FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 11

From the end of the Exile to the death of Alexander of Macedon

Chapter 1 Cyrus releases the Jews from Babylon; gives money to rebuild their Temple
Chapter 2 After Cyrus the rebuilding of the Temple is blocked by Cambyses and others
Chapter 3 Under Darius the Persian, Zorobabel is allowed rebuild the Temple
Chapter 4 Cutheans (Samaritans) oppose rebuilding the Temple; seeds of future enmity
Chapter 5 Goodwill of Xerxes toward the Jews; Ezra and Nehemias go on rebuilding
Chapter 6 Esther and Mardochai avert the schemes of Haman in the days of Artaxerxes
Chapter 7 Rivalry about the high-priesthood. Evil of Bagoses, Artaxerxes' general
Chapter 8 Samaritan Temple, on Garizim. Alexander favours the Jews. His successors

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-018]
Cyrus of Persia releases the Jews from Babylon.
He gives them money to rebuild their Temple

☞

¹ Τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει, τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας μεταναστῆναι τὸν λαὸν ἡμῶν ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας εἰς συνέπεσεν, ἠλέησεν ὁ θεὸς τὴν‎ αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ἐκείνων τῶν ταλαιπώρων, καὶ καθὼς προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς διὰ Ἱερεμίου τοῦ προφήτου πρὶν ἢ κατασκαφῆναι τὴν‎ πόλιν,

¹ "In the first year of the reign of Cyrus—which was the seventieth year from the day our people happened to be removed from their own land to Babylon—God took pity on the captivity and the misfortune of those miserable people. And just as He had foretold to them through Jeremiah the prophet before the city was razed:

¹ In the first year of the reign of Cyrus which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and calamity of these poor people, according as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the destruction of the city,

¹ In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, which was the seventieth from the day when our people were removed from their own land into Babylon, God took pity on the captivity and plight of these unfortunates, as he had promised them by the prophet Jeremias before the destruction of the city,

² ὡς μετὰ τὸ δουλεῦσαι Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ταύτην ὑπομεῖναι τὴν‎ δουλείαν ἐπὶ ἔτη ἑβδομήκοντα πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν‎ πάτριον ἀποκαταστήσει γῆν καὶ τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομήσουσι καὶ τῆς ἀρχαίας ἀπολαύσουσιν εὐδαιμονίας, ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν.

² That after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his descendants, and having endured this servitude for seventy years, He would again restore them to their ancestral land, and they would rebuild the temple and enjoy their ancient prosperity—these things He granted them.

² that after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity. And these things God did afford them;

² that after being slaves to Nabuchodonosor and his descendants, when they had born that slavery for seventy years he would restore them to the land of their fathers and they would build their temple and enjoy their former prosperity; and these things God did give them.

³ παρορμήσας γὰρ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἐποίησεν αὐτὸν γράψαι κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ , ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει· " ἐπεί με ὁ θεὸς ὁ μέγιστος τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα, πείθομαι τοῦτον εἶναι, ὃν τὸ τῶν ἔθνος προσκυνεῖ.

³ For having stirred the soul of Cyrus, He caused him to write throughout all Asia: 'Thus says King Cyrus: Since the Greatest God has appointed me king of the inhabited world, I am persuaded that He is the one whom the nation of the Israelites worships.

³ for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him write this throughout all Asia: "Thus saith Cyrus the king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship;

³ He stirred up the mind of Cyrus and caused him to write this to all of Asia: "King Cyrus decrees: Since God Almighty has appointed me as king of the world, I believe that he is the God which the nation of the Israelites worship,

⁴ καὶ γὰρ τοὐμὸν προεῖπεν ὄνομα διὰ τῶν προφητῶν, καὶ ὅτι τὸν ναὸν αὐτοῦ‎ οἰκοδομήσω ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἐν τῇ ἸουδαίᾳJudea χώρᾳ."	⁴ For He foretold my name through the prophets, and that I should rebuild His temple in Jerusalem, in the country of Judea.'"
⁴ for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea."	⁴ for he foretold about me through the prophets and that I would build him a house in Jerusalem, in the district of Judea."

The Mathematics of Mercy (70 Years)
Josephus emphasizes the chronological precision of the restoration. The "seventy years" is a direct reference to the prophecy in Jeremiah 25:11-12 and 29:10. By framing the return as occurring in the "first year of Cyrus" (538 BCE), Josephus presents history as a debt being paid exactly on its due date.

Stirring the Imperial Soul (παρορμήσας)
Josephus uses the word παρορμήσας (to stir up or incite) to describe God’s influence on Cyrus. This is a recurring theme in Josephus: God does not always intervene with lightning bolts; often, He intervenes by changing the "inner disposition" of kings. Cyrus’s decree is presented as a psychological miracle.

The "Greatest God" of the Oikoumene
Josephus puts a fascinating confession in Cyrus’s mouth. Cyrus identifies the Jewish God as the one who made him king of the οἰκουμένης (the inhabited world). Historically, this reflects the "Cyrus Cylinder" sentiment—where Cyrus claimed the Babylonian god Marduk chose him—but Josephus reinterprets this universalist claim through a monotheistic Jewish lens.

The Prophecy of the Name
The phrase "He foretold my name through the prophets" refers to Isaiah 44:28 and 45:1, where Cyrus is mentioned by name roughly 150 years before he was born. Josephus later records a tradition that Cyrus was actually shown the book of Isaiah, and upon reading his own name in the ancient Hebrew scrolls, he was seized by a desire to fulfill the text.

The Goal of History: Rebuilding the Temple
For Josephus, the political freedom of the Jews is secondary to the religious objective: τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομήσω (I shall rebuild the temple). The restoration of the "ancestral land" is meaningless without the restoration of the "Divine Presence." This sets the stage for the rest of Book 11, which focuses on the struggles and ultimate success of the returning exiles under Zerubbabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah.

⁵ Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔγνω ἀναγινώσκων τὸ βιβλίον, ὃ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ προφητείας ὁ κατέλιπεν πρὸ ἐτῶν διακοσίων καὶ δέκα· οὗτος γὰρ ἐν εἶπε ταῦτα λέγειν τὸν , ὅτι βούλομαι Κῦρον ἐγὼ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀποδείξας βασιλέα πέμψαι μου τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ἰδίαν γῆν καὶ οἰκοδομῆσαί μου τὸν ναόν.

⁵ "Cyrus came to know these things by reading the book of his prophecy which Isaiah had left behind two hundred and ten years before. For this man [Isaiah] said that God had spoken these things in secret: 'It is my will, having appointed Cyrus king over many and great nations, to send my people to their own land and to rebuild my temple.'

⁵ This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said that God had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: "My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple."

⁵ Cyrus knew about these things from reading the book of prophecies left behind by Isaias, two hundred and ten years earlier. He had said how God had told him in a secret vision: "I will that Cyrus, whom I have appointed as king over many great nations, shall send back my people to their own land and build my temple."

⁶ ταῦτα προεφήτευσεν ἔμπροσθεν ἢ κατασκαφῆναι τὸν ναὸν ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ τεσσαράκοντα. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀναγνόντα τὸν Κῦρον καὶ θαυμάσαντα τὸ θεῖον ὁρμή τις ἔλαβεν καὶ φιλοτιμία ποιῆσαι τὰ γεγραμμένα, καὶ καλέσας τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν ἐν συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔφη βαδίζειν εἰς τὴν‎ αὐτῶν πατρίδα καὶ ἀναστῆσαί τε τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ναόν·

⁶ Isaiah prophesied these things one hundred and forty years before the temple was razed. Therefore, when Cyrus read these things and marveled at the Divine, a certain impulse and ambition seized him to do what had been written. Calling together the most illustrious of the Jews in Babylon, he told them that he permitted them to go back to their own country and to restore the city of Jerusalem and the temple of God.

⁶ This was foretold by Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the divine power, an earnest desire and ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild their city Jerusalem, and the temple of God,

⁶ This was foretold by Isaias one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. When Cyrus read this and admired its divine message, an impulse and ambition gripped him to fulfill what was written, so he called for the most distinguished Jews in Babylon and told them that he allowed them to return to their own country and rebuild their city of Jerusalem, and the temple of God.

⁷ ἔσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦτον σύμμαχον αὐτόν τε γράψειν τοῖς γειτονεύουσιν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν ἰδίων ἡγεμόνων καὶ σατραπῶν, ἵνα συμβάλωνται χρυσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄργυρον εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ πρὸς τούτοις θρέμματα πρὸς τὰς θυσίας.

⁷ For he said that God would be their ally, and that he himself would write to the governors and satraps who were neighbors to that country, his own officials, so that they might contribute gold and silver to them for the building of the temple, and in addition to these, livestock for the sacrifices."

⁷ for that he would be their assistant, and that he would write to the rulers and governors that were in the neighborhood of their country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and silver for the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts for their sacrifices.

⁷ He himself would assist them by writing to the governors and satraps in the neighbourhood of their region, to provide them with gold and silver for the building of the temple, and with beasts for their sacrifices.

The "Isaiah Encounter"
Josephus presents a high-stakes historical claim: that Cyrus literally sat down and read the Scroll of Isaiah. While modern biblical critics often debate the dating of "Second Isaiah," Josephus is adamant about the traditional chronology. To him, the 210-year gap between the prophecy and the fulfillment is the "smoking gun" that proves Divine Providence.

