκαῖον νῦν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς αὐτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν ὑφήγησιν.

²⁴⁵ I shall now relate in detail the matters concerning this king—how he subdued Judea and the Temple; for having mentioned them summarily in my first work [The Jewish War], I considered it necessary now to return to an accurate account of them.

²⁴⁵ I will now give a particular account of what concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now thought it necessary to go over that history again, and that with great accuracy.

²⁴⁵ I will now give a detailed account of this king, how he subdued Judea and the temple, for in my former work I mentioned those things very briefly and I now think it necessary to go over that history again, more fully.

²⁴⁶ Ὑποστρέψας ἀπὸ τῆς διὰ τὸ παρὰ δέος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐξεστράτευσεν, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τοὺς ἀπὸ βασιλεῖς ἀμαχητὶ λαμβάνει τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀνοιξάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας ὅσοι τῆς ἐκείνου προαιρέσεως ἦσαν.

²⁴⁶ Returning from Egypt on account of his fear of the Romans, King Antiochus campaigned against the city of Jerusalem; and arriving there in the 143rd year [of the Seleucid Era], he took the city without a fight, as those of his own party opened the gates to him.

²⁴⁶ King Antiochus returning out of Egypt for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him.

²⁴⁶ King Antiochus returning from Egypt for fear of the Romans, marched against the city of Jerusalem, and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucids, he took the city without a fight, when those of his own party opened the gates to him.

²⁴⁷ ἐγκρατὴς δ᾽ οὕτως τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem γενόμενος πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν τῶν τἀναντία φρονούντων καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ συλήσας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ἈντιόχειανAntioch.	²⁴⁷ Having thus become master of Jerusalem, he executed many of those who held opposing views, and having plundered vast wealth, he returned to Antioch."
²⁴⁷ And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a great deal of money, he returned to Antioch.	²⁴⁷ After taking Jerusalem, he killed many of those who opposed him and looted it of a large amount of money, before returning to Antioch.

The Humiliation at the "Line in the Sand"
Josephus briefly alludes to the famous Roman intervention (Ῥωμαίων αὐτῷ παραγγειλάντων). History records that the Roman envoy, Popillius Laenas, drew a circle in the sand around Antiochus and told him he could not step out of it until he agreed to leave Egypt. This public humiliation left Antiochus desperate for a "win" and, more importantly, desperate for cash to pay Roman indemnities. Jerusalem was the closest "bank" available.

The Internal Betrayal
Josephus notes that the city was taken ἀμαχητὶ (without a fight) because the gates were opened by those of "his own party" (προαιρέσεως). These were the Hellenizers led by Menelaus and the Tobiads. This highlights that the tragedy of the Temple's desecration wasn't just a foreign invasion; it was an invitation by the Jewish elite to a foreign tyrant.

Chronology of the Crisis
The date given is the 143rd year of the Seleucid Era, which corresponds to 169 BCE. This was Antiochus's first major entry into Jerusalem. At this stage, he plundered the wealth, but he had not yet initiated the full religious persecution (the "Abomination of Desolation") which would occur roughly two years later.

Josephus as a Self-Corrector
Josephus explicitly mentions that he is expanding on his earlier work, The Jewish War. This is a peek into his scholarly process; he felt his first book was too "summary" (κεφαλαιωδῶς) regarding the causes of the Maccabean revolt, so he provides this "accurate account" (ἐπʼ ἀκριβὲς) to show the religious and social nuances.

Plunder as Policy
The phrase χρήματα πολλὰ συλήσας (having plundered much wealth) explains the primary motive. The Temple was not just a house of worship; it was the national treasury. Antiochus's "campaign" was effectively a state-sponsored bank robbery designed to solve the Seleucid Empire's bankruptcy.

²⁴⁸ Συνέβη δὲ μετὰ ἔτη δύο τῷ ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ πέμπτῳ ἔτει μηνὸς πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι, ὃς καλεῖται κατὰ μὲν ἡμᾶς , κατὰ δὲ , ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τρίτῃ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἀναβῆναι τὸν βασιλέα εἰς καὶ προσποιησάμενον εἰρήνην ἀπάτῃ περιγενέσθαι τῆς πόλεως.

²⁴⁸ "It happened two years later, in the 145th year [of the Seleucid Era], on the twenty-fifth day of the month—which is called Kislev (Exeleos) by us and Apellaios by the Macedonians—in the 153rd Olympiad, that the King went up to Jerusalem with a great force and, pretending peace, gained mastery of the city through deceit.

²⁴⁸ Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of the city by treachery;

²⁴⁸ Two years later, in the hundred and forty-fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month we call Chasleu and the Macedonians call Apellaeus, in the hundred and fifty-third Olympiad, the king came up to Jerusalem, and by pretending peace, gained possession of the city by treachery.

²⁴⁹ ἐφείσατο δὲ τότε οὐδὲ τῶν εἰσδεξαμένων αὐτὸν διὰ τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πλοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας, χρυσὸν γὰρ ἑώρα πολὺν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον τῶν ἀναθημάτων κόσμον πολυτελέστατον, ἵνα συλήσῃ τοῦτον, ὑπέμεινε τὰς πρὸς ἐκείνους αὐτῷ σπονδὰς παραβῆναι.

²⁴⁹ At that time, he did not even spare those who had welcomed him, because of the wealth in the Temple; rather, out of greed—for he saw much gold in the sanctuary and the rest of the most costly ornaments of the offerings—he endured to violate the treaties he had made with them for the sake of plundering it.

²⁴⁹ at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple; but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made.

²⁴⁹ On this occasion on account of the riches in the temple he spared not even those who let him in, but in his greed, as he saw there a large amount of gold and many valuable ornaments that had been dedicated to it, he dared to break his pact in order to plunder its wealth.

²⁵⁰ περιδύσας οὖν τὸν ναόν, ὡς καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ βαστάσαι λυχνίας χρυσᾶς καὶ βωμὸν χρύσεον καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ τὰ θυσιαστήρια, καὶ μηδὲ τῶν καταπετασμάτων ἀποσχόμενος, ἅπερ ἦν ἐκ βύσσου καὶ κόκκου πεποιημένα, κενώσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς τοὺς ἀποκρύφους καὶ μηδὲν ὅλως ὑπολιπών, εἰς μέγα τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτοις πένθος ἐνέβαλεν.

²⁵⁰ Having stripped the sanctuary bare, he carried off the vessels of God: the golden lampstands, the golden altar, the table [of showbread], and the altars of burnt offering; not even abstaining from the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. Having emptied the hidden treasuries and leaving absolutely nothing behind, he cast the Jews into great mourning on account of these things.

²⁵⁰ So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation,

²⁵⁰ So he stripped the temple bare and took away the golden candlesticks and the golden altar and the table and the censers and did not even spare the veils, made of fine linen and scarlet, and emptied its hidden treasures, leaving nothing at all behind, which threw the Jews into deep mourning.

²⁵¹ καὶ γὰρ τὰς καθημερινὰς θυσίας, ἃς προσέφερον τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς προσφέρειν, καὶ διαρπάσας πᾶσαν τὴν‎ πόλιν τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς δ᾽ αἰχμαλώτους γυναιξὶν ἅμα καὶ τέκνοις ἔλαβεν, ὡς τῶν ζωγρηθέντων περὶ μυρίους γενέσθαι τὸ πλῆθος.

²⁵¹ Indeed, he forbade them to offer the daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God according to the Law; and having plundered the entire city, he executed some and took others captive along with their wives and children, so that the number of those taken alive was about ten thousand.

²⁵¹ for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand.

²⁵¹ He also forbade them to offer the customary daily sacrifices to God required by the law, and after ransacking the whole city, he killed some people and took others prisoner, with their wives and children, and the number of prisoners taken alive was about ten thousand.

²⁵² ἐνέπρησε δ᾽ αὐτῆς τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ καταβαλὼν τὰ τείχη τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ κάτω πόλει ᾠκοδόμησεν ἄκραν· ἦν γὰρ ὑψηλὴ καὶ ὑπερκειμένη τὸ ἱερόν· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτὴν ὀχυρώσας τείχεσιν ὑψηλοῖς καὶ πύργοις φρουρὰν ἐγκατέστησεν. ἔμενον δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ καὶ τοῦ πλήθους οἱ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ πονηροὶ τὸν τρόπον, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ τοὺς πολίτας συνέβη παθεῖν.

²⁵² He burned the finest parts of the city and, having cast down the walls, he built the Akra (citadel) in the Lower City; for it was high and overlooked the Temple. Because of this, he fortified it with high walls and towers and stationed a Macedonian garrison there. Nevertheless, the impious and wicked of the multitude remained in the Akra, and through them, many terrible things happened to the citizens.

²⁵² He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities.

²⁵² He also burned down the finest buildings, and destroyed the city walls and built a citadel in the lower part of the city, making it high, to overlook the temple, and fortified it with high walls and towers and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. And so, within the citadel lived this impious and wicked faction from whom the citizens suffered many severe troubles.

²⁵³ ἐποικοδομήσας δὲ καὶ τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ βωμὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς σύας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατέσφαξε, θυσίαν οὐ νόμιμον οὐδὲ πάτριον τῇ θρησκείᾳ ταύτην ἐπιτελῶν. ἠνάγκασε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀφεμένους τὴν‎ περὶ τὸν αὐτῶν θεὸν θρησκείαν τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ νομιζομένους σέβεσθαι, οἰκοδομήσαντας δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει καὶ κώμῃ τεμένη αὐτῶν καὶ βωμοὺς καθιδρύσαντας θύειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς σῦς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν.

²⁵³ The King also built an idol-altar upon the [God’s] altar and sacrificed swine upon it, performing a sacrifice that was neither lawful nor ancestral to the Jewish religion. He compelled them to abandon the worship of their own God and to honor those whom he considered gods, and having built shrines for them and established altars in every city and village, to sacrifice swine upon them every day.

²⁵³ And when the king had built an idol altar upon God’s altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day.

²⁵³ When the king had built an altar above the real altar, he killed swine upon it and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the ancestral worship of the Jews. He also made them turn aside from worshipping their own God and adore those he thought to be gods, and had them build temples and raise altars in every city and village and offer swine upon them every day.

²⁵⁴ ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ μὴ περιτέμνειν αὐτοὺς τὰ τέκνα, κολάσειν ἀπειλήσας εἴ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῶν εὑρεθείη. κατέστησε δὲ καὶ ἐπισκόπουςbishop, οἳ προσαναγκάσουσιν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ποιεῖν.	²⁵⁴ He also commanded them not to circumcise their children, threatening to punish anyone found doing otherwise. He even appointed overseers (episkopous) who would compel them to do what had been commanded.
²⁵⁴ He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded.	²⁵⁴ He directed them not to circumcise their sons and threatened to punish any that were found transgressing his instruction, and appointed overseers to compel them to carry out what he ordered.

²⁵⁵ καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν οἱ μὲν ἑκοντὶ οἱ δὲ καὶ δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν τῆς ἐπηγγελμένης τιμωρίας κατηκολούθουν οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς διετέτακτο, οἱ δὲ δοκιμώτατοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς εὐγενεῖς οὐκ ἐφρόντισαν αὐτοῦ‎, τῶν δὲ πατρίων ἐθῶν πλείονα λόγον ἔσχον ἢ τῆς τιμωρίας, ἣν οὐ πειθομένοις ἠπείλησεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν αἰκιζόμενοι καὶ πικρὰς βασάνους ὑπομένοντες ἀπέθνησκον.

²⁵⁵ Many of the Jews—some willingly and others out of fear of the threatened punishment—followed the King’s decrees; but the most esteemed and those of noble soul took no notice of him, holding their ancestral customs in higher regard than the punishment he threatened for disobedience. Because of this, they died, being tortured every day and enduring bitter agonies.

²⁵⁵ And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king’s commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments;

²⁵⁵ In fact, many Jews obeyed the king’s commands, either freely, or from fear of the penalty that was announced. But the best and noblest souls did not heed him, but showed more respect for the customs of their country than fear of the punishment he threatened on the disobedient, and for this they were continually subjected to bitter woes and torments.

²⁵⁶ καὶ γὰρ μαστιγούμενοι καὶ τὰ σώματα λυμαινόμενοι ζῶντες ἔτι καὶ ἐμπνέοντες ἀνεσταυροῦντο, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῶν, οὓς περιέτεμνον παρὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν, ἀπῆγχον ἐκ τῶν τραχήλων αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀνεσταυρωμένων γονέων ἀπαρτῶντες. ἠφανίζετο δ᾽ εἴ που βίβλος εὑρεθείη ἱερὰ καὶ νόμος, καὶ παρ᾽ οἷς εὑρέθη καὶ αὐτοὶ κακοὶ κακῶς ἀπώλλυντο.

²⁵⁶ For they were whipped and their bodies mutilated, and while still alive and breathing, they were crucified; and their wives and the children whom they had circumcised against the King’s will were strangled, hanging them from the necks of their crucified parents. If a sacred book or the Law was found anywhere, it was destroyed, and those with whom it was found perished miserably."

²⁵⁶ for they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified, while they were still alive, and breathed. They also strangled those women and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had appointed, hanging their sons about their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if there were any sacred book of the law found, it was destroyed, and those with whom they were found miserably perished also.

²⁵⁶ They were whipped with rods and their bodies torn to pieces and crucified while they were still alive and breathing, along with their wives. Parents had their sons, whom they had circumcised against the king’s decree, hung around their necks as they hung upon the cross. He destroyed any sacred book of the law that was found, and those with whom it was found died cruelly too.

The Logistics of Desecration
Josephus provides a specific inventory of the Temple’s furniture: the Menorah (lampstand), the Table of Showbread, and the Altar of Incense. By naming these specific items, he emphasizes that Antiochus wasn't just stealing bullion; he was dismantling the functional heart of the Jewish religion.

The "Akra": An Enemy Within
The construction of the Akra (citadel) was a strategic masterstroke and a theological nightmare. It was a Seleucid fort placed directly above the Temple Mount. For the next 25 years, a "Macedonian garrison" and Jewish collaborators would live there, literally looking down on the sacred space and harassing worshippers. It turned Jerusalem into a city under permanent internal siege.

The Choice of the Swine
Sacrificing swine was the ultimate "anti-kosher" act. In Hellenistic culture, pigs were common sacrifices, but Antiochus used them specifically to render the Jewish Altar ritually impure (tamei). This is the historical reality behind the "Abomination of Desolation" mentioned in the Book of Daniel.

Episkopoi: The Enforcers
Josephus uses the word ἐπισκόπους (overseers/bishops). Long before this became a Christian church title, it referred to Seleucid government officials sent into the Judean countryside to ensure that every village had an idol-altar and that the residents were eating forbidden foods. This was the first recorded instance of state-sponsored religious "thought police."

Martyrdom and the Cross
The mention of crucifixion (ἀνεσταυροῦντο) and torture highlights the extreme brutality used to enforce Hellenization. These victims are among the first recorded religious martyrs in history—dying not for a political cause, but for the right to maintain a specific lifestyle and law (τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν).

The War on the Book
Antiochus realized that the strength of the Jews lay in their Text. The systematic destruction of Torah scrolls (βίβλος ἱερὰ) was an attempt at "cultural genocide." If the books were gone and the children were uncircumcised, the Jewish identity would effectively cease to exist within two generations.

²⁵⁷ Ταῦτα βλέποντες οἱ πάσχοντας τοὺς οὐκέθ᾽ ὡμολόγουν αὑτοὺς εἶναι συγγενεῖς αὐτῶν οὐδὲ τὸν ἐν ναὸν τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, τῇ φύσει ποιοῦντες ἀκόλουθα, ἣν δεδηλώκαμεν, καὶ λέγοντες αὑτοὺς ἀποίκους καὶ · καὶ γάρ εἰσιν τούτων ἄποικοι.

²⁵⁷ "When the Samaritans saw the Jews suffering these things, they no longer acknowledged themselves to be their kinsmen, nor the temple on Mount Gerizim to belong to the Most High God—acting in accordance with their nature, which we have previously described, and claiming to be colonists of the Medes and Persians; for indeed they are colonists of these.

²⁵⁷ When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs.

²⁵⁷ Seeing the Jews suffering like this, the Samaritans no longer professed themselves their relatives, nor said that their temple on Mount Garizim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature, as we have already shown. They now claimed to be a colony of the Medes and Persians, and were indeed a colony of theirs.

²⁵⁸ πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus πρέσβεις καὶ ἐπιστολὴν ἐδήλουν τὰ ὑπογεγραμμένα· " βασιλεῖ ἈντιόχῳAntiochus θεῷ ἐπιφανεῖ ὑπόμνημα παρὰ τῶν ἐν ΣικίμοιςSikima ΣιδωνίωνSidonians.	²⁵⁸ They sent ambassadors and a letter to Antiochus, stating the following: 'To King Antiochus, the Manifest God (Theos Epiphanes), a memorandum from the Sidonians in Shechem.
²⁵⁸ So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: "To king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem.	²⁵⁸ They sent envoys to Antiochus with a letter which said, "To king Antiochus the god Epiphanes, a message from the Sidonians living in Sikima.

²⁵⁹ οἱ ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι διά τινας αὐχμοὺς τῆς χώρας παρακολουθήσαντες ἀρχαίᾳ τινὶ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ ἔθος ἐποίησαν σέβειν τὴν‎ παρὰ τοῖς λεγομένην σαββάτων ἡμέραν, ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἀνώνυμον ἐν τῷ λεγομένῳ ὄρει ἱερὸν ἔθυον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς καθηκούσας θυσίας.

²⁵⁹ Our ancestors, following an ancient superstition due to certain droughts in the land, made it a custom to observe the day called the Sabbath among the Jews; and having established an anonymous temple on the mountain called Gerizim, they offered the appropriate sacrifices upon it.

²⁵⁹ Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath. And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices.

²⁵⁹ Our ancestors, when some plagues came on the land, followed an ancient superstition and observed the day the Jews call the Sabbath. When they had built a temple without a name on the mountain called Garizim, they offered the customary sacrifices upon it.

²⁶⁰ σοῦ δὲ τοῖς τῆς πονηρίας αὐτῶν ἀξίως χρησαμένου, οἱ τὰ βασιλικὰ διοικοῦντες οἰόμενοι κατὰ συγγένειαν ἡμᾶς ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν ἐκείνοις ταῖς ὁμοίαις αἰτίαις περιάπτουσιν, ὄντων ἡμῶν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν , καὶ τοῦτο φανερόν ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀναγραφῶν.

²⁶⁰ But since you have treated the Jews according to their wickedness, the royal officials—thinking that we do the same things as they do because of kinship—attach the same charges to us, though we are originally Sidonians, as is clear from our public records.

²⁶⁰ Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records.

²⁶⁰ Now that you have justly punished the wicked Jews, those who manage your royal affairs think that we are their relatives, and practice as they do, making us liable to the same accusations, though we are originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records.

²⁶¹ ἀξιοῦμεν οὖν σε τὸν καὶ σωτῆρα προστάξαι τῷ μεριδάρχῃ καὶ τῷ τὰ βασιλικὰ πράττοντι μηδὲν ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν προσάπτουσι τὰς τῶν αἰτίας, ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἀλλοτρίων ὑπαρχόντων, προσαγορευθῆναι δὲ τὸ ἀνώνυμον ἱερὸν · γενομένου γὰρ τούτου παυσόμεθα μὲν ἐνοχλούμενοι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἔργοις μετὰ ἀδείας

²⁶¹ We request of you, our benefactor and savior, to command Apollonius the district governor and Nicanor the royal agent not to trouble us by attaching Jewish charges to us, since we are alien to them both in race and customs; and let the anonymous temple be dedicated to Zeus Hellenios. If this is done, we shall cease being troubled, and by attending to our works in security, we shall produce greater revenues for you.'

²⁶¹ We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee."

²⁶¹ We therefore beg you, our benefactor and saviour, to order Apollonius, the ruler of this area and Nicanor, your agent, not to disturb us, nor to accuse us along with the Jews since we are alien to their nation and their customs. Let our temple, which at present has no name at all be named the Temple of Greek Zeus, so that we may no longer be troubled, but may calmly focus on our own work and so bring more revenue to you."

²⁶² προσανέχοντες μείζονάς σοι ποιήσομεν τὰς προσόδους. ταῦτα τῶν δεηθέντων ἀντέγραψεν αὐτοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τάδε· " βασιλεὺς . οἱ ἐν ἐπέδωκαν τὸ κατακεχωρισμένον ὑπόμνημα.

²⁶² When the Samaritans made this petition, the King wrote back to them as follows: 'King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians in Shechem have submitted the attached memorandum.

²⁶² When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: "King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial enclosed.

²⁶² When the Samaritans made this petition, the king replied with the following letter: "King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Sikima, have sent me the enclosed petition.

²⁶³ ἐπεὶ οὖν συμβουλευομένοις ἡμῖν μετὰ τῶν φίλων παρέστησαν οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὅτι μηδὲν τοῖς τῶν ἐγκλήμασι προσήκουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἔθεσιν αἱροῦνται χρώμενοι ζῆν, ἀπολύομέν τε αὐτοὺς τῶν αἰτιῶν, καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἱερόν, καθάπερ ἠξιώκασι, προσαγορευθήτω

²⁶³ Since the ambassadors sent by them have convinced us and our friends in council that they have no connection to the accusations against the Jews, but choose to live according to Greek customs, we acquit them of the charges; and let their temple, as they requested, be dedicated to Zeus Hellenios.'

²⁶³ When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius."

²⁶³ When we were consulting our friends about it, their messengers told us that they are no way involved with the accusations against the Jews, but choose to live according to Greek ways. So we declare them free from such accusations and order that, as they have petitioned, their temple be named after Greek Zeus."

²⁶⁴ ληνίου. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ ἈπολλωνίῳApollonius τῷ μεριδάρχῃ ἐπέστειλεν ἕκτῳ ἔτει καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ μηνὸς ἙκατομβαιῶνοςHecatombaium ὙρκανίουHyrkanios ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῃ.	²⁶⁴ He also sent these instructions to Apollonius the district governor, in the 146th year, on the eighteenth of the month of Hekatombaion Hyrcanios."
²⁶⁴ He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom.	²⁶⁴ He sent a similar letter to Apollonius, the ruler of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, on the eighteenth day of the month Hecatombaium Hyrkanios.

The "Fair Weather" Kinship
Josephus is notoriously biased against the Samaritans, often accusing them of being "chameleons." He claims that when the Jews are prosperous, the Samaritans claim to be their brothers; but when the Jews are persecuted, the Samaritans claim to be foreign colonists. Here, they utilize their origins from the Assyrian resettlement (the "Medes and Persians" mentioned in 2 Kings 17) to distance themselves from the "wickedness" of the Jews.

The "Anonymous" Temple
The Samaritans describe their temple on Mount Gerizim as ἀνώνυμον (anonymous/nameless). This is a brilliant diplomatic maneuver. By claiming the God they worshipped had no name, they stripped the temple of its specific Israelite identity, making it a "blank canvas" that could be easily rededicated to Zeus Hellenios (the Greek Zeus) without appearing to commit a religious contradiction.

Sidonians in Shechem
The Samaritans call themselves "Sidonians." This likely refers to a commercial or political status. Being "Sidonian" (Phoenician) placed them in the category of sophisticated, Hellenized traders rather than "superstitious" Judean rebels. It was a bid for "civilized" status in the eyes of the Seleucid court.

Zeus Hellenios vs. Zeus Olympios
While Antiochus dedicated the Temple in Jerusalem to Zeus Olympios (the supreme, imperial Zeus), the temple on Gerizim was dedicated to Zeus Hellenios (Zeus the Protector of the Greeks). This nuance suggests that while Jerusalem was being forcibly "reformed," the Samaritans were "volunteering" to be part of the Pan-Hellenic community to ensure their economic survival.

The Economic Incentive
The Samaritans end their letter with a classic "pitch": if you leave us alone, we will be more productive and give you μείζονας... τὰς προσόδους (greater revenues). They knew Antiochus was broke from his wars and his Roman indemnities. They offered him a peaceful, tax-paying province in exchange for their religious survival—a stark contrast to the rebellious Judeans.

The Date: 146th Year
The date corresponds to 167/166 BCE. This letter confirms that the persecution was widespread across the region. It also provides a snapshot of the Seleucid bureaucracy, naming Apollonius (the meridarches or district governor) and Nicanor, both of whom would later become major antagonists in the wars against the Maccabees.

Chapter 6
[265-286]
Mattathias leads the Maccabean revolt against Antiochus

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²⁶⁵ Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἦν τις οἰκῶν ἐν ΜωδαὶModin κώμῃ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea, ὄνομα ΜατταθίαςMattathias, υἱὸς ἸωάννουJohn τοῦ ΣυμεῶνοςSimon τοῦ ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus, ἱερεὺς ἐξ ἐφημερίδος ἸώαβοςJoarib, ἹεροσολυμίτηςJerusalem.	²⁶⁵ "At that same time, there was a man living in the village of Modein in Judea named Mattathias, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamonaeus—a priest of the course of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem.
²⁶⁵ Now at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who dwelt at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem.	²⁶⁵ At that time there was in the village of Modin a man named Mattathias, the son of John, son of Simon, son of Hasmoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib and a citizen of Jerusalem.

²⁶⁶ ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ υἱοὶ πέντε, ὁ καλούμενος καὶ ὁ κληθεὶς καὶ ὁ καλούμενος καὶ ὁ κληθεὶς καὶ ὁ κληθεὶς .

²⁶⁶ He had five sons: John, called Gaddi; Simon, called Thassi; Judas, called Maccabaeus; Eleazar, called Auran; and Jonathan, called Apphus.

²⁶⁶ He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called Maccabeus, and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus.

²⁶⁶ He had five sons; John, surnamed Gaddis and Simon, surnamed Thattes and Judas, surnamed Maccabeus, and Eleazar, surnamed Auran and Jonathan, surnamed Apphus.

²⁶⁷ οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἀπωδύρετο τοῖς τέκνοις τὴν‎ κατάστασιν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τήν τε τῆς πόλεως διαρπαγὴν καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν‎ σύλησιν καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τὰς συμφοράς, ἔλεγέν τε κρεῖττον αὐτοῖς εἶναι ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ζῆν οὕτως ἀσεβῶς.

²⁶⁷ This Mattathias lamented to his children the state of affairs: the plundering of the city, the despoiling of the Temple, and the calamities of the multitude. He said it was better for them to die for their ancestral laws than to live in such an impious manner.

²⁶⁷ Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the multitude were under; and he told them that it was better for them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so ingloriously as they then did.

²⁶⁷ This Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs and the ravaging of the city and the looting of the temple and the plight of the people, and he said that it was better for them to die for their ancestral laws than to live so ignobly.

²⁶⁸ Ἐλθόντων δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ κώμην τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καθεσταμένων ἐπὶ τῷ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν τοὺς ἃ διετέτακτο καὶ θύειν τοὺς ἐκεῖ κελευόντων, ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς κελεύσειεν, διά τε τὴν‎ δόξαν τήν τε διὰ τὰ ἄλλα καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ εὐπαιδίαν τὸν προκατάρχειν τῶν θυσιῶν,

²⁶⁸ When the King’s officials arrived at the village of Modein to compel the Jews to follow the decrees and to sacrifice as the King had commanded, they addressed Mattathias—on account of his reputation and his fine family—urging him to be the first to begin the sacrifices,

²⁶⁸ But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among them, both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of children, would begin the sacrifice,

²⁶⁸ When those appointed by the king came to Modin, to compel the Jews to do what was ordered and to force the inhabitants to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they wanted Mattathias, as a person of dignity, among other things, for having such a fine family, to sacrifice first,

²⁶⁹ κατακολουθήσειν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πολίτας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμηθήσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁ οὐκ ἔφασκεν ποιήσειν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ τὰ πάντα ἔθνη τοῖς προστάγμασιν ἢ διὰ φόβον ἢ δι᾽ εὐαρέστησιν ὑπακούει, πεισθήσεσθαί ποτ᾽ αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν τέκνων τὴν‎ πάτριον θρησκείαν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν.

²⁶⁹ for the citizens would follow him and he would be honored by the King. But Mattathias declared he would not do it; even if all the nations obeyed the edicts of Antiochus out of fear or a desire to please, he and his sons would never be persuaded to abandon their ancestral religion.

²⁶⁹ because his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because such a procedure would make him honored by the king. But Mattathias said he would not do it; and that if all the other nations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of their country.

²⁶⁹ saying that others would follow his example and that such a procedure would make him honoured by the king. But Mattathias said he would not do it, and that even if all other nations obeyed the commands of Antiochus, whether from fear or to please him, neither he nor his sons would abandon their ancestral form of worship.

²⁷⁰ ὡς δὲ σιωπήσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ προσελθών τις τῶν ἔθυσεν εἰς μέσον καθ᾽ ἃ προσέταξεν , θυμωθεὶς ὁ ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν παίδων ἐχόντων κοπίδας καὶ αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον διέφθειρεν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τοῦ βασιλέως , ὃς ἐπηνάγκαζεν, διεχρήσατο μετ᾽ ὀλίγων στρατιωτῶν,

²⁷⁰ As he fell silent, a certain Jew came forward into the midst and sacrificed as Antiochus had commanded. Enraged, Mattathias rushed upon him with his sons, who were armed with curved daggers (kopidas); he destroyed the man himself and also the King’s general, Apelles, who was forcing the sacrifice, along with a few soldiers.

²⁷⁰ But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king’s general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out,

²⁷⁰ As soon as he fell silent, one of the Jews came into the middle of them and sacrificed as Antiochus had ordered, and Mattathias was enraged and attacked him violently, along with his sons who had their swords, and killed both the man who was sacrificing and Apelles the king’s general, who compelled them to sacrifice, and a few of the soldiers.

²⁷¹ καὶ τὸν βωμὸν καθελὼν ἀνέκραγεν, " εἴ τις ζηλωτής ἐστιν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας, ἑπέσθω, φησίν, ἐμοί," καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον ἐξώρμησεν καταλιπὼν ἅπασαν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ κτῆσιν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ.

²⁷¹ Having torn down the altar, he cried out: 'If anyone is a zealot (zelotes) for the ancestral customs and the worship of God, let him follow me!' Saying this, he set out with his sons into the wilderness, leaving behind all his possessions in the village.

²⁷¹ "If," said he, "any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me." And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village.

²⁷¹ He also destroyed the altar and called out, "Whoever is devoted to the laws of his country and the worship of God, let him follow me." With this, he made off into the desert with his sons and left all his property in the village.

²⁷² τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ ἄλλοι ποιήσαντες μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἔφυγον εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον καὶ ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις διῆγον. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦθ᾽ οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγοὶ καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ὅσην εἶναι συνέβαινεν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῶν ἀναλαβόντες ἐδίωξαν εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον τοὺς .