The Power of the Written Name
Imagine being the King of the World and finding your specific name—Κῦρον—written in a foreign, ancient religious text that predates your empire. Josephus uses the word θαυμάσαντα (marveled/wondered) to describe Cyrus’s reaction. This wasn't just intellectual curiosity; it was a religious awakening that turned an emperor into an advocate.

Ambition Sanctified (φιλοτιμία)
Josephus uses a very Greek term, φιλοτιμία (ambition/love of honor), to describe Cyrus’s motivation. Usually, philotimia was the drive for personal glory. Here, Josephus suggests that Cyrus wanted to "win honor" by being the chosen instrument of the "Greatest God." He turned a pagan virtue into a tool for Jewish restoration.

Direct Support and "Foreign Aid"
Cyrus doesn't just give the Jews "permission" to leave; he mandates a colonial tax. He orders his σατραπῶν (satraps) to provide χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον (gold and silver). This established the precedent for the "King’s Bounty," ensuring that the Second Temple would be funded by the Persian treasury.

The Role of the Babylonian Jewish Elite
Cyrus addresses the ἐπιφανεστάτους (most illustrious/prominent) Jews. This indicates that even in exile, the Jewish community had maintained a sophisticated leadership structure. These were likely the same families who had served in the Babylonian court and were now being "transferred" to the new Persian administration.

God as the "Ally" (σύμμαχον)
The promise that God would be their σύμμαχον (ally/comrade-in-arms) uses military terminology. This is a subtle nod to the dangers of the journey. The 800-mile trek from Babylon to Jerusalem was infested with bandits and hostile tribes; Cyrus was assuring them that they had both the Persian Army and the Divine Host on their side.

⁸ Ταῦτα καταγγείλαντος τοῖς ἐξώρμησαν οἱ τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἄρχοντες τῆς καὶ οἵ τε καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς εἰς τὰ . πολλοὶ γὰρ κατέμειναν ἐν τῇ τὰ κτήματα καταλιπεῖν οὐ θέλοντες.

⁸ "When Cyrus had announced these things to the Israelites, the leaders of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, as well as the Levites and the priests, set out for Jerusalem. For many remained in Babylon, being unwilling to leave their possessions behind.

⁸ When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave their possessions;

⁸ When Cyrus announced this to the Israelites, the officers of the two tribes of Judas and Benjamin hurried to Jerusalem with the Levites and priests, but many stayed behind in Babylon, unwilling to leave their possessions.

⁹ καὶ παραγενομένοις αὐτοῖς οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως φίλοι πάντες ἐβοήθουν καὶ συνεισέφερον εἰς τὴν‎ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευὴν οἱ μὲν χρυσὸν οἱ δ᾽ ἄργυρον οἱ δὲ βοσκημάτων πλῆθος σὺν ἵπποις. Καὶ τάς τε εὐχὰς ἀπεδίδοσαν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰς νομιζομένας κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ὥσπερ ἀνακτιζομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἀναβιούσης τῆς ἀρχαίας περὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν συνηθείας.

⁹ When they arrived, all the friends of the king assisted them and contributed to the construction of the temple—some gold, some silver, and others a multitude of cattle along with horses. They offered their vows to God and performed the customary sacrifices according to the ancient way, as if the city were being rebuilt for them and the ancient habit regarding religious worship were coming back to life.

⁹ and when they were come thither, all the king’s friends assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, some gold, and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and the revival of the ancient practices relating to their worship.

⁹ When they arrived, all the king’s friends helped them and some brought in gold and others silver, for the building of the temple, and some brought many livestock and horses. So they fulfilled their vows to God and offered the sacrifices that were customary in former times, when they rebuilt their city and revived the ancient practices regarding their worship.

¹⁰ ἀπέπεμψε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ΚῦροςCyrus καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ, ἃ συλήσας τὸν ναὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ΝαβουχοδονόσοροςNabuchodonosor εἰς τὴν‎ ΒαβυλῶναBabylon ἐκόμισεν.	¹⁰ Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God, which King Nebuchadnezzar had plundered from the temple and carried to Babylon.
¹⁰ Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and had carried to Babylon.	¹⁰ Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God that king Nabuchodonosor had pillaged from the temple and brought to Babylon.

¹¹ παρέδωκεν δὲ ταῦτα φέρειν τῷ γαζοφύλακι αὐτοῦ‎ προστάξας δοῦναι αὐτὰ Ἀβεσσάρῳ, ὅπως φυλάττῃ μέχρι τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ, τελεσθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ παραδῷ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν καὶ ἄρχουσιν τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἀποθησομένοις.

¹¹ He delivered these to be carried by Mithridates, his treasurer (gazophylax), ordering him to give them to Abessarus [Sheshbazzar], so that he might guard them until the building of the temple; once it was completed, he was to deliver them to the priests and leaders of the people to be deposited in the temple.

¹¹ So he committed these things to Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built; and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple.

¹¹ He gave these to Mithridates his treasurer, to send them to Sanabassar, to be guarded until the temple was built, and when it was finished, he should hand them over to the priests and officers of the people, for restoration to the temple.

¹² πέμπει δὲ καὶ ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐν σατράπας τάδε λέγουσαν· " βασιλεὺς Σισίνῃ καὶ Σαραβασάνῃ χαίρειν. τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ χώρᾳ κατοικούντων ἐπέτρεψα τοῖς βουλομένοις εἰς τὴν‎ ἰδίαν ἀπελθοῦσι πατρίδα τήν τε πόλιν ἀνακτίζειν καὶ τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸν ἐν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ τόπου, ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πρότερον.

¹² Cyrus also sent a letter to the satraps in Syria, saying as follows: 'King Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sarabazanes, greetings. Of the Jews dwelling in my land, I have permitted those who wish to return to their own country and to rebuild the city and build the temple of God in Jerusalem on the same spot where it was before.

¹² Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here follow: "King Cyrus To Sisinnes And Sathrabuzanes Sendeth Greeting. "I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place where it was before.

¹² Cyrus also sent a letter to the officers in Syria, saying, "King Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzanes, greetings! I have allowed any of the Jews living in my country who may so wish, to return to their own country and rebuild their city and build the temple of God in Jerusalem on the same place as before.

¹³ κατέπεμψα δέ μου καὶ τὸν γαζοφύλακα καὶ Ζοροβάβηλον τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν , ἵνα θεμελίους βάλωνται τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ οἰκοδομήσωσιν αὐτὸν ὕψος μὲν ἑξήκοντα πηχῶν τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ εὖρος, λίθου μὲν ξεστοῦ τρεῖς ποιησάμενοι δόμους καὶ ἕνα ξύλινον ἐγχώριον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ θυσιαστήριον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ θύσουσιν τῷ θεῷ.

¹³ I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates and Zerubbabel (Zorobabēlos), the leader of the Jews, so that they may lay the foundations of the temple and build it sixty cubits in height and the same in breadth, making three courses of polished stone and one of local timber; likewise an altar, upon which they shall sacrifice to God.

¹³ I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God.

¹³ I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates and Zorobabel, the ruler of the Jews, to lay the foundations of the temple and build it sixty feet in height and width, making three structures of polished stones and one of local wood; the same applies to the altar on which they sacrifice to God.

¹⁴ τὴν‎ δὲ εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην ἐκ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ γενέσθαι βούλομαι. Καὶ τὰ σκεύη δέ, ἃ ἐσύλησεν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἔπεμψα παραδοὺς τῷ γαζοφύλακι καὶ τῷ ἄρχοντι τῶν , ἵνα διακομίσωσιν εἰς καὶ ἀποκαταστήσωσιν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ.

¹⁴ I desire the expense for these things to come from my own funds. And the vessels which King Nebuchadnezzar plundered from the temple, I have sent back, delivering them to Mithridates the treasurer and Zerubbabel the leader of the Jews, so that they may carry them to Jerusalem and restore them to the temple of God.

¹⁴ I require also that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the temple of God.

¹⁴ I want the expenses for these things to be paid from my revenues. I have also sent the vessels stolen from the temple by king Nabuchodonosor, entrusting them to Mithridates the treasurer and Zorobabel the ruler of the Jews, to have them brought to Jerusalem and restored to the temple of God.

¹⁵ ὁ δ᾽ ἀριθμὸς αὐτῶν ἐστιν τοσοῦτος· ψυκτῆρες χρύσεοι πεντήκοντα, ἀργύρεοι τετρακόσιοι, θηρίκλεια χρύσεα πεντήκοντα, ἀργύρεα τετρακόσια, κάδοι χρύσεοι πεντήκοντα, ἀργύρεοι πεντακόσιοι, σπονδεῖα χρύσεα τεσσαράκοντα, ἀργύρεα τριακόσια, φιάλαι χρυσαῖ τριάκοντα, ἀργύρεαι δισχίλιαι τετρακόσιαι, σκεύη τε ἄλλα μεγάλα χίλια.

¹⁵ Their number is as follows: fifty gold coolers (psyktēres), four hundred silver ones; fifty gold Thericlean cups, four hundred silver ones; fifty gold basins (kadoi), five hundred silver ones; forty gold libation bowls (spondeia), three hundred silver ones; thirty gold vials (phialai), two thousand four hundred silver ones; and a thousand other large vessels.