²⁷² Many others did the same and fled with their wives and children into the wilderness, living in caves. When the King’s generals heard this, they took the force stationed in the Akra of Jerusalem and pursued the Jews into the wilderness.

²⁷² Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves. But when the king’s generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert;

²⁷² Many others did the same and fled with their children and wives into the desert and lived in caves. When the king’s generals heard this, they took all the forces they had in the citadel in Jerusalem and pursued the Jews into the desert.

²⁷³ καὶ καταλαβόντες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ἐπεχείρουν πείθειν μετανοήσαντας αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ συμφέροντα καὶ μὴ προσάγειν αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκην, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς χρήσασθαι πολέμου νόμῳ·	²⁷³ At first, they tried to persuade them to repent and choose what was profitable rather than force a state of war;
²⁷³ and when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war.	²⁷³ When they overtook them, they first tried to persuade them to repent and to choose their own safety and not make them treat them by the law of war.

²⁷⁴ μὴ προσδεχομένων δὲ τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ τἀναντία φρονούντων, συμβάλλουσιν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην σαββάτων ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ὡς εἶχον οὕτως ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις αὐτοὺς κατέφλεξαν οὐδὲ ἀμυνομένους ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὰς εἰσόδους ἐμφράξαντας· τοῦ δὲ ἀμύνασθαι διὰ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν μηδ᾽ ἐν κακοῖς παραβῆναι τὴν‎ τοῦ σαββάτου τιμὴν θελήσαντες· ἀργεῖν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν αὐτῇ νόμιμόν ἐστιν.

²⁷⁴ but when the Jews rejected these words, the officials attacked them on the Sabbath day. They burned them inside the caves just as they were, for the Jews neither defended themselves nor even blocked the entrances; they refrained from defense because of the day, unwilling to violate the honor of the Sabbath even in such distress—for it is our law to rest on that day.

²⁷⁴ But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day.

²⁷⁴ But when they would not accept this, and continued to oppose them, they fought them on the sabbath day and burned them in the caves, just as they were, without resistance and without so much as blocking the mouths of the caves. They refrained from defending themselves on that day, unwilling to lessen the honour due to the sabbath, even in such a plight, for our law tells us to rest on that day.

²⁷⁵ ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἐμπνιγέντες τοῖς σπηλαίοις ὡσεὶ χίλιοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διασωθέντες τῷ ΜατταθίᾳMattathias προσέθεντο κἀκεῖνον ἄρχοντα ἀπέδειξαν.	²⁷⁵ About a thousand perished, smothered in the caves with their wives and children; but many escaped and joined Mattathias, appointing him their leader.
²⁷⁵ There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves; but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler,	²⁷⁵ About a thousand, along with wives and children, were smothered and died in those caves, but many of those who escaped joined Mattathias and appointed him as their leader.

²⁷⁶ ὁ δὲ καὶ σαββάτοις αὐτοὺς ἐδίδαξε μάχεσθαι λέγων, ὡς εἰ μὴ ποιήσουσι τοῦτο φυλαττόμενοι τὸ νόμιμον, αὐτοῖς ἔσονται πολέμιοι, τῶν μὲν ἐχθρῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν αὐτοῖς προσβαλλόντων, αὐτῶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀμυνομένων, κωλύσειν τε μηδὲν οὕτως ἀμαχητὶ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι.

²⁷⁶ He taught them to fight even on the Sabbath, saying that unless they did so while guarding the law, they would become their own enemies—for the foe would attack on that day, and if they did not defend themselves, nothing would prevent them all from perishing without a fight.

²⁷⁶ who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves, and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting.

²⁷⁶ He taught them to fight, even on the sabbath day, for unless they did so, they would be fighting themselves, by keeping the law and not defending themselves, with their enemies still attacking them on that day; for then nothing would save them from all dying without a fight.

²⁷⁷ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἔπεισεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἄχρι δεῦρο μένει παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τὸ καὶ σαββάτοις, εἴ ποτε δεήσειεν, μάχεσθαι.	²⁷⁷ Having said this, he persuaded them; and to this day, the custom remains with us to fight on the Sabbath if it should ever be necessary.
²⁷⁷ This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath days.	²⁷⁷ His speech persuaded them and this rule continues among us to this day, that in case of necessity, we may fight even on sabbath days.

²⁷⁸ ποιήσας οὖν δύναμιν πολλὴν περὶ αὐτὸν τούς τε βωμοὺς καθεῖλεν καὶ τοὺς ἐξαμαρτάνοντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὅσους λαβεῖν ὑποχειρίους ἠδυνήθη· πολλοὶ γὰρ δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν διεσπάρησαν εἰς τὰ περὶ ἔθνη· τῶν τε παίδων τοὺς οὐ περιτετμημένους ἐκέλευσε περιτέμνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ κωλύειν καθεσταμένους ἐκβαλών.

²⁷⁸ Gathering a great force around him, Mattathias tore down the altars and executed those who had sinned [against the Law], as many as he could capture. He drove out the officials stationed to prevent circumcision and commanded that the uncircumcised children be circumcised."

²⁷⁸ So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision.

²⁷⁸ So Mattathias gathered a large army and destroyed their altars and killed any law-breakers he got into his power, and many of them scattered among the nations around for fear of him. He ordered that those boys who were not yet circumcised be so now, and drove out any who sought to prevent this from happening.

The Genealogy of Power: "Asamonaeus"
Josephus identifies Mattathias as the descendant of Asamonaeus (Hashmon). This is where the term "Hasmonean" comes from. By specifying the priestly course of Joarib, Josephus emphasizes that this was not a peasant revolt, but a revolution led by the "high-born" priestly aristocracy who felt the Temple had been terminally defiled.

The Zelotes (Zealot) Archetype
Mattathias’s cry (εἴ τις ζηλωτής ἐστιν) invokes the biblical precedent of Phinehas (Numbers 25), who used a spear to stop apostasy. In Josephus's Greek, the word zelotes carries a heavy political weight; it suggests a fierce, uncompromising devotion that justifies violence in defense of the divine Law.

The Tragedy of the Caves
The massacre of the 1,000 Jews in the caves illustrates the initial "pacifist" crisis of the revolt. The Seleucids, being clever tacticians, realized that the Jewish Law was a military weakness. They chose the Sabbath specifically to commit a slaughter without risk of casualties.

Halakhic Innovation: Fighting on the Sabbath
This is one of the most important legal rulings in Jewish history. Mattathias’s logic—if we don't fight, we cease to exist—introduced the principle of Pikuach Nefesh (saving a life overrides the Sabbath). Josephus notes that this custom "remains with us to this day," showing how the Hasmonean era permanently reshaped Jewish practice to ensure national survival.

The Kopis: Guerilla Warfare
Josephus mentions the κοπίδας (curved daggers or cleavers). This suggests that the initial revolt was a "war of the knives"—a series of sudden, close-quarters assassinations in village squares rather than a formal battlefield engagement. They were irregular fighters using whatever tools were at hand.

Forced Circumcision: Reclaiming the Body
The mention that Mattathias "commanded the uncircumcised to be circumcised" is a direct counter-attack to the Seleucid policy of epispasm (hiding circumcision). Mattathias was literally re-marking the bodies of the Jewish youth, forcibly pulling them back into the covenant and reversing the "erasure" attempted by the Hellenizers.

²⁷⁹ ἄρξας δ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ καταπεσὼν εἰς νόσον προσκαλεῖται τοὺς παῖδας, καὶ περιστησάμενος αὐτοὺς " ἐγὼ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖδες, ἄπειμι τὴν‎ εἱμαρμένην πορείαν, παρατίθεμαι δ᾽ ὑμῖν τοὐμὸν φρόνημα καὶ παρακαλῶ μὴ γενέσθαι κακοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ φύλακας,

²⁷⁹ "Having ruled for one year and fallen into illness, Mattathias called his sons to him. Having stood them around him, he said: 'I indeed, O children, am going the fated journey; but I commit to you my resolve (phronēma) and I exhort you not to become bad guardians of it.

²⁷⁹ But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, "O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it,

²⁷⁹ After ruling for a year he fell ill, so he called for his sons and set them around him and said, "My sons, I am going the way of all the earth, and I hand over my resolve to you and beg you not to fail to keep it,

²⁸⁰ ἀλλὰ μεμνημένους τῆς τοῦ φύσαντος ὑμᾶς καὶ θρεψαμένου προαιρέσεως ἔθη τε σώζειν τὰ πάτρια καὶ κινδυνεύουσαν οἴχεσθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχαίαν πολιτείαν ἀνακτᾶσθαι μὴ συμφερομένους τοῖς ἢ διὰ βούλησιν ἢ δι᾽ ἀνάγκην προδιδοῦσιν αὐτήν,

²⁸⁰ Rather, remembering the purpose of him who fathered and nourished you, preserve the ancestral customs and recover the ancient constitution (politeian) which is in danger of passing away. Do not join with those who betray it, whether by choice or by necessity.

²⁸⁰ but to be mindful of the desires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it,

²⁸⁰ but remember the purpose of the one who begot and reared you and keep the customs of your country and recover our ancient ways, now in danger of being set aside and do not be swayed by those who betray it, whether from inclination or need.

²⁸¹ ἀλλ᾽ ἀξιῶ παῖδας ὄντας ἐμοὺς ἐμμεῖναι καὶ βίας ἁπάσης καὶ ἀνάγκης ἐπάνω γενέσθαι, τὰς ψυχὰς οὕτω παρασκευασαμένους, ὥστ᾽ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων, ἂν δέῃ, λογιζομένους τοῦθ᾽, ὅτι τὸ θεῖον τοιούτους ὑμᾶς ὁρῶν οὐχ ὑπερόψεται, τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀγασάμενον ἀποδώσει πάλιν ὑμῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν, ἐν ᾗ ζήσεσθε μετ᾽ ἀδείας τῶν ἰδίων ἐθῶν, ἀποκαταστήσει·

²⁸¹ I demand that you, being my children, remain steadfast and rise above all force and necessity, having so prepared your souls as to die for the laws, if it should be necessary. Consider this: the Deity, seeing you are such men, will not overlook you; but marvelling at your virtue, He will restore to you your laws and your freedom, in which you shall live without fear, enjoying your own customs.

²⁸¹ but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for your laws; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs.

²⁸¹ Be sons worthy of me, unfazed by force or danger, and keep your souls ready, if need be, to die for your laws. You should reckon that if the divinity sees you so disposed he will not abandon you, but will reward your virtue and restore to you again what you have lost and give you again the freedom to live in peace, by our own customs.

²⁸² θνητὰ μὲν γὰρ τὰ σώματα ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπίκηρα, τῇ δὲ τῶν ἔργων μνήμῃ τάξιν ἀθανασίας λαμβάνομεν, ἧς ἐρασθέντας ὑμᾶς βούλομαι διώκειν τὴν‎ εὔκλειαν καὶ τὰ μέγιστα ὑφισταμένους μὴ ὀκνεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπολιπεῖν τὸν βίον.

²⁸² For though our bodies are mortal and subject to decay, through the memory of our deeds we receive a rank of immortality; enamored of this, I wish you to pursue glory (eukleian) and, undertaking the greatest tasks, not to hesitate to leave life behind for their sake.

²⁸² Your bodies are mortal, and subject to fate; but they receive a sort of immortality, by the remembrance of what actions they have done. And I would have you so in love with this immortality, that you may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives.

²⁸² Your bodies are mortal and vulnerable, but the memory of your deeds will bring them a sort of immortality, which I want you to love so that you may pursue glory and endure greatest hardships and not refuse to pay the price with your lives.

²⁸³ μάλιστα δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὁμονοεῖν παραινῶ καὶ πρὸς ὅ τις ὑμῶν πέφυκεν ἀμείνων θατέρου πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ εἴκοντας ἀλλήλοις οἰκείαις χρῆσθαι ταῖς ἀρεταῖς. Καὶ μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν συνέσει προύχοντα πατέρα ἡγεῖσθε καὶ οἷς ἂν οὗτος συμβουλεύσῃ πείθεσθε,

²⁸³ Above all, I advise you to be of one mind (homonoein); and in whatever one of you is naturally better than the other, yield to one another and make use of your particular virtues. Consider your brother Simon, who excels in understanding, as a father, and obey whatever he advises.

²⁸³ I exhort you, especially, to agree one with another; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of every one’s own virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels he gives you.

²⁸³ I urge you especially to agree with each other, and wherever any of you excels another, yield to him in it, so as to reap the benefit of each one’s virtues. So take Simon as your father, for he has great prudence, and be ruled by his advice;

²⁸⁴ δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς δι᾽ ἀνδρείαν καὶ ἰσχὺν στρατηγὸν ἕξετε· τὸ γὰρ ἔθνος οὗτος ἐκδικήσει καὶ ἀμυνεῖται τοὺς πολεμίους. προσίεσθε δὲ καὶ τοὺς δικαίους καὶ θεοσεβεῖς καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτῶν αὔξετε."

²⁸⁴ But you shall have Maccabaeus as general of the army because of his courage and strength; for he shall avenge the nation and repel the enemies. Admit to your side the righteous and the god-fearing, and increase their power.'

²⁸⁴ Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power."

²⁸⁴ and take Maccabeus as general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge the nation and bring vengeance on our enemies. Accept the righteous and religious among you and increase their power."

²⁸⁵ Ταῦτα διαλεχθεὶς τοῖς παισὶν καὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐξάμενος σύμμαχον αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν‎ ἰδίαν ἀνασῶσαι πάλιν τοῦ βίου συνήθειαν, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ, καὶ θάπτεται μὲν ἐν πένθος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ ποιησαμένου, διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν‎ προστασίαν τῶν πραγμάτων ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἕκτῳ.

²⁸⁵ Having spoken these things to his children and having prayed to God to be their ally and to restore again to the people their own habit of life, he died shortly thereafter. He was buried in Modein, and all the people made a great mourning for him. His son Judas, also called Maccabaeus, took over the management of affairs in the 146th year.

²⁸⁵ When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and sixth year;

²⁸⁵ Soon after he had said this to his sons and prayed to God to help them and return the people to their former way of life, he died and was buried at Modin, greatly lamented by all the people; and his son Judas Maccabeus took over the state in the hundred forty-sixth year.

²⁸⁶ συναραμένων δ᾽ αὐτῷ προθύμως τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τούς τε πολεμίους ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας καὶ τοὺς παρανομήσαντας τῶν εἰς τὰ πάτρια διεχρήσατο καὶ ἐκαθάρισεν ἀπὸ παντὸς μιάσματος τὴν‎ γῆν.

²⁸⁶ With his brothers and others helping him eagerly, he cast the enemies out of the country, dealt with those of his own people who had transgressed the laws, and cleansed the land of every defilement."

²⁸⁶ and thus, by the ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified the land of all the pollutions that were in it.

²⁸⁶ With the full cooperation of his brothers and others, he drove out their enemies from the land and put to death any of their own countrymen who had transgressed its laws, so that he purified the land of every pollution.

The Division of Powers: Simon vs. Judas
Mattathias establishes a "dual leadership" model that would define the Hasmonean state.

1) Simon (The Brains): Appointed for his σύνεσιν (intelligence/understanding). He is the statesman and the "father" figure of the family.

2) Judas (The Brawn): Appointed for ἀνδρείαν καὶ ἰσχὺν (courage and strength). He is the military instrument of vengeance.

This separation of civil/religious wisdom and military command was a pragmatic necessity for a guerrilla movement facing a superpower.

A "Constitution" Worth Dying For
Josephus uses the Greek word πολιτείαν (constitution/way of life). To a Roman or Greek reader, this framed the Jewish revolt not as a "religious riot," but as a legitimate political struggle to restore an ancient, lawful government against a lawless tyrant.

The Immortality of Fame
Mattathias’s speech reflects a blend of Jewish and Hellenistic values. He speaks of the body as ἐπίκηρα (perishable/decaying) but promises a "rank of immortality" (τάξιν ἀθανασίας) through memory of deeds. While the Bible emphasizes biological lineage or the afterlife, Josephus emphasizes reputation—a primary motivator for the aristocratic class in the 1st century CE.

The "Cleansing" of the Land
The passage ends with Judas beginning to ἐκαθάρισεν (cleanse) the land. This is the central theme of the Maccabean story (and the origin of Hanukkah). The "defilement" (μιάσματος) refers both to the pagan idols and to the Jewish collaborators who had facilitated the Hellenization of Judea.

"By Choice or By Necessity"
Mattathias acknowledges a hard truth: some Jews betrayed the Law because they wanted to (βούλησιν), but others did it because they were forced (ἀνάγκην). He commands his sons to ignore both excuses. In his view, the Law is an absolute that supersedes even the instinct for self-preservation.

Chronology: Year 146
The date given is the 146th year of the Seleucid Era (166 BCE). This marks the official "passing of the torch." Mattathias saw the spark of the revolt, but Judas would be the one to turn it into a conflagration that would eventually lead to the rededication of the Temple three years later.

Chapter 7
[287-326]
Victories of Judas Maccabeus.
Re-dedication of the Jerusalem Temple

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²⁸⁷ Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ τῆς στρατηγὸς ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν . ὁ δὲ ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ συμβαλὼν κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐν οἷς καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν , οὗ καὶ τὴν‎ μάχαιραν, ᾗ χρῆσθαι συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖνον, σκυλεύσας αὐτὸς εἶχεν, πλείους δὲ τραυματίας ἐποίησεν καὶ πολλὴν λείαν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου λαβὼν τῶν πολεμίων ἀνεχώρησεν.

²⁸⁷ "When Apollonius, the governor of Samaria, heard these things, he took his force and set out against Judas. Judas met him, joined battle, and prevailed; he killed many of them, including the general Apollonius himself. Having despoiled him, Judas took the very sword Apollonius used and kept it for his own. He wounded many others and, having taken much plunder from the enemy camp, he withdrew.

²⁸⁷ When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy’s camp, and went his way.

²⁸⁷ Hearing this, the Samaritan general Apollonius set out with his forces against Judas, who met him and fought and defeated him and killed many of his men, among them the general, Apollonius, whose sword he took away and kept for himself. Having wounded even more than he killed and having taken a large amount of booty from the enemy’s camp, he went off.

²⁸⁸ δ᾽ ὁ τῆς κοίλης στρατηγός, ἀκούσας ὅτι πολλοὶ προσκεχωρήκασιν τῷ καὶ δύναμιν ἤδη περιβέβληται πρὸς ἀγῶνας καὶ πολέμους ἀξιόλογον, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔγνω στρατεύσασθαι προσήκειν ὑπολαμβάνων τοὺς εἰς τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως προστάγματα παρανομοῦντας πειρᾶσθαι κολάζειν.

²⁸⁸ But Seron, the governor of Coele-Syria, heard that many had joined Judas and that he had already surrounded himself with a force significant for combat and war. He decided he ought to campaign against him, assuming it was his duty to try to punish those who were acting unlawfully against the King’s edicts.

²⁸⁸ But when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had about him an army sufficient for fighting, and for making war, he determined to make an expedition against him, as thinking it became him to endeavor to punish those that transgressed the king’s injunctions.

²⁸⁸ Then Seron, the general of Coele-Syria, on hearing how many had joined with Judas who now had with him a fighting army ready for war, decided to go against him, and attempt to punish those who had disobeyed the king’s instructions.

²⁸⁹ συναγαγὼν οὖν δύναμιν ὅση παρῆν αὐτῷ, προσκαταλέξας δὲ καὶ τῶν τοὺς φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς ἐπὶ τὸν παρεγίγνετο· προελθὼν δὲ ἄχρι κώμης τῆς αὐτόθι στρατοπεδεύεται.

²⁸⁹ Gathering whatever force was available to him, and enlisting the Jewish fugitives and the impious among them, he advanced against Judas. Proceeding as far as the village of Beth-Horon in Judea, he encamped there.

²⁸⁹ He then got together an army, as large as he was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village of Judea, and there pitched his camp;

²⁸⁹ Gathering as large a force as he could, with the addition of renegade and wicked Jews, he went against Judas, getting as far as Bethhoron, a village of Judea, before pitching camp.

²⁹⁰ ὁ δὲ ἀπαντήσας αὐτῷ καὶ συμβαλεῖν προαιρούμενος, ἐπεὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἑώρα πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην διά τε τὴν‎ ὀλιγότητα καὶ δι᾽ ἀσιτίαν, νενηστεύκεσαν γάρ, ὀκνοῦντας, παρεθάρσυνεν λέγων οὐκ ἐν τῷ πλήθει τὸ νικᾶν εἶναι καὶ κρατεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖν.

²⁹⁰ But when Judas went to meet him and intended to join battle, he saw that his soldiers were hesitating to fight because of their small numbers and because of hunger—for they had been fasting. He encouraged them, saying that victory and mastery over enemies do not lie in numbers, but in being pious toward the Deity.

²⁹⁰ upon which Judas met him; and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety towards God;

²⁹⁰ Then Judas met him, and before the battle he saw his soldiers reluctant to fight, because they were few in number and had no food and were hungry, he roused them by saying that victory and conquest come not from the size of armies, but from piety toward God.

²⁹¹ καὶ τούτου σαφέστατον ἔχειν παράδειγμα τοὺς προγόνους, οἳ διὰ δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἰδίων νόμων καὶ τέκνων ἀγωνίζεσθαι πολλὰς πολλάκις ἥττησαν μυριάδας· τὸ γὰρ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν ἰσχυρὰ δύναμις.	²⁹¹ He told them they had the clearest example of this in their ancestors, who, because of their righteousness and their struggle for their own laws and children, had many times defeated many tens of thousands; for to do no injustice is a powerful force.
²⁹¹ and that they had the plainest instances in their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws, and their own children, had frequently conquered many ten thousands,—for innocence is the strongest army.	²⁹¹ Of this they had the best example in their ancestors, who, in a righteous effort on behalf of their laws and their children, had often conquered thousands, since innocence is a strong force.

²⁹² ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πείθει τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ καταφρονήσαντας τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τῷ Σήρωνι, καὶ συμβαλὼν τρέπει τοὺς · πεσόντος γὰρ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πάντες φεύγειν ὥρμησαν, ὡς ἐν τούτῳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς ἀποκειμένης. ἐπιδιώκων δ᾽ ἄχρι τοῦ πεδίου κτείνει τῶν πολεμίων ὡσεὶ ὀκτακοσίους· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διεσώθησαν εἰς τὴν‎ παραλίαν.

²⁹² Having said this, he persuaded those with him to disregard the multitude of the opposition and to charge together against Seron. Joining battle, he routed the Syrians; for once their general fell, they all turned to flight, as if their safety depended on it. Pursuing them as far as the plain, he killed about eight hundred of the enemy, while the rest escaped to the coast."

²⁹² By this speech he induced his men to condemn the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred of the enemy; but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to the sea.

²⁹² By this speech he got his men to ignore the numbers of the enemy and to attack Seron and beat the Syrians in the battle, who all ran away when their general fell, as their best way of escape. He pursued them to the plain and killed about eight hundred of the enemy, while the rest fled to the region near the coast.

The Sword of Apollonius
The capture of Apollonius’s sword is a detail rich in symbolism. In ancient warfare, taking the weapon of a defeated general was a mark of supreme "glory" (eukleia). For Judas, wielding the sword of the man who had oppressed Samaria and Judea served as a psychological weapon, signaling that the "authority" of the Seleucids had been physically seized by the Jewish resistance.

The Strategic Ascent of Beth-Horon
The battle against Seron took place at Beth-Horon, a narrow mountain pass that climbs from the coastal plain into the Judean hills. This was a classic "chokepoint." Seron’s larger, more cumbersome army was forced into a thin line, neutralizing their numerical advantage and allowing Judas’s smaller, highly motivated force to strike the head of the column.

Morale and the "Fast"
Josephus notes the soldiers were weak from ἀσιτίαν (fasting). This likely refers to a ritual religious fast intended to seek divine favor before battle, similar to the practices of the Israelites in the Hebrew Bible. Judas’s speech shifts the soldiers' focus from their physical hunger to their spiritual "righteousness," framing their lack of "injustice" (μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν) as a literal military asset.

The Role of Jewish "Fugitives"
Seron’s army included "Jewish fugitives and the impious" (τῶν Ἰουδαίων τοὺς φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς). This reminds the reader that the Maccabean Revolt was as much a civil war as it was a war of liberation. These were likely the Hellenizers who had fled Jerusalem after Mattathias began his "cleansing" of the countryside. Their presence in the Seleucid ranks would have made the battle deeply personal for Judas’s men.

The Death of the General
In both battles, the turning point is the death of the enemy commander (Ἀπολλώνιον and Σήρων). In the Hellenistic period, armies were often professional mercenaries or conscripts whose loyalty was tied to the paymaster and the leader. Once the "head" was removed, the "body" of the army—lacking the ideological conviction of the Maccabees—invariably collapsed into a disorganized retreat.

Escape to the Coast
The survivors fled to the παραλίαν (the coastline), where the Hellenistic cities (like Joppa and Ashdod) remained loyal Seleucid strongholds. This highlights the geography of the revolt: the mountains belonged to the Maccabees, while the plains and the sea remained under Greek control.

²⁹³ Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς μεγάλως ὠργίσθη τοῖς γεγενημένοις, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἀθροίσας καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῶν νήσων μισθοφόρους παραλαβὼν ἡτοιμάζετο περὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔαρος εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβαλεῖν.

²⁹³ "When King Antiochus heard these things, he was greatly enraged by what had occurred. Having gathered all his own forces and taken many mercenaries from the islands, he prepared to invade Judea at the beginning of spring.

²⁹³ When king Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry at what had happened; so he got together all his own army, with many mercenaries, whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and prepared to break into Judea about the beginning of the spring.

²⁹³ When king Antiochus heard of this, he was enraged by the turn of events, and gathered all his army, along with many mercenaries whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him to prepare to go to Judea early in the spring.

²⁹⁴ ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διανείμας ἑώρα τοὺς θησαυροὺς ἐπιλείποντας καὶ χρημάτων ἔνδειαν οὖσαν, οὔτε γὰρ οἱ φόροι πάντες ἐτελοῦντο διὰ τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν στάσεις μεγαλόψυχός τε ὢν καὶ φιλόδωρος οὐκ τοῖς οὖσιν, ἔγνω πρῶτον εἰς τὴν‎ πορευθεὶς τοὺς φόρους τῆς χώρας συναγαγεῖν.

²⁹⁴ But when he had distributed the soldiers' pay, he saw that his treasuries were failing and that there was a scarcity of funds. For the taxes were not all being paid because of the rebellions among the nations; and being large-minded and fond of giving gifts, he could not make do with what he had. He decided, therefore, to first travel to Persia to collect the taxes of that region.

²⁹⁴ But when, upon his mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of the seditions there had been among the nations he having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes of that country.

²⁹⁴ As he mustered his soldiers, he saw that his treasury was depleted and he was short of money, for not all the taxes had been paid on account of revolts among the nations, and he had been so generous and spendthrift that he had not enough left; so he resolved to go first into Persia and collect the taxes of that land.

²⁹⁵ καταλιπὼν οὖν ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων τινὰ δόξαν ἔχοντα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, Καὶ τὰ μέχρι τῶν καὶ τῆς κάτωθεν ἀπ᾽ διήκοντα ποταμοῦ καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων,

²⁹⁵ Leaving behind a certain Lysias, who held high reputation with him, to manage affairs from the borders of Egypt and Lower Asia reaching as far as the Euphrates River, he also left him a portion of the army and the elephants.

²⁹⁵ Hereupon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of his forces, and of his elephants,

²⁹⁵ He left behind a man named Lysias, whom he highly esteemed, to rule the kingdom, from the river Euphrates as far as the borders of Egypt and Lower Asia, and entrusted to him part of his forces and of the elephants,

²⁹⁶ τρέφειν μὲν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ μετὰ πάσης φροντίδος ἐνετείλατο ἕως ἂν οὗ παραγένηται, καταστρεψάμενον δὲ τὴν‎ καὶ τοὺς οἰκοῦντας αὐτὴν ἐξανδραποδισάμενον ἀφανίσαι τὰ καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἀπολέσαι.

²⁹⁶ He strictly charged him to bring up his son, Antiochus [V Eupator], with every care until he should return; and having subdued Judea and enslaved its inhabitants, he was to obliterate Jerusalem and destroy their race.

²⁹⁶ and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until he came back; and that he should conquer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation.

²⁹⁶ telling him to rear his son Antiochus with great care until he returned, and to conquer Judea and take its inhabitants as slaves and utterly destroy Jerusalem and abolish the whole nation.

²⁹⁷ καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπιστείλας τῷ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν‎ τῷ ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει, καὶ περαιωσάμενος τὸν ἀνέβαινεν πρὸς τοὺς ἄνω σατράπας.

²⁹⁷ Having given these instructions to Lysias, King Antiochus set out for Persia in the 147th year [of the Seleucid Era]; and having crossed the Euphrates, he went up toward the upper satrapies."

²⁹⁷ And when king Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia; and in the hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces.

²⁹⁷ After entrusting these things to Lysias, king Antiochus went into Persia, and in the hundred and forty-seventh year crossed the Euphrates and went to the upper provinces.

The Fiscal Crisis of Empire
Josephus provides a rare look at the "back-end" of imperial warfare. Antiochus is caught in a classic trap: he needs a large army to suppress revolts, but the revolts prevent him from collecting the taxes needed to pay the army. His μεγαλόψυχός (large-mindedness) and φιλόδωρος (fondness for gift-giving) are presented here as character flaws—Hellenistic kings were expected to be lavish, but Antiochus’s "lavishness" led to bankruptcy.

The Command for Genocide
The language used for the Judean mission is chillingly absolute: ἀφανίσαι τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἀπολέσαι (to obliterate Jerusalem and destroy their race). This is no longer about tax collection or Hellenization; it is a decree of total liquidation. Antiochus views the Jewish identity as a virus that must be "wiped out" to ensure the stability of his western borders while he is busy in the East.

The Role of Lysias and the Elephants
Lysias is appointed as a "viceroy" of the western half of the empire. The mention of the elephants is significant. Elephants were the "tanks" of Hellenistic warfare, terrifying to those who had never seen them. By leaving a portion of the elephants with Lysias, Antiochus was providing him with the ultimate psychological and tactical weapon to break the Jewish resistance in the hills.

The "Upper Satrapies"
Antiochus’s departure for the ἄνω σατράπας (Upper Satrapies, modern-day Iran and Iraq) shows that the Jewish revolt was only one of many fires burning in the Seleucid Empire. The Parthian Empire was rising to the East, and Antiochus felt he had to choose between securing his primary sources of wealth in Persia or personally leading the fight in Judea. He chose the money, leaving the Jews to face his deputy.