¹⁵ Now their number is as follows: Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring [the drink-offerings], and three hundred of silver; thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver; with a thousand other large vessels.

¹⁵ Their number is as follows: Fifty chargers of gold and five hundred of silver; fifty Thericlean cups of gold and four hundred of silver; fifty mixing-bowls of gold and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring and three hundred of silver; thirty vessels of gold and two thousand four hundred of silver, and a thousand other large vessels.

¹⁶ συγχωρῶ δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκ προγόνων εἰθισμένην τιμὴν κτηνῶν καὶ οἴνου καὶ ἐλαίου δραχμὰς εἴκοσιν μυριάδας καὶ πεντακισχιλίας πεντακοσίας καὶ εἰς σεμίδαλιν πυρῶν ἀρτάβας δισμυρίας πεντακοσίας. κελεύω δὲ τὴν‎ τούτων χορηγίαν ἐκ τῶν γίνεσθαι φόρων.

¹⁶ I also grant them the customary honor of their ancestors: twenty-five thousand five hundred drachmas for cattle, wine, and oil; and twenty thousand five hundred artabae of wheat for fine flour. I command that the supply of these things be made from the taxes of Samaria.

¹⁶ I permit them to have the same honor which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachmae; and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria.

¹⁶ I grant them the same honourary gift their ancestors used to receive, two hundred and five thousand, five hundred drachmae for small animals and wine and oil, and twenty thousand, five hundred artabae for wheaten flour, and these expenses shall be paid from the tributes due from Samaria.

¹⁷ ἐποίσουσι δὲ τὰ ἱερὰ ταῦτα κατὰ τοὺς νόμους οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐν καὶ προσφέροντες εὔξονται τῷ θεῷ περὶ σωτηρίας τε τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ‎, ὅπως ἡ βασιλεία διαμείνῃ. τοὺς δὲ παρακούσαντας τούτων καὶ ἀκυρώσαντας ἀνασταυρωθῆναι

¹⁷ The priests in Jerusalem shall offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses and, in offering them, shall pray to God for the safety of the king and his race, so that the kingdom of the Persians may endure. As for those who disobey or invalidate these orders, I desire them to be crucified (anastaurōthēnai) and their property to be confiscated by the crown.'

¹⁷ The priests shall also offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem; and when they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king’s treasury."

¹⁷ The priests shall offer these sacrifices in Jerusalem according to the laws of Moses, and when offering them they shall pray to God for the safety of the king and his family, that the kingdom of Persia may last. All who disobey or ignore these instructions shall be hung upon a cross and their property shall belong to the king."

¹⁸ βούλομαι καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν εἶναι βασιλικάς. Καὶ ἡ μὲν ταῦτα ἐδήλου· τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας συνελθόντων εἰς μυριάδες ἦσαν τέσσαρες καὶ δισχίλιοι τετρακόσιοι ἑξήκοντα δύο.

¹⁸ This, then, was what the letter declared. The number of those who came together to Jerusalem from the captivity was forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two."

¹⁸ And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two.

¹⁸ That was the content of the letter. Those who returned from captivity to Jerusalem numbered forty-two thousand four hundred and sixty-two.

The Birth of the Diaspora
Josephus makes a candid observation: πολλοὶ γὰρ κατέμειναν ἐν τῇ Βαβυλῶνι (for many remained in Babylon). This marks the official beginning of the Jewish Diaspora as a permanent choice rather than a forced exile. Those who had found financial success or social stability in Mesopotamia stayed, while the "pioneers" (mostly from the tribes of Judah and Benjamin) returned to rebuild. This tension between the "Returnees" and the "Diaspora" would define Jewish life for centuries.

The Architectural Blueprint
The decree specifies the dimensions of the Second Temple: sixty cubits high and sixty wide. It also mandates a specific construction technique: τρεῖς... δόμους... καὶ ἕνα ξύλινον (three courses of stone and one of timber). This "timber-bonding" technique was an earthquake-proofing method common in the ancient Near East, designed to give the heavy stone walls some flexibility.

The Sacred Inventory
Josephus provides a list of vessels that differs slightly in terminology from the biblical Ezra 1. He uses Greek terms like θηρίκλεια (Thericlean cups—high-end pottery/metalware named after the Corinthian potter Thericles) to help his Roman-era readers visualize the luxury of the items. The specific numbers (e.g., 2,400 silver vials) emphasize the meticulous nature of the Persian bureaucracy and the magnitude of the "restitution" being made.

Funding via Samaria
A highly provocative detail is that the funding was to come from the Σαμαρείας φόρων (taxes of Samaria). This essentially forced the "neighbors" of the Jews—some of whom were hostile or viewed themselves as the rightful inhabitants of the land—to pay for the Jewish restoration. This detail explains the intense friction between the returning Jews and the Samaritans that dominates the subsequent narrative.

The "Quid Pro Quo" of Prayer
Cyrus’s support is not entirely altruistic. He explicitly asks for prayers for the σωτηρίας τε τοῦ βασιλέως (safety of the king). This established a long-standing Jewish tradition: loyalty to the secular government in exchange for religious autonomy. Jews would later offer similar prayers for Roman Emperors.

The Ultimate Deterrent: Crucifixion
Josephus uses the term ἀνασταυρωθῆναι (to be crucified/impaled). In the Persian period, this usually referred to impalement on a stake, but to Josephus’s audience in the 1st century CE, it carried the terrifying weight of Roman crucifixion. It highlights the absolute "Law of the Medes and Persians"—to interfere with the Temple was a capital offense against the King.

The Final Tally
The total number (42,462) matches the biblical census. For Josephus, this "Great Migration" is the proof of the national rebirth. However, even with 42,000 people and royal funding, the returnees are about to face a "scorched earth" reality and decades of political sabotage.

Chapter 2
[019-030]
On Cyrus' death, the rebuilding of the Temple halts.
Progress is blocked by Cambyses and others

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¹⁹ Βαλλομένων δὲ τοὺς θεμελίους τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν αὐτοῦ‎ λίαν ἐσπουδακότων, τὰ περὶ ἔθνη καὶ μάλιστα τὸ , οὓς ἐκ τῆς καὶ Μηδικῆς ἀγαγὼν ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς κατῴκισεν ἐν , ὅτε τὸν τῶν λαὸν ἀνάστατον ἐποίησεν, παρεκάλουν τοὺς σατράπας καὶ τοὺς ἐπιμελουμένους ἐμποδίζειν τοὺς πρός τε τὴν‎ τῆς πόλεως ἀνάστασιν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευήν.

¹⁹ "While the foundations of the temple were being laid and the people were very eager about its building, the surrounding nations—and especially the race of the Cuthaeans [Samaritans], whom Shalmaneser the king of the Assyrians had brought from Persia and Media and settled in Samaria when he uprooted the nation of the Israelites—entreated the satraps and those in charge to obstruct the Jews in both the restoration of the city and the construction of the temple.

¹⁹ When the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the Jews were very zealous about building it, the neighboring nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought out of Persia and Media, and had planted in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel captives, besought the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs, that they would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city, and in the building of their temple.

¹⁹ When the foundations of the temple were being laid and when the Jews were very eager to rebuild it, the neighbouring nations and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought from Persia and Media and planted in Samaria when he took the people of Israel away as prisoners, begged the satraps and those in charge of affairs to stop the Jews both from rebuilding their city and from building their temple.

²⁰ οἱ δὲ καὶ χρήμασιν διαφθαρέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπημπόλησαν τοῖς Χουθαίοις τὸ περὶ τοὺς ἀμελὲς καὶ ῥᾴθυμον τῆς οἰκοδομῆς· Κύρῳ γὰρ περὶ τε ἄλλους ἀσχοληθέντι πολέμους ἄγνοια τούτων ἦν καὶ στρατευσαμένῳ γε ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας εὐθὺς συνέβη τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον.

²⁰ These officials, having been corrupted by bribes, sold to the Cuthaeans their neglect and indifference toward the Jews' building project; for Cyrus, being occupied with other wars, was ignorant of these matters, and having campaigned against the Massagetae, it soon happened that he departed this life.

²⁰ Now as these men were corrupted by them with money, they sold the Cutheans their interest for rendering this building a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this; and it so happened, that when he had led his army against the Massagetae, he ended his life.

²⁰ As these were seduced by them with money, they sided with the Cutheans to make this building a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was busy with other wars, knew nothing of this, and it turned out that as he led his army against the Massagetae, his life came to a sudden end.

²¹ ΚαμβύσουCambyses δὲ τοῦ ΚύρουCyrus παιδὸς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος οἱ ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria καὶ ΦοινίκῃPhoenicia καὶ Ἀμμανίτιδι καὶ ΜωαβίτιδιMoab area καὶ ΣαμαρείᾳSamaria γράφουσιν ἐπιστολὴν Καμβύσῃ δηλοῦσαν τάδε·	²¹ When Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, took over the kingdom, those in Syria and Phoenicia, and Ammonitis, and Moabitis, and Samaria wrote a letter to Cambyses declaring these things:
²¹ But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries of Amlnon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote an epistle to Calnbyses; whose contents were as follow:	²¹ When his son Cambyses became king, the officers in Syria and Phoenicia and Amman and Moab and Samaria, wrote this letter to Cambyses:

²² " δέσποτα, οἱ παῖδές σου ῥάθυμος ὁ πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα γράφων καὶ Σεμέλιος ὁ γραμματεὺς καὶ οἱ τῆς βουλῆς τῆς ἐν καὶ κριταί. γινώσκειν σε δεῖ, βασιλεῦ, ὅτι οἱ εἰς ἀναχθέντες ἐληλύθασιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν καὶ τήν τε πόλιν τὴν‎ ἀποστάτιν καὶ πονηρὰν οἰκοδομοῦσιν καὶ τὰς ἀγορὰς αὐτῆς καὶ ἐπισκευάζουσιν τὰ τείχη καὶ ναὸν ἀνεγείρουσιν.