Chronology: Year 147
The year 147 of the Seleucid Era corresponds to 165 BC. This departure of the King was a double-edged sword for the Maccabees. On one hand, they avoided a direct confrontation with the "Manifest God" himself; on the other, they were now facing an army specifically ordered to leave no survivors.

The Puppet King in Waiting
By leaving his son (Antiochus V) with Lysias, the King ensured a line of succession. However, this also placed Lysias in a position of immense power—he was not just a general, but the protector of the heir to the throne. This political dynamic would later complicate the Seleucid response as internal court rivalries began to outweigh the war in Judea.

²⁹⁸ Ὁ δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος τὸν καὶ καὶ , ἄνδρας δυνατοὺς τῶν φίλων τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ παραδοὺς αὐτοῖς πεζῆς μὲν δυνάμεως μυριάδας τέσσαρας, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑπτακισχιλίους, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ . οἱ δὲ ἄχρις πόλεως ἐλθόντες ἐπὶ τῇ πεδινῇ καταστρατοπεδεύονται.

²⁹⁸ "Lysias, having selected Ptolemy son of Dorymenes, along with Nicanor and Gorgias—powerful men among the King's Friends—dispatched them to Judea, handing over to them a force of forty thousand infantry and seven thousand cavalry. Having arrived as far as the city of Emmaus, they encamped on the plain.

²⁹⁸ Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king’s friends, and delivered to them forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain country.

²⁹⁸ Lysias chose Ptolemy, son of Dorymenes and Nicanor and Gorgias, very powerful men among the king’s friends and surrendered to them forty thousand foot soldiers and seven thousand cavalry and sent them against Judea. They came as far as the city of Emmaus and encamped in the plain country.

²⁹⁹ προσγίγνονται δ᾽ αὐτοῖς σύμμαχοι ἀπό τε τῆς καὶ τῆς περὶ χώρας καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν πεφευγότων , ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τῶν ἐμπόρων τινὲς ὡς ὠνησόμενοι τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθησομένους, πέδας μὲν κομίζοντες αἷς δήσουσιν τοὺς ληφθησομένους, ἄργυρον δὲ καὶ χρυσὸν τιμὴν αὐτῶν καταθησόμενοι.

²⁹⁹ They were joined by allies from Syria and the surrounding country, as well as many of the Jewish fugitives; furthermore, certain merchants came as if to purchase those who would be taken captive, bringing shackles with which to bind those they would catch, and depositing silver and gold as the price for them.

²⁹⁹ There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country round about; as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives, (having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners,) with that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price.

²⁹⁹ Auxiliaries from Syria and the country around also came to them, with many of the Jews who had fled, along with merchants to buy the captives, bringing chains to bind those who would be taken, and the silver and gold to pay for them.

³⁰⁰ τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων κατανοήσας τοὺς οἰκείους στρατιώτας θαρρεῖν καὶ παρεκελεύετο τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς νίκης ἔχοντας ἐν τῷ θεῷ τοῦτον ἱκετεύειν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ σάκκους περιθεμένους, καὶ τὸ σύνηθες αὐτῷ σχῆμα τῆς ἱκεσίας παρὰ τοὺς μεγάλους κινδύνους ἐπιδείξαντας τούτῳ δυσωπῆσαι παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς τὸ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κράτος.

³⁰⁰ When Judas perceived the camp and the multitude of the opposition, he urged his own soldiers to take heart. He exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God and to supplicate Him according to the ancestral law by putting on sackcloth; and by displaying the customary form of petition used in times of great danger, to entreat Him to grant them mastery over their enemies.

³⁰⁰ And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies.

³⁰⁰ When Judas saw their camp and the size of the enemy, he urged his soldiers to take heart and to put their hopes of victory in God and pray to Him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth, and to show their usual spirit of prayer amid the greatest dangers and thereby get Him to grant them victory over their enemies.

³⁰¹ διατάξας δὲ τὸν ἀρχαῖον αὐτοὺς τρόπον καὶ πάτριον κατὰ χιλιάρχους καὶ ταξιάρχους καὶ τοὺς νεογάμους ἀπολύσας καὶ τοὺς τὰς κτήσεις νεωστὶ πεποιημένους, ὅπως μὴ διὰ τὴν‎ τούτων ἀπόλαυσιν φιλοζωοῦντες ἀτολμότερον μάχωνται, καταστὰς τοιούτοις παρώρμα λόγοις πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ στρατιώτας·

³⁰¹ He organized them in the ancient and ancestral manner into chiliarchs [thousands] and taxiarchs [hundreds], and he dismissed the newly married and those who had recently acquired possessions, so that they might not fight more timidly through a desire to live for the enjoyment of these things. Having thus established them, he incited his soldiers to the struggle with such words:

³⁰¹ So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings.

³⁰¹ So he set them in the ancient battle-order of their ancestors, under officers of thousands and other officers. He dismissed those who were newly married, as well as those who had newly acquired property, who might fight without courage, being too much in love with life. When he had so arranged his soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech:

³⁰² " καιρὸς μὲν [οὖν] ὑμῖν οὐκ ἄλλος ἀναγκαιότερος τοῦ παρόντος, ὦ ἑταῖροι, εἰς εὐψυχίαν καὶ κινδύνων καταφρόνησιν καταλείπεται· νῦν γὰρ ἔστιν ἀνδρείως ἀγωνισαμένοις τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν ἀπολαβεῖν, ἣν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἅπασιν ἀγαπητὴν οὖσαν ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ ἐξουσίας τοῦ θρησκεύειν τὸ θεῖον ποθεινοτέραν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν.

³⁰² 'There is no other time more necessary than the present, my comrades, for courage and a contempt for danger. For now, by fighting bravely, you may recover your freedom—which, though dear to all for its own sake, happens to be even more desirable to you for the sake of the power to worship the Deity.

³⁰² When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech, which he made to them: "O my fellowsoldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present for courage and contempt of dangers; for if you now fight manfully, you may recover your liberty, which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men,

³⁰² "There is no time so opportune for you as now, my friends, for courage in the face of danger. If you now fight manfully you may regain your freedom, which, though it is loved by all for its own sake, is still more desirable to us, as it leaves us free to worship the Divinity.

³⁰³ ὡς οὖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι κειμένων ὑμῖν ταύτην τε ἀπολαβεῖν καὶ τὸν εὐδαίμονα καὶ μακάριον βίον ἀνακτήσασθαι, οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ὁ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν‎ πάτριον συνήθειαν, ἢ τὰ αἴσχιστα παθεῖν καὶ μηδὲ σπέρμα τοῦ γένους ὑμῶν ὑπολειφθῆναι κακῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γενομένων,

³⁰³ Since it lies before you in the present moment either to recover this freedom and regain a happy and blessed life—which is that lived according to the laws and ancestral custom—or to suffer the most shameful things and leave behind not even a seed of your race should you prove cowards in the battle, thus you must fight!

³⁰³ so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such circumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws, and the customs of our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious sufferings;

³⁰³ Since therefore it now lies within your grasp, you must either recover that freedom and so regain a happy and blessed lifestyle according to our laws and ancestral custom, or suffer the most ignoble sufferings, for no offspring of your nation will survive if you are beaten in this battle.

³⁰⁴ οὕτως ἀγωνίζεσθε, τὸ μὲν ἀποθανεῖν καὶ μὴ πολεμοῦσιν ὑπάρξον ἡγούμενοι, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τηλικούτων ἐπάθλων, ἐλευθερίας πατρίδος νόμων εὐσεβείας, αἰώνιον τὴν‎ εὔκλειαν κατασκευάσειν πεπιστευκότες· ἑτοιμάζεσθε τοιγαροῦν οὕτως τὰς ψυχὰς ὡς αὔριον ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ συμβαλοῦντες τοῖς πολεμίοις."

³⁰⁴ Consider that death will come even to those who do not fight; but believe that for the sake of such prizes—freedom, fatherland, laws, and piety—you will build eternal glory (eukleia). Prepare your souls, therefore, so that tomorrow at daybreak you may engage the enemy.'"

³⁰⁴ nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore manfully; and suppose that you must die, though you do not fight; but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is day tomorrow morning."

³⁰⁴ Fight manfully therefore, knowing that even if you do not fight you will die, but if you die for such glorious aims as your country’s freedom, laws and religion, you will enjoy everlasting renown. Prepare your souls and be ready to meet the enemy tomorrow at daybreak."

The Economy of War: Slave Traders at Emmaus
One of the most chilling details is the arrival of merchants with πέδας (shackles) and gold. The Seleucids were so confident in their numerical superiority (47,000 against roughly 3,000–6,000 Jews) that they treated the upcoming battle as a "harvest." The presence of these merchants served as a powerful psychological motivator for Judas’s men: they weren't just fighting for a king; they were fighting to avoid being sold in the markets of the Mediterranean.

The Biblical "Selective Service"
Judas applies the military laws of Deuteronomy 20:5–8. He dismisses the newly married and new landowners.

1) Tactical Logic: Men with "unfinished business" at home are prone to hesitation (fearing they will die before enjoying their new life).

2) Theological Logic: By following the Torah's military code, Judas was signaling that this was a Holy War, turning his small band into a "Gideon-like" force where quality and purity of spirit outweighed quantity.

Emmaus: The Strategic Gateway
The Seleucids encamped at Emmaus in the Shephelah (lowlands). This was a logical choice for a heavy infantry and cavalry force, as the terrain was flat. However, it placed them at the base of the steep Judean hills. Judas was encamped above them at Mizpah, giving him the advantage of "high ground" and the ability to observe their movements while remaining hidden.

Suppression of "Philozoia" (Love of Life)
Judas warns his men against φιλοζωοῦντες—the "love of life" that leads to cowardice. He frames death as inevitable (τὸ μὲν ἀποθανεῖν καὶ μὴ πολεμοῦσιν ὑπάρξον), arguing that since everyone must die eventually, it is better to die for "eternal glory" than to live as a slave. This is a classic Stoic-Hellenistic rhetorical trope used to defend a deeply Jewish cause.

Supplication at Mizpah
While the Seleucids were polishing their armor and counting slave-gold, the Jews were at Mizpah in σάκκους (sackcloth). Mizpah was a site of ancient spiritual significance (where Samuel gathered the people). By choosing this location, Judas was connecting his rebellion to the heroic age of the Judges and early Kings of Israel.

Freedom as the "Power to Worship"
Judas defines ἐλευθερίαν (freedom) specifically as ἐξουσίας τοῦ θρησκεύειν τὸ θεῖον (the authority/power to worship the Deity). In the Maccabean mind, political independence was not the end goal; it was the necessary prerequisite for religious fidelity.

³⁰⁵ Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα παραθαρσύνων τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἔλεξεν. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων πεμψάντων μετὰ πεντακισχιλίων πεζῶν καὶ χιλίων ἱππέων, ὅπως διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπιπέσῃ τῷ , καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ὁδηγοὺς ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ‎ τινας τῶν πεφευγότων , αἰσθόμενος ὁ τοῦ παῖς ἔγνω καὶ αὐτὸς τοῖς ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιπεσεῖν καὶ ταῦτα διῃρημένης αὐτῶν τῆς δυνάμεως.

³⁰⁵ "And Judas said these things to encourage the army. But the enemy sent Gorgias with five thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, so that he might fall upon Judas during the night; and for this purpose, he had certain Jewish fugitives as guides. But the son of Mattathias, perceiving this, decided that he himself would fall upon those in the enemy's main camp while their forces were thus divided.

³⁰⁵ And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided.

³⁰⁵ With these words Judas encouraged them. When the enemy sent Gorgias with five thousand foot and a thousand horse, to attack Judas by night guided by some of the renegade Jews, the son of Mattathias noted it and resolved to attack the enemies who were in camp, now their forces were divided.

³⁰⁶ καθ᾽ ὥραν οὖν δειπνοποιησάμενος καὶ πολλὰ πυρὰ καταλιπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου δι᾽ ὅλης ὥδευε τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῶν πολεμίων. οὐχ εὑρὼν δ᾽ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὁ , ἀλλ᾽ ὑπομνήματα αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι κεκρύφθαι, πορευθεὶς ἔγνω ζητεῖν, ὅπου ποτ᾽ εἶεν.

³⁰⁶ Having dined at the proper hour and left many fires burning in his camp, he marched through the whole night toward the enemy at Emmaus. Gorgias, not finding the foe in their camp and suspecting they had retreated to hide in the mountains, set out to search for wherever they might be.

³⁰⁶ When they had therefore supped in good time, and had left many fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that were at Emmaus. So that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected that they were retired, and had hidden themselves among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek them wheresoever they were.

³⁰⁶ After an early supper and leaving many fires burning in their camp, he marched all night upon the enemies at Emmaus. When Gorgias did not find the enemy in their camp, he thought they had retreated and hidden themselves in the mountains, and decided to go and seek them wherever they might be.

³⁰⁷ περὶ δὲ τὸν ὄρθρον ἐπιφαίνεται τοῖς ἐν πολεμίοις ὁ μετὰ τρισχιλίων φαύλως ὡπλισμένων διὰ πενίαν, καὶ θεασάμενος τοὺς ἐχθροὺς πεφραγμένους καὶ μετ᾽ ἐμπειρίας πολλῆς ἐστρατοπεδευμένους, προτρεψάμενος τοὺς ἰδίους, ὡς καὶ γυμνοῖς τοῖς σώμασιν μάχεσθαι δεῖ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἤδη που καὶ τοῖς οὕτως ἔχουσιν τὸ κατὰ τῶν πλειόνων καὶ ὡπλισμένων κράτος ἔδωκεν ἀγασάμενον αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐψυχίας, ἐκέλευσε σημῆναι τοὺς σαλπιγκτάς.

³⁰⁷ But at dawn, Judas appeared to the enemy at Emmaus with three thousand men, poorly armed because of their poverty. Seeing the foe excellently protected and encamped with great experience, he exhorted his own men, saying that they must fight even with naked bodies, and that the Deity had surely before now granted mastery over the many and the well-armed to those in such a state, marveling at their courage; he then ordered the trumpeters to sound the signal.

³⁰⁷ But about break of day Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when he saw the enemy very well and skillfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged the Jews, and told them that they ought to fight, though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such as were more in number, and were armed also, out of regard to their great courage. So he commanded the trumpeters to sound for the battle;

³⁰⁷ But about daybreak Judas appeared among the enemy at Emmaus, with only three thousand men, badly armed and poor, and when he saw the enemy so well and skilfully fortified in their camp, he roused his Jews, telling them that they should fight, even if only with unarmed bodies, since of old God had sometimes given men strength due to their great courage, even against those who were more numerous and better armed; so he ordered the trumpets blown for the battle.

³⁰⁸ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐμπεσὼν ἀπροσδοκήτοις τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ ἐκπλήξας αὐτῶν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν καὶ ταράξας πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν ἀνθισταμένους, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς διώκων ἦλθεν ἄχρι καὶ τῶν πεδίων τῆς καὶ καὶ · ἔπεσόν τε αὐτῶν ὡς περὶ τρισχιλίους.

³⁰⁸ Then, falling upon the enemy who did not expect him, he stunned their minds and threw them into confusion. He killed many who resisted, and pursuing the rest, he went as far as Gazara and the plains of Idumaea, Azotus, and Jamnia. About three thousand of them fell.

³⁰⁸ and by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia; and of these there fell about three thousand.

³⁰⁸ By so unexpectedly attacking the enemy and astounding and shaking their minds, he killed many who resisted him and pursued the rest as far as Gadara and the plains of Idumaea and Azotus and Jamneia, and about three thousand of them fell.

³⁰⁹ δὲ τῶν μὲν σκύλων παρεκελεύετο μὴ ἐπιθυμεῖν τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ στρατιώτας· ἔτι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀγῶνά τινα καὶ μάχην [εἶναι] πρὸς καὶ τὴν‎ σὺν αὐτῷ δύναμιν· κρατήσαντας δὲ καὶ τούτων τότε σκυλεύσειν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ἔλεγεν τοῦτο μόνον ἔχοντας καὶ μηδὲν ἕτερον ἐκδεχομένους.

³⁰⁹ But Judas exhorted his soldiers not to be eager for the spoils, for a struggle and a battle still remained for them against Gorgias and the force with him. He said that once they had mastered these as well, they could then despoil them in security, having only this task and expecting nothing else.

³⁰⁹ Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were with him; but that when they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others.

³⁰⁹ Judas urged his soldiers however, not to be too eager for the spoils, as they still must do battle with Gorgias and his forces; only when they had overcome them could they securely plunder the camp, as these were the only enemies remaining and they were expecting no others.

³¹⁰ ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ διαλεγομένου ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπερκύψαντες οἱ τοῦ τὴν‎ μὲν στρατιὰν ἣν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ κατέλιπον ὁρῶσιν τετραμμένην, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ἐμπεπρησμένον· ὁ γὰρ καπνὸς αὐτοῖς πόρρωθεν οὖσιν τοῦ συμβεβηκότος δήλωσιν ἔφερεν.

³¹⁰ While he was still speaking these things to the soldiers, the men with Gorgias looked down from the heights and saw the army they had left in the camp routed and the camp itself set on fire; for the smoke brought them a clear sign from afar of what had happened.

³¹⁰ And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias’s men looked down into that army which they left in their camp, and saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burnt; for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off, what had happened.

³¹⁰ But just as he was saying this to his soldiers, Gorgias' men looked down at the force they left in their camp and saw it was destroyed and that the camp burned, for the rising smoke showed them, even from a long distance, what had happened.

³¹¹ ὡς οὖν ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχοντα ἔμαθον οἱ σὺν ΓοργίᾳGorgias καὶ τοὺς μετὰ ἸούδουJudas πρὸς παράταξιν ἑτοίμους κατενόησαν, καὶ αὐτοὶ δείσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν.	³¹¹ When those with Gorgias learned that things stood thus, and perceived that the men with Judas were ready for battle, they themselves were terrified and turned to flight.
³¹¹ When therefore those that were with Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight;	³¹¹ So when the men with Gorgias saw how things were and that Judas' forces were ready to fight them, they too were frightened and fled.

³¹² ὁ δὲ ὡς ἀμαχητὶ τῶν μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἡττημένων ὑποστρέψας ἀνῃρεῖτο τὰ σκῦλα, πολὺν δὲ χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ πορφύραν καὶ ὑάκινθον λαβὼν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψε χαίρων καὶ ὑμνῶν τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις· οὐ μικρὰ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἡ νίκη πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν συνεβάλλετο.

³¹² Judas, since the soldiers with Gorgias were defeated without a fight, turned back and gathered the spoils. Taking much gold, silver, purple, and hyacinth-blue fabric, he returned to his own place rejoicing and hymning God for these successes; for this victory contributed in no small way to their freedom."

³¹² but then Judas, as though he had already beaten Gorgias’s soldiers without fighting, returned and seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of gold, and silver, and purple, and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of their liberty.

³¹² Then Judas, as though he had defeated Gorgias' soldiers without fighting, returned and captured the spoils. He took a large extent of gold and silver and purple and blue material, and returned home with joy, singing hymns to God for their success, for this victory contributed greatly to their freedom.

The Art of the Counter-Ambush
Judas demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of deception. By leaving the campfires burning (a classic military ruse), he tricked Gorgias into thinking the Jewish rebels were still at Mizpah. While Gorgias was "searching the mountains" for a phantom enemy, Judas had already descended to the plain to strike the main Seleucid base.

"Naked Bodies" vs. Professional Armor
Josephus emphasizes that the Jews were φαύλως ὡπλισμένων (poorly armed) and essentially fighting with "naked bodies" (γυμνοῖς τοῖς σώμασιν). This highlights the psychological nature of the victory. The Seleucids were better equipped, but they were caught in their tunics, perhaps still sleeping or eating, while the Jews were fueled by religious zeal and the desperation of the "all or nothing" moment.

The Smoke as a Signal
The burning of the camp was a tactical necessity. In an era without radio, the καπνός (smoke) served as the ultimate broadcast. When Gorgias looked back from the hills, the sight of his burning base was a psychological death blow. He realized he was cut off from his supplies and that his main force had been annihilated.

Discipline Over Looting
One of Judas's greatest leadership qualities shown here is restraint. Most irregular armies dissolve into chaos the moment they reach an enemy's treasure. Judas knew that the battle wasn't over until Gorgias was accounted for. By preventing his men from looting until the threat was fully neutralized, he maintained the unit cohesion necessary to scare off Gorgias's remaining 6,000 elite troops without firing a single arrow (ἀμαχητὶ—without a fight).

The Spoils: Purple and Hyacinth
The mention of πορφύραν (purple) and ὑάκινθον (hyacinth-blue) is significant. These were the most expensive dyes in the ancient world, reserved for royalty and the high-ranking military elite. The capture of these fabrics was a literal transfer of wealth and status from the Seleucid aristocracy to the Jewish resistance.

Geopolitical Reach
The pursuit reached as far as the coastal cities (Azotus, Jamnia) and the borders of Idumaea. This shows that Judas didn't just win a skirmish; he cleared the entire central corridor of Judea of Seleucid presence, providing a buffer zone that would eventually allow him to march on Jerusalem itself.

³¹³ δὲ συγχυθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἐκπεμφθέντων ἥττῃ τῷ ἐχομένῳ ἔτει μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἀθροίσας ἓξ καὶ πεντακισχιλίους λαβὼν ἱππεῖς ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν‎ , καὶ ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν‎ ὀρεινὴν ἐν κώμῃ τῆς ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο.

³¹³ "Lysias, confounded by the defeat of those he had sent out, gathered sixty thousand chosen men and five thousand cavalry in the following year and invaded Judea. Having gone up into the hill country, he encamped at the village of Beth-Zur in Judea.

³¹³ Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand chosen men. He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there,

³¹³ Lysias was dejected at the defeat of the force he had sent and the next year he gathered sixty thousand chosen men and five thousand cavalry and attacked Judea, and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea and encamped there.

³¹⁴ ἀπήντησε δὲ μετὰ μυρίων , καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἰδὼν τῶν πολεμίων σύμμαχον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὸν θεὸν εὐξάμενος, συμβαλὼν τοῖς προδρόμοις τῶν πολεμίων νικᾷ τούτους καὶ φονεύσας αὐτῶν ὡς πεντακισχιλίους τοῖς λοιποῖς ἦν ἐπίφοβος.

³¹⁴ Judas met him with ten thousand men, and seeing the multitude of the enemy, he prayed to God to be his ally. Joining battle with the enemy's vanguard, he defeated them; and having slain about five thousand of them, he became an object of terror to the rest.

³¹⁴ where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and when he saw the great number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them, and slew about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of them.

³¹⁴ Judas met him there with ten thousand men, and when he saw the large number of his enemies, he prayed to God to help him and fought the first of the enemy to appear and defeated them and killed about five thousand, becoming feared by the rest of them.

³¹⁵ ἀμέλει κατανοήσας ὁ τὸ φρόνημα τῶν , ὡς ἕτοιμοι τελευτᾶν εἰσιν, εἰ μὴ ζήσουσιν ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ δείσας αὐτῶν τὴν‎ ἀπόγνωσιν ὡς ἰσχύν, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ λοιπὴν δύναμιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς καὶ διέτριβεν ἐκεῖ ξενολογῶν καὶ παρασκευαζόμενος μετὰ μείζονος στρατιᾶς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβαλεῖν.

³¹⁵ Indeed, Lysias, having perceived the resolve (phronēma) of the Jews—how they were ready to die if they could not live as free men—and fearing their desperation as a source of strength, took the remainder of his force and returned to Antioch. There he occupied himself with enlisting mercenaries and preparing to invade Judea again with an even greater army."

³¹⁵ Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with a greater army.

³¹⁵ Observing the spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their freedom and fearing their desperation in battle as a real strength, Lysias took the rest of his army and returned to Antioch, where he enlisted foreigners and prepared to attack Judea with a larger army.

The Strategic Gate: Beth-Zur
Beth-Zur (meaning "House of Rock") was the southern gateway to the Judean highlands. By approaching from the south rather than the west (where he had failed at Emmaus), Lysias tried to bypass the narrow passes of the Shephelah. However, Beth-Zur sits at a high elevation (approx. 3,300 feet). Judas’s victory here effectively blocked the main road from Hebron to Jerusalem, leaving the Seleucid garrison in Jerusalem isolated.

Desperation as a Weapon
Josephus makes a profound psychological observation: Lysias began to fear the Jews’ ἀπόγνωσιν (desperation) as a form of ἰσχύν (strength). In ancient military theory, an enemy who has "nothing left to lose" and is "ready to die" (ἕτοιμοι τελευτᾶν) is the most dangerous kind of opponent. Lysias realized that professional mercenaries, who fight for pay, could not match the intensity of people fighting for their very existence.

The Vanguard Defeat
The text specifies that Judas struck the προδρόμοις (vanguard/scouts) of the Seleucid army. By crushing the front 5,000 men of a 65,000-man force, Judas created a "terror effect" (ἐπίφοβος) that rippled through the rest of the ranks. In the mountainous terrain of Judea, the sheer size of Lysias's army became a liability; the men in the back could not see the battle, but they could see their "invincible" vanguard retreating in blood.

Tactical Withdrawal vs. Total Victory
While 1 Maccabees treats this as a total rout, Josephus presents a more nuanced view. Lysias "returned to Antioch" to regroup. This suggests that the Seleucid Empire was still far more powerful than the Maccabees, but the political cost of the war was becoming too high. Lysias needed a "greater army" (μείζονος στρατιᾶς) because his current professional forces were demoralized.

The "Phronēma" of the Jews
Josephus uses the word φρόνημα to describe the Jewish spirit. This implies more than just "mood"; it refers to a settled state of mind or a high-minded resolve. To a Greek-speaking audience, this framed the Jews as "noble barbarians" whose love for ἐλευθερία (freedom) was a virtue they shared with the greatest heroes of Greek history.

³¹⁶ οὖν ἡττημένων ἤδη τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγῶν ὁ ἐκκλησιάσας ἔλεγεν μετὰ πολλὰς νίκας, ἃς ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν, ἀναβῆναι δεῖν εἰς καὶ τὸν ναὸν καθαρίσαι καὶ τὰς νενομισμένας θυσίας προσφέρειν.

³¹⁶ "Now that the generals of King Antiochus had been defeated so many times, Judas called an assembly and said that after the many victories God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem to cleanse the Temple and offer the customary sacrifices.

³¹⁶ When therefore the generals of Antiochus’s armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them, that after these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices.

³¹⁶ After so often defeating the generals of King Antiochus, Judas assembled the people and told them that after these many victories which God had given them, they should go up to Jerusalem and purify the temple and offer the appointed sacrifices.

³¹⁷ ὡς δὲ παραγενόμενος μετὰ παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἔρημον εὗρεν καὶ καταπεπρησμένας τὰς πύλας καὶ φυτὰ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐρημίαν αὐτόματα ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἀναβεβλαστηκότα, θρηνεῖν ἤρξατο μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπὶ τῇ ὄψει τοῦ ναοῦ συγχυθείς.

³¹⁷ But when he arrived in Jerusalem with the entire multitude, he found the Temple deserted, the gates burned down, and wild plants that had sprung up of their own accord within the sanctuary because of the desolation. Overcome by the sight of the Temple, he and his followers began to lament.

³¹⁷ But as soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple;

³¹⁷ But when he reached Jerusalem along with the crowd, and found the temple deserted and its gates burned down and weeds growing in the abandoned temple, he and his companions began to weep and were quite dismayed at the sight of the temple.

³¹⁸ ἐπιλεξάμενος δέ τινας τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ στρατιωτῶν προσέταξε τούτοις ἐκπολεμῆσαι τοὺς τὴν‎ ἄκραν φυλάττοντας, ἄχρι τὸν ναὸν αὐτὸς ἁγνίσειεν. Καὶ καθάρας ἐπιμελῶς αὐτὸν εἰσεκόμισε καινὰ σκεύη, λυχνίαν τράπεζαν βωμόν, ἐκ χρυσοῦ πεποιημένα, ἀπήρτησεν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐμπετάσματα τῶν θυρῶν καὶ τὰς θύρας αὐτὰς ἐπέθηκεν, καθελὼν δὲ καὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον καινὸν ἐκ λίθων συμμίκτων ᾠκοδόμησεν οὐ λελαξευμένων ὑπὸ σιδήρου.

³¹⁸ He selected some of his soldiers and ordered them to keep those guarding the Akra (the citadel) at bay until he himself could purify the Temple. Having carefully cleansed it, he brought in new vessels: a lampstand, a table, and an altar, all made of gold. He also hung the curtains on the doors and fitted the doors themselves. Furthermore, he pulled down the [defiled] altar of burnt offering and built a new one made of unhewn stones that had not been shaped by iron.

³¹⁸ so he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-offering], and built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not of such as were hewn with iron tools.

³¹⁸ He chose some of his soldiers whom he ordered to fight the guards of the citadel, while he himself purified the temple. After purging it with care and bringing in new vessels, the candlestick, the table and the altar, all made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates and put doors in them. He also took down the altar and built a new one of stones gathered together and not hewn with iron tools.

³¹⁹ πέμπτῃ δὲ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ μηνός, ὃν οἱ καλοῦσιν, ἧψάν τε φῶτα ἐπὶ τῆς λυχνίας καὶ ἐθυμίασαν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ ἄρτους ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τράπεζαν ἐπέθεσαν καὶ ὡλοκαύτησαν ἐπὶ τοῦ καινοῦ θυσιαστηρίου.

³¹⁹ On the twenty-fifth day of the month of Kislev (Exeleos), which the Macedonians call Apellaios, they lit the lamps on the lampstand, offered incense upon the altar, placed the loaves upon the table, and offered whole burnt offerings upon the new altar.

³¹⁹ So on the five and twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Macedonians call Apelleus, they lighted the lamps that were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense], and laid the loaves upon the table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offerings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering].

³¹⁹ So on the twenty-fifth day of the month Casleu, which the Macedonians call Apelieus, they lit the lamps on the candlestick and offered incense on the altar and laid the loaves on the table and offered holocausts on the new altar.

³²⁰ ἔτυχεν δὲ ταῦτα κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἡμέραν γίνεσθαι, καθ᾽ ἣν καὶ μετέπεσεν αὐτῶν ἡ ἅγιος θρησκεία εἰς βέβηλον καὶ κοινὴν συνήθειαν μετὰ ἔτη τρία· τὸν γὰρ ναὸν ἐρημωθέντα ὑπὸ διαμεῖναι τοιοῦτον ἔτεσι συνέβη τρισίν·

³²⁰ It happened that these things took place on the very same day on which, three years earlier, their holy religion had been changed into a profane and common habit. For it happened that the Temple remained in that state of desolation for three years after being laid waste by Antiochus.

³²⁰ Now it so fell out, that these things were done on the very same day on which their divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years' time; for so it was, that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for three years.

³²⁰ It so happened that these things were done on the very same day when three years before their divine worship had ended and was reduced to a profane and vulgar use, for when the temple was made desolate by Antiochus it continued so for three years.

³²¹ ἔτει γὰρ πέμπτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ταῦτα περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐγένετο, πέμπτῃ δὲ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ μηνὸς ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τρίτῃ, ἀνενεώθη δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἡμέραν πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκοστῇ τοῦ μηνὸς ὀγδόῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τετάρτῃ.

³²¹ For these things happened to the Temple in the 145th year, on the twenty-fifth of the month of Apellaios, in the 153rd Olympiad; and it was renewed on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month of Apellaios, in the 148th year, in the 154th Olympiad.

³²¹ This desolation happened to the temple in the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apelleus, and on the hundred fifty and third olympiad: but it was dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apelleus, on the hundred and forty-eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad.

³²¹ This happened to the temple on the hundred forty-fifth year, the twenty-fifth day of the month Apelieus, in the hundred and fifty-third Olympiad. It was re-dedicated on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apelieus, on the hundred and forty-eighth year, in the hundred and fifty-fourth Olympiad.

³²² τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἐρήμωσιν τοῦ ναοῦ συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν‎ ΔανιήλουDaniel προφητείαν πρὸ τετρακοσίων καὶ ὀκτὼ γενομένην ἐτῶν· ἐδήλωσεν γάρ, ὅτι ΜακεδόνεςMacedonians καταλύσουσιν αὐτόν.	³²² The desolation of the Temple happened in accordance with the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he revealed that the Macedonians would destroy it."
³²² And this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time].	³²² The desolation of the temple happened according to the prophecy of Daniel, made four hundred and eight years earlier, when he declared that the Macedonians would put an end to it.

The Imagery of "Wild Plants"
Josephus uses the detail of φυτὰ... αὐτόματα (spontaneous plants/weeds) to paint a picture of total abandonment. In the ancient world, a temple with weeds growing in the courts was the ultimate sign of a "dead" god or a forsaken city. This imagery echoes the warnings in the Prophets (like Micah 3:12) where Zion is likened to a plowed field or a forest thicket.

The Siege Within the City
While the purification was happening, Judas had to detail soldiers to "keep the Akra at bay." This is a crucial reminder that the war wasn't over. The Akra (the Syrian citadel) sat directly overlooking the Temple. The Jews were essentially performing a high-stakes religious ceremony under the literal eyes of an enemy garrison that could rain arrows down on the priests at any moment.

The Altar of "Unhewn Stones"
The text specifies that the new altar was built from stones οὐ λελαξευμένων ὑπὸ σιδήρου (not carved by iron). This follows the mandate of Exodus 20:25. Iron was the metal of war and tools of violence; the altar of God was to be "natural," untouched by the technology of human conflict. This served as a powerful symbolic reset after the altar had been defiled by Greek sacrifices.

Mathematical Symmetry
Josephus is obsessed with the three-year interval. By noting that the rededication happened on the exact anniversary (the 25th of Kislev) of the desecration, he is highlighting a sense of "Divine Justice." The timeline he provides (Year 145 to Year 148 of the Seleucid Era) places the event in December 164 BCE.

The Daniel Connection
Josephus explicitly links these events to the Prophecy of Daniel. To Josephus and his contemporary readers, the Maccabean success was not just a military fluke but a fulfillment of recorded scripture. He identifies the "Macedonians" (the Seleucids) as the predicted agents of desolation, effectively canonizing the Maccabean history as part of the broader biblical narrative.

Missing: The Miracle of the Oil?
Interestingly, Josephus (like the book of 1 Maccabees) does not mention the famous "one-day jar of oil lasting eight days." Instead, he focuses on the renewal of the vessels and the restoration of the Law. For Josephus, the "miracle" was the national resurrection of the Jewish people and their ability to reclaim their "Holy Religion" (hágios thrēskeía) from a "profane habit" (bébēlon synétheian).

³²³ Ἑώρταζε δὲ ὁ μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν τὴν‎ ἀνάκτησιν τῆς περὶ τὸν ναὸν θυσίας ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ μηδὲν ἀπολιπὼν ἡδονῆς εἶδος, ἀλλὰ πολυτελέσι μὲν καὶ λαμπραῖς ταῖς θυσίαις κατευωχῶν αὐτούς, ὕμνοις δὲ καὶ ψαλμοῖς τὸν μὲν θεὸν τιμῶν αὐτοὺς δὲ τέρπων.

³²³ "Judas, along with the citizens, celebrated the restoration of the Temple sacrifices for eight days, omitting no form of pleasure; but he feasted them with costly and splendid sacrifices, honoring God with hymns and psalms while delighting the people.

³²³ Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon; but he feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honored God, and delighted them by hymns and psalms.

³²³ For eight days Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the temple sacrifices and neglected no sort of pleasures, but feasted them on rich and splendid sacrifices, honouring God and delighting them by hymns and psalms.

³²⁴ τοσαύτῃ δ᾽ ἐχρήσαντο τῇ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀνανέωσιν τῶν ἐθῶν ἡδονῇ μετὰ χρόνον πολὺν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ γενόμενοι τῆς θρησκείας, ὡς νόμον θεῖναι τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἑορτάζειν τὴν‎ ἀνάκτησιν τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτώ.

³²⁴ So great was the pleasure they took in the renewal of their customs, having unexpectedly gained the authority over their worship after so long a time, that they established a law for those after them to celebrate the restoration of the Temple matters for eight days.

³²⁴ Nay, they were so very glad at the revival of their customs, when, after a long time of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a festival, on account of the restoration of their temple worship, for eight days.

³²⁴ Such was their joy at the revival of their customs, when, after so long a time they unexpectedly regained their freedom to worship, that they made a law for their offspring to keep an eight-day festival for the restoration of their temple.

³²⁵ καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν ἄγομεν καλοῦντες αὐτὴν φῶτα ἐκ τοῦ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας οἶμαι ταύτην ἡμῖν φανῆναι τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν θέμενοι τῇ ἑορτῇ.	³²⁵ And from that time until now, we observe this festival, calling it Lights (Phōta); I suppose we gave this name to the festival because this authority [to worship] appeared to us beyond all hope.
³²⁵ And from that time to this we celebrate this festival, and call it Lights. I suppose the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that thence was the name given to that festival.	³²⁵ From that time to this we celebrate and call it the festival of Lights, I suppose because this liberty seemed to us beyond all hope, and so was this name given to the festival.

³²⁶ τειχίσας δ᾽ ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς τῶν πολεμίων πύργους οἰκοδομησάμενος ὑψηλοὺς φύλακας ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐγκατέστησεν, καὶ τὴν‎ δὲ πόλιν ὠχύρωσεν, ὅπως ἀντὶ φρουρίου αὐτῇ πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνάγκας ἔχῃ χρῆσθαι.

³²⁶ Having built a wall around the city and constructed high towers against the incursions of enemies, he stationed guards within them. He also fortified the city of Beth-Zur, so that he might have it to use as a fortress against the pressures brought by enemies."

³²⁶ Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses that might come from our enemies.

³²⁶ Judas also rebuilt the walls around the city and raised high towers against enemy attack and set guards in them. He also fortified the city of Bethsura, to serve as a citadel against any danger from our enemies.

The Name "Lights" (Phōta)
Josephus uses the term Φῶτα (Lights) for the holiday. Notably, he does not mention the miracle of the oil cruse. Instead, he provides a more philosophical or political etymology: the light represents the "hope" and "authority" (ἐξουσίαν) that suddenly "appeared" to the nation after the darkness of persecution. To Josephus, the "light" is the reappearance of Jewish sovereignty and religious freedom.

"Omitting No Form of Pleasure"
The description of the eight-day feast (μηδὲν ἀπολιπὼν ἡδονῆς εἶδος) suggests a festival that was as much a civic party as it was a religious event. By providing "costly and splendid sacrifices," Judas was acting as a Hellenistic-style benefactor to his own people, reinforcing his leadership through public generosity and communal joy.

The Institutionalization of Hanukkah
Josephus notes that they "established a law" (νόμον θεῖναι) for future generations. This is a significant legal moment; it shows the Hasmoneans exercising the legislative power to add a permanent festival to the Jewish year, a practice that would continue to define Jewish life long after the Hasmonean dynasty fell.

Fortifying the Perimeter
The celebration was immediately followed by military pragmatism. Judas knew the Seleucids would return, so he turned Jerusalem into a walled stronghold.

1) The City Walls: He fortified the Temple Mount and the "City of David" area.

2) Beth-Zur: As noted in previous chapters, Beth-Zur was the "cork" in the bottle of the southern road. By fortifying it, Judas ensured that any army marching from Idumaea or the south would face a protracted siege before ever reaching Jerusalem.

"Unexpected" Authority
Josephus emphasizes that this victory was ἀπροσδοκήτως (unexpected/beyond hope). This word choice highlights the "miraculous" nature of the event in the eyes of the 1st-century audience. It wasn't just a military win; it was a reversal of what seemed like an inevitable cultural extinction.

The Psychological "Renewal"
The word ἀνανέωσιν (renewal/renovation) is used for the "renewal of the customs." This implies that Judas wasn't inventing something new, but restoring an ancient "operating system" that had been corrupted. This narrative of "Restoration" (rather than "Revolution") was central to the Hasmonean claim to legitimacy.

Chapter 8
[327-353]
Maccabee Victories,
under Judas and his brother Simon

☜ ☞

³²⁷ Τούτων οὕτως γενομένων τὰ περὶ ἔθνη πρὸς τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν τῶν χαλεπῶς διακείμενα πολλοὺς ἐπισυνιστάμενα διέφθειρεν ἐνέδραις καὶ ἐπιβουλαῖς αὐτῶν ἐγκρατῆ γιγνόμενα. πρὸς τούτους πολέμους συνεχεῖς ἐκφέρων ὁ ἐπέχειν αὐτοὺς τῆς καταδρομῆς καὶ ὧν ἐποίουν κακῶς τοὺς ἐπειρᾶτο.

³²⁷ "When these things had happened, the surrounding nations, being ill-disposed toward the rekindling and the strength of the Jews, rose up together and destroyed many of them, gaining mastery over them through ambushes and plots. Judas, waging continuous wars against these peoples, attempted to restrain them from their incursions and from the evils they were inflicting upon the Jews.

³²⁷ When these things were over, the nations round about the Jews were very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up together, and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them, and making secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men, and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews.

³²⁷ After this the nations around were upset by the revival of the power of the Jews and together rose up and killed many of them by laying traps for them and secretly conspiring against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men and tried to restrain their incursions and to prevent the evils they were doing to the Jews.

³²⁸ καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς ἐπιπεσὼν κατὰ τὴν‎ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ ἐσκύλευσεν. συγκλείσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς τοῦ λοχῶντας τοὺς περικαθίσας ἐπολιόρκει καὶ τούς τε πύργους αὐτῶν ἐνεπίμπρα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας διέφθειρεν.

³²⁸ And falling upon the sons of Esau, the Idumaeans, at Akrabattene, he slew many of them and took their spoils. Having also shut up the sons of Baanus, who were lying in wait for the Jews, he besieged them; he burned their towers and destroyed the men.

³²⁸ So he fell upon the Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them, and besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men [that were in them].

³²⁸ He attacked Esau’s descendants, the Idumaeans, at Acrabattene and killed many of them and took their spoils and also shut up the sons of Baanos, who laid in wait for the Jews, and after an intensive siege burned their towers and killed their menfolk.

³²⁹ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐξώρμησεν δύναμιν μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔχοντας, ὧν ἡγεῖτο . χειρωσάμενος δὲ καὶ τούτους τὴν‎ ἐξαιρεῖ πόλιν, καὶ τάς τε γυναῖκας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τέκνα λαβὼν αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐμπρήσας εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπέστρεψεν.

³²⁹ Thence he set out against the Ammonites, who had a large and populous force led by Timothy. Having subdued these as well, he took the city of Jazer, and having taken their wives and children captive and burning the city, he returned to Judea.

³²⁹ After this he went thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous army, of which Timotheus was the commander. And when he had subdued them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their children captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea.

³²⁹ From there he hurried against the Ammanites, who had a large, numerous army, commanded by Timotheus, and after subduing them, seized the city of Jazor and took their wives and children captive and burned the city and then returned to Judea.

³³⁰ μαθόντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὰ γειτονεύοντα τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀνεστροφότα συναθροίζεται εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις αὐτῶν . οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες εἰς τὸ φρούριον πέμψαντες πρὸς ἐδήλουν αὐτῷ, ὅτι λαβεῖν ἐσπούδακεν τὸ χωρίον, εἰς ὃ συνεπεφεύγεσαν.

³³⁰ But when the neighboring nations learned he had departed, they gathered in Gilead against the Jews living on their borders. These Jews, having fled to the fortress of Dathema, sent word to Judas explaining that Timothy was eager to take the place where they had taken refuge.

³³⁰ But when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavoring to take the place whither they were fled.

³³⁰ When the neighbouring nations learned of his return they gathered in large numbers in Galaditis and came against the Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema, and sent to Judas, telling him that Timotheus was trying to take the place to which they had fled.

³³¹ ἀναγινωσκομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν τούτων κἀκ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ἄγγελοι παραγίγνονται σημαίνοντες ἐπισυνῆχθαι τοὺς ἐκ ΠτολεμαίδοςPtolemais καὶ ΤύρουTyre καὶ ΣιδῶνοςSidon καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee.	³³¹ While these letters were being read, messengers also arrived from Galilee, reporting that the people of Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and the other nations of Galilee had gathered together.
³³¹ And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten together.	³³¹ While they were reading these letters other messengers came from Galilee to tell him that the people of Ptolemais and Tyre and Sidon and foreigners of Galilee had gotten together.

³³² Πρὸς οὖν ἀμφοτέρας τὰς τῶν ἠγγελμένων χρείας σκεψάμενος ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν, μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν προσέταξεν ὡς τρισχιλίους τῶν ἐπιλέκτων λαβόντα τοῖς ἐν βοηθὸν ἐξελθεῖν .

³³² Having considered what must be done regarding both of these urgent reports, Judas ordered his brother Simon to take about three thousand elite men and go out to aid the Jews in Galilee.

³³² Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother should take three thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee,

³³² Having considered what to do about both these urgent messages, Judas ordered his brother Simon to take three thousand elite troops and go to the help of the Jews in Galilee.

³³³ αὐτὸς δὲ καὶ ὁ ἕτερος ἀδελφὸς μετ᾽ ὀκτακισχιλίων στρατιωτῶν ὥρμησαν εἰς τὴν‎ · κατέλιπεν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων τῆς δυνάμεως τε τὸν καὶ προστάξας αὐτοῖς φυλάττειν ἐπιμελῶς τὴν‎ καὶ συνάπτειν πόλεμον πρὸς μηδένα, ἕως ἂν αὐτὸς ἐπανέλθῃ.

³³³ He himself and his other brother Jonathan, with eight thousand soldiers, set out for Gilead. He left Joseph son of Zechariah and Azariah over the remainder of the force, commanding them to guard Judea diligently and not to engage in war with anyone until he himself returned.

³³³ while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles with any persons whomsoever until his return.

³³³ He himself and his other brother Jonathan hurried with eight thousand soldiers into Galaditis, leaving Joseph, the son of Zacharias and Azarias, in charge of the rest of the forces, with orders to carefully guard Judea and to fight no battles with anyone until his return.

³³⁴ ὁ μὲν οὖν παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ συμβαλὼν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς εἰς φυγὴν αὐτοὺς καὶ μέχρι τῶν πυλῶν τῆς διώξας ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτῶν ὡς περὶ τρισχιλίους, καὶ τά τε σκῦλα λαβὼν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν‎ ἀποσκευὴν αὐτῶν ἐπαγόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν πάλιν ἀνέστρεψεν.

³³⁴ Simon, therefore, having arrived in Galilee and joined battle with the enemies, put them to flight; pursuing them to the gates of Ptolemais, he slew about three thousand of them. Taking the spoils of the slain and bringing back the captive Jews along with their baggage, he returned again to his own home."

³³⁴ Accordingly, Simon-went into Galilee, and fought the enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them, and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home.

³³⁴ So Simon went into Galilee and fought and routed the enemy and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, killing about three thousand of them and taking their spoils and their baggage and the Jews whom they had held prisoner, and then returned home.

The Geopolitics of "Rekindling"
Josephus uses the evocative word ἀναζωπύρησιν (rekindling/relighting). This is a direct reference to the "Lights" of Hanukkah. The surrounding nations (Idumaeans, Ammonites, and Phoenicians) realized that the rededication of the Temple was not just a religious event, but the "re-lighting" of a sovereign Jewish political fire that threatened the regional balance of power established by the Seleucids.

The Three-Front Crisis
Judas is presented here as a supreme strategist facing a logistical nightmare. He must defend:

1) The South: Against the Idumaeans (the "Sons of Esau").

2) The East: Across the Jordan in Gilead and Ammon.

3) The North: In the Galilee against the Hellenized coastal cities of Tyre and Sidon.

This marks the transition of the Hasmoneans from a guerrilla band to a regional police force protecting a scattered diaspora.

Simon's Independent Command
This is a pivotal moment for Simon. While Judas and Jonathan head east, Simon is given his first major independent command in the north. His success in Galilee—clearing the area and conducting a "population transfer" of Jews back to the safety of Judea—establishes the military credentials that would eventually allow him to become the founding patriarch of the Hasmonean dynasty.

The "Sons of Esau" and "Sons of Baanus"
Josephus uses biblical/tribal designations for the enemies of the Jews. By calling the Idumaeans "the sons of Esau," he connects the current conflict to the primordial sibling rivalry of the Book of Genesis. The "Sons of Baanus" likely refers to a specific predatory clan that specialized in highway robbery and ambushes, emphasizing that the Jews were facing both organized armies and localized "terror cells."

Population Protection and Retrieval
Note the shift in objective. In previous chapters, the goal was the Temple. Now, the goal is αἰχμαλώτους Ἰουδαίους (captive Jews). The Hasmoneans realized they could not yet hold distant territories like Galilee or Gilead, so they opted for "rescue and extract" missions—bringing the rural Jewish population into the fortified "Safe Zone" of Judea.

The Danger of the Deputy
The mention of Joseph and Azariah being left behind with strict orders "not to engage in war" is a classic literary "foreshadowing" in Josephus. As we will see in the next sections, the desire for glory among Judas's subordinates often led to disastrous violations of his strategic orders.

³³⁵ δὲ ὁ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ διαβάντες τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ὁδὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τριῶν ἀνύσαντες ἡμερῶν τοῖς εἰρηνικῶς ὑπαντῶσιν περιτυγχάνουσιν.

³³⁵ "Now Judas Maccabaeus and his brother Jonathan, having crossed the Jordan River and completed a three-day journey from it, encountered the Nabataeans in a peaceful manner.

³³⁵ Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan; and when they had gone three days journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably,

³³⁵ Judas Maccabeus and his brother Jonathan crossed the river Jordan, and after a journey of three days found the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably.

³³⁶ ὧν διηγησαμένων τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ , ὡς πολλοὶ κακοπαθοῦσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις ἀπειλημμένοι καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν τῆς , καὶ παραινεσάντων αὐτῷ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους καὶ ζητεῖν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν σώζειν τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς, πεισθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον, καὶ προσπεσὼν πρώτοις τοῖς τὴν‎ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὴν καταβαλὼν πᾶν τὸ ἄρρεν καὶ μάχεσθαι δυνάμενον διέφθειρεν καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὑφῆψεν.

³³⁶ These people recounted the situation of those in Gilead—how many of them were suffering, trapped in the fortresses and cities of Gilead—and they urged him to hasten against the foreigners and seek to save his fellow countrymen from them. Convinced, he turned back into the wilderness and fell first upon the inhabitants of Bosora; having taken it, he cast down and destroyed every male capable of fighting and set the city on fire.

³³⁶ and who told them how the affairs of those in the land of Gilead stood; and how many of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into the cities of Galilee; and exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned to the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and all that were able to fight, and burnt the city.

³³⁶ These told him about the people in Galaditis, and how many of them were harried and driven into strongholds and into the cities of Galilee, and urged him to hurry against the foreigners and to try to save his own countrymen from their hands. Judas listened to this urging and returned to the wilderness, and first attacked the people of Bosora and took the city and beat the inhabitants and destroyed all the fighting men and burned the city.

³³⁷ δὲ νυκτὸς οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπέσχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁδεύσας δι᾽ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὸ φρούριον, ἔνθα τοὺς ἐγκεκλεῖσθαι συνέβαινεν περικαθεζομένου τὸ χωρίον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἕωθεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ παραγίνεται.

³³⁷ Even when night came, he did not halt, but marched through it toward the fortress where it happened the Jews were shut up, with Timothy and his force besieging the place; he arrived there at dawn.

³³⁷ Nor did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round the place with his army. And Judas came upon the city in the morning;

³³⁷ He did not stop even at nightfall but moved on to the stronghold where the Jews were shut up and which Timotheus had under siege with his army, reaching the city by morning.

³³⁸ καὶ καταλαβὼν ἤδη τοῖς τείχεσι προσβεβληκότας τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τοὺς μὲν κλίμακας, ὥστε ἀναβαίνειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτά, τοὺς δὲ μηχανήματα προσφέροντας, κελεύσας τὸν σαλπικτὴν σημῆναι καὶ παρορμήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπὲρ ἀδελφῶν καὶ συγγενῶν διακινδυνεῦσαι προθύμως, εἰς τρία διελὼν τὸν στρατὸν ἐπιπίπτει κατὰ νώτου τοῖς πολεμίοις.

³³⁸ Finding that the enemy had already attacked the walls—some bringing up ladders to scale them and others bringing up siege engines—he ordered the trumpeter to sound the signal. Having incited his soldiers to risk themselves eagerly for their brothers and kinsmen, he divided his army into three parts and fell upon the enemy's rear.

³³⁸ and when he found that the enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought ladders, on which they might get upon those walls, and that others brought engines [to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies.

³³⁸ As he found the enemy attacking the walls, some of them with ladders to climb them and others bringing forward battering rams, he had the trumpet blown and urged his men to risk dangers cheerfully for the sake of their brothers and relatives; and dividing his army into three he attacked the enemy from the rear.

³³⁹ οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν αἰσθόμενοι, ὅτι εἴη, πεῖραν ἤδη καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἀνδρείας καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις εὐτυχίας εἰληφότες φυγῇ χρῶνται· ἐφεπόμενος δὲ μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος ὁ ἀναιρεῖ μὲν αὐτῶν ὡς ὀκτακισχιλίους,

³³⁹ When those with Timothy perceived that it was Maccabaeus—having already had prior experience of his courage and his good fortune in wars—they took to flight. Judas, following them with his army, slew about eight thousand of them;

³³⁹ But when Timotheus’s men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good success in war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they were put to flight; but Judas followed them with his army, and slew about eight thousand of them.

³³⁹ When Timotheus' men saw that it was Maccabeus, of whose courage and success in war they already had sufficient experience, they were put to flight, and Judas pursued them with his army and killed about eight thousand.

³⁴⁰ ἀπονεύσας δ᾽ εἰς πόλιν οὕτως λεγομένην τῶν ἀλλοφύλων λαμβάνει καὶ ταύτην καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄρρενας ἅπαντας ἀποκτείνει, τὴν‎ δὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἐμπίπρησιν. ἄρας δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν τήν τε καὶ καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας πόλεις τῆς καταστρέφεται.

³⁴⁰ then, turning aside to a city of the foreigners called Mella, he took it also, killing all the males and burning the city itself. Setting out from there, he subdued Chashphomake, Bosor, and many other cities of Gilead."

³⁴⁰ He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the land of Gilead.

³⁴⁰ He then turned aside to Mella, the so-called city of the foreigners, and took it and killed all the males and burned the city itself. He then moved from there and destroyed Casphomake and Bosora and many other cities of Galaditis.

The Nabataean Alliance
The mention of the Ναβαταίοις (Nabataeans) is historically significant. At this stage, the Nabataeans (who would later build Petra) were nomadic Arab traders and rivals of the Seleucids. Their "peaceful" encounter with Judas suggests a shared strategic interest: both wanted to weaken Seleucid control over the Transjordan trade routes. The Nabataeans provided the vital intelligence (the "human radar") that allowed Judas to find his targets in the vast desert.

The Night March and the "Terror of the Dawn"
Judas utilizes a signature tactic: the night march. By moving under the cover of darkness and arriving at dawn (ἕωθεν), he caught Timothy’s army at their most vulnerable—while they were focused entirely on the walls of the Jewish fortress. The psychological impact of a sudden attack from the "rear" (κατὰ νώτου) by an army they thought was miles away was devastating.

"The Name of Maccabaeus" as a Weapon
Josephus notes that the enemy fled specifically because they realized it was Maccabaeus. By this point, Judas’s reputation for εὐτυχίας (good fortune/divine success) was a strategic asset. The Seleucid forces weren't just fighting soldiers; they were fighting a legend they believed was invincible. This led to a "collapse of will" before the physical battle even peaked.

Divided into Three Parts
Judas employs a classic tactical formation, dividing his army into τρία (three sections). This allowed him to create the illusion of a much larger force and to envelop the enemy, preventing a coordinated retreat. For a smaller guerrilla force, this "triple-threat" approach maximized chaos in the enemy camp.

The Brutality of the "Herem"
The text describes the total destruction of the males and the burning of cities like Bosora and Mella. In the context of ancient Near Eastern warfare, this reflects a "scorched earth" policy. Judas wasn't trying to occupy these cities (he didn't have the manpower); he was neutralizing them as future bases for Timothy’s coalition and sending a clear, violent message to the "foreigners" (ἀλλοφύλων) about the cost of attacking Jewish enclaves.

Geography of the Campaign
The campaign covers the region of Gilead (modern-day northwestern Jordan). The "fortress" mentioned (often identified as Dathema) was likely a high-altitude refuge. Judas’s ability to hopscotch between cities like Bosora, Mella, and Chashphomake shows a high level of mobility that the heavy Seleucid infantry simply could not match.

³⁴¹ Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ δύναμιν μεγάλην παρασκευασάμενος καὶ συμμάχους ἄλλους τε παραλαβὼν καὶ τινὰς μισθῷ πείσας αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν ἧκεν ἄγων τὴν‎ στρατιὰν πέραν τοῦ χειμάρρου ἄντικρυς· πόλις δ᾽ ἦν αὕτη·

³⁴¹ "Not long afterward, Timothy, having prepared a great force and taken other allies—and having also persuaded some of the Arabs by pay to campaign with him—arrived leading his army across from the torrent [brook] of Romphon; this was a city.

³⁴¹ But not long after this, Timotheus prepared a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and came with his army beyond the brook,

³⁴¹ But not long afterward Timotheus gathered a large army and many more allies, and induced some of the Arabs, by the promise of rewards, to go with him in this campaign and came with his army beyond the wadi opposite the city of Romphon.

³⁴² καὶ παρεκελεύετο τοὺς στρατιώτας, εἰ συμβάλοιεν εἰς μάχην τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews, προθύμως ἀγωνίζεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς διαβαίνειν τὸν χείμαρρον· διαβάντων γὰρ ἧτταν αὐτοῖς προύλεγεν.	³⁴² He exhorted his soldiers, if they should join battle with the Jews, to fight eagerly and to prevent them from crossing the torrent; for he predicted that if they did cross, it would result in their own defeat.
³⁴² over against the city Raphon; and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder their passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that "if they come over it, we shall be beaten."	³⁴² He encouraged his soldiers, if there was a battle with the Jews, to fight bravely and stop them from crossing over the brook, for he predicted defeat if they got across it.

³⁴³ δ᾽ ἀκούσας παρεσκευάσθαι τὸν πρὸς μάχην ἀναλαβὼν ἅπασαν τὴν‎ οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ τὸν πολέμιον, καὶ περαιωσάμενος τὸν χείμαρρον ἐπιπίπτει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ὑπαντιάζοντας ἀνῄρει, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς δέος ἐμβαλὼν ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν ἠνάγκασεν.

³⁴³ But Judas, hearing that Timothy was prepared for battle, took his entire personal force and hastened against the enemy. Having crossed the torrent, he fell upon the foes; some of those who met him he slew, while others he cast into such terror that they threw down their arms and were forced to flee.

³⁴³ And when Judas heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army, and went in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him, whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly; and some of them escaped,

³⁴³ When Judas heard that Timotheus was preparing to fight, he took his whole army and hurried against the enemy, and after crossing the brook, attacked the enemy and some of them who opposed him he killed while he so terrified the others that he made them throw down their weapons and take to flight.

³⁴⁴ καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν διέδρασαν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ καλούμενον ἐγκρανὰς τέμενος συμφυγόντες ἤλπισαν τεύξεσθαι σωτηρίας. δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν καταλαβόμενος αὐτούς τε ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἐνέπρησεν ποικίλῃ χρησάμενος ἰδέᾳ τῆς ἀπωλείας τῶν πολεμίων.

³⁴⁴ Some of them escaped, but others, having fled together into the sanctuary called Enkranas (Karnaim), hoped they would find safety. Judas, however, having captured the city, slew them and burned the sanctuary, employing various means for the destruction of the enemy."

³⁴⁴ but some of them fled to what was called the Temple of Camaim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves; but Judas took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used several ways of destroying his enemies.

³⁴⁴ Some escaped, and others fled to what is called the Temple of Enkranai in hope of saving their lives, but Judas took the city and killed them and burned the temple and so destroyed his enemies in a variety of ways.

The Tactical "Rubicon"
Timothy correctly identified the χειμάρρου (torrent/seasonal stream) as the decisive point of the battle. In ancient warfare, a river crossing is one of the most dangerous maneuvers because the army is divided and vulnerable during the transition. Timothy’s prediction that a successful crossing by Judas would mean a Seleucid defeat suggests he recognized the superior "shock" value of the Maccabean charge once they reached level ground.

Arab Mercenaries
The inclusion of Ἀράβων (Arabs) as paid mercenaries highlights the changing nature of the conflict. The Seleucid local commanders were increasingly relying on local nomadic tribes—who knew the terrain of Gilead and Bashan—to bolster their dwindling professional ranks. This turned the war into a complex regional struggle involving ethnic coalitions rather than just a "Jew vs. Greek" fight.

The Psychology of the Torrent
Judas did not hesitate. His decision to cross immediately—likely before Timothy could fully entrench his line along the bank—shattered the enemy's morale. Josephus notes they "threw down their arms" (ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα). This implies a total panic; a professional soldier only drops his shield and spear when he believes the battle is already lost and his only hope is speed in flight.