²² 'Master, your servants Rathumus—who records all that is done—and Semelius the scribe, and the judges of the council in Syria and Phoenicia. You ought to know, O King, that the Jews who were carried up to Babylon have come into our land; they are rebuilding that rebellious and wicked city, its marketplaces, repairing the walls, and erecting a temple.

²² "To our lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greeting. It is fit, O king, that thou shouldst know that those Jews which were carried to Babylon are come into our country, and are building that rebellious and wicked city, and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and raising up the temple;

²² "Master, we your servants, Rathumus the historiographer and Semellius the scribe and your judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greeting. Your Majesty must know that the Jews who were brought to Babylon have arrived in our country and are building that rebellious and wicked city and its markets and raising up its walls and its temple.

²³ ἴσθι μέντοι γε τούτων γενομένων οὔτε φόρους αὐτοὺς τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦντας οὔτε δὲ ὑπακούειν ἐθελήσοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἀντιστήσονται καὶ ἄρχειν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπακούειν ἐθελήσουσιν.	²³ Be assured, however, that once these things are done, they will neither endure to pay taxes nor be willing to obey, but will even stand against kings and desire to rule rather than to serve.
²³ know therefore, that when these things are finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule over others than be ruled over themselves.	²³ Take note that once these are completed they will be unwilling to pay taxes of to submit to your commands, but will resist kings and will want to rule rather than be ruled.

²⁴ ἐνεργουμένων οὖν τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν καὶ σπουδαζομένων καλῶς ἔχειν ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν γράψαι σοι, βασιλεῦ, καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν, ὅπως ἐπισκέψῃ τὰ τῶν πατέρων σου βιβλία· εὑρήσεις γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀποστάτας καὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἐχθροὺς καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτῶν, ἣ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ νῦν ἠρημώθη.

²⁴ Since the works concerning the temple are being energized and pursued with haste, it seemed good to us to write to you, O King, and not to overlook it, so that you might examine the books of your fathers; for you will find in them that the Jews and their city are rebels and enemies to kings, which is why the city was even now laid waste.

²⁴ We therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O king, while the works about the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou mayest search into the books of thy fathers, for thou wilt find in them that the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste.

²⁴ So we thought we should write to your Majesty not to ignore the fact that the work on the temple is going ahead so quickly, so that you may search into the books of your fathers, where you will find that the Jews have been rebels and enemies to kings, as has their city which, for that reason, has up to now lain desolate.

²⁵ ἔδοξε δ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῦτό σοι δηλῶσαι ἀγνοούμενον ἴσως, ὅτι τῆς πόλεως οὕτως συνοικισθείσης καὶ τὸν κύκλον τῶν τειχῶν ἀπολαβούσης ἀποκλείεταί σοι ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἐπὶ κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria καὶ ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia."	²⁵ It also seemed good to us to show you this, which perhaps is unknown to you: that if this city is thus resettled and regains its circuit of walls, your road to Coele-Syria and Phoenicia will be cut off.'"
²⁵ We thought proper also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayest otherwise perhaps be ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia."	²⁵ We also thought to inform you, lest perhaps you do not know already, that once this city is inhabited and well surrounded by walls, your passage to Coele-Syria and Phoenicia will be blocked."

The "Cuthaean" Identity
Josephus consistently refers to the Samaritans as Χουθαίων (Cuthaeans). This is a polemical term intended to highlight their foreign origin. By tracing them back to the Assyrian displacement under Shalmaneser, Josephus denies them any ancestral claim to the land of Israel, portraying them instead as Persian/Median transplants who are naturally hostile to the "true" returning heirs.

Bribery and the Fog of War
Josephus provides a "political science" explanation for why Cyrus’s decree failed to gain traction. He cites two factors:

1) Corruption: Local Persian officials were bribed (χρήμασιν διαφθαρέντες) to look the other way while the project was sabotaged.

2) Distraction: Cyrus was occupied with the Massagetae (a nomadic confederation in Central Asia). His death in battle created a leadership vacuum that the enemies of the Jews exploited.

The "Tax and Rebel" Tropes
The letter to Cambyses is a masterclass in ancient propaganda. The accusers use three specific triggers designed to alarm a Persian monarch:

1) Fiscal Loss: They claim the Jews will stop paying φόρους (taxes/tribute).

2) Character Assassination: They label Jerusalem the ἀποστάτιν καὶ πονηρὰν (rebellious and wicked) city.

3) Historical Precedent: They urge the King to check the βιβλία (archives). They correctly note that the Neo-Babylonians destroyed Jerusalem because of its history of revolt—using the Jews' own tragic history as evidence against their future.

Strategic Denial of Access
The most clever part of the letter is the geographical threat. They argue that a fortified Jerusalem would ἀποκλείεται (cut off) the king’s road to Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. This framed the Jewish restoration not as a religious project, but as a strategic military blockade that would split the Persian Empire’s communication lines between the East and the Mediterranean coast.

Transition to Cambyses
Cambyses II is historically known for his conquest of Egypt. The writers of the letter knew that a king planning a campaign toward Egypt would be particularly sensitive to any "rebel fortress" (Jerusalem) sitting right on the path to the Egyptian border. Josephus shows how the enemies of the Jews tailored their message to the specific anxieties of the new king.

The Council of Judges
The letter is signed by a formal "council of judges" (κριταί) and scribes. This shows that the opposition wasn't just a mob; it was the established local government of the province of "Beyond the River" (Trans-Euphrates). The returning Jews were effectively "outsiders" trying to displace an entrenched political elite who had held power for 70 years.

²⁶ ἀναγνοὺς δὲ ὁ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν καὶ φύσει πονηρὸς ὢν κινεῖται πρὸς τὰ δεδηλωμένα καὶ γράφει τάδε λέγων· " βασιλεὺς τῷ γράφοντι τὰ προσπίπτοντα καὶ καὶ γραμματεῖ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς τοῖς συντασσομένοις καὶ οἰκοῦσιν ἐν καὶ τάδε λέγει.

²⁶ "Having read the letter, Cambyses—who was wicked by nature—was stirred by its contents and wrote back as follows: 'King Cambyses to Rathumus, the recorder of events, and to Beelzemus, and to Semelius the scribe, and to the rest of their associates dwelling in Samaria and Phoenicia, thus says:

²⁶ When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they told him, and wrote back to them as follows: "Cambyses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Phoenicia, after this manner:

²⁶ As Cambyses was naturally irascible, when he read the letter he was stirred by what they told him and wrote back as follows, "Cambyses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beelzemus, to Semellius the scribe and the other officers living in Samaria and Phoenicia, says:

²⁷ ἀναγνοὺς τὰ πεμφθέντα παρ᾽ ὑμῶν γράμματα ἐκέλευσα ἐπισκέψασθαι τὰ τῶν προγόνων μου βιβλία, καὶ εὑρέθη ἡ πόλις ἐχθρὰ βασιλεῦσιν ἀεὶ γεγενημένη, καὶ στάσεις καὶ πολέμους οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες πραγματευσάμενοι, καὶ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν ἔγνωμεν δυνατοὺς καὶ βιαίους φορολογήσαντας κοίλην καὶ .

²⁷ Having read the letters sent by you, I gave orders to examine the books of my ancestors; and it was found that this city [Jerusalem] has always been an enemy to kings, and that its inhabitants have busied themselves with seditions and wars. We have also learned that their kings were powerful and violent men, who imposed tribute upon Coele-Syria and Phoenicia.

²⁷ I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched into, and it is there found that this city hath always been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia.

²⁷ I have read the letter you sent, and I ordered a search within the books of my ancestors and have found there how this city has always been hostile to kings and its inhabitants have raised revolts and wars. We also know that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical and have imposed taxes on Coele-Syria and Phoenicia.

²⁸ ἐγὼ τοίνυν προσέταξα μὴ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews οἰκοδομεῖν τὴν‎ πόλιν, μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον αὐξηθῇ τὰ τῆς κακίας αὐτῶν, ᾗ χρώμενοι πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς διατετελέκασιν.	²⁸ Therefore, I have given the command not to permit the Jews to rebuild the city, lest their malice increase further, which they have continually employed against kings.'
²⁸ Wherefore I gave order, that the Jews shall not be permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented."	²⁸ Therefore I commanded that the Jews not be allowed to build the city, in case of an increase of the damage that they used to bring upon kings."

²⁹ τούτων ἀναγνωσθέντων τῶν γραμμάτων ὁ ῥάθυμος καὶ Σεμέλιος ὁ γραμματεὺς καὶ οἱ τούτοις συντεταγμένοι παραχρῆμα ἐπιπηδήσαντες ἵπποις ἔσπευσαν εἰς πλῆθος ἐπαγόμενοι πολύ, καὶ διεκώλυσαν οἰκοδομεῖν τοὺς τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὸν ναόν.

²⁹ When these letters were read, Rathumus, Semelius the scribe, and their associates immediately leaped upon their horses and hurried to Jerusalem, bringing a great multitude with them; and they forcibly prevented the Jews from rebuilding the city and the temple.

²⁹ When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple.

²⁹ When this letter was read, Rathumus and Semellius the scribe and their associates quickly got on horseback and hurried to Jerusalem with a large group of followers and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple.

³⁰ καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπεσχέθη τὰ ἔργα μέχρι τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλα ἔτη ἐννέα· γὰρ ἓξ ἔτη βασιλεύσας, καταστρεψάμενος ἐν τούτοις τὴν‎ ὑποστρέψας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν .

³⁰ And so these works were halted until the second year of the reign of Darius the Persian—for another nine years. For Cambyses, having reigned six years, during which time he subdued Egypt, died in Damascus while on his return journey."

³⁰ Accordingly, these works were hindered from going on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at Damascus.

³⁰ These works were held up for nine years, until the second year of the reign of Darius, for Cambyses ruled for six years, during which he ransacked Egypt and on his arrival home, he died in Damascus.

The Nature of Cambyses (φύσει πονηρὸς)
Josephus pulls no punches in his characterization of Cambyses as "wicked by nature." In Greek and Roman historiography (most notably in Herodotus), Cambyses was often depicted as a madman or a cruel tyrant. By labeling him ponēros, Josephus explains why the king so easily discarded his father’s decree: a righteous king (Cyrus) values divine prophecy, but a wicked one (Cambyses) only values power and tax revenue.

The Use of "Weaponized Archives"
The king admits to searching the βιβλία (records) of his ancestors. The "success" of the Samaritan plot lay in the fact that Jerusalem did have a history of rebellion against the Neo-Babylonians. Cambyses interprets the glorious reigns of David and Solomon—who indeed collected tribute from Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην—not as a golden age of faith, but as a historical threat to Persian imperial interests.

Immediate Enforcement (παραχρῆμα ἐπιπηδήσαντες)
The speed with which the Samaritan officials acted is telling. Josephus describes them "leaping upon their horses" and rushing to Jerusalem with a "great multitude." This was not merely a legal notification; it was a military intervention. They likely used the king’s letter as a pretext to physically dismantle the work that had already begun on the foundations.

The Nine-Year Silence
Josephus notes that the project was halted for nine years in total, lasting until the second year of Darius. This period of stagnation was a profound spiritual crisis for the returnees. While Cambyses was busy conquering Egypt, the Jews in Jerusalem were left in a legal limbo, prohibited from building their Temple but still subject to the taxes of a hostile empire.

The Death in Damascus
Josephus provides a brief mention of Cambyses' death in Damascus upon his return from Egypt. This aligns with the historical record (though the cause—suicide, accident, or foul play—remains debated). His death opened the door for a brief period of chaos (the reign of the Magi) followed by the rise of Darius the Great, who would eventually prove to be the "Second Cyrus" the Jews desperately needed.

The Persistence of "Malice" (κακίας)
The king’s letter uses the word kakia (malice/wickedness) to describe the Jewish national character. This is a classic example of projection: the "wicked" king Cambyses accuses the people of God of the very trait he possesses. It sets a precedent for the "blood libels" and political slanders that would follow the Jewish people throughout the Greco-Roman period.

Chapter 3
[031-074]
In the reign of Darius the Persian,
Zorobabel is allowed to rebuild the Temple

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³¹ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν μάγων ἀναίρεσιν, οἳ μετὰ τὸν θάνατον τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐνιαυτῷ κατέσχον οἱ λεγόμενοι ἑπτὰ οἶκοι τῶν τὸν παῖδα ἀπέδειξαν βασιλέα. Οὗτος ἰδιώτης ὢν ηὔξατο τῷ θεῷ, εἰ γένοιτο βασιλεύς, πάντα τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅσα ἦν ἔτι ἐν , πέμψειν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τὸν ἐν .

³¹ "After the slaughter of the Magi—who had held the Persian sovereignty for a year following the death of Cambyses—the so-called seven houses of the Persians appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, as king. While he was still a private citizen, he had made a vow to God that if he should become king, he would send all the vessels of God that were still in Babylon back to the temple in Jerusalem.

³¹ After the slaughter of the Magi, who, upon the death of Cambyses, attained the government of the Persians for a year, those families which were called the seven families of the Persians appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to God, that if he came to be king, he would send all the vessels of God that were in Babylon to the temple at Jerusalem.

³¹ After the slaughter of the magi who ruled the Persians for a year after the death of Cambyses, the so-called "seven families" of the Persians chose Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be king. As a private citizen he had vowed to God that if ever he came to be king, he would send to the temple in Jerusalem all the vessels of God that were in Babylon.

³² ἔτυχεν δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἀφικόμενος πρὸς ἐξ , ὃς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἡγεμὼν ἀπεδέδεικτο· πάλαι γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ φιλία πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, δι᾽ ἣν καὶ σωματοφυλακεῖν αὐτὸν μετ᾽ ἄλλων δύο κριθεὶς ἄξιος ἀπέλαυεν ἧς ἤλπισεν τιμῆς.

³² It happened that at that time, Zerubbabel (Zorobabēlos), who had been appointed leader of the captive Jews, arrived to see Darius from Jerusalem; for there had been a long-standing friendship between him and the king. Because of this, he was judged worthy to serve as one of the king’s bodyguards along with two others, and he enjoyed the honor he had hoped for.

³² Now it so fell out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem; for there had been an old friendship between him and the king. He was also, with two others, thought worthy to be guard of the king’s body; and obtained that honor which he hoped for.

³² Now about this time, Zorobabel, who had been made ruler of the Jews who had been in captivity, came from Jerusalem to Darius. There was an old friendship between him and the king, for along with two others he had been found worthy to serve as royal bodyguard and he attained the dignity to which he aspired.

³³ Τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει ὑποδέχεται λαμπρῶς καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς παρασκευῆς τούς τε περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς οἴκοι γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἡγεμόνας καὶ σατράπας τῆς καὶ τοπάρχας τῆς ἄχρι τῆς καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιεπτὰ σατραπειῶν.

³³ In the first year of his reign, Darius gave a magnificent reception with great preparation for those about him, the members of his household, the leaders of the Medes, the satraps of Persia, the toparchs of India as far as Ethiopia, and the generals of the one hundred and twenty-seven satrapies.

³³ Now, in the first year of the king’s reign, Darius feasted those that were about him, and those born in his house, with the rulers of the Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces.

³³ In his first year as king, Darius feasted his circle of friends and those born in his house, along with the officers of Media and the satraps of Persia and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia and the generals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces.

³⁴ ἐπεὶ δὲ κατευωχηθέντες ἄχρι κόρου καὶ πλησμονῆς ἀνέλυσαν κοιμηθησόμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἕκαστοι, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κοίτην καὶ βραχὺ τῆς νυκτὸς ἀναπαυσάμενος ἔξυπνος γίνεται, καὶ μηκέτι κατακοιμηθῆναι δυνάμενος εἰς ὁμιλίαν τρέπεται μετὰ τῶν τριῶν ,

³⁴ When they had feasted to the point of satiety and fullness, they each retired to their own quarters to sleep. But King Darius, having gone to his bed and rested for a short part of the night, woke up. Being unable to fall back asleep, he turned to conversation with his three bodyguards.

³⁴ But when they had eaten and drunk to satiety, and abundantly, they every one departed to go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went to bed; but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not being able to sleep any more, he fell into conversation with the three guards of his body,

³⁴ When they had eaten and drunk their fill, they all left to go home to bed and Darius the king went to bed too. But after he had rested a little part of the night, he woke up and unable to sleep any more, got into conversation with his three bodyguards.

³⁵ καὶ τῷ λόγον ἐροῦντι περὶ ὧν αὐτὸς ἀνακρίνειν μέλλει τὸν ἀληθέστερον καὶ συνετώτερον, τούτῳ γέρας δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται νικητήριον πορφύραν ἐνδύσασθαι καὶ ἐν ἐκπώμασιν χρυσοῖς πίνειν καὶ ἐπὶ χρυσίου καθεύδειν καὶ ἅρμα χρυσοχάλινον καὶ κίδαριν βύσσινον καὶ περιαυχένιον χρύσεον, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἕξειν προεδρίαν διὰ τὴν‎ σοφίαν καὶ συγγενής μου,

³⁵ He promised that to the one whose argument—concerning the matters he was about to inquire—proved the truest and most intelligent, he would give as a prize of victory the right to wear purple, to drink from gold cups, to sleep upon gold, to have a chariot with gold-studded bridles, a headdress of fine linen, and a gold chain; furthermore, he would have the seat of honor next to the king because of his wisdom, 'And,' said the king, 'he shall be called my kinsman.'

³⁵ and promised, that to him who should make an oration about points that he should inquire of, such as should be most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wisdom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of gold, and a headtire of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck, and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom; "and," says he, "he shall be called my cousin."