The Sanctuary of Enkranas (Karnaim)
The sanctuary mentioned is Karnaim (often associated with the goddess Atargatis or Astarte). In the ancient world, temples were traditionally considered places of asylum where even enemies could find safety. By burning the sanctuary (τὸ τέμενος ἐνέπρησεν), Judas made a dual statement:

1) Military: He denied the enemy a fortified "strongpoint" for a last stand.

2) Theological: He demonstrated the "impotence" of the local pagan gods to protect their own devotees from the God of Israel.

"Various Means of Destruction"
Josephus uses the phrase ποικίλῃ χρησάμενος ἰδέᾳ (employing various forms/ideas). This suggests that the final assault was not just a simple fire, but a calculated and perhaps creative use of siegecraft or incendiaries to ensure that those inside the temple complex could not escape or regroup. It underscores the "total war" mentality Judas had adopted to ensure the security of the Transjordan Jews.

The Reach of the Hasmonean "Hammer"
The location (Karnaim/Romphon) is in the Hauran region, deep in modern-day Syria/Jordan. This campaign proved that Judas could project power far beyond the borders of Judea. He was no longer just defending Jerusalem; he was acting as the sovereign protector of all Israelites in the Levant.

³⁴⁵ Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ἐν τῇ ΓαλάτιδιGaladitis ἸουδαίουςJews μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀποσκευῆς οἷός τε ἦν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐπαναγαγεῖν.	³⁴⁵ "Having accomplished these things and gathered the Jews in Gilead, along with their children and wives and all their existing baggage, he was ready to lead them back into Judea.
³⁴⁵ When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with their children and wives, and the substance that belonged to them, and was going to bring them back into Judea;	³⁴⁵ When he had done this, he gathered the Jews with their children and wives and property and was going to bring them back to Judea.

³⁴⁶ ὡς δ᾽ ἧκεν ἐπί τινα πόλιν ὄνομα ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ κειμένην καὶ οὔτε ἄλλην αὐτῷ τραπομένῳ βαδίζειν δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε ἀναστρέφειν ἤθελεν, πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ παρεκάλει τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντας ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἀπελθεῖν· τάς τε γὰρ πύλας λίθοις ἐμπεφράκεσαν καὶ τὴν‎ διέξοδον ἀπετέμοντο.

³⁴⁶ When he came to a certain city named Ephron, which lay upon the road—and it was neither possible for him to turn aside to another path nor did he wish to turn back—he sent messengers to those within, urging them to open the gates and permit him to pass through the city; for they had blocked the gates with stones and cut off the passage.

³⁴⁶ but as soon as he was come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron, that lay upon the road, (and it was not possible for him to go any other way, so he was not willing to go back again,) he then sent to the inhabitants, and desired that they would open their gates, and permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and cut off their passage through it.

³⁴⁶ On the way, however, he reached a city named Emphron, which it was not possible to avoid and being unwilling to retreat he sent to the inhabitants demanding that they open their gates and let them pass through the city; for they had blocked up the gates with stones to prevent them going through.

³⁴⁷ μὴ πειθομένων δὲ τῶν παρορμήσας τοὺς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κυκλωσάμενος ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ δι᾽ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς προσκαθίσας ἐξαιρεῖ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ἄρρεν ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ κτείνας καὶ καταπρήσας ἅπασαν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἔσχεν· τοσοῦτον δ᾽ ἦν τὸ τῶν πεφονευμένων πλῆθος, ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν βαδίζειν τῶν νεκρῶν.

³⁴⁷ But when the people of Ephron would not be persuaded, he incited those with him and, having surrounded the city, he besieged it. Sitting before it through the day and the night, he captured the city; and having slain every male within it and burning the entire place, he made his way. So great was the multitude of the slain that they had to walk upon the corpses.

³⁴⁷ And when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and, lying round it by day and night, took the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it; and the multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went over the dead bodies.

³⁴⁷ When the people of Emphron refused this proposal, he urged on his companions and surrounded the city and besieged it by day and night, and took the city and killed every male in it and burned it down and thereby made his way through, and the number of the slain was so great that they walked over the corpses.

³⁴⁸ διαβάντες δὲ τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan ἧκον εἰς τὸ μέγα πεδίον, οὗ κεῖται κατὰ πρόσωπον πόλις ΒεθσάνηBethsan καλουμένη πρὸς ἙλλήνωνGreeks ΣκυθόπολιςScythopolis.	³⁴⁸ Having crossed the Jordan, they came to the great plain where, situated opposite, lies the city called Bethshan, known by the Greeks as Scythopolis.
³⁴⁸ So they came over Jordan, and arrived at the great plain, over against which is situate the city Bethshah, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis.	³⁴⁸ So they crossed the Jordan and arrived at the great plain, opposite the city of Bethsan, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis.

³⁴⁹ κἀκεῖθεν ὁρμηθέντες εἰς τὴν‎ παρεγένοντο ψάλλοντές τε καὶ ὑμνοῦντες καὶ τὰς συνήθεις ἐν τοῖς ἐπινικίοις παιδιὰς ἄγοντες, ἔθυσάν τε χαριστηρίους ὑπέρ τε τῶν κατωρθωμένων θυσίας καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ στρατεύματος σωτηρίας· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς πολέμοις τῶν ἀπέθανεν.

³⁴⁹ Setting out from there, they arrived in Judea singing and hymning and conducting the usual festivities for victories. They offered sacrifices of thanksgiving for their successes and for the safety of the army; for not one of the Jews died in these wars."

³⁴⁹ And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these battles.

³⁴⁹ Quickly passing on from there, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went and as mirthful as people celebrating a victory. They also offered thank-offerings for their success and for the safety of their army, for none of the Jews was killed in these battles.

The Logistics of the "New Exodus"
Judas was not leading a nimble guerrilla unit here; he was managing a massive migration (μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν). This made the army incredibly vulnerable. The "baggage" mentioned was likely the entire livelihood of the Gileadite Jews. This context explains Judas’s ruthless response at Ephron: he could not afford a prolonged siege or a retreat while protecting thousands of non-combatants.

The Tragedy of Ephron
The city of Ephron occupied a "choke point" on the King's Highway. By blocking the gates with stones (λίθοις ἐμπεφράκεσαν), the inhabitants committed an act of war. Josephus’s description of the Jews "walking upon the corpses" (ἐπʼ αὐτῶν βαδίζειν τῶν νεκρῶν) is a haunting hyperbole intended to show the absolute necessity of the path. The road was the only way to life for the Jewish refugees, and the Ephronites became the literal pavement of that road.

Bethshan / Scythopolis
The mention of Bethshan (Scythopolis) provides a vital geographical anchor. Scythopolis was a major Hellenistic city and part of what would later be the Decapolis. It stood at the strategic junction of the Jezreel Valley and the Jordan Valley. The fact that Judas passed it safely suggests that the Greek cities of the valley were either intimidated by his recent victories or had reached a temporary neutrality.

The "Zero Casualty" Miracle
Josephus makes the extraordinary claim that οὐδεὶς... τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἀπέθανεν (not one of the Jews died). While 1 Maccabees makes a similar claim, modern historians often view this as "providential reporting"—signaling that the campaign had the absolute favor of God. For the returning refugees, the fact that their entire families survived a march through a "gauntlet" of hostile cities was proof of Judas’s divine mandate.

Cultic Victory: Hymns and Sacrifices
The return to Judea is described as a liturgical procession. The use of ψάλλοντες (singing psalms) and παιδιὰς (festivities/games) mimics the triumphal entries of Hellenistic kings, but redirects the glory to God through χαριστηρίους... θυσίας (thanksgiving sacrifices). It reinforces the theme that the Hasmonean revolt was a struggle to restore the "joy" of the Temple service.

³⁵⁰ δὲ ὁ καὶ , οὓς κατέλιπεν στρατηγοὺς ὁ καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ πολεμῶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ , αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐν τῇ , βουληθέντες καὶ αὐτοὶ δόξαν Ποιήσας στρατηγῶν τὰ πολεμικὰ γενναίων τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δύναμιν ἀναλαβόντες ἦλθον εἰς .

³⁵⁰ "Now Joseph the son of Zechariah and Azariah—whom Judas had left as generals at the time when Simon was in Galilee fighting those in Ptolemais, and Judas himself and his brother Jonathan were in Gilead—wishing also to acquire glory for themselves as brave generals in war, took the force under them and went against Jamnia.

³⁵⁰ But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia.

³⁵⁰ But Joseph, the son of Zacharias and Azarias, whom Judas left in charge at the time that Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais and Judas himself and his brother Jonathan were in Galaditis, also wanted the glory of being brave leaders in war, and for this reason took the army under their command and came to Jamneia.

³⁵¹ ΓοργίουGorgias δὲ τοῦ τῆς ἸαμνείαςJamneia στρατηγοῦ ὑπαντήσαντος συμβολῆς γενομένης δισχιλίους ἀποβάλλουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ φεύγοντες ἄχρι τῶν τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ὅρωνto see [διώκονται].	³⁵¹ But Gorgias, the governor of Jamnia, met them, and when the engagement took place, they lost two thousand men from their army and were pursued as far as the borders of Judea.
³⁵¹ There Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army, and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea.	³⁵¹ There Gorgias, the general of Jamneia, met them, and in the battle with him they lost two thousand of their army, and were pursued in flight to the very borders of Judea.

³⁵² συνέβη δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ πταῖσμα τοῦτο παρακούσασιν ὧν αὐτοῖς ἐπέστειλεν, μὴ συμβαλεῖν εἰς μάχην μηδενὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας· πρὸς γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγήμασιν καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς περὶ τὸν καὶ τὸν πταῖσμα θαυμάσειεν ἄν τις, ὃ συνῆκεν εἰ παρακινήσουσίν τι τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων αὐτοῖς ἐσόμενον.

³⁵² This disaster happened to them because they disobeyed what Judas had instructed: not to join battle with anyone before his arrival. For among his other military achievements, one might also admire the disaster involving Joseph and Azariah, since he had perceived what would happen if they stirred from his orders.

³⁵² And this misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides the rest of Judas’s sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them.

³⁵² This happened to them because of their disobedience to the instructions Judas had given them, not to fight anyone before his return. Alongside the rest of his military prowess one may well be surprised at the failure of the forces under Joseph and Azarias, which he foresaw would happen if they broke the instructions he had given them.

³⁵³ ὁ δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ‎ πολεμοῦντες τοὺς οὐκ ἀνίεσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνέκειντο πανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς, τήν τε πόλιν καταλαβόμενοι ὅσον ὀχυρὸν αὐτῆς καθεῖλον καὶ τοὺς πύργους ἐμπρήσαντες ἐδῄουν τὴν‎ ἀλλόφυλον χώραν καὶ πόλιν, εἴς τε ἐλθόντες καὶ λαβόντες αὐτὴν διήρπασαν. πολλὰ δὲ σκῦλα καὶ λείαν κομίζοντες εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπέστρεψαν.

³⁵³ But Judas and his brothers did not let up in warring against the Idumaeans, but pressed them from all sides. Having captured the city of Hebron, they tore down its fortifications, and having burned its towers, they laid waste to the foreign territory and the city of Marisa; and coming to Azotus, they captured and plundered it. Then, bringing much spoil and booty, they returned to Judea."

³⁵³ But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea.

³⁵³ Judas and his brothers did not give up fighting the Idumaeans, but pressed upon them on all sides and took from them the city of Hebron and demolished its fortifications and set all its towers on fire and burned the land of the foreigners and the city of Marissa. They came also to Azotus and took it and ravaged it and took away much of the spoils and booty that were in it and returned to Judea.

The Psychology of "Glory-Seeking"
Josephus uses the phrase δόξαν περιποιήσασθαι (to acquire glory for themselves). This highlights a recurring theme in Hasmonean history: the tension between collective religious survival and individual aristocratic ego. Joseph and Azariah were not motivated by a strategic necessity, but by the "fame" (doxa) they saw Judas and Simon winning. Their failure underscores Josephus's point that the Maccabean success was not just a matter of luck, but of disciplined adherence to a specific leadership structure.

The Return of Gorgias
The victor at Jamnia was Gorgias, the same general Judas had outmaneuvered at the Battle of Emmaus. This detail proves that the Seleucid commanders were still formidable; they were only "invincible" when facing undisciplined or overeager Jewish commanders. Gorgias’s victory served as a cold reminder that the professional Greek military remained a lethal threat.

Judas as "Prophetic" Strategist
Josephus suggests that Judas’s command—not to fight until his return—was born of a near-prophetic insight (ὃ συνῆκεν). He "perceived" that his deputies lacked the specific "fortune" or tactical brilliance required to beat a governor like Gorgias. By including this, Josephus elevates Judas from a mere soldier to a divinely guided leader whose orders carried a spiritual weight.

The Campaign Against Hebron
While the deputies were failing in the west, Judas moved south against Hebron. Hebron was an ancient patriarchal city (the site of the Cave of Machpelah) but was at this time controlled by the Idumaeans. By destroying its fortifications, Judas was physically reclaiming the "Hebron Gap" and pushing the southern border of Jewish influence further into the Negev.

The Destruction of Marisa and Azotus
Judas’s sweep through Marisa (Mareshah) and Azotus (Ashdod) targeted the administrative and religious centers of his neighbors. Marisa was a major Idumaean-Hellenistic trade hub. By plundering these cities, Judas was not just taking "booty" (λείαν); he was systematically dismantling the economic and military infrastructure that the Seleucids used to launch incursions into Judea.

The "Borders of Judea"
The pursuit of the deputies "as far as the borders of Judea" indicates that the Jewish territory was still a relatively small enclave. One lost battle could bring the enemy right to the doorstep of the heartland. This vulnerability explains why Judas’s subsequent campaigns were so aggressive; he was trying to create a "buffer zone" of destroyed enemy fortresses to protect the fragile peace of Jerusalem.

Chapter 9
[354-388]
Death of Antiochus Epiphanes.
Eupator continues war on as, then makes peace.

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³⁵⁴ Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν‎ ἄνω χώραν ἐπερχόμενος ἀκούει πόλιν ἐν τῇ πλούτῳ διαφέρουσαν τοὔνομα καὶ πολυτελὲς ἱερὸν ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ παντοδαπῶν ἀναθημάτων πλῆρες εἶναι ἔτι γε μὴν ὅπλα καὶ θώρακας, ἃ καταλιπεῖν ἐπυνθάνετο τὸν υἱὸν τὸν βασιλέα δὲ .

³⁵⁴ "At about the same time, King Antiochus, as he was traversing the upper country, heard of a city in Persia named Elymais, which was distinguished for its wealth, and that it contained a magnificent temple of Artemis full of all kinds of votive offerings, as well as the arms and breastplates which he learned had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip and King of the Macedonians.

³⁵⁴ About this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going over the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry, he found had been left there by Alexander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia.

³⁵⁴ About this time, as he was going up to the northern territory, king Antiochus heard of a very wealthy city in Persia, called Elymais, where there was a glorious temple of Artemis, full of all sorts of dedicatory gifts and weapons and breastplates, which he found had been left there by king Alexander of Macedon, the son of Philip.

³⁵⁵ κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ καὶ προσβαλὼν αὐτὴν ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ μὴ καταπλαγέντων τὴν‎ ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ‎ μηδὲ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, ἀλλὰ καρτερῶς ἀντισχόντων ἀποκρούεται τῆς ἐλπίδος· ἀπωσάμενοι γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες ἐδίωξαν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς φεύγοντα καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντα τῆς στρατιᾶς.

³⁵⁵ Stirred by these things, he set out toward Elymais and, having attacked it, began a siege. But since those within were not terrified by his assault or the siege, but resisted stoutly, he was frustrated in his hope; for they repulsed him from the city, made a sally, and pursued him, so that he arrived in Babylon as a fugitive, having lost many of his army.

³⁵⁵ And being incited by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and pursued after him, insomuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and lost a great many of his army.

³⁵⁵ Incited by this, he hurried to Elymais and attacked it by siege; but when they were not dismayed either by his attack nor the siege, and put up a bold defence, his hopes were dashed. Driving him from the city, they came out after him, so that he fled to Babylon, with the loss of many of his soldiers.

³⁵⁶ λυπουμένῳ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ διαμαρτίᾳ ταύτῃ προσαγγέλλουσίν τινες καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἧτταν, οὓς πολεμήσοντας τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews καταλελοίπει, καὶ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν ἤδη τὴν‎ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews.	³⁵⁶ While he was grieving over this failure, certain people reported to him the defeat of the generals whom he had left to war against the Jews, and the growing strength of the Jews themselves.
³⁵⁶ And when he was grieving for this disappointment, some persons told him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had left behind him to fight against Judea, and what strength the Jews had already gotten.	³⁵⁶ While he was grieving for this loss, some told him about the defeat of the officers he had left behind him to fight against Judea and how strong the Jews had become.

³⁵⁷ οὖν καὶ τῆς περὶ τούτων φροντίδος τῇ προτέρᾳ συγχυθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας εἰς νόσον κατέπεσεν, ἧς μηκυνομένης καὶ αὐξανόντων τῶν παθῶν συνείς, ὅτι μέλλοι τελευτᾶν, συγκαλεῖ τοὺς φίλους καὶ τήν τε νόσον αὐτοῖς χαλεπὴν οὖσαν ἐμήνυε καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα πάσχει κακώσας τὸ τῶν ἔθνος παρεδήλου συλήσας τὸν ναὸν καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονήσας, καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἐξέπνευσεν.

³⁵⁷ The care concerning these matters being added to his previous distress, he was so confounded by dejection that he fell into a sickness. As this prolonged and his sufferings increased, realizing that he was about to die, he summoned his friends and revealed to them that his sickness was severe, declaring that he suffered these things because he had wronged the Jewish nation, having plundered the Temple and held God in contempt; and saying these things, he breathed his last.

³⁵⁷ When this concern about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while he plundered their temple, and condemned their God; and when he had said this, he gave up the ghost.

³⁵⁷ With the worry about these matters added to the rest, he was dejected and became ill from anxiety, and as it went on and he was in increasing pain, he knew that his death was near, so he called his friends to tell them that his illness was severe. He acknowledged that he was suffering for the woes he had inflicted on the Jewish nation, by looting their temple and despising their God, and while saying this, he expired.

³⁵⁸ ὥστε θαυμάζειν Πολύβιον τὸν , ὃς ἀγαθὸς ὢν ἀνὴρ ἀποθανεῖν λέγει τὸν βουληθέντα τὸ τῆς ἐν ἱερὸν συλῆσαι· τὸ γὰρ μηκέτι ποιῆσαι τὸ ἔργον βουλευσάμενον οὐκ ἔστιν τιμωρίας ἄξιον.

³⁵⁸ Thus, I marvel at Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though a good man, says that Antiochus died because he intended to plunder the temple of Artemis in Persia; for merely intending to do a deed without having performed it is not worthy of punishment.

³⁵⁸ Whence one may wonder at Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man, yet saith that "Antiochus died because he had a purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;" for the purposing to do a thing, but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment.

³⁵⁸ Polybius of Megalopolis, a reliable man, surprisingly says, "Antiochus died for intending to loot the temple of Diana in Persia," since purposing to do a thing, but not actually doing it, does not deserve punishment.

³⁵⁹ εἰ δὲ διὰ τοῦτο δοκεῖ καταστρέψαι τὸν βίον οὕτως, πολὺ πιθανώτερον διὰ τὴν‎ ἱεροσυλίαν τοῦ ἐν ναοῦ τελευτῆσαι τὸν βασιλέα. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτου οὐ διαφέρομαι τὴν‎ ὑπὸ τοῦ λεγομένην αἰτίαν ταύτην ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀληθῆ νομιζόντων.

³⁵⁹ If it seems to Polybius that Antiochus ended his life in this manner for that reason, it is much more probable that the King died because of the sacrilege against the Temple in Jerusalem. However, I will not dispute this further, for we consider the cause mentioned by the man of Megalopolis to be true [in spirit] alongside our own."

³⁵⁹ But if Polybius could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegious plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with those who may think that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.

³⁵⁹ While Polybius thought that Antiochus lost his life therefore, the king is much more likely to have died for his sacrilege against the temple in Jerusalem. But we will not argue this point with those who reckon the cause alleged by the man from Megalopolis to be truer than the one we propose.

The "Greed" of the Diadochi
Antiochus IV’s expedition to the "upper country" (Persia/Media) was driven by a desperate need for cash to pay his Roman indemnity and maintain his massive army. His target, Elymais, was a legendary temple-city. The mention of Alexander the Great's armor (ὅπλα καὶ θώρακας) adds a layer of symbolic tragedy: Antiochus, who styled himself a "New Alexander," was defeated while trying to loot the relics of the original conqueror.

Psychological Casualty
Josephus highlights a recurring motif in ancient history: that physical illness is often the result of "dejection" (ἀθυμίας) brought on by political failure. The news of Judas Maccabaeus's victories acted as the final blow to Antiochus's immune system. In the Jewish perspective, this is a clear case of Lex Talionis (the law of retaliation)—the man who caused so much grief to Israel dies consumed by grief himself.

The Deathbed Confession
The King’s admission that he was suffering because he "held God in contempt" (τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονήσας) serves a polemical purpose. Josephus wants his Gentile readers to see that even their own kings eventually recognized the power of the God of Israel. Whether the historical Antiochus actually repented is debated, but for the author, it provides a moral resolution to the persecution.

Engaging with Polybius
Josephus engages in historiographical criticism by citing the famous Greek historian Polybius. This is a sophisticated move:

1) Polybius's view: Punishment for the intent to rob a Greek temple.

2) Josephus's view: Punishment for the actual robbery of the Jerusalem Temple.

Josephus cleverly points out the logical flaw in the Greek view—why punish a thought when a crime (the looting of Jerusalem) was already committed?

Artemis vs. Yahweh
By comparing the temple of Artemis in Elymais with the Temple in Jerusalem, Josephus highlights the vulnerability of pagan gods (who could be defended by local sallies) versus the God of Israel, who defends His honor through a global reach that strikes a king down in distant Persia for crimes committed in Judea.

³⁶⁰ Ὁ δ᾽ πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν καλέσας ἕνα τῶν ἑταίρων τῆς βασιλείας αὐτὸν ἐπίτροπον καθίστησιν, καὶ δοὺς αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ ταῦτα ἐκέλευσε κομίσαντα δοῦναι, δεηθεὶς προνοῆσαι τῆς ἀνατροφῆς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τηρῆσαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐκείνῳ.

³⁶⁰ "But before he died, Antiochus [IV] called for Philip, one of the 'Friends' of the kingdom, and appointed him regent. Giving him the diadem, the royal robe, and the signet ring, he commanded him to carry and deliver them to his son, Antiochus [V], and he asked him to take charge of the boy's upbringing and preserve the kingdom for him.

³⁶⁰ However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him.

³⁶⁰ Before he died, Antiochus called for one of his companions, Philip, and made him overseer of his kingdom, giving him his crown and robe and ring, with orders to hand on to his son Antiochus, asking him also to take care of his education and to guard the kingdom for him.

³⁶¹ ἀπέθανεν δὲ ἐνάτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει. δὲ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ‎ δηλώσας τῷ πλήθει τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ , αὐτὸς γὰρ εἶχεν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν, ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα καλέσας αὐτὸν .

³⁶¹ Antiochus died in the 149th year [163 BC]. But Lysias, having revealed the King's death to the multitude, appointed the son, Antiochus, as King—since he already had charge of him—and gave him the surname Eupator.

³⁶¹ This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth year; but it was Lysias that declared his death to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and called him Eupator.

³⁶¹ Antiochus died in the hundred forty-ninth year, but it was Lysias who announced his death to the people and appointed his son Antiochus as king, for he was his guardian, and called him Eupator.

³⁶² Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ οἱ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν φρουροὶ καὶ φυγάδες τῶν πολλὰ τοὺς εἰργάσαντο· τοὺς γὰρ ἀναβαίνοντας εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ θῦσαι βουλομένους ἐξαίφνης ἐκτρέχοντες οἱ φρουροὶ διέφθειραν· ἐπέκειτο γὰρ τῷ ἱερῷ ἡ ἄκρα.

³⁶² During this time, the garrison in the Akra of Jerusalem and the Jewish fugitives caused much trouble for the Jews. The garrison would suddenly rush out and destroy those going up to the Temple who wished to sacrifice; for the Akra overlooked the Temple.

³⁶² At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews; for the soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out upon the sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this citadel adjoined to and overlooked the temple.

³⁶² Meanwhile the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem, with the Jewish renegades, did a lot of harm to the Jews, by rushing out suddenly and killing those who were going up to the temple to offer their sacrifices, because this citadel overlooked the temple.

³⁶³ τούτων οὖν συμβαινόντων αὐτοῖς ἐξελεῖν διέγνω τὴν‎ φρουράν, καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ καρτερῶς ἐπολιόρκει. ἔτος ἦν τοῦτο τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς ἀπὸ ἑκατοστὸν καὶ πεντηκοστόν. κατασκευάσας οὖν μηχανήματα καὶ χώματα ἐγείρας φιλοπόνως προσέκειτο τῇ τῆς ἄκρας αἱρέσει.

³⁶³ Because of these occurrences, Judas resolved to take out the garrison. Gathering all the people, he vigorously besieged those in the Akra. This was the 150th year of the Seleucid Era [162 BC]. Having constructed siege engines and industriously raised earthworks, he applied himself to taking the citadel.

³⁶³ When these misfortunes had often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon he got all the people together, and vigorously besieged those that were in the citadel. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidse. So he made engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on to take the citadel.

³⁶³ When this had happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison and assembled all the people and vigorously besieged those in the citadel, in the hundred and fiftieth year of the Seleucid rule. He made war machines and built walls and eagerly pressed on to take the citadel.

³⁶⁴ πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ φυγάδων νύκτωρ ἐξελθόντες εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν καί τινας τῶν ὁμοίων καὶ ἀσεβῶν συναγαγόντες ἧκον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες ἑαυτοὺς ὑπερορᾶσθαι δεινὰ πάσχοντας ὑπὸ τῶν καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑπομένοντας διὰ τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ‎, τὴν‎ μὲν πάτριον αὐτῶν καταλύσαντας θρησκείαν, ἣν δὲ προσέταξεν ταύτης ἀντιποιουμένους·

³⁶⁴ But many of the fugitives within it escaped by night into the countryside, and having gathered some like-minded and impious men, they went to King Antiochus [V]. They demanded they not be overlooked while suffering terrible things from their own kinsmen—enduring these things on account of the King's father, having abolished their ancestral religion and adhering to the one he had commanded.

³⁶⁴ But there were not a few of the runagates who were in the place that went out by night into the country, and got together some other wicked men like themselves, and went to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not suffer them to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay upon them from those of their own nation; and this because their sufferings were occasioned on his father’s account, while they left the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred that which he had commanded them to follow:

³⁶⁴ But by night many of the renegades inside went out into the country and gathered other like-minded godless folk and went to king Antiochus and asked him not to forget what they were enduring from their countrymen, since their sufferings were due to his father, on account of whom they had abandoned their ancestral worship in deference to his command.

³⁶⁵ κινδυνεύειν οὖν ὑπὸ ἸούδουJudas καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀκρόπολιν αἱρεθῆναι καὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως κατασταθέντας, εἰ μή τις παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βοήθεια πεμφθείη.	³⁶⁵ They warned that the citadel and the guards stationed by the King were in danger of being taken by Judas and his followers unless help was sent from him.
³⁶⁵ that there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by the king, should be taken by Judas, and those that were with him, unless he would send them succors.	³⁶⁵ Now the citadel and those appointed by the king to garrison it were in danger of being taken by Judas and his companions unless he sent them help.

³⁶⁶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ παῖς ὠργίσθη καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ φίλους μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκέλευσε μισθοφόρους συναγαγεῖν καὶ ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας τοὺς στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν ἔχοντας. Καὶ συνήχθη στρατὸς πεζῶν μὲν ὡσεὶ δέκα μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισμύριοι, ἐλέφαντες δὲ δύο καὶ τριάκοντα.

³⁶⁶ When the boy Antiochus heard this, he was enraged. He summoned his commanders and friends and ordered them to gather mercenaries and those of military age from throughout the kingdom. There was gathered an army of about one hundred thousand infantry, twenty thousand cavalry, and thirty-two elephants."

³⁶⁶ When Antiochus, who was but a child, heard this, he was angry, and sent for his captains and his friends, and gave order that they should get an army of mercenaries together, with such men also of his own kingdom as were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants.

³⁶⁶ When the boy Antiochus heard this, in anger he sent for his officers and friends ordering them to gather an army of mercenaries, and men of his own kingdom who were old enough for war, and an army of some hundred thousand infantry and twenty thousand cavalry and thirty-two elephants was assembled.

The Political Chaos of Succession
Antiochus IV’s deathbed appointment of Philip as regent created an immediate internal conflict. Lysias, who was already in physical possession of the young heir in Antioch, ignored the King’s final wishes and declared himself the de facto power behind the throne. This division in the Seleucid leadership would later provide the Jews with diplomatic leverage, but in the short term, it spurred Lysias to prove his strength through a massive invasion.

The Akra: A "Thorn in the Side"
Josephus makes it clear why Judas had to act: the Akra (the citadel). Even though the Jews had rededicated the Temple, the Seleucids held a fortress that literally "overlooked" (ἐπέκειτο) the sacred courts. It was a constant source of "sniping" and sudden raids. This geography turned a religious victory into a strategic stalemate—you could sacrifice at the altar, but you might die on the steps leading up to it.

The "Impious" Lobby
The Jewish "fugitives" (φυγάδες) mentioned are the Hellenized Jews who had collaborated with Antiochus IV. Their appeal to the young King is a masterclass in political rhetoric: they framed their plight as a "loyalty test." They argued they were being persecuted specifically for obeying the King's father. This pressured the new administration to intervene to maintain imperial credibility.

Siegecraft: Machines and Earthworks
Judas’s use of μηχανήματα (engines) and χώματα (earthworks/mounds) shows how far the Maccabean army had evolved. They were no longer just a "hit-and-run" guerrilla band; they were now conducting formal Hellenistic poliorcetics (siege warfare). However, this required them to stay in one place, making them vulnerable to a relief army.

The "Eupator" Expedition
The army Lysias assembled was one of the largest the Jews had ever faced. While the numbers (100,000 infantry) may be subject to the usual ancient hyperbole, the presence of thirty-two elephants is a historically consistent detail. These were Indian elephants, and their use in the narrow, hilly terrain of Judea was intended to be a "shock and awe" tactic that would crush the rebels' morale.

The Name "Eupator"
The surname Εὐπάτορα means "of a good father." It was a propaganda tool meant to link the boy-king to the memory of Antiochus IV. For the Jews, however, the "good father" was the man who had desecrated their Temple, making the title a bitter irony.

³⁶⁷ Ταύτην οὖν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐξώρμησεν ἐκ τῆς μετὰ πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔχοντος τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν. Καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ἀναβαίνει πόλιν σφόδρα ἐχυρὰν καὶ δυσάλωτον καὶ περικαθίσας ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ πόλιν.

³⁶⁷ "Having taken up this force, he [Antiochus V] set out from Antioch with Lysias, who held the command of the entire army. Arriving in Idumaea, he went up from there to Beth-Zur, a city exceedingly strong and difficult to capture; having surrounded it, he began a siege.

³⁶⁷ So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went up to the city Bethsnra, a city that was strong, and not to be taken without great difficulty. He set about this city, and besieged it.

³⁶⁷ With this army he stormed out of Antioch, with Lysias in command of the whole force, and came to Idumaea and from there ascended to Bethsura, a strong city, not easy to capture, and laid siege to the city.

³⁶⁸ ἰσχυρῶς δὲ ἀντεχόντων τῶν ΒηθσουραίωνBethsura καὶ τὴν‎ παρασκευὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν μηχανημάτων ἐμπρησάντων, ἐπεξῆλθον γὰρ αὐτῷ, χρόνος ἐτρίβετο πολὺς περὶ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν.	³⁶⁸ Since the people of Beth-Zur resisted strongly and set fire to his siege engines—for they made sorties against him—much time was consumed in the siege.
³⁶⁸ And while the inhabitants of Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent in the siege.	³⁶⁸ Since the people of Bethsura opposed him bravely and made sallies out upon him and burned his machines of war, the siege lasted a long time.

³⁶⁹ δὲ τὴν‎ ἔφοδον τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκούσας ἀφίσταται μὲν τοῦ τὴν‎ ἄκραν πολιορκεῖν, ἀπαντήσας δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τῶν στενῶν ἔν τινι τόπῳ λεγομένῳ σταδίους ἀπέχοντι τῶν πολεμίων ἑβδομήκοντα.

³⁶⁹ But Judas, hearing of the King’s approach, withdrew from the siege of the Akra. Meeting the King, he pitched camp at the narrow passes in a place called Beth-Zechariah, seventy stadia [approx. 8 miles] away from the enemy.

³⁶⁹ But when Judas heard of the king’s coming, he raised the siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched his camp in certain straits, at a place called Bethzachriah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from the enemy;

³⁶⁹ When Judas heard of the king’s arrival, he ceased besieging the citadel and faced up to the king and camped at a gorge in a place called Beth-Zacharias, seventy furlongs from the enemy.

³⁷⁰ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς ΒεθσούραςBethsura ἤγαγε τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὰ στενὰ καὶ τὸ τοῦ ἸούδαJudas στρατόπεδον, ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ δὲ πρὸς μάχην διέτασσε τὴν‎ στρατιάν.	³⁷⁰ The King, setting out from Beth-Zur, led his force toward the narrows and Judas’s camp; at daybreak, he drew up his army for battle.
³⁷⁰ but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array,	³⁷⁰ The king soon led his forces from Bethsura to the gorge, and when it was day, arranged his army for battle.

³⁷¹ τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐλέφαντας ἐποίησεν ἀλλήλοις ἕπεσθαι διὰ τὴν‎ στενοχωρίαν οὐ δυναμένων αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πλάτος τετάχθαι, εἰς δὲ κύκλον ἐλέφαντος ἑκάστου συμπροῇσαν πεζοὶ μὲν χίλιοι, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακόσιοι· ἔφερον δὲ οἱ ἐλέφαντες πύργους τε ὑψηλοὺς καὶ τοξότας· τὴν‎ δὲ λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἑκατέρωθεν ἐποίησεν ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὰ ὄρη φίλους αὐτῆς προτάξας.

³⁷¹ Because of the narrowness of the ground, he made the elephants follow one another, as they were unable to be stationed in a wide line. Around each elephant there advanced a circle of a thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. The elephants carried high towers and archers. He made the rest of the force ascend the mountains on either side, placing his 'Friends' in the lead.

³⁷¹ and made his elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because they could not be set sideways by one another. Now round about every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them]. And he also made the rest of his army to go up the mountains, and put his friends before the rest;

³⁷¹ He sent his elephants in single file through the narrow pass, since they could not go side by side, with each elephant surrounded by a thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry; and the elephants carried high towers and archers. The rest of his army he sent up the mountains, under the command of his friends.

³⁷² κελεύσας δὲ ἀλαλάξαι τὴν‎ στρατιὰν προσβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις, γυμνώσας τάς τε χρυσᾶς καὶ χαλκᾶς ἀσπίδας, ὥστε αὐγὴν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀφίεσθαι λαμπράν· συνεπήχει δὲ τὰ ὄρη κεκραγότων αὐτῶν. ταῦτα ὁρῶν ὁ οὐ κατεπλάγη, δεξάμενος δὲ γενναίως τοὺς πολεμίους τῶν προδρόμων περὶ ἑξακοσίους ἀναιρεῖ.

³⁷² Having ordered the army to raise the war-cry, he attacked the enemy, uncovering the gold and bronze shields so that a brilliant radiance was cast from them; the mountains echoed with their shouting. Seeing this, Judas was not terrified; receiving the enemy nobly, he slew about six hundred of the vanguard.

³⁷² and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious splendor was sent from them; and when they shouted the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was not terrified, but received the enemy with great courage, and slew about six hundred of the first ranks.

³⁷² His orders were for the army to shout aloud as they attacked the enemy and to show their golden and bronze shields, so that they shone with glorious splendour, and the mountains echoed back their shouting. Judas was not terrified by this, but faced the enemy courageously and killed about six hundred of the front runners.

³⁷³ δ᾽ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎, ὃν ἐκάλουν, ἰδὼν τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν ἐλεφάντων ὡπλισμένον θώραξι βασιλικοῖς καὶ νομίζων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν βασιλέα εἶναι παρεβάλετο σφόδρα εὐκαρδίως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁρμήσας, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν ἐλέφαντα κτείνας τοὺς ἄλλους διεσκέδασεν, ὑποδὺς δὲ ὑπὸ τὴν‎ γαστέρα καὶ πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἐλέφαντα.

³⁷³ But Eleazar, his brother, whom they called Auran, seeing the tallest of the elephants equipped with royal breastplates and thinking the King was upon it, made an exceedingly courageous venture. Rushing at it, he killed many of those around the elephant and scattered the rest; then, slipping under its belly and stabbing it, he killed the elephant.

³⁷³ But when his brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the elephants armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that the king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and bravery. He also slew many of those that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest, and then went under the belly of the elephant, and smote him, and slew him;

³⁷³ When his brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the elephants armed with royal shields and thought the king riding him, he attacked him with speed and bravery. He killed many around the elephant and scattered the rest and going under the belly of the elephant he struck him and killed the elephant

³⁷⁴ ὁ δ᾽ ἐπικατενεχθεὶς τῷ ἘλεαζάρῳEleazar διαφθείρει τὸν ἄνδρα ὑπὸ τοῦ βάρους. Καὶ οὗτος μὲν εὐψύχως πολλοὺς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπολέσας τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν.	³⁷⁴ But the elephant, falling down upon Eleazar, crushed the man by its weight. And so he, having bravely destroyed many of the enemy, ended his life in this manner."
³⁷⁴ so the elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. And thus did this man come to his end, when he had first courageously destroyed many of his enemies.	³⁷⁴ But it fell upon Eleazar and crushed him to death with its weight; and that’s how this man ended his life, after bravely destroying many of the enemy.

The Strategy of the "Narrows"
Judas chose Beth-Zechariah because it was a "bottleneck." He hoped the terrain would neutralize the Seleucid numerical advantage. Josephus highlights this by noting the elephants had to move in "single file" (ἀλλήλοις ἕπεσθαι). However, unlike at Beth-Horon or Emmaus, the sheer weight of the Seleucid heavy infantry and the psychological impact of the "towers on legs" proved too much to overcome.

Psychological Warfare: The Shields
Josephus includes a vivid detail: the uncovering of the gold and bronze shields. This wasn't just for protection; it was a calculated light-show. At daybreak, the reflection of the sun off thousands of polished metal surfaces would have been blinding to the Jewish rebels looking down from the heights. Combined with the ἀλαλάξαι (war-cry) echoing off the mountains, it was designed to create "shock and awe."

The Elephant Escort
Note the tactical formation: each elephant was protected by a "circle" of 1,500 men (1,000 foot, 500 horse). This was a direct response to the vulnerability of elephants to light infantry. The Seleucids knew that if a rebel got close enough to ham-string the beast or strike the belly, the elephant would panic. Eleazar’s ability to break through this 1,500-man "human shield" is what makes his feat so legendary in the text.

Eleazar "Auran": The Paradox of Sacrifice
Eleazar's death is a classic "pyrrhic" act. He succeeds in his objective (killing the beast), but he miscalculates two things:

1) The Target: The King was likely not on that specific elephant.

2) The Physics: He failed to account for the fact that a dying multi-ton animal falls straight down.

Josephus frames this not as a blunder, but as εὐψυχία (high-spirited courage). In the Hasmonean narrative, Eleazar is the first of the five brothers to die, setting a precedent that the family was willing to pay the ultimate price for the "resolve" (phronema) their father had entrusted to them.

The "Vanguard" Success
Despite the eventual retreat, Josephus notes that Judas’s men killed 600 of the προδρόμων (vanguard). This shows that the Maccabean forces were still capable of lethal efficiency even when facing a massive imperial army. They were not easily intimidated (οὐ κατεπλάγη), a trait Josephus consistently admires in his ancestors.

The "Weight" of Empire
The death of Eleazar by the "weight" (βάρος) of the elephant serves as a perfect metaphor for the battle itself. The Jews had the courage and the tactics, but they were eventually crushed by the literal and figurative weight of the Seleucid Empire's resources. Following this battle, Judas was forced to retreat to Jerusalem, leading to a desperate siege of the Temple Mount.

³⁷⁵ Ὁ δὲ ὁρῶν τὴν‎ τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχὺν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς καὶ πρὸς πολιορκίαν παρεσκευάζετο· δὲ τὸ μέν τι τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰς ἔπεμψεν πολεμήσων αὐτήν, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτὸς ἧκεν εἰς .

³⁷⁵ "But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, withdrew to Jerusalem and prepared for a siege. Antiochus [V] sent a portion of his army to Beth-Zur to wage war against it, while he himself came to Jerusalem with the rest of his forces.

³⁷⁵ But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he came against Jerusalem;

³⁷⁵ Seeing the strength of the enemy, Judas retreated to Jerusalem and prepared for a siege. Antiochus sent part of his army to combat Bethsura, and came against Jerusalem with the rest of his forces.

³⁷⁶ οἱ μὲν οὖν τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν καταπλαγέντες καὶ σπανίζοντα βλέποντες τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παραδιδόασιν ἑαυτοὺς ὅρκους λαβόντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν πείσεσθαι κακὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως. δὲ λαβὼν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἄλλο μὲν αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν διέθηκεν, μόνον δὲ γυμνοὺς ἐξέβαλεν, φρουρὰν δὲ κατέστησεν ἰδίαν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

³⁷⁶ Now the people of Beth-Zur, terrified by his strength and seeing that their provisions were failing, surrendered themselves after receiving oaths that they would suffer no harm from the King. Having taken the city, Antiochus did nothing else to them except to cast them out naked [unarmed]; he then stationed his own garrison in the city.

³⁷⁶ but the inhabitants of Bethsura were terrified at his strength; and seeing that their provisions grew scarce, they delivered themselves up on the security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no other harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a garrison of his own in the city.

³⁷⁶ The people of Bethsura were terrified of his power, and with their provisions growing scarce, they surrendered, being guaranteed by oath that they should suffer no harm from the king. After taking the city, Antiochus did no more to them than sending them out naked and placing in the city a garrison of his own.

³⁷⁷ πολλῷ δὲ χρόνῳ τὸ ἱερὸν πολιορκῶν τὸ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem προσεκαθέζετο καρτερῶς τῶν ἔνδοθεν ἀμυνομένων· πρὸς ἕκαστον γὰρ ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔστησε μηχάνημα κἀκεῖνοι πάλιν ἀντεμηχανῶντο.	³⁷⁷ For a long time, he sat before the Temple in Jerusalem, besieging it vigorously while those within defended themselves; for against every machine the King set up against them, they in turn set up a counter-machine.
³⁷⁷ But as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long time, while they within bravely defended it; for what engines soever the king set against them, they set other engines again to oppose them.	³⁷⁷ For a long time he besieged the Jerusalem temple, for those inside bravely defended it, and whatever machines the king set against them, they opposed with machines of their own.

³⁷⁸ τροφὴ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπιλελοίπει, τοῦ μὲν ὄντος ἀπανηλωμένου καρποῦ, τῆς δὲ γῆς ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἔτει μὴ γεωργημένης, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ εἶναι τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος, καθ᾽ ὃ νόμος ἡμῖν ἀργὴν ἐᾶν τὴν‎ χώραν, ἀσπόρου μεμενηκυίας. πολλοὶ τοιγαροῦν τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἀπεδίδρασκον διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀπορίαν, ὡς ὀλίγους ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καταλειφθῆναι.

³⁷⁸ But food had failed them, for the existing grain was exhausted and the land that year had not been farmed; rather, because it was the Seventh Year, during which it is our law to leave the land fallow, it had remained unsown. Therefore, many of those being besieged slipped away because of the lack of necessities, so that only a few were left behind in the Temple."

³⁷⁸ But then their provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground they had laid up were spent and the land being not ploughed that year, continued unsowed, because it was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are obliged to let it lay uncultivated. And withal, so many of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that but a few only were left in the temple.

³⁷⁸ But their provisions ran out, for whatever food they had stored was used up as the land was not plowed that year, since it was the seventh year, when our laws make us leave it unsown. Also, many of the besieged fled for lack of essentials, so that only a few were left in the temple.

The Strategic Pivot to Jerusalem
Judas’s retreat to Jerusalem was a "calculated withdrawal." After the loss of the open field at Beth-Zechariah, the Temple Mount—with its massive walls and high elevation—was the only place left to make a stand. However, by retreating there, he allowed the Seleucids to divide their forces and mop up the southern stronghold of Beth-Zur.

The Fall of Beth-Zur
Beth-Zur had been heavily fortified by Judas (as noted in 12.7.7). Its surrender marks a major blow. Josephus notes they were καταπλαγέντες (terrified) by the king’s "strength"—likely a reference to the sight of the elephants and the massive siege train. The King’s decision to let them leave "naked" (γυμνοὺς) likely means "unarmed" rather than literally without clothes, stripped of their military capacity but spared their lives.

"Machine for Machine"
The siege of the Temple was a high-tech affair. Josephus uses the term ἀντεμηχανῶντο (counter-engineered). This implies that the Jewish defenders had become experts in Hellenistic engineering, building their own cranes, bolt-throwers, or protective structures to neutralize the King’s catapults. It was a battle of "engine against engine."

The Silent Enemy: The Sabbatical Year
The most fascinating detail is the ἕβδομον ἔτος (Seventh Year/Shmita). According to Leviticus 25, the land must rest every seven years. Because the revolt occurred during a Sabbatical cycle, there was no harvest.

1) The Irony: The very Law the Maccabees were fighting to protect was now the reason they were starving.

2) The Crisis: This was not just a military failure; it was a biological one. The "lack of necessities" (ἀναγκαίων ἀπορίαν) broke the siege in a way the 100,000 Seleucid soldiers could not.

The Desertion of the "Many"
Josephus admits that many Jews ἀπεδίδρασκον (slipped away/deserted). Only a "few" remained. This provides a very human look at the revolt: while the leaders were willing to die of hunger for the cause, the common soldiers and civilians reached a breaking point. The revolution was down to a "remnant" of hardliners huddled in the inner courts of the Temple.

The Impending "Miracle"
At this moment, the Hasmonean cause was technically defeated. They were trapped, starving, and outnumbered. In the next section, Josephus will describe how a sudden political coup in Antioch (the arrival of Philip from Persia) forced Lysias to grant a generous peace treaty just to end the siege quickly. The "survival" of the Jews was seen as a divine intervention using the internal rot of the Seleucid court as its instrument.

³⁷⁹ Καὶ τοῖς μὲν πολιορκουμένοις ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοιαῦτα συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὰ πράγματα. δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς ἥκων ἐδηλώθη [καὶ] τὰ πράγματα εἰς αὐτὸν κατασκευάζειν, εἶχον μὲν ὥστε τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἀφέντες ὁρμᾶν ἐπὶ τὸν , οὐ μὴν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι φανερὸν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἔγνωσαν,

³⁷⁹ "Such was the state of affairs for those being besieged in the Temple. But as for the general Lysias and the King, when it was reported to them that Philip had arrived from Persia and was arranging matters for himself [claiming the regency], they felt they must abandon the siege and set out against Philip. However, they decided not to make this known to the soldiers and the commanders.

³⁷⁹ And these happened to be the circumstances of such as were besieged in the temple. But then, because Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon them out of Persia, and was endeavoring to get the management of public affairs to himself, they came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste to go against Philip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers or to the officers:

³⁷⁹ That was the situation of those besieged in the temple. But when general Lysias and king Antiochus were told that Philip was coming against them from Persia and trying to take over the government, they decided to leave the siege and to attack Philip, but not to let this be known to the soldiers or to the officers.

³⁸⁰ ἀλλ᾽ ἐκέλευσεν τὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐν κοινῷ διαλεχθῆναι μηδὲν μὲν τῶν περὶ ἐμφανίζοντα, τὴν‎ δὲ πολιορκίαν ὅτι χρονιωτάτη γένοιτ᾽ ἂν δηλοῦντα, καὶ τὴν‎ ὀχυρότητα τοῦ χωρίου, καὶ ὅτι τὰ τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῖς ἤδη ἐπιλείποι, καὶ ὡς πολλὰ δεῖ καταστῆσαι τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων,

³⁸⁰ Instead, the King ordered Lysias to speak to him and the commanders in public, revealing nothing of the situation regarding Philip, but explaining that the siege would become extremely protracted, highlighting the strength of the place (ὀχυρότητα τοῦ χωρίου), noting that their food supplies were already failing, and emphasizing that many matters in the kingdom needed to be settled.

³⁸⁰ but the king commanded Lysias to speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very long; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted regulation;

³⁸⁰ The king ordered Lysias to address himself and the officers publicly without saying anything about the business of Philip, and to tell them that the siege would be very long, since the place was so strong and they were already short of provisions, and many affairs of the kingdom needed attention.

³⁸¹ καὶ ὡς δοκεῖ πολὺ κρεῖττον εἶναι σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους πρὸς τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς ὅλον αὐτῶν τὸ ἔθνος ἐπιτρέψαντας αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, ὧν ἀφαιρεθέντες νῦν ἐξεπολεμώθησαν, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα. ταῦτα τοῦ φήσαντος ἠρέσθη τό τε στράτευμα καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῇ γνώμῃ.

³⁸¹ He suggested it seemed much better to make a treaty (spondas) with the besieged and establish a friendship with their whole nation, permitting them to use their ancestral laws (πατρίοις νόμοις)—the deprivation of which had caused them to go to war—and then to return to their own lands. When Lysias said these things, both the army and the commanders were pleased with the proposal."

³⁸¹ and that it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to become friends to their whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution.

³⁸¹ So it seemed much better to make a truce with the besieged and to make friends with their whole nation by letting them observe their ancestral laws, for whose removal they had gone into this war, and so to go home. When Lysias said this to them, the army and the officers were pleased with this plan.

The "Philip Factor": Geopolitics Trumps Religion
The sudden arrival of Philip (the man Antiochus IV had named regent on his deathbed) acted as a deus ex machina for the Jews. Lysias was effectively a usurper holding the young King; if Philip reached Antioch first, Lysias would lose his head. This forced a radical shift in priority: the "Jewish problem" was suddenly a distraction that needed to be settled at any cost.

The Face-Saving Rhetoric
The speech Lysias gives to the troops is a masterclass in political spin. He hides the existential threat (Philip) and instead blames the "fortification of the place" and the "failing food." By framing the retreat as a strategic choice rather than a panicked flight, he maintained the morale of his 100,000 soldiers who might otherwise have sensed weakness in their leadership.

Admission of the "Cause of War"
Lysias makes a startling admission: the Jews were "driven to war" (ἐξεπολεμώθησαν) specifically because their laws were taken away. This acknowledges that the policy of Antiochus IV had been a strategic blunder. By restoring the πατρίοις νόμοις (ancestral laws), the Seleucids were attempting to remove the reason for the insurgency, hoping to turn the Jews from rebels back into tax-paying subjects.

The "Fortress" of the Temple
The mention of the ὀχυρότητα τοῦ χωρίου (strength of the place) confirms that the Temple Mount had been successfully transformed into a first-class fortress. Despite the famine, the architectural defenses were so formidable that a professional Seleucid army—even with 32 elephants and advanced siege engines—feared a "prolonged" struggle.

From Genocide to "Friendship"
The shift from the previous order to "obliterate the race" (12.7.2) to "establish friendship with their whole nation" (φιλίαν πρὸς ὅλον αὐτῶν τὸ ἔθνος) is a total reversal of Seleucid policy. This treaty effectively ended the religious persecution phase of the Maccabean Revolt. While political independence was still years away, the right to be Jewish was legally restored.

The Pleased Army
Josephus notes the army was ἠρέσθη (pleased). This suggests that even the professional Seleucid soldiers had no stomach for a "forever war" in the Judean hills. They were tired of the "counter-machines" and the stubborn resistance of a starving people; they wanted to return to the comforts of the capital.

³⁸² Καὶ πέμψας ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πολιορκουμένους εἰρήνην τε ἐπηγγείλατο καὶ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρωμένους ζῆν. οἱ δὲ ἀσμένως δεξάμενοι τοὺς λόγους λαβόντες ὅρκους τε καὶ πίστεις ἐξῆλθον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ.

³⁸² "So the King sent word to Judas and those besieged with him, proclaiming peace and granting them the right to live according to their ancestral laws. They gladly accepted these terms and, after receiving oaths and pledges, came out of the Temple.

³⁸² Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged with them, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make use of, and live according to, the laws of their fathers; and they gladly received his proposals; and when they had gained security upon oath for their performance, they went out of the temple.

³⁸² The king sent to Judas and those who were besieged with him, promising them peace and allowing them to live according to their ancestral laws. They heard his message gladly and when they had received his oaths of good faith, they left the temple.

³⁸³ εἰσελθὼν δὲ εἰς αὐτὸ καὶ θεασάμενος ὀχυρὸν οὕτως τὸ χωρίον παρέβη τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ κελεύει τὴν‎ δύναμιν παραστᾶσαν καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος εἰς ἔδαφος. Καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς ἐπαγόμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα, ὃς καὶ ἐκαλεῖτο.

³⁸³ But when Antiochus [V] entered it and saw how strongly the place was fortified, he violated his oaths and ordered the army standing by to level the wall to the ground. Having done this, he returned to Antioch, bringing with him the High Priest Onias, who was also called Menelaus.

³⁸³ But when Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with him Onias the high priest, who was also called Menelaus;

³⁸³ When Antiochus entered and saw how strong a place it was, he broke his oaths and ordered his army to come there and level its walls to the ground, and when he had done so, he returned to Antioch, taking with him Onias the high priest, surnamed Menelaus.

³⁸⁴ γὰρ συνεβούλευσεν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν ἀνελεῖν, εἰ βούλεται τοὺς ἠρεμεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν αὐτῷ· τοῦτον γὰρ ἄρξαι τῶν κακῶν πείσαντ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν πατέρα τοὺς ἀναγκάσαι τὴν‎ πάτριον θρησκείαν καταλιπεῖν.

³⁸⁴ For Lysias had advised the King to kill Menelaus if he wished the Jews to remain quiet and not trouble him; for he said this man had begun the evils by persuading the King’s father to force the Jews to abandon their ancestral religion.

³⁸⁴ for Lysias advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers.

³⁸⁴ Lysias had advised the king to kill Menelaus, if he wanted the Jews to keep the peace and cause him no more trouble, for this man had started all the harm the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to abandon the religion of their fathers.

³⁸⁵ πέμψας οὖν τὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τῆς διέφθειρεν ἀρχιερατεύσαντα μὲν ἔτη δέκα, πονηρὸν δὲ γενόμενον καὶ ἀσεβῆ καὶ ἵνα αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ τὸ ἔθνος ἀναγκάσαντα τοὺς ἰδίους παραβῆναι νόμους. ἀρχιερεὺς δὲ ἐγένετο μετὰ τὸν θάνατον ὁ καὶ κληθείς.

³⁸⁵ The King therefore sent Menelaus to Beroea in Syria and put him to death, after he had served as High Priest for ten years; he had been a wicked and impious man who, in order to rule himself, had forced his own nation to violate their laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus (also called Iakimos) became High Priest.

³⁸⁵ So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made high priest.

³⁸⁵ So the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria and there had him put to death, after being high priest for ten years. He had been bad and impious and, in order to win the leadership had forced his nation to break their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, surnamed Jacimus, became high priest.

³⁸⁶ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁρῶν ἤδη τὸν ΦίλιππονPhilip κρατοῦντα τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπολέμει πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὸν ὑποχείριον ἀπέκτεινεν.	³⁸⁶ Now King Antiochus, seeing that Philip was already in control of affairs, made war against him, and having got him into his power, he put him to death.
³⁸⁶ But when king Antiochus found that Philip had already possessed himself of the government, he made war against him, and subdued him, and took him, and slew him.	³⁸⁶ When king Antiochus found that Philip had already taken the leadership, he made war on him and captured and killed him.

³⁸⁷ ὁ δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς , ὃν προείπομεν ἔτι παῖδα τελευτήσαντος ἀφίεσθαι τοῦ πατρός, ἰδὼν ὅτι τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνελὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δέδωκεν οὐκ ὄντι τῆς τῶν ἀρχιερέων γενεᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ πεισθεὶς μεταθεῖναι τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας εἰς ἕτερον οἶκον, φεύγει πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

³⁸⁷ But Onias [IV], the son of the High Priest [Onias III]—whom we previously mentioned was left as a child when his father died—seeing that the King had killed his uncle Menelaus and given the high priesthood to Alcimus (who was not of the High Priest’s lineage, but Lysias had persuaded the King to transfer the honor from that house to another), fled to Ptolemy, the King of Egypt.

³⁸⁷ Now as to Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt;

³⁸⁷ But Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we said before, was left a child when his father died, when he saw how the king had killed his uncle Menelaus and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priestly stock, and was persuaded by Lysias to remove that dignity from his family to another house, fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt.

³⁸⁸ καὶ τιμῆς ἀξιωθεὶς ὑπό τε αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς λαμβάνει τόπον ἐν τῷ τῷ , ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν ᾠκοδόμησεν ἱερόν. περὶ τούτου μὲν οὖν εὐκαιρότερον ἡμῖν ἔσται‎ διελθεῖν.

³⁸⁸ Being granted honor by him and his wife Cleopatra, he received a place in the Heliopolitan Nome, where he built a temple similar to the one in Jerusalem. Regarding this, we shall discuss it at a more opportune time."

³⁸⁸ and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it.

³⁸⁸ Finding himself held in high esteem by him and his wife Cleopatra, he asked and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a temple like that in Jerusalem. We will give an account of this later, at a more suitable time.

The Violation of the Walls
Even though Antiochus V granted religious freedom, he committed a strategic betrayal by leveling the Temple’s fortifications (καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος εἰς ἔδαφος). He realized that while he could tolerate the Jewish religion, he could not tolerate a Jewish fortress in the middle of Jerusalem. By stripping the Temple of its walls, he hoped to keep the Jews "pacified" through physical vulnerability.

The Scapegoating of Menelaus
The execution of Menelaus is a fascinating case of political pragmatism. Lysias identifies him as the αἴτιος (the cause) of the entire war. By executing the very man who had encouraged the Hellenization decree, the Seleucid court signaled a "clean break" from the policies of Antiochus IV. Menelaus, who had betrayed his own people for power, was ultimately betrayed by the empire he served.

The Death at Beroea
Historical sources outside Josephus (such as 2 Maccabees) specify that Menelaus was executed in a "Tower of Ashes" in Beroea (modern Aleppo), a particularly gruesome death reserved for sacrilegious criminals. This satisfied both the King’s need for a scapegoat and the Jews' desire for divine justice against a "wicked and impious" leader.

The Rise of Alcimus: A New Conflict
The appointment of Alcimus created a new crisis. Although he was a descendant of Aaron, he was not from the direct High-Priestly family of the Oniads. Josephus notes that Lysias deliberately moved the office to a "different house" (εἰς ἕτερον οἶκον). This political interference in the priesthood ensured that the office remained a tool of the Seleucid state, a move that would keep the Maccabees in the field fighting for years to come.

The Temple of Leontopolis (Onias)
The flight of Onias IV to Egypt led to one of the most controversial developments in Second Temple Judaism: the Temple of Onias at Leontopolis.

1) The Schism: Because the legitimate heir felt the Jerusalem priesthood was now corrupt/illegitimate, he built a "replacement" temple in Egypt.

2) The Irony: Onias was welcomed by the Ptolemies (the rivals of the Seleucids), who were happy to host a Jewish religious center that undermined the one in Seleucid-controlled Jerusalem.

The End of Philip
Antiochus V and Lysias successfully defeated their rival, Philip, but their triumph was short-lived. In the very next chapters, the true heir to the Seleucid throne, Demetrius I Soter, will return from Rome to reclaim his crown, leading to the execution of both the boy-king and Lysias.

Chapter 10
[389-419]
Bacchides and Nicanor fail in war against Judas.
He makes act of friendship with the Romans.

☜ ☞

³⁸⁹ Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν φυγὼν ἀπὸ ὁ υἱὸς καὶ καταλαβόμενος τῆς περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, συναγαγὼν δέ τινας περὶ αὐτὸν μισθοφόρους εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εἰσῆλθεν, πάντων αὐτὸν ἡδέως προσδεχομένων καὶ παραδιδόντων αὑτούς.

³⁸⁹ "At about the same time, Demetrius, the son of Seleucus [IV], having escaped from Rome and seized Tripoli in Syria, placed the diadem upon himself. Having gathered some mercenaries around him, he entered the kingdom, with everyone receiving him gladly and surrendering themselves to him.

³⁸⁹ About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him.

³⁸⁹ About that time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled from Rome and took Tripoli, a city of Syria and took the crown himself. He also gathered some mercenary soldiers and entered his kingdom and was joyfully received by all, who put themselves in his hands.

³⁹⁰ συλλαβόντες δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ ζῶντας ἀνάγουσιν αὐτῷ. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν κελεύσαντος παραχρῆμα διεφθάρησαν βασιλεύσαντος ἔτη δύο, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ ἐν ἄλλῳ δεδήλωται.