³⁵ He promised that whoever could respond most truthfully and wisely to points that he would ask about, would receive in reward for his wisdom the right to wear a purple garment and drink from cups of gold and sleep upon gold and have a chariot with bridles of gold and headwear of fine linen and a chain of gold about his neck and to sit next to himself. "And," he said, "he shall be named my kinsman."

³⁶ ἔφη, κληθήσεται. ταύτας ἐπαγγειλάμενος αὐτοῖς παρέξειν τὰς δωρεὰς ἐρωτᾷ μὲν τὸν πρῶτον, εἰ ὁ οἶνος ὑπερισχύει, τὸν δεύτερον δέ, εἰ οἱ βασιλεῖς, τὸν τρίτον δέ, εἰ αἱ γυναῖκες ἢ τούτων μᾶλλον ἡ ἀλήθεια. ταῦτα προθεὶς αὐτοῖς ζητεῖν ἡσύχασεν.

³⁶ After promising to provide these gifts, he asked the first whether Wine is the most powerful; the second, whether Kings are; and the third, whether Women are—or rather, Truth above these. Having set these subjects before them to investigate, he remained silent.

³⁶ Now when he had promised to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them, "Whether wine was not the strongest?"—the second, "Whether kings were not such?"—and the third, "Whether women were not such? or whether truth was not the strongest of all?" When he had proposed that they should make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest;

³⁶ After promising these gifts, he asked the first of them, "Is not wine the strongest thing?" and the second, "Are kings not the strongest of things?" and the third, "Are women not the strongest of things, or is truth the strongest of all?" When he had set these problems, he went to rest.

³⁷ ὄρθρου δὲ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας καὶ σατράπας καὶ τοπάρχας τῆς καὶ Μηδικῆς καὶ καθίσας ἐν ᾧ χρηματίζειν εἰώθει, τῶν ἕκαστον ἐκέλευσεν πάντων ἀκουόντων ἀποφαίνεσθαι τὸ δοκοῦν αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν προκειμένων.

³⁷ At dawn, having summoned the grandees, satraps, and toparchs of Persia and Media, and having sat in the place where he was accustomed to transact business, he ordered each of the bodyguards to declare his opinion on the proposed subjects in the hearing of all."

³⁷ but in the morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place where he used to give audience, and bid each of the guards of his body to declare what they thought proper concerning the proposed questions, in the hearing of them all.

³⁷ In the morning he sent for his great men, his satraps and rulers of Persia and Media and sat down in his audience hall and bade each of his bodyguards in the hearing of all to declare their thoughts about the proposed questions.

The Legitimacy of Darius
Josephus mentions the "seven houses of the Persians." This aligns perfectly with historical records (including the Behistun Inscription) regarding the seven conspirators who overthrew the Pseudo-Smerdis (the Magus). Josephus frames Darius’s rise not just as a political coup, but as the fulfillment of a "private citizen's" vow to the God of Israel. This connects the Persian throne’s legitimacy directly to its favor toward the Jews.

Zerubbabel: The Insider
In the biblical record (Ezra), the connection between Zerubbabel and the Persian court is largely administrative. Josephus, drawing from the apocryphal 1 Esdras, adds a layer of personal drama: Zerubbabel is a σωματοφυλακεῖν (bodyguard) and a personal friend of Darius. This "courtier" status explains how a Jewish leader could gain the king’s ear over the objections of powerful regional governors.

The Scope of the Empire
Josephus describes a feast for the leaders of 127 satrapies, stretching from India to Ethiopia. This specific count (127) mirrors the opening of the Book of Esther. It serves to emphasize that the decree to rebuild Jerusalem was not a minor local ordinance, but a proclamation heard across the known world’s vastest superpower.

The Prizes of Wisdom
The rewards promised by Darius are the ultimate symbols of Achaemenid status:

1) Purple (πορφύραν): The color of royalty.

2) Gold-studded bridles (χρυσοχάλινον): Signifying military and equestrian prestige.

3) "Kinsman" (συγγενής): This was a specific Persian title of the highest rank, granting the holder physical proximity to the King and legal immunity.

The Structure of the Debate
The king poses a "multiple-choice" philosophical riddle. The first two options (Wine and Kings) represent physical and political power. The third bodyguard (Zerubbabel) is assigned a two-part challenge: Women and Truth. In the ancient mind, these were the forces that could topple kings or preserve kingdoms.

Transparency in Governance
Darius does not judge the contest in private. He summons the μεγιστᾶνας (grandees) and σατράπας (satraps) to listen. This public "thesis defense" is a classic Josephan touch, portraying the Persian court as a place of Hellenistic-style intellectual debate where the "best argument" wins.

³⁸ Καὶ ὁ πρῶτος ἤρξατο λέγειν τὴν‎ τοῦ οἴνου δύναμιν οὕτως αὐτὴν ἐμφανίζων· " ἄνδρες γὰρ εἶπεν, ἐγὼ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν τοῦ οἴνου τεκμαιρόμενος πάντα ὑπερβάλλουσαν εὑρίσκω τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ·	³⁸ "The first began to speak of the power of wine, manifesting it in this way: 'O men,' he said, 'by weighing the strength of wine, I find it surpassing all things in this manner:
³⁸ Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength of wine, and demonstrated it thus: "When," said he, "I am to give my opinion of wine, O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing, by the following indications:	³⁸ The first began to speak about the strength of wine, with the following argument: "Now men, let me give my opinion of wine. I find that it surpasses everything, for this reason.

³⁹ σφάλλει γὰρ τῶν πινόντων αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπατᾷ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως τῇ τοῦ ὀρφανοῦ καὶ δεομένου κηδεμόνος ὁμοίαν τίθησιν, καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ δούλου διεγείρει πρὸς παρρησίαν τοῦ ἐλευθέρου, ἥ τε τοῦ πένητος ὁμοία γίνεται τῇ τοῦ πλουσίου·

³⁹ For it trips up those who drink it and deceives the intellect; it makes the mind of the king equal to that of the orphan and the one in need of a guardian; it rouses the soul of the slave to the bold speech of the free man, and the soul of the poor man becomes like that of the rich.

³⁹ It deceives the mind of those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to the same state with that of the orphan, and he who stands in need of a tutor; and erects that of the slave to the boldness of him that is free; and that of the needy becomes like that of the rich man,

³⁹ It deceives the mind of those who drink it and reduces that of the king to the state of an orphan who needs a tutor, and lifts up that of the slave to the boldness of a free man, and makes the mind of the needy like that of the rich man.

⁴⁰ μεταποιεῖ γὰρ καὶ μεταγεννᾷ τὰς ψυχὰς ἐν αὐταῖς ἐγγενόμενος, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐν συμφορᾷ καθεστηκότων σβέννυσι τὸ λυποῦν, τοὺς δὲ ἀλλότρια χρέα λαβόντας εἰς λήθην ἄγει καὶ ποιεῖ δοκεῖν αὐτοὺς ἁπάντων πλουσιωτάτους, ὡς μηδὲν μικρὸν φθέγγεσθαι, ταλάντων δὲ μεμνῆσθαι καὶ τῶν τοῖς εὐδαίμοσι προσηκόντων ὀνομάτων.

⁴⁰ For once it enters the soul, it transforms and regenerates them: it extinguishes the grief of those established in misfortune; it leads those who have taken on foreign debts into forgetfulness and makes them believe they are the wealthiest of all, so that they speak of nothing small, but mention only talents and the names belonging to the prosperous.

⁴⁰ for it changes and renews the souls of men when it gets into them; and it quenches the sorrow of those that are under calamities, and makes men forget the debts they owe to others, and makes them think themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes them talk of no small things, but of talents, and such other names as become wealthy men only;

⁴⁰ Then it gets into them it changes and renews the souls of men, and quenches the sorrow of those in distress and makes people forget the debts they owe to others and makes them think themselves as the richest of all, not content to talk of small things, but of talents and the sort of topics suitable to the wealthy.

⁴¹ ἔτι γε μὴν στρατηγῶν καὶ βασιλέων ἀναισθήτους ἀπεργάζεται καὶ φίλων καὶ συνήθων ἐξαιρεῖ μνήμην· ὁπλίζει γὰρ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων καὶ δοκεῖν ποιεῖ πάντων ἀλλοτριωτάτους.	⁴¹ Furthermore, it makes men unconscious of generals and kings, and it removes the memory of friends and companions; for it arms men even against their dearest loved ones and makes them appear as the most total strangers.
⁴¹ nay more, it makes them insensible of their commanders, and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance of their friends and companions, for it arms men even against those that are dearest to them, and makes them appear the greatest strangers to them;	⁴¹ More, it makes them heedless of officers and kings and forgetful of friends and companions and arms people against even those dearest to them and makes them seem the greatest of strangers.

⁴² καὶ ὅταν νήψαντες τύχωσιν καὶ καταλίπῃ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ οἶνος κοιμωμένους, ἀνίστανται μηθὲν ὧν ἔπραξαν παρὰ τὴν‎ μέθην εἰδότες. τούτοις ἐγὼ τεκμαιρόμενος εὑρίσκω τὸν οἶνον ὑπερκρατοῦντα πάντων καὶ βιαιότατον."

⁴² And when they happen to become sober, and the wine leaves them during the night as they sleep, they stand up knowing nothing of what they did during their drunkenness. Judging by these facts, I find wine to prevail over all and to be the most violent force.'"