³⁹⁰ Having seized both King Antiochus and Lysias alive, they brought them up to him. At the command of Demetrius, these men were immediately put to death, Antiochus having reigned for two years, as has already been declared elsewhere.

³⁹⁰ And when they had taken Autiochus the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which were immediately put to death by the command of Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have already elsewhere related.

³⁹⁰ When they had taken Antiochus the king and Lysias, they brought them to him alive and both were immediately put to death at the command of Demetrius, after Antiochus had ruled for two years, as we have elsewhere reported.

³⁹¹ συστραφέντες δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πονηροὶ καὶ φυγάδες καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἌλκιμοςAlcimus ὁ ἀρχιερεύς, κατηγόρουν τοῦ ἔθνους παντὸς καὶ ἸούδαJudas καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ‎,	³⁹¹ Then many of the wicked and fugitives of the Jews gathered to him, and with them the High Priest Alcimus. They brought accusations against the entire nation and against Judas and his brothers,
³⁹¹ But there were now many of the wicked Jewish runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus the high priest, who accused the whole nation, and particularly Judas and his brethren;	³⁹¹ But there were now many wicked Jewish renegades who joined him, including the high priest Alcimus, who accused the whole nation and particularly Judas and his brothers,

³⁹² λέγοντες ὡς τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ‎ πάντας ἀπεκτόνασιν καὶ ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντες καὶ περιμένοντες αὐτὸν ὑπῆρχον ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τούτους ἀπολωλέκασιν αὐτούς τε τῆς οἰκείας γῆς ἐκβαλόντες ἀλλοτρίας ἐπήλυδας πεποιήκασιν, ἠξίουν τε πέμψαντα τῶν ἰδίων τινὰ φίλων γνῶναι δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τετολμημένα.

³⁹² saying that they had killed all the King’s friends and had destroyed as many as were in the kingdom who held his views and were waiting for his arrival; and that they had cast them out of their own land and made them aliens in a foreign country. They requested that he send one of his own friends to learn through him the bold crimes committed by Judas and his followers."

³⁹² and said that they had slain all his friends, and that those in his kingdom that were of his party, and waited for his return, were by them put to death; that these men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would send some one of his own friends, and know from him what mischief Judas’s party had done.

³⁹² saying that they had killed all his friends and that any in his kingdom who were of his party and awaited his return, were put to death by them. He said that these men had expelled them from their own country and made them exiles in a foreign land, and asked him to send one of his own friends and through him learn the harm that Judas' party had done.

The Escape from Rome: A Geopolitical Shift
Demetrius had been held as a political hostage in Rome while his uncle (Antiochus IV) and cousin (Antiochus V) ruled. His "escape" was a major blow to Roman interests and a signal of renewed Seleucid ambition. By landing at Tripoli and hiring mercenaries, he bypassed the regular bureaucracy and went straight for the heart of the empire. The "glad reception" he received shows how unpopular the regency of Lysias had become.

The End of the "Boy-King"
The immediate execution of the child-king Antiochus V and the regent Lysias was a brutal but standard Hellenistic practice to prevent future counter-coups. For Judas, this was a disaster: the men who had signed the peace treaty granting religious freedom were now dead. Demetrius was under no legal obligation to honor a treaty made by a "usurper" like Lysias.

The "Lobbying" of Alcimus
Alcimus, the new High Priest, appears here as a master of political manipulation. He doesn't frame the conflict as a religious one; instead, he frames it as a political rebellion against Demetrius. By claiming that Judas had killed those "waiting for the King's arrival" (περιμένοντες αὐτὸν), he painted the Maccabean faction as anti-royalist rebels who were purging the King's loyalists.

The Terminology of "Wicked and Fugitives"
Josephus continues to use the words πονηροὶ (wicked) and φυγάδες (fugitives/exiles) for the Hellenized Jews. These were the aristocrats who favored Greek culture and had been displaced from Jerusalem by the Maccabean victories. Their goal was to use the new King’s army to conduct a "reconquista" of Judea and regain their lost estates.

Framing Judas as a "Foreigner"
The accusation that Judas made the King's friends "aliens in a foreign country" is a clever rhetorical flip. The Hellenists were the ones who had lived in Judea for generations; they were accusing the Maccabees—the "authentic" Jews—of making them feel like outsiders in their own land. This suggests that the internal Jewish civil war was just as bitter as the war against the Greeks.

The Request for an "Investigator"
The request for the King to send a "friend" to investigate was a strategic move to bring a Seleucid military presence back into Jerusalem. They didn't just want a judge; they wanted a general. As we will see, this leads to the dispatch of Bacchides, one of the most ruthless commanders in the Seleucid arsenal, and a renewed period of bloodshed for the Maccabees.

³⁹³ Ὁ δὲ παροξυνθεὶς ἐκπέμπει φίλον τοῦ βασιλέως, ἄνδρα χρηστὸν καὶ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν πεπιστευμένον, δοὺς αὐτῷ δύναμιν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα παραθέμενος αὐτῷ ἐντειλάμενος ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ.

³⁹³ "Demetrius, being provoked, sent out Bacchides, a friend of King Antiochus Epiphanes, a worthy man who had been entrusted with all of Mesopotamia. He gave him a force and committed the High Priest Alcimus to his care, commanding him to kill Judas and those with him.

³⁹³ At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, a good man, and one that had been intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him.

³⁹³ At this Demetrius was very angry and sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, a good man who had been entrusted with all Mesopotamia, giving him charge of an army and entrusting the high priest Alcimus to his care, with the commission to kill Judas and his companions.

³⁹⁴ ἐξορμήσας δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ὁ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ περὶ φιλίας καὶ εἰρήνης διαλεγόμενος· δόλῳ γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν.

³⁹⁴ Setting out from Antioch with the force and arriving in Judea, Bacchides sent word to Judas and his brothers, speaking about friendship and peace; for he wished to take him by treachery.

³⁹⁴ So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antioch with his army; and when he was come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with them about a league of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to take him by treachery.

³⁹⁴ So Bacchides hurried off from Antioch with his army, and arriving in Judea, sent to Judas and his brothers to talk with them about a pact of friendship and peace, planning to seize him by treachery.

³⁹⁵ ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν· ἑώρα γάρ, ὅτι μετὰ στρατιᾶς πάρεστιν τοσαύτης, μεθ᾽ ἐπὶ πόλεμόν τις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνην . τινὲς μέντοι γε τῶν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου προσέχοντες οἷς ὁ ἐπεκηρυκεύσατο καὶ νομίσαντες οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ὄντος ὁμοφύλου πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀνεχώρησαν,

³⁹⁵ But Judas did not trust him, for he saw that he had come with an army as large as one brings for war, not for peace. However, some of the common people, heeding what Bacchides had proclaimed and believing they would suffer nothing terrible from Alcimus—since he was of their own nation—went over to them.

³⁹⁵ But Judas did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great an army as men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war. However, some of the people acquiesced in what Bacchides caused to be proclaimed; and supposing they should undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman, they went over to them;

³⁹⁵ But he did not trust him, for he saw him coming with a larger army than is normal when one comes to make peace. Still, some of the people were in agreement with Bacchides' proclamation and expected to suffer no great harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman.

³⁹⁶ καὶ λαβόντες ὅρκους παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων μήτε αὐτούς τι παθεῖν μήτε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ὄντας προαιρέσεως ἐπίστευσαν αὑτοὺς ἐκείνοις. ὁ δὲ ὀλιγωρήσας τῶν ὅρκων ἑξήκοντα μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὅσοι διενοοῦντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀναχωρεῖν, ἐπέστρεψεν τοῖς πρώτοις τὴν‎ πίστιν μὴ φυλάξας.

³⁹⁶ Having received oaths from both men that neither they nor those of the same party would suffer harm, they entrusted themselves to them. But Bacchides, disregarding the oaths, killed sixty of them; as for the others who were intending to go over to him, he turned them away, having failed to keep faith with the first group.

³⁹⁶ and when they had received oaths from both of them, that neither they themselves, nor those of the same sentiments, should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves with them. But Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he had taken, but slew threescore of them, although, by not keeping his faith with those that first went over, he deterred all the rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing it.

³⁹⁶ So they went over and after receiving oaths from both of them that neither they nor those of their side would come to any harm, they trusted them. Bacchides did not bother about the oaths he had taken and killed sixty of them, but by not keeping his faith with those who first went over, he deterred all the rest, who had meant to go over to him.

³⁹⁷ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἀπελθὼν κατὰ κώμην λεγομένην ἐγένετο, πέμψας συλλαμβάνει πολλοὺς τῶν αὐτομολούντων καί τινας τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ πάντας ἀποκτείνας προσέταξεν τοῖς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ πᾶσιν ὑπακούειν , καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς τινος, ἵν᾽ ἔχῃ τηρεῖν τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτοῦ‎, καταλιπὼν αὐτὸν εἰς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ὑπέστρεψεν.

³⁹⁷ After departing from Jerusalem and arriving at the village called Berzetho, he sent out and seized many of the deserters and some of the people, and having killed them all, he commanded everyone in the country to obey Alcimus. Leaving him with a certain portion of the army so that he might guard the country, Bacchides returned to King Demetrius in Antioch."

³⁹⁷ But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at the village called Bethzetho, he sent out, and caught many of the deserters, and some of the people also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, with some part of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep the country in obedience and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius.

³⁹⁷ When he left Jerusalem and was in the village called Berzetho, he sent out and caught many of the deserters and some of the people and killed them all, and ordered all who lived in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, with part of the army, leaving him the means to hold the land and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius.

The Resumé of Bacchides
Josephus describes Bacchides as a man "entrusted with all of Mesopotamia." This indicates he was a viceroy of the eastern half of the empire—essentially the second most powerful man in the Seleucid state. Sending a commander of this stature shows that Demetrius viewed the "Judean Problem" as a top-tier imperial priority, not a local skirmish.

The Trap: "War in the Garb of Peace"
Judas exhibits superior military intuition here. He looks past the diplomatic language of "friendship" (φιλίας) and "peace" (εἰρήνης) and looks at the order of battle. His assessment—that no one brings a full invasion force for a peace summit—highlights the difference between the savvy Maccabean leadership and the naive populace.

The Betrayal of the Hasideans
The "common people" mentioned here are identified in the Book of Maccabees as the Hasideans (Hasidim). These were pious Jews who cared more about the religious office of the High Priest than political independence. They assumed that because Alcimus was "of their own nation" (ὁμοφύλου), he wouldn't slaughter them. This is a recurring theme in Josephus: ethnic kinship is no guarantee of safety during a civil war.

The "Sixty" and the Broken Oath
The execution of the sixty leaders was a calculated psychological blow. By breaking a sworn oath (ὀλιγωρήσας τῶν ὅρκων), Bacchides and Alcimus signaled that the old rules of engagement were over. This effectively ended any chance of a peaceful reconciliation; after this, the Maccabean struggle became a fight to the death because Seleucid "mercy" was proven to be a lie.

Berzetho and the "Buffer" Strategy
Bacchides' movement to Berzetho and the subsequent massacres served to clear the area around Jerusalem of Maccabean sympathizers. By forcing the local population to "obey Alcimus" through terror, Bacchides attempted to establish a loyalist puppet-state.

The Puppet High Priest
By leaving a portion of the army with Alcimus, Bacchides transformed the High Priesthood into a military governorship. Alcimus was no longer a religious leader supported by the people, but a "garrison priest" whose authority rested entirely on Syrian spears. This delegitimized the office in the eyes of many Jews, further radicalizing the support for Judas.

³⁹⁸ δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ‎ βουλόμενος βεβαιώσασθαι καὶ συνείς, ὅτι κατασκευάσας εὔνουν τὸ πλῆθος ἀσφαλέστερον ἄρξει, χρηστοῖς ἅπαντας ὑπήγετο λόγοις καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἑκάστῳ καὶ χάριν ὁμιλῶν ταχὺ δὴ μάλα χεῖρα πολλὴν καὶ δύναμιν περιεβάλετο·

³⁹⁸ "Now Alcimus, wishing to confirm his authority and realizing that he would rule more securely if he made the multitude well-disposed toward him, tried to win everyone over with kind words, speaking to each person with a view toward their pleasure and favor; thus, very quickly indeed, he surrounded himself with a great hand and power.

³⁹⁸ But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly assured to him; and understanding that, if he could bring it about that the multitude should be his friends, he should govern with greater security, he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to each of them after an agreeable and pleasant manner; by which means he quickly had a great body of men and an army about him,

³⁹⁸ But Alcimus wished to make his dominion more secure and understanding that he would govern more safely if he could make the people his friends, he spoke kindly to them all and agreeably and pleasantly to each of them individually, so that he soon had a large group as an army about him.

³⁹⁹ τούτων δ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ πλείους ἐκ τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ πεφυγαδευμένων, οἷς ὑπηρέταις καὶ στρατιώταις χρώμενος ἐπήρχετο τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ ὅσους ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ ἸούδαJudas φρονοῦντας ηὕρισκεν ἐφόνευεν.	³⁹⁹ The majority of these men were from the impious and the fugitives; using them as his assistants and soldiers, he overran the country and slaughtered as many as he found therein who held to the views of Judas.
³⁹⁹ although the greater part of them were of the wicked, and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he went all over the country, and slew all that he could find of Judas’s party.	³⁹⁹ Most of them were impious and renegades and with these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he went all over the country and killed whoever of Judas' party he could find.

⁴⁰⁰ ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν ἤδη μέγαν ὁ γινόμενον καὶ πολλοὺς διεφθαρκότα τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ ὁσίων τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιπορευόμενος τὴν‎ χώραν διέφθειρεν τοὺς ταὐτὰ ἐκείνῳ φρονοῦντας. βλέπων δὲ ἑαυτὸν ἀντέχειν τῷ μὴ δυνάμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἡττώμενον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἰσχύος, ἐπὶ τὴν‎ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως συμμαχίαν ἔγνω τραπέσθαι.

⁴⁰⁰ But Judas, seeing that Alcimus was already becoming great and had destroyed many of the good and holy men of the nation, himself also traversed the country and destroyed those who held the same views as Alcimus. When Alcimus saw that he was unable to withstand Judas but was being overcome by his strength, he decided to turn to the alliance of King Demetrius.

⁴⁰⁰ But when Judas saw that Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed many of the good and holy men of the country, he also went all over the country, and destroyed those that were of the other party. But when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king Demetrius for his assistance;

⁴⁰⁰ When Judas saw how powerful Alcimus had become and that he had killed many of the nation’s good and holy men, he went throughout the country killing those who were of the other party; and as Alcimus saw that he could not oppose Judas, being unequal to him in strength, he decided to apply to king Demetrius for his help.

⁴⁰¹ παραγενόμενος οὖν εἰς παρώξυνεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν , κατηγορῶν ὡς πολλὰ μὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεπόνθοι κακά, πλείω δὲ γένοιτ᾽ ἄν, εἰ μὴ προκαταληφθείη καὶ δοίη δίκην δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρᾶς ἀποσταλείσης.

⁴⁰¹ Having arrived in Antioch, he provoked the King against Judas, accusing him of many evils already suffered at his hands and warning that even more would occur unless he were forestalled and punished by a strong force being sent against him."

⁴⁰¹ so he came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a great many miseries by his means, and that he would do more mischief unless he were prevented, and brought to punishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force against him.

⁴⁰¹ Going to Antioch he roused him against Judas, alleging that he had endured many woes on account of him and that he would do more harm unless he were prevented and punished, by sending a powerful force against him.

The Populist "Charm Offensive"
Josephus reveals Alcimus as a sophisticated politician. He didn't just rely on Syrian spears; he engaged in χρηστοῖς... λόγοις (kind words) and sought to provide "pleasure and favor" (ἡδονὴν... χάριν). This suggests that a significant portion of the Jewish population was weary of war and was susceptible to a High Priest who promised a return to "normalcy" under the Seleucid umbrella.

A Nation Divided: The "Two Parties"
The text uses the term φρονοῦντας (those holding the views/mindset) to describe the two factions.

1) The Party of Alcimus: Composed of the "impious" (ἀσεβῶν) and "fugitives" (πεφυγαδευμένων)—those who embraced Hellenism or benefited from Seleucid rule.

2) The Party of Judas: Described as the "good and holy" (ἀγαθῶν καὶ ὁσίων)—those committed to the traditional Law and national independence.

The Terror in the Countryside
This is one of the darkest descriptions of the conflict. It wasn't just a battle between armies, but a series of localized purges. Alcimus "slaughtered" Judas's supporters, and Judas "destroyed" Alcimus's supporters. This level of internal violence explains the deep-seated sectarian divisions (such as between the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes) that would characterize Jewish life for the next two centuries.

Asymmetric Power Balance
Despite Alcimus's "great hand and power," he was still ἡττώμενον (being overcome) by Judas’s strength. This confirms that Judas remained the master of the Judean highlands. Alcimus could only hold the cities and the areas guarded by the Syrian garrison; the moment he stepped into the rural hills, he was at the mercy of the Maccabean guerrillas.

The "Forestalling" Argument
Alcimus's plea to King Demetrius is a classic appeal for "preemptive strikes." He argues that Judas must be προκαταληφθείη (forestalled/intercepted) before he becomes too powerful to stop. This highlights the Seleucid fear that Judea was transforming from a rebellious province into a sovereign state that could threaten the empire's southern flank.

The High Priest as "Prosecutor"
It is striking that the High Priest of Israel is the one traveling to the pagan capital (Antioch) to ask for a foreign army to invade his own land and kill his own people. Josephus paints Alcimus as the ultimate "anti-hero," the man who values his own ἀρχὴν (authority) over the lives of his countrymen.

⁴⁰² Ὁ δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτοῦ‎ πράγμασιν ἐπισφαλὲς ἡγησάμενος εἶναι τὸ περιιδεῖν ἐν ἰσχύι τοσαύτῃ γενόμενον, ἐκπέμπει τὸν εὐνούστατον αὐτῷ καὶ πιστότατον τῶν φίλων, οὗτος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ συμφυγών, καὶ δοὺς δύναμιν ὅσην ὑπέλαβεν ἀρκέσειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐκέλευσεν μηδεμίαν φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ ἔθνους.

⁴⁰² "But Demetrius, considering it already a danger to his own interests to overlook Judas becoming so powerful, sent out Nicanor, the most well-disposed and faithful of his friends—for this was the man who had escaped from Rome with him. Giving him a force he believed would be sufficient against Judas, he commanded him to show no mercy to the nation.

⁴⁰² So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faithful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas withal, and bid him not to spare the nation at all.

⁴⁰² So Demetrius, already thinking that it would be dangerous for him to ignore Judas, now that he was becoming so powerful, sent against him Nicanor, the closest and most faithful of all his friends, the man who had fled with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas and told him not to spare the nation in the least.

⁴⁰³ ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς πολεμεῖν μὲν εὐθὺς οὐ διέγνω τῷ , δόλῳ δ᾽ ὑποχείριον λαβεῖν κρίνας προσπέμπει λόγους εἰρηνικοὺς αὐτῷ, μηδεμίαν μὲν ἀνάγκην εἶναι φάσκων πολεμεῖν καὶ κινδυνεύειν, ὅρκους δ᾽ αὐτῷ διδόναι περὶ τοῦ μηδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινόν· ἥκειν γὰρ μετὰ φίλων ἐπὶ τῷ ποιῆσαι φανερὰν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως διάνοιαν, ὡς περὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν φρονεῖ.

⁴⁰³ When Nicanor arrived in Jerusalem, he decided not to make war against Judas immediately. Judging it better to take him by treachery, he sent peaceful messages to him, claiming there was no necessity to fight or risk danger, and offering oaths that he would suffer nothing terrible. He claimed he had come with friends only to make clear the intentions of King Demetrius regarding how he felt toward their race.

⁴⁰³ When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to get him into his power by treachery; so he sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king Demetrius’s intentions were, and what opinion he had of their nation.

⁴⁰³ On reaching Jerusalem, Nicanor resolved not to fight Judas immediately, judging it better to get him into his power by treachery,

⁴⁰⁴ ταῦτα διαπρεσβευσαμένου τοῦ ὁ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ‎ πεισθέντες καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀπάτην ὑποπτεύσαντες διδόασιν πίστεις αὐτῷ καὶ δέχονται τὸν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. ὁ δὲ ἀσπασάμενος τὸν [καὶ] μεταξὺ προσομιλῶν δίδωσι τοῖς οἰκείοις τι σημεῖον, ὅπως συλλάβωσι τὸν .

⁴⁰⁴ After Nicanor had sent these embassies, Judas and his brothers, being persuaded and suspecting no deception, gave him pledges and received Nicanor and his force. But while Nicanor was greeting Judas and conversing with him, he gave a certain signal to his own men to seize Judas.

⁴⁰⁴ When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brethren complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friendship, and received Nicanor and his army; but while he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together, he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon which they were to seize upon Judas;

⁴⁰⁴ so he sent him a message of peace and said there was no need for them to fight and risk themselves, and that he would give him his oath not to harm him, since he came with some friends only to let him know the intentions of king Demetrius and his views about their nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brothers agreed and suspecting no deceit, gave him assurances of friendship and received Nicanor and his army, but while he was saluting Judas and they were talking together, he gave his soldiers the signal to seize Judas.

⁴⁰⁵ ὁ δὲ συνεὶς τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκπηδήσας πρὸς τοὺς ἰδίους συνέφυγεν. φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς προαιρέσεως αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς ἐνέδρας ὁ γενομένης πολεμεῖν ἔκρινεν τῷ , καὶ συγκροτήσας καὶ παρασκευασάμενος τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην συμβάλλει κατά τινα κώμην καὶ νικήσας ἀναγκάζει τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς ἄκραν φεύγειν.

⁴⁰⁵ Judas, however, perceiving the plot, leaped away and fled back to his own men. Since his [Nicanor's] true intention and ambush had become manifest, Nicanor decided to make war against Judas; and having assembled and prepared for battle, he engaged him at a certain village called Caphar-salama. Having won, he forced Judas to flee to the Akra in Jerusalem."

⁴⁰⁵ but he perceived the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them. So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his army together, and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining battle with him at a certain village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas, and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem.

⁴⁰⁵ He realized the treachery and ran back to his own soldiers and fled with them. So when his purpose and his traps for Judas were uncovered, Nicanor decided to make open war with him and gathered his army prepared to fight him, and in their battle at a village called Capharsalama, he defeated Judas and forced him to flee to the citadel in Jerusalem.

The Loyalty of Nicanor
Josephus emphasizes that Nicanor was Demetrius’s "most faithful friend" (πιστότατον τῶν φίλων). They had shared the trauma and risk of escaping from Rome together. This wasn't just a general following orders; this was the King’s "right-hand man." By sending Nicanor, Demetrius signaled that the "Judean Problem" was now a personal matter of state security.

The "Art" of the Treacherous Peace
Nicanor’s tactic was identical to that of Bacchides (12.10.2), yet it nearly worked. He used the language of "intentions" and "race" (γένους) to appeal to Judas's desire for a lasting political settlement. The fact that Judas—normally so cautious—was "persuaded" (πεισθέντες) shows that Nicanor was a master of psychological manipulation.

The Signal: A Classic Assassination Attempt
The scene where Nicanor converses with Judas while signaling his men is cinematic in its tension. It reflects the "Agamemnon" or "Judas Iscariot" motif of the lethal kiss or greeting. Judas’s "leap" (ἐκπηδήσας) suggests he noticed a subtle change in Nicanor's posture or the movement of his guards at the last possible second.

The Battle of Caphar-salama
The location of Caphar-salama (likely near the ascent to Beth-Horon) was a site of tactical significance. While 1 Maccabees suggests the battle was a draw or a minor Jewish victory, Josephus records it as a defeat for Judas. This highlights the "ebb and flow" of the war; even the great Maccabeus could be outmaneuvered when facing a fresh, well-led imperial vanguard.

"Show No Mercy"
Demetrius’s command to show μηδεμίαν φειδὼ (no mercy/sparing) to the nation marks a return to the "total war" policy of Antiochus IV. The brief period of religious tolerance under the previous administration was officially over. For the Jews, this meant that the survival of the Temple was once again tied to the survival of the Maccabean army.

The Retreat to the Citadel
The mention of Judas fleeing to the "Akra in Jerusalem" is slightly confusing in the Greek text, as the Akra was usually the Seleucid stronghold. Most scholars interpret this as Judas retreating to the fortified heights of the Temple Mount, which he had previously walled and which served as his urban base of operations.

⁴⁰⁶ Ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῷ κατιόντι ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπαντήσαντες τῶν ἱερέων τινὲς καὶ πρεσβυτέρων ἠσπάζοντο καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐπεδείκνυον, ἃς ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔλεγον ἐπιφέρειν τῷ θεῷ. ὁ δὲ βλασφημήσας αὐτοὺς ἠπείλησεν, εἰ μὴ παραδοίη τὸν ὁ λαὸς αὐτῷ, καθαιρήσειν ὅταν ἐπανέλθῃ τὸν ναόν.

⁴⁰⁶ "As he [Nicanor] was coming down from the Akra to the Temple, some of the priests and elders met him, greeting him and showing him the sacrifices which they said they were offering to God on behalf of the King. But he blasphemed them and threatened that if the people did not hand Judas over to him, he would level the sanctuary when he returned.

⁴⁰⁶ And when Nicanor came down from the citadel unto the temple, some of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him; and showed him the sacrifices which they said they offered to God for the king: upon which he blasphemed, and threatened them, that unless the people would deliver up Judas to him, upon his return he would pull down their temple.

⁴⁰⁶ As he [Nicanor] came down from the citadel to the temple, some of the priests and elders met and greeted him and showed him the sacrifices they offered to God for the king, then he blasphemed and threatened them, that unless the people would hand over Judas to him, upon his return he would pull clown their temple.

⁴⁰⁷ καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἀπειλήσας ἐξῆλθεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem, οἱ δ᾽ ἱερεῖς εἰς δάκρυα διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις λύπην προέπεσον καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον ῥύσασθαι ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτούς.	⁴⁰⁷ Having made these threats, he departed from Jerusalem; the priests fell into tears due to their grief over what had been said and implored God to rescue them from their enemies.
⁴⁰⁷ And when he had thus threatened them, he departed from Jerusalem. But the priests fell into tears out of grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them from their enemies.	⁴⁰⁷ After so threatening them, he left Jerusalem; and the priests began to weep with grief at what he had said and begged God to save them from their enemies.

⁴⁰⁸ ὁ δὲ , ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐξελθὼν ἐγένετο κατά τινα κώμην λεγομένην, αὐτόθι στρατοπεδεύεται αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλης ἀπὸ δυνάμεως· δὲ ἐν ἑτέρᾳ κώμῃ σταδίους ἀπεχούσῃ τριάκοντα τῆς στρατοπεδεύεται δισχιλίους στρατιώτας ἔχων.

⁴⁰⁸ Now Nicanor, having departed from Jerusalem, came to a certain village called Beth-Horon, and there he encamped, as another force from Syria joined him. Judas, however, encamped at Adasa, another village thirty stadia [about 3.5 miles] away from Beth-Horon, having two thousand soldiers.

⁴⁰⁸ But now for Nicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having joined him. And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa, another village, which was thirty furlongs distant from Bethoron, having no more than one thousand soldiers.

⁴⁰⁸ On leaving Jerusalem Nicanor encamped at a village called Bethoron, and was joined by another force from Syria. Judas encamped at another village, Adasa, thirty furlongs from Bethoron, with two thousand men.

⁴⁰⁹ τούτους παρορμήσας μὴ καταπλαγῆναι τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων πλῆθος, μηδὲ λογίζεσθαι πρὸς πόσους ἀγωνίζεσθαι μέλλουσιν, ἀλλὰ τίνες ὄντες καὶ περὶ οἵων ἐπάθλων κινδυνεύουσιν ἐνθυμουμένους εὐψύχως ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐπὶ τὴν‎ μάχην ἐξάγει, καὶ συμβαλὼν τῷ καὶ καρτερᾶς τῆς μάχης γενομένης κρατεῖ τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ πολλούς τε αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν καὶ τελευταῖον αὐτὸς ὁ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνιζόμενος ἔπεσεν.

⁴⁰⁹ Having incited them not to be terrified by the multitude of the opposition, nor to calculate against how many they were about to struggle, but rather considering who they were and for what prizes they were risking themselves, he led them out to battle with high spirits to close with the enemy. Joining battle with Nicanor, and after a fierce struggle took place, he mastered the opposition; many of them he slew, and finally Nicanor himself fell, fighting brilliantly.

⁴⁰⁹ And when he had encouraged them not to be dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to consider who they themselves were, and for what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out to fight, and joining battle with Nicanor, which proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell:—

⁴⁰⁹ After encouraging them not to be dismayed at the number of their enemies, nor to consider the numbers against whom they were going to fight, but to realize who they themselves were and the great rewards for which they risked themselves and to attack the enemy bravely, he led them out to the fight and though the battle with Nicanor proved severe, he overcame the enemy and killed many of them, and finally Nicanor himself fell, fighting gloriously.

⁴¹⁰ οὗ πεσόντος οὐδὲ τὸ στράτευμα ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπολέσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν ῥίψαντες τὰς πανοπλίας. ἐπιδιώκων δὲ ὁ ἐφόνευσεν καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι ταῖς περὶ κώμαις ἐσήμαινεν, ὅτι νικῴη τοὺς πολεμίους.

⁴¹⁰ When he fell, the army did not remain, but having lost their general, they turned to flight, throwing away their full armor. Judas, pursuing them, slew them and signaled with trumpets to the surrounding villages that he was defeating the enemy.

⁴¹⁰ upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms. Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy;

⁴¹⁰ After his fall the army did not stay but were put to flight by the loss of their general and threw down their arms, and Judas pursued and killed them and by the sound of the trumpets gave notice to the neighbouring villages that he had conquered the enemy.

⁴¹¹ οἱ δ᾽ ἐν αὐταῖς ἀκούσαντες ἐξεπήδων ὡπλισμένοι καὶ τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὑπαντῶντεςto come/go to meet ἔκτεινον αὐτοὺς γενόμενοι κατὰ πρόσωπον, ὥστ᾽ ἐκ τῆς μάχης ταύτης οὐδεὶς διέφυγεν ὄντων αὐτῶν ἐννακισχιλίων.	⁴¹¹ Those in the villages, hearing this, leaped out armed and, meeting the fugitives face-to-face, they killed them; so that from this battle not one man escaped out of their nine thousand.
⁴¹¹ which, when the inhabitants heard, they put on their armor hastily, and met their enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them, insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle, who were in number nine thousand.	⁴¹¹ When the inhabitants heard it they sprang to arms and met their enemies face to face as they were running away and killed them, so that none of the nine thousand escaped from this battle.

⁴¹² τὴν‎ δὲ νίκην συνέβη γενέσθαι ταύτην τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς τοῦ λεγομένου παρὰ μὲν κατὰ δὲ . ἄγουσιν δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὰ νικητήρια κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος καὶ ἑορτὴν νομίζουσι τὴν‎ ἡμέραν. ἐξ ἐκείνου μέντοι τοῦ χρόνου πρὸς ὀλίγον τὸ τῶν ἔθνος τῶν πολέμων ἀναπαυσάμενον καὶ εἰρήνης ἀπολαῦον ἔπειτα εἰς ἀγῶνας πάλιν καὶ κινδύνους κατέστη.

⁴¹² This victory happened to occur on the thirteenth of the month called Adar by the Jews, and Dystrus by the Macedonians. They celebrate the victory in this month every year and consider the day a festival. From that time, the Jewish nation enjoyed a rest from wars for a short while, but afterward they fell back into struggles and dangers."

⁴¹² This victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that month which by the Jews is called Adar and by the Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon celebrate this victory every year, and esteem it as a festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but afterward they returned into their former state of wars and hazards.

⁴¹² This victory was on the thirteenth day of that month called by the Jews Adar and by the Macedonians Dystrus, and on it the Jews celebrate this victory every year and treat it as a festival day. After this the Jewish nation were free from wars and enjoyed peace for a while, but later they returned to their former state of wars and dangers.

The Blasphemy of Nicanor
Nicanor’s threat to "level the sanctuary" (καθαιρήσειν... τὸν ναόν) is a pivotal literary and theological moment. In the Hasmonean narrative, when a Greek general threatens the Temple directly, his doom is sealed. Josephus contrasts the arrogant "downward" movement of Nicanor from the Akra with the "upward" prayers of the weeping priests.

Strategic Geography: Beth-Horon vs. Adasa
Nicanor retreated to Beth-Horon, the site of Judas's very first major victory years earlier. By choosing this location, Nicanor likely hoped to reverse the "ghosts" of the past with his reinforced Syrian army. Judas, stationed at Adasa (between Jerusalem and Beth-Horon), held the high ground, intercepting Nicanor’s path back to the coastal plain.

"Not to Calculate" (Tactical Psychology)
Judas’s speech is a masterclass in guerrilla psychology. He tells his men μηδὲ λογίζεσθαι—literally "do not do the math." He knows that if his 2,000 men (1 Maccabees says 3,000) look at the 9,000 professional Syrian soldiers, they will lose heart. He shifts the focus from numbers to identity—reminding them they are fighting for the "prizes" (ἐπάθλων) of religious and national survival.

The "Total" Victory
The detail that "not one man escaped" (οὐδεὶς διέφυγεν) is rare in Josephus and signals a complete tactical envelopment. This was achieved through a "citizen-soldier" network: Judas used trumpets (σάλπιγξι) to alert the surrounding Judean villages. The farmers and villagers, who were usually non-combatants, rose up to block the paths of the retreating Greeks, creating a lethal "anvil" for Judas’s "hammer."

"Nicanor's Day" (Yom Nicanor)
This victory was so significant that it became a national holiday on the 13th of Adar—the day before Purim. For centuries, it was forbidden to fast or eulogize on this day. Josephus notes that the victory was bittersweet; it provided only a "short while" (πρὸς ὀλίγον) of peace. Indeed, within weeks, the empire would send Bacchides back with a massive force that would eventually lead to Judas's death.

The Hand of Nicanor (A Missing Detail?)
While Josephus omits it here, 1 and 2 Maccabees provide a grimmer post-script: Judas cut off Nicanor’s head and his "blasphemous" right hand (the one he had raised against the Temple) and hung them outside the gates of Jerusalem as a trophy. This act of psychological warfare served to bolster the morale of the Jews before the next wave of Syrian invasions.

⁴¹³ Τῷ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεῖ τῷ βουληθέντι καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος τοῦ ἁγίου παλαιὸν ὂν καὶ κατεσκευασμένον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων προφητῶν, πληγή τις αἰφνίδιος ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ προσέπεσεν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἄφωνός τε ἐπὶ τὴν‎ γῆν κατηνέχθη καὶ βασανισθεὶς ἐπὶ συχνὰς ἡμέρας ἀπέθανεν ἀρχιερατεύσας ἔτη τέσσαρα.

⁴¹³ "To the High Priest Alcimus, when he wished to tear down the wall of the Sanctuary—which was ancient and built by the prophets of old—there fell a sudden stroke from God. By this stroke, he was cast down speechless to the ground, and having been tormented for many days, he died, having served as High Priest for four years.

⁴¹³ But now as the high priest Alcimus, was resolving to pull down the wall of the sanctuary, which had been there of old time, and had been built by the holy prophets, he was smitten suddenly by God, and fell down. This stroke made him fall down speechless upon the ground; and undergoing torments for many days, he at length died, when he had been high priest four years.

⁴¹³ As the high priest Alcimus thought to pull down the wall of the sanctuary, which had been built in former times by the holy prophets, he was struck suddenly by God and fell down. This stroke made him fall speechless to the ground, and after many days of suffering he finally died, having been high priest for four years.

⁴¹⁴ τελευτήσαντος δὲ τούτου τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ λαὸς τῷ δίδωσιν, ὃς ἀκούσας περὶ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ὅτι καταπεπολεμήκασιν τήν τε καὶ τὴν‎ καὶ τῆς καὶ πρὸς τούτοις τὴν‎ κεχείρωνται καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς καὶ καὶ τὸν μέγαν , ἔγνω φιλίαν ποιήσασθαι πρὸς αὐτούς.

⁴¹⁴ Upon his death, the people gave the High Priesthood to Judas. He, having heard of the power of the Romans—how they had subdued Gaul, Iberia, and Carthage in Libya, and moreover had conquered Greece and the kings Perseus, Philip, and Antiochus the Great—resolved to make a friendship with them.

⁴¹⁴ And when he was dead, the people bestowed the high priesthood on Judas; who hearing of the power of the Romans, and that they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Libya; and that, besides these, they had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and Philip, and Antiochus the Great also; he resolved to enter into a league of friendship with them.

⁴¹⁴ After his death the people gave the high priesthood to Judas, who hearing of the power of the Romans and that in war they had defeated Galatia and Iberia and Carthage and Libya, and had also subdued Greece and their kings, Perseus and Philip and Antiochus the Great, decided to make a pact of friendship with them.

⁴¹⁵ πέμψας οὖν εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τὸν παρεκάλει δι᾽ αὐτῶν συμμάχους εἶναι καὶ φίλους, καὶ γράψαι, ὅπως μὴ πολεμῇ τοὺς .

⁴¹⁵ Sending his friends Eupolemus son of John and Jason son of Eleazar to Rome, he entreated through them for the Romans to be allies and friends, and to write to Demetrius so that he would not make war on the Jews.

⁴¹⁵ He therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the Romans that they would assist them, and be their friends, and would write to Demetrius that he would not fight against the Jews.

⁴¹⁵ For this he sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of John and Jason the son of Eleazar through whom he asked the Romans to help them and be their friends and to write to Demetrius forbidding him to fight against the Jews.

⁴¹⁶ ἐλθόντας δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβευτὰς ἡ σύγκλητος δέχεται καὶ διαλεχθεῖσα περὶ ὧν ἐπέμφθησαν τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν ἐπινεύει. ποιήσασα δὲ περὶ τούτου δόγμα τὸ μὲν ἀντίγραφον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπέστειλεν, αὐτὸ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ εἰς χαλκᾶς ἐγγράψαντες δέλτους ἀνέθεσαν.

⁴¹⁶ When the ambassadors from Judas arrived in Rome, the Senate received them and, having discussed the matters for which they were sent, granted the alliance. They made a decree regarding this, sending a copy to Judea, while the original they inscribed on bronze tablets and deposited in the Capitol.

⁴¹⁶ So the senate received the ambassadors that came from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand on which they came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They also made a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass.

⁴¹⁶ As the envoys from Judas arrived in Rome they were received by the senate who spoke to them about their mission and agreed to the alliance. They also made a decree about it, a copy of which was sent to Judea, while the original, engraved in brass, they placed in the Capitol.

⁴¹⁷ ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· " δόγμα συγκλήτου περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τὸ . μηδένα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων πολεμεῖν τῷ ἔθνει μηδὲ τοῖς πολεμοῦσι χορηγεῖν ἢ σῖτον ἢ πλοῖα ἢ χρήματα.

⁴¹⁷ It was as follows: 'A decree of the Senate concerning the alliance and goodwill toward the nation of the Jews. No one under Roman authority shall make war on the Jewish nation, nor supply those who do make war with grain, ships, or money.

⁴¹⁷ The decree itself was this: "The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money;

⁴¹⁷ It read as follows: "The decree of the senate about alliance and friendship with the Jewish nation. It shall not be lawful for any of those subject to the Romans to make war on the Jewish nation, or to help those who do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money.

⁴¹⁸ ἐὰν δὲ ἐπίωσί τινες , βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, καὶ πάλιν, ἂν τῇ ἐπίωσίν τινες, αὐτοῖς συμμαχεῖν. ἂν δέ τι πρὸς ταύτην τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν θελήσῃ τὸ τῶν ἔθνος ἢ προσθεῖναι ἢ ἀφελεῖν, τοῦτο κοινῇ γινέσθω γνώμῃ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ , ὃ δ᾽ ἂν προστεθῇ τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι κύριον.

⁴¹⁸ If any attack the Jews, the Romans shall help them to the best of their ability; and likewise, if any attack the Romans, the Jews shall act as their allies. If the nation of the Jews wishes to add or subtract anything from this alliance, let it be done by the common consent of the Roman people, and whatever is added shall be valid.'

⁴¹⁸ and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist them, as far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind to add to, or to take away any thing from, this league of assistance, that shall be done with the common consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition shall thus be made, it shall be of force."

⁴¹⁸ If anyone attacks the Jews, the Romans shall help them as far as possible and again, if anyone attacks the Romans, the Jews shall fight on their side. If the Jews want to add to, or to take away anything from, this alliance, let it be done with the consent of the Roman people and any addition so made shall be valid."

⁴¹⁹ ἐγράφη τὸ δόγμα ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀρχιερέως μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους , στρατηγοῦ δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎. Καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν πρώτην πρὸς φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν οὕτως συνέβη γενέσθαι.

⁴¹⁹ This decree was written by Eupolemus son of John and Jason son of Eleazar, while Judas was High Priest of the nation and his brother Simon was General. And thus it happened that the first friendship and alliance between Romans and Jews was established."

⁴¹⁹ This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Eleazar, when Judas was high priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general of the army. And this was the first league that the Romans made with the Jews, and was managed after this manner.

⁴¹⁹ This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John and by Jason the son of Eleazar, when Judas was high priest of the nation and Simon his brother was general of the army. This was the first pact that the Romans made with the Jews and that was how it came to be.

The Death of Alcimus: A Sacred Boundary
Alcimus’s attempt to tear down the "Wall of the Prophets" was likely an effort to remove the barrier separating the inner court (for Jews) from the outer court (accessible to Gentiles). In Josephus's theology, this wasn't just a renovation; it was an act of sacrilege against the very structure of the Covenant. The "sudden stroke" (πληγή) is portrayed as a direct divine intervention, reinforcing that the Sanctuary is protected by a power higher than Syrian governors.

Realpolitik: Judas as a Global Strategist
This passage marks Judas’s transition from a local rebel to a world-class statesman. He is "doing his homework" on the Mediterranean power balance. He notes the fall of:

1) The West: Gaul, Iberia (Spain), and Carthage (Punic Wars).

2) The East: The Antigonids (Perseus/Philip) and the Seleucids (Antiochus the Great at Magnesia).

Judas realizes that the only way to stop a Seleucid king is to appeal to the "superpower" that had already humbled them: Rome.

The Bronze Tablets in the Capitol
The Romans recorded their most important international treaties on bronze tablets (χαλκᾶς... δέλτους) and kept them in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. This was the ultimate "insurance policy." For a small nation like Judea, being listed in the Roman archives was a massive boost to their international legitimacy.

The Terms of the Treaty
The treaty is a classic Foedus Aequum (Equal Treaty). It is a mutual defense pact. Note the specific list of forbidden supplies: grain, ships, or money. This was designed to cripple the logistics of any Seleucid king who dared to invade Judea. While the Romans were unlikely to send legions immediately, the threat of Roman intervention was often enough to make a Hellenistic king hesitate.

Judas as High Priest?
There is a significant historical debate here. 1 Maccabees does not explicitly state that Judas was appointed High Priest, but Josephus is adamant that the "people gave" (ὁ λαὸς δίδωσιν) the office to him. This represents the Hasmonean family's final step in consolidating total power: they were now the military leaders, the political heads, and the religious high-priests.

The Ambassadors: Jason and Eupolemus
Judas chose his messengers wisely. Eupolemus is believed by many scholars to be the same person as the historian Eupolemus, a Hellenized Jew who wrote in Greek. This suggests that the Maccabean inner circle was not "anti-Greek" in a cultural sense, but was sophisticated enough to use Greek language and Roman legal customs to further their national interests.

Chapter 11
[420-434]
Bacchides comes in greater force.
Judas dies in battle inst him

☜ ☞

⁴²⁰ ΔημήτριοςDemetrius δ᾽ ἀπαγγελθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς ΝικάνοροςNicanor τελευτῆς καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ. στρατεύματος πάλιν τὸν ΒακχίδηνBacchides μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐξέπεμψεν.	⁴²⁰ "When the death of Nicanor and the destruction of the army with him were reported to Demetrius, he again sent Bacchides into Judea with a force.
⁴²⁰ But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army into Judea,	⁴²⁰ When Demetrius was told of the death of Nicanor and the destruction of his army, he again sent Bacchides with an army into Judea.

⁴²¹ ὃς ἐκ τῆς ἐξορμήσας καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἐν πόλει τῆς στρατοπεδεύεται, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἐκεῖ σπηλαίοις ὄντας, πολλοὶ γὰρ εἰς αὐτὰ συμπεφεύγεσαν, ἐκπολιορκήσας καὶ λαβὼν ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὰ σπουδὴν ἐποιεῖτο.

⁴²¹ Setting out from Antioch and arriving in Judea, he encamped at Arbela, a city of Galilee. Having besieged and captured those in the caves there—for many had fled to them for refuge—he set out from there and made haste toward Jerusalem.

⁴²¹ who marched out of Antioch, and came into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Galilee; and having besieged and taken those that were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem.

⁴²¹ Marching from Antioch he arrived in Judea and encamped at Arbela, a city of Galilee, and having besieged and captured those who were in the caves there, for many of the people had fled into them, he moved from there and hurried to Jerusalem.

⁴²² μαθὼν δὲ τὸν ἔν τινι κώμῃ τοὔνομα κατεστρατοπεδευμένον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠπείγετο μετὰ πεζῶν μὲν δισμυρίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων· τῷ δ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ πάντες χίλιοι. οὗτοι τὸ πλῆθος θεωρήσαντες ἔδεισαν καὶ τὴν‎ παρεμβολὴν καταλιπόντες ἔφυγον πάντες πλὴν ὀκτακοσίων.

⁴²² Learning that Judas was encamped in a certain village named Zetho, he hurried against him with twenty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry; but all those with Judas numbered only one thousand. When these men saw the multitude of Bacchides, they were terrified, and leaving the camp, they all fled except for eight hundred.

⁴²² And when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain village whose name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him: they were twenty thousand foot-men, and two thousand horsemen.

⁴²² Learning that Judas had encamped at a village named Bethzetho, he led his army against him, they were twenty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry. Now Judas had no more soldiers than one thousand. When these saw the crowd of Bacchides' men, they were afraid and left their camp and fled all away, except eight hundred.

⁴²³ δὲ καταλειφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν [καὶ] τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικειμένων καὶ μηδένα καιρὸν αὐτῷ πρὸς συλλογὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιτρεπόντων οἷός τ᾽ ἦν μετὰ τῶν ὀκτακοσίων συμβαλεῖν τοῖς τοῦ , [καὶ] προτρεπόμενός τε τούτους εὐψύχως ὑφίστασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον παρεκάλει χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ μάχην.

⁴²³ Judas, having been abandoned by his own soldiers while the enemy was pressing upon him and allowing him no time to gather his forces, was nevertheless prepared to engage the men of Bacchides with his eight hundred. Exhorting them to withstand the danger with high spirits, he urged them to go into battle.

⁴²³ Now Judas had no more soldiers than one thousand. When these saw the multitude of Bacchides’s men, they were afraid, and left their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no time to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight with Bacchides’s army, though he had but eight hundred men with him; so he exhorted these men to undergo the danger courageously,

⁴²³ Judas was deserted by his own soldiers and the enemy pressed upon him and gave him no time to get his army together. Still, though left with only eight hundred men, he wanted to come to grips with Bacchides, so he urged these men to face the danger bravely and encouraged them to go forward to battle.

⁴²⁴ τῶν δὲ λεγόντων, ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶ πρὸς τοσοῦτο μέγεθος στρατιᾶς ἀξιόμαχοι, συμβουλευόντων δὲ νῦν μὲν ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ σώζειν αὐτούς, αὖθις δὲ συναγαγόντας τοὺς ἰδίους τοῖς ἐχθροῖς συμβαλεῖν, " μὴ τοῦτ᾽, εἶπεν, ἥλιος ἐπίδοι γενόμενον, ἵν᾽ ἐγὼ τὰ νῶτά μου δείξω τοῖς πολεμίοις.

⁴²⁴ But when they said they were not a match for such a great size of an army, and advised him to retreat for now and save themselves, and then later, after gathering their own men, to engage the enemy, he said: 'May the sun never look upon such a thing happening—that I should show my back to the enemy!

⁴²⁴ and encouraged them to attack the enemy. And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army, and advised that they should retire now, and save themselves and that when he had gathered his own men together, then he should fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer was this: "Let not the sun ever see such a thing, that I should show my back to the enemy

⁴²⁴ When they said they were not many enough to fight such a large army and advised him to retreat now and save themselves and that only when he had gathered all his men should he attack the enemy, his answer was, "Let the sun never see me showing my back to the enemy.

⁴²⁵ ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ τελευτὴν ὁ παρών μοι καιρὸς φέρει καὶ δεῖ πάντως ἀπολέσθαι μαχόμενον, στήσομαι γενναίως πᾶν ὑπομένων τὸ μέλλον ἢ Τοῖς ἤδη κατωρθωμένοις καὶ τῇ περὶ αὐτῶν δόξῃ προσβαλῶ τὴν‎ ἐκ τῆς νῦν φυγῆς ὕβριν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας παρακαλῶν τοῦ κινδύνου καταφρονήσαντας ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἔλεγεν.

⁴²⁵ Even if the present moment brings my end and I must by all means perish fighting, I will stand nobly, enduring whatever comes, rather than bring the shame of flight upon my past successes and the glory they earned.' Having said these things to the remaining men, he told them to disregard the danger and close with the enemy."

⁴²⁵ and although this be the time that will bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me, than by now running away bring reproach upon my former great actions, or tarnish their glory." This was the speech he made to those that remained with him, whereby he encouraged them to attack the enemy.

⁴²⁵ If this is the time of my end and I must die in this battle, I will face it bravely and bear whatever comes, rather than run away and spoil my former exploits or tarnish their glory." This was what he said to those who stayed with him, to encourage them to scorn the danger and attack the enemy.

The Strategy of Terror: Mount Arbel
Bacchides did not march straight to Jerusalem. He stopped in Galilee at Arbela. The caves of Arbel were natural fortresses. By "smoking out" the refugees there, Bacchides sent a clear message: there would be no safe haven this time. This was a psychological operation designed to break the will of the Judean rebels before the main battle even began.

The Great Desertion
The shift from 3,000 men (reported in 1 Maccabees) to the 1,000 mentioned by Josephus—and finally to the 800 who stayed—highlights a total collapse of morale. The Jewish soldiers were exhausted by years of constant warfare and were likely terrified of Bacchides’s professional "hammer." Judas’s power was always rooted in the people’s confidence; here, for the first time, that confidence fails.

The Ethos of the "Noble Death"
Judas’s response is the quintessential expression of Hasmonean Honor. His refusal to "show his back" (τὰ νῶτά μου δείξω) is not just about personal pride; it’s about the δόξῃ (glory) of the cause. He understood that if the leader of the revolution fled, the revolution itself would lose its moral authority. He chose to become a martyr to ensure the movement’s survival through his example.

Solar Witness: "May the Sun Not See"
The phrase "May the sun never look upon such a thing" is a powerful rhetorical device. In the ancient world, the sun was the witness to all earthly deeds. Judas is stating that his shame would be so great that the very light of day would be polluted by it.

A Tactical Impossible
The soldiers' advice to retreat was logically sound. In guerrilla warfare, you live to fight another day. However, Bacchides was "pressing upon him" (ἐπικειμένων), leaving "no time to gather" (μηδένα καιρὸν). Judas realized that a retreat under these conditions would likely turn into a slaughter anyway. If he was going to die, he would do so as a general, not a fugitive.

The 800: The "Spartans" of Judea
The 800 who remained are the Jewish equivalent of the 300 Spartans at Thermopylae. They represent the core of the Maccabean movement—men for whom the religious and national cause had transcended the instinct for self-preservation.

⁴²⁶ Ὁ δὲ ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τὴν‎ δύναμιν πρὸς μάχην παρετάσσετο, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων ἔταξε, τοὺς δὲ ψιλοὺς καὶ τοξότας προέστησεν πάσης τῆς φάλαγγος, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ.

⁴²⁶ "But Bacchides, leading his force out from the camp, drew them up for battle. He stationed the cavalry on each of the two wings (keratōn), and placed the light-armed troops and archers in front of the entire phalanx, while he himself was on the right.

⁴²⁶ But Bacchides drew his army out of their camp, and put them in array for the battle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole army, but he was himself on the right wing.

⁴²⁶ But Bacchides led his army out from camp and put them into battle array. He set the cavalry on both the wings and placed the light soldiers and archers in front of the whole army, and he himself was on the right wing.

⁴²⁷ οὕτως δὲ συντάξας τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἐπεὶ προσέμιξεν τῷ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδῳ, σημῆναι τὸν σαλπικτὴν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἀλαλάξασαν προσιέναι.	⁴²⁷ Having thus arranged the army, as he approached the enemy’s camp, he ordered the trumpeter to sound the signal and the army to advance with a war-cry. Judas, doing the same, engaged the enemy; both sides fought stoutly, and the battle stretched until sunset.
⁴²⁷ And when he had thus put his army in order of battle, and was going to join battle with the enemy, he commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of battle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the enemy.	⁴²⁷ When he had so arranged his army and was going to battle with the enemy, he ordered the trumpeter to blow and the army to raise their battle-cry and attack the enemy.

⁴²⁸ τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ ποιήσας ὁ συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ καρτερῶς ἀμφοτέρων ἀγωνιζομένων καὶ τῆς μάχης μέχρι δυσμῶν παρατεινομένης, ἰδὼν ὁ τὸν καὶ τὸ κρατερὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι τυγχάνον, παραλαβὼν τοὺς εὐψυχοτάτους ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὸ μέρος τῆς τάξεως, καὶ προσβαλὼν τοῖς ἐκεῖ διέσπα αὐτῶν τὴν‎ φάλαγγα.

⁴²⁸ Judas, seeing that Bacchides and the strongest part of the army happened to be on the right wing, took his most high-spirited men and rushed toward that part of the line. Attacking those there, he broke through their phalanx.

⁴²⁸ And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them; and as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till sun-set, Judas saw that Bacchides and the strongest part of the army was in the right wing, and thereupon took the most courageous men with him, and ran upon that part of the army, and fell upon those that were there, and broke their ranks,

⁴²⁸ Judas did likewise and engaged the enemy and as both sides fought valiantly the battle continued until sunset. Noting that Bacchides and the strongest part of his army were on the right wing, Judas immediately took his bravest with him and ran at that part of the line and broke through their ranks.

⁴²⁹ ὠσάμενος δ᾽ εἰς μέσους εἰς φυγὴν ἐβιάσατο αὐτούς, καὶ διώκει μέχρι ὄρους οὕτω λεγομένου. θεασάμενοι δὲ τὴν‎ τροπὴν τῶν ἐν τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι οἱ τὸ εὐώνυμον ἔχοντες ἐκυκλώσαντο τὸν διώκοντα καὶ λαμβάνουσι μέσον αὐτὸν κατόπιν γενόμενοι.

⁴²⁹ Pushing into their midst, he forced them into flight and pursued them as far as the mountain called Aza. But those holding the left wing, seeing the rout of the men on the right, circled around Judas as he was pursuing and caught him in the middle, coming up from behind.

⁴²⁹ and drove them into the middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza: but when those of the left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they encompassed Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took him into the middle of their army;

⁴²⁹ He drove through the middle and forced them to run away and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza. But when those on the left wing saw that the right being put to flight, they surrounded and pursued Judas and came behind and captured him between them.

⁴³⁰ ὁ δὲ φυγεῖν οὐ δυνάμενος, ἀλλὰ περιεσχημένος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, στὰς ἐμάχετο μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ. πολλοὺς δὲ κτείνας τῶν ἀντιπάλων καὶ κατάκοπος γενόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπεσεν, ἐπὶ καλοῖς μὲν πρότερον γεγενημένοις, ἐφ᾽ ὁμοίοις δὲ ὅτε ἀπέθνησκεν τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀφείς.

⁴³⁰ Unable to flee and surrounded by the enemy, he stood and fought with those with him. Having slain many of the opponents, and becoming exhausted, he himself fell—having performed noble deeds before, and leaving his life while performing the same at his death.

⁴³⁰ so being not able to fly, but encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his former famous actions.

⁴³⁰ Unable to flee and surrounded by enemies, he stood fast and he and his companions fought, and after killing many who came against him, he finally was himself wounded and fell and gave up the ghost, dying in a way worthy of his former exploits.

⁴³¹ πεσόντος δὲ ἸούδαJudas πρὸς μηδένα τὸ λοιπὸν ἀφορᾶν ἔχοντες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατηγοῦ δὲ τοιούτου στερηθέντες ἔφυγον.	⁴³¹ When Judas fell, those with him, having no one else to look to and being deprived of such a general, fled.
⁴³¹ When Judas was dead, those that were with him had no one whom they could regard [as their commander]; but when they saw themselves deprived of such a general, they fled.	⁴³¹ When Judas fell, his companions had no one to look up to, and finding themselves bereft of such a general, they fled.

⁴³² λαβόντες δὲ τὸ σῶμα παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὑπόσπονδον καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τοῦ , κομίσαντες εἰς τὴν‎ κώμην, ὅπου καὶ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῶν τέθαπτο, κηδεύουσιν πενθήσαντος ἐπὶ συχνὰς αὐτὸν τοῦ πλήθους ἡμέρας καὶ τιμήσαντος κοινῇ τοῖς νενομισμένοις.

⁴³² Taking up the body from the enemy under a truce, Simon and Jonathan, the brothers of Judas, carried it to the village of Modein, where their father was also buried. They performed the funeral rites while the multitude mourned him for many days and honored him collectively with the customary rites.

⁴³² But Simon and Jonathan, Judas’s brethren, received his dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried it to the village of Modin, where their father had been buried, and there buried him; while the multitude lamented him many days, and performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him.

⁴³² His brothers, Simon and Jonathan, received his corpse by a treaty from the enemy and brought it to the village of Modin, where their father was buried. There they buried him while the people lamented him for many days and performed the usual solemn funeral rites for him.

⁴³³ καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον κατέσχεν , ἄνδρα γενναῖον καὶ μεγαλοπόλεμον γενόμενον καὶ τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολῶν μνήμονα καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν πολιτῶν ἐλευθερίας καὶ δρᾶσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑποστάντα.

⁴³³ And such an end befell Judas, who was a brave man and a great warrior, mindful of the commands of his father Mattathias, and enduring both to do and to suffer all things for the liberty of his fellow citizens.

⁴³³ And this was the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valor and a great warrior, and mindful of the commands of their father Mattathias; and had undergone all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen.

⁴³³ Such was the end of Judas, a man of bravery and a great warrior, mindful of the commands of their father Mattathias, and had endured all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the freedom of his countrymen.

⁴³⁴ τοιοῦτος οὖν τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν ὑπάρξας μέγιστον αὐτοῦ‎ κλέος καὶ μνημεῖον κατέλιπεν, ἐλευθερώσας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ ἐξαρπάσας αὐτὸ δουλείας. τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἔτος τρίτον κατασχὼν ἀπέθανεν.

⁴³⁴ Having been such in virtue, he left behind a very great fame and memorial, having liberated the nation and snatched it from the slavery of the Macedonians. He died having held the High Priesthood for three years."

⁴³⁴ And when his character was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. And when he had retained the high priesthood three years, he died.

⁴³⁴ His virtue was such that he left behind a glorious reputation and memory, gaining freedom for his nation and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. He died after holding the high priesthood for three years.

The Geometry of the Battle (Elasa)
Bacchides used a classic Hellenistic tactical setup: a solid center (phalanx) flanked by mobile wings (cavalry). Judas correctly identified that the "head of the snake" was Bacchides himself on the right wing. His decision to launch a concentrated "shock" charge against the strongest point was brilliant but high-risk. He successfully broke the right wing, but the very success of his pursuit led him into a tactical trap.

The Fatal Pursuit
Judas’s pursuit of the right wing toward Mount Aza took him away from his own supporting lines. This allowed the Syrian left wing to perform a "pincer movement," closing in on his rear. In military terms, Judas was "swallowed" by the superior numbers of the enemy.

The Death of a "Homeric" Hero
Josephus emphasizes that Judas did not die in flight, but "stood and fought" (στὰς ἐμάχετο). His exhaustion (κατάκοπος) suggests a prolonged, brutal hand-to-hand struggle against overwhelming odds. Josephus frames this death as the ultimate consistency: he lived for "noble deeds" and died doing the same.

Returning to Modein
The return to Modein (modern El-Midya) is highly symbolic. The revolution began there with Mattathias, and the death of Judas brings the narrative full circle back to the family tomb. The "many days" of mourning indicate that despite his defeat at Elasa, Judas remained the undisputed heart of the nation.

The Legacy of "Liberty"
Josephus defines Judas’s legacy through the word ἐλευθερίας (liberty). While the war would continue under his brothers Jonathan and Simon, Judas is credited with the foundational "snatching" (ἐξαρπάσας) of the nation from Macedonian (Seleucid) slavery. He transformed a religious revolt into a national liberation movement.

The Three-Year Priesthood
Josephus notes a three-year tenure as High Priest. This remains historically debated, as some sources suggest a "vacancy" in the office during this era. However, for Josephus, this title cements Judas not just as a general (strategos) but as the legitimate sacral head of the Jewish people—the bridge between the era of the Prophets and the era of the Hasmonean Kings.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 12

The Hellenistic period, to the death of Judas Maccabeus

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 12