⁴² and when they are become sober, and they have slept out their wine in the night, they arise without knowing any thing they have done in their cups. I take these for signs of power, and by them discover that wine is the strongest and most insuperable of all things."

⁴² Once they have sobered up and slept off their wine during the night, they rise without knowing what they did in their cups. I take these as signs of power and by them find that wine is the strongest and most irresistible of all things."

The "Democracy" of Drunkenness
The speaker’s strongest point is that wine creates a temporary, artificial Utopia. By making the ὀρφανοῦ (orphan) feel like the βασιλέως (king), wine dissolves the rigid Persian caste system. In a court obsessed with protocol and hierarchy, the idea of a substance that grants παρρησίαν (boldness of speech/frankness) to a slave was a terrifyingly powerful concept.

The Psychology of Erasure
The speaker highlights wine’s medicinal quality: it "extinguishes" (σβέννυσι) grief. In the ancient world, where debt and misfortune often led to slavery or ruin, the "forgetfulness" (λήθην) induced by wine was seen as a potent form of power. The mention of "talents" (vast sums of money) suggests that wine provides a delusional wealth that, for a few hours, is as functionally real to the drinker as actual gold.

The Violence of the Alter-Ego
A darker observation is wine’s ability to "arm" (ὁπλίζει) a person against their own friends. Josephus portrays wine as a force of alienation—turning the "dearest loved ones" into "total strangers." This reflects the ancient Greek and Near Eastern anxiety regarding the symposion: that a night of friendship could instantly turn into a bloodbath because wine overrides the rational memory of loyalty.

The "Blackout" and Power
The speaker concludes with the phenomenon of the "blackout." The fact that a man can commit acts of extreme violence or bravery and then "know nothing" (μηθὲν... εἰδότες) of it the next day proves, in the speaker’s eyes, that wine is βιαιότατον (most violent/forceful). It is a power that operates through a human being while completely bypassing their will.

Rhetorical Strategy
Notice the speaker’s use of τεκμαιρόμενος (judging by evidence/weighing the facts). He is not making a poetic argument; he is making a "scientific" one based on observed behavioral changes. This sets a high bar for the next two speakers, who must prove that political authority (Kings) or biological/moral truth (Women/Truth) can exert an even greater pressure on the human soul.

⁴³ ὡς δὲ ὁ πρῶτος ἀποφηνάμενος περὶ τῆς ἰσχύος τοῦ οἴνου τὰ προειρημένα ἐπαύσατο, ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤρξατο λέγειν περὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως δυνάμεως, ταύτην ἀποδεικνὺς τὴν‎ ἰσχυροτάτην καὶ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων δυναμένην, ὅσα βίαν ἔχειν ἢ σύνεσιν δοκεῖ. τὸν δὲ τρόπον τῆς ἀποδείξεως ἐντεῦθεν ἐλάμβανεν·

⁴³ "When the first speaker, having declared the aforementioned things regarding the power of wine, had ceased, the one after him began to speak about the power of the King, demonstrating this to be the strongest and more capable than the others, insofar as anything is thought to possess force or intelligence. He derived the method of his proof from this:

⁴³ As soon as the first had given the forementioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he left off; and the next to him began to speak about the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it was the strongest of all, and more powerful than any thing else that appears to have any force or wisdom. He began his demonstration after the following manner; and said,

⁴³ When the first had finished expressing these views on the strength of wine, the next to him began to speak about the power of a king, showing that it was the strongest of all and beyond the power of any other thing, for influence and understanding. He began his proof as follows:

⁴⁴ πάντων μὲν εἶπεν ἀνθρώπους περικρατεῖν, οἳ καὶ τὴν‎ γῆν καταναγκάζουσιν καὶ τὴν‎ θάλασσαν εἶναι χρησίμην αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἃ θέλουσιν, τούτων δ᾽ ἄρχουσιν οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσιν· οἱ δὲ τοῦ κρατίστου καὶ ἰσχυροτάτου ζῴου δεσπόζοντες ἀνυπέρβλητοι τὴν‎ δύναμιν οὗτοι καὶ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν εἰκότως ἂν εἶεν.

⁴⁴ He said that although men hold mastery over all things—they who both compel the earth and make the sea useful to them for whatever they wish—the Kings rule over these men and hold the authority. Those who are masters of the most excellent and strongest of living creatures [mankind] would reasonably be unsurpassable in power and strength.

⁴⁴ "They are men who govern all things; they force the earth and the sea to become profitable to them in what they desire, and over these men do kings rule, and over them they have authority. Now those who rule over that animal which is of all the strongest and most powerful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable in power and force.

⁴⁴ "Human beings govern all things, for they subdue land and sea to their use and wishes; and in turn, humans are ruled by kings, who have authority over them. Those who rule over the strongest and most powerful of all living things should be considered supreme in power and force.

⁴⁵ ἀμέλει πολέμους ἐπιτάττοντες καὶ κινδύνους τοῖς ἀκούονται, καὶ πέμποντες αὐτοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἐχθροὺς καταπειθεῖς διὰ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν τὴν‎ αὐτῶν ἔχουσιν, καὶ ὄρη μὲν κατεργάζεσθαι καὶ τείχη κατασπᾶν καὶ πύργους κελεύουσιν, καὶ κτείνεσθαι δ᾽ οἱ κελευσθέντες καὶ κτείνειν ὑπομένουσιν, ἵνα μὴ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως δόξωσι παραβαίνειν προστάγματα, νικήσαντες δὲ τὴν‎ ὠφέλειαν τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίζουσιν.

⁴⁵ Certainly, they are heard commanding wars and dangers to their subjects, and when they send them against enemies, they find them obedient because of their strength; they command them to level mountains, to tear down walls, and to pull down towers. Those commanded endure both being killed and killing, so that they might not seem to transgress the king’s orders; and having conquered, they bring the profit from the war to the king.

⁴⁵ For example, when these kings command their subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened to; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is so great that they are obeyed. They command men to level mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay, when they are commanded to be killed and to kill, they submit to it, that they may not appear to transgress the king’s commands; and when they have conquered, they bring what they have gained in the war to the king.

⁴⁵ When these kings command their subjects to go to war and submit to dangers when they send them against their enemies, their power is such that they are obeyed. They can order mountains to be levelled and walls and towers to be pulled down, and even when men are ordered to kill or be killed, they obey so as not to seem to refuse the king’s orders, and when they are victorious, they bring to the king the spoils of war.

⁴⁶ καὶ οἱ μὴ στρατευόμενοι [δὲ ἀλλὰ] γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι καὶ ἀροῦντες ὅταν πονήσαντες καὶ ἅπασαν τὴν‎ τῶν ἔργων ταλαιπωρίαν ὑπομείναντες θερίσωσιν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς συνέλωσιν, τοὺς φόρους τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίζουσιν.

⁴⁶ Moreover, those who do not serve as soldiers, but work the earth and plow—when they have labored and endured all the misery of their tasks, and have harvested and gathered the fruits—they bring the taxes to the king.

⁴⁶ Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the ground, and plough it, and when, after they have endured the labor and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to the king;

⁴⁶ Even the non-soldiers who cultivate and plow the land, having borne all the labour and toil of such farming and after reaping and gathering their fruits, bring taxes to the king.

⁴⁷ ὃ δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος εἴπῃ καὶ κελεύσῃ τοῦτο ἐξ ἀνάγκης οὐδὲν ὑπερβαλομένων γίνεται. ἔτι ὁ μὲν τρυφῆς ἁπάσης καὶ ἡδονῆς ἀναπιμπλάμενος καθεύδει, φυλάσσεται δὲ ὑπὸ γρηγορούντων καὶ ὡσανεὶ δεδεμένων ὑπὸ φόβου·

⁴⁷ Whatever this man says or commands, it is done by necessity with nothing being set aside. Furthermore, while he, filled with every luxury and pleasure, sleeps, he is guarded by men who stay awake and are, as it were, bound by fear.

⁴⁷ and whatsoever it is which the king says or commands, it is done of necessity, and that without any delay, while he in the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch, and such as are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear;

⁴⁷ Whatever the king says or commands has to be done without delay, while he enjoys all sorts of food and pleasures and sleeps in peace, guarded by watchmen and people who are, as it were, duty-bound by fear.

⁴⁸ καταλιπεῖν γὰρ οὐδὲ εἷς τολμᾷ κοιμώμενον οὐδὲ τῶν ἰδίων ἀναχωρήσας ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἓν ἔργον ἡγούμενος τῶν ἀναγκαίων τὸ φυλάττειν τὸν βασιλέα τούτῳ προσμένει. πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς δόξειεν τὴν‎ πάντων ἰσχὺν ὑπερβάλλειν, ᾧ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος πείθεται κελεύοντι;"

⁴⁸ For not a single soul dares to leave him while he is sleeping, nor withdraws to take care of his own affairs, but considering the guarding of the king to be his one necessary task, he remains at his post. How then would the King not be thought to surpass the strength of all, he whom such a great multitude obeys when he commands?"

⁴⁸ for no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away and take care of his own affairs; but he esteems this one thing the only work of necessity, to guard the king, and accordingly to this he wholly addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, while so great a multitude obeys his injunctions?"

⁴⁸ For no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor may anyone go to tend to his own affairs, but he sees guarding the king as his vital work, and devotes himself to this. Since so great a crowd obeys the king’s orders, how can one not reckon him as the strongest of all?

Man as the "Strongest Animal"
The speaker’s logic is hierarchical and evolutionary. He begins by noting that human beings are the masters of the physical world (the earth and the sea). However, because the King masters men, he is the "master of the master." By defining humans as the κρατίστου καὶ ἰσχυροτάτου ζῴου (the most excellent and strongest living creature), the speaker frames the King as the apex predator of the social order.

The Transmutation of Labor into Royalty
A key observation here is the "flow of value." Whether it is the soldier leveling a mountain or the farmer harvesting grain, the speaker notes that the final destination of all human effort is the King (τὴν ὠφέλειαν... τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίζουσιν). The King is the "black hole" of the economy—everything is drawn toward him by the "necessity" of his command.

The Geometry of the Siege
The speaker uses vivid military imagery: leveling mountains (ὄρη... κατεργάζεσθαι) and tearing down towers. To an audience in the Persian or Roman eras, this referred to the massive engineering projects of the Achaemenid kings (like Xerxes’ canal or Darius’s bridges). The point is that the King’s word can literally reshape the topography of the earth through the collective muscles of his subjects.

The "Bondage of Fear" (δεδεμένων ὑπὸ φόβου)
There is a chilling psychological insight regarding the royal guard. The King sleeps in luxury (τρυφῆς) while his guards are "bound" by fear. They are so terrified of the King’s authority that they cannot even attend to their ἰδίων (private/personal) affairs. The King’s power is so absolute that it creates a "force field" of vigilance around him even when he is unconscious and vulnerable.

Sovereignty as Necessity
The speaker concludes that the King’s command is ἐξ ἀνάγκης (by necessity). In the Greek philosophical context, Ananke (Necessity) was a force that even the gods could not easily bypass. By equating the King’s decree with Necessity, the speaker is arguing that political law has become a fundamental law of nature.

The Setup for Zerubbabel
This speech perfectly sets the trap for the third speaker, Zerubbabel. The second bodyguard has argued that the King is the master of all men. Zerubbabel will respond by pointing out that even Kings are born of Women, and that while a King can command a man’s body, only Truth and the Divine can command the cosmos and outlast the King’s mortal life.

⁴⁹ Σιωπήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου περὶ τῆς τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ὁ τρίτος διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς ἤρξατο λέγων οὕτως· " ἰσχυρὸς μὲν καὶ ὁ οἶνος καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, ᾧ πάντες ὑπακούουσιν, ἀλλὰ κρείττους τὴν‎ δύναμιν τούτων αἱ γυναῖκες·

⁴⁹ "When the second speaker had fallen silent, Zerubbabel—the third—began to instruct them concerning women and the truth, speaking as follows: 'Strong indeed are both wine and the King, whom all obey; yet women are more excellent in power than these.

⁴⁹ Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about truth, who said thus: "Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men obey, but women are superior to them in power;

⁴⁹ When this man fell silent the third of them, Zorobabel, began to teach them about women and truth, as follows: "Wine is strong, and the king is the one whom all obey, but the influence of women is greater still.

⁵⁰ τόν τε γὰρ βασιλέα γυνὴ παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ φῶς καὶ τοὺς φυτεύσαντας ἀμπέλους, αἳ ποιοῦσιν τὸν οἶνον, γυναῖκές εἰσιν αἱ τίκτουσαί τε καὶ τρέφουσαι, καθόλου δ᾽ οὐδέν ἐστιν, ὃ μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔχομεν· καὶ γὰρ τὰς ἐσθῆτας αὗται ὑφαίνουσιν ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον διὰ ταύτας ἐπιμελείας καὶ φυλακῆς .

⁵⁰ For it was a woman who brought the King into the light, and those who planted the vineyards that produce the wine are themselves born of women who gave them birth and nurtured them. In short, there is nothing we possess that we do not have from them; for they weave the garments for us, and the affairs of the household are deemed worthy of care and protection because of them.

⁵⁰ for it was a woman that brought the king into the world; and for those that plant the vines and make the wine, they are women who bear them, and bring them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we do not receive from them; for these women weave garments for us, and our household affairs are by their means taken care of, and preserved in safety;

⁵⁰ For it was a woman who brought the king into the world, and it is women who bear and rear those who plant the vines. Indeed there is nothing which we do not receive from them, for these women weave clothing for us and take care of our household affairs and watch over them.

⁵¹ καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἀποζευχθῆναι γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ χρυσὸν πολὺν κτησάμενοι καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ ἄλλο τι τῶν πολυτελῶν καὶ σπουδῆς ἀξίων, ὅταν ἴδωμεν εὔμορφον γυναῖκα, πάντα ἐκεῖνα ἀφέντες τῷ εἴδει τῆς ὁραθείσης προσκεχήναμεν καὶ ὑπομένομεν παραχωρῆσαι τῶν ὄντων ἡμῖν, ἵνα τοῦ κάλλους ἀπολαύσωμεν καὶ μεταλάβωμεν.

⁵¹ And it is not possible for us to be detached from women; rather, though we acquire much gold and silver and other things that are costly and worthy of zeal, whenever we see a shapely woman, we abandon all those things and gape at the beauty of the one seen, and we endure surrendering our possessions so that we might enjoy and partake of her beauty.

⁵¹ nor can we live separate from women. And when we have gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and any other thing that is of great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave all these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure it to ourselves.

⁵¹ Nor can we live apart from women, for even if we have gained a large amount of gold and silver or anything else valuable and highly regarded, and see a beautiful woman, we turn aside from these things and with open mouth fix our gaze upon her face and are willing to forsake all we have, just to enjoy her beauty and gain it for ourselves.

⁵² ἐγκαταλείπομεν δὲ καὶ πατέρας [καὶ μητέρας] καὶ τὴν‎ θρεψαμένην γῆν, καὶ τῶν φιλτάτων πολλάκις λήθην ἔχομεν διὰ τὰς γυναῖκας, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀφιέναι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν καρτεροῦμεν. οὕτως δ᾽ ἂν μάλιστα τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν τῶν γυναικῶν κατανοήσαιτε·

⁵² We abandon both fathers and mothers and the land that nourished us; we often hold even our dearest friends in forgetfulness because of women, and we persevere in letting our souls depart with them. In this way, you might best understand the strength of women:

⁵² We also leave father, and mother, and the earth that nourishes us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them. But what will chiefly make you take notice of the strength of women is this that follows:

⁵² For the sake of women we will leave father and mother and the place we were reared and often forget our dearest friends, and even risk our very lives. But here is what mainly illustrates the strength of women:

⁵³ οὐχὶ πονοῦντες καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν ὑπομένοντες καὶ διὰ γῆς καὶ διὰ θαλάττης, ὅταν ἡμῖν ἐκ τῶν πόνων περιγένηταί τινα, αὐτὰ φέροντες ὡς δεσποίναις ταῖς γυναιξὶν διδόαμεν;	⁵³ Do we not labor and endure every misery by land and sea, and when something results from our labors, do we not bring it and give it to women as to mistresses (despoinais)?
⁵³ Do not we take pains, and endure a great deal of trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our labors, do not we bring them to the women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them upon them?	⁵³ Do we not work hard and go to much trouble, both by land and sea, and after earning the fruits of our labours, don't we bring them as gifts to the women, as to our mistresses?

⁵⁴ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα δὲ τὸν τοσούτων κύριον εἶδόν ποτε ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥαβεζάκου τοῦ Θεμασίου παιδὸς Ἀπάμης παλλακῆς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ῥαπιζόμενον, καὶ τὸ διάδημα ἀφαιρουμένης καὶ τῇ ἰδίᾳ κεφαλῇ περιτιθείσης ἀνεχόμενον καὶ μειδιώσης μὲν μειδιῶντα ὀργιζομένης δὲ σκυθρωπάζοντα καὶ τῇ τῶν παθῶν μεταβολῇ κολακεύοντα τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ διαλλάττοντα ἐκ τοῦ σφόδρα ταπεινὸν αὑτὸν ποιεῖν, εἴ ποτε δυσχεραίνουσαν ἔβλεπεν."

⁵⁴ Indeed, I once saw the King—the lord of so many—being slapped by his concubine Apame, the daughter of Rabezacus of Themasia. She took the diadem from him and placed it upon her own head, and he endured it; when she smiled, he smiled, and when she was angry, he grew downcast. By the shifting of her moods, he flattered the woman, reconciling with her by making himself exceedingly humble whenever he saw her vexed.'"

⁵⁴ Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so many people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem taken away from him, and put upon her own head, while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad; and according to the change of her passions, he flattered his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great humiliation of himself to her, if at my time he saw her displeased at him."

⁵⁴ Once I even saw the king, who is lord over so many, being struck on the face by his concubine, Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Themasius, who took his crown from him and put on her own head, while he bore it patiently. When she smiled, he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad, and he flattered his wife according to her changing passions, and drew her to reconciliation by greatly abasing himself, if ever he saw her displeased with him."

Biological Primacy
Zerubbabel’s first point is "genetic." He points out that the King and the Vinedresser are not self-made; they are biological products of women (γυνὴ παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸ φῶς). By tracing all power back to its birth, he undermines the King’s claim to ultimate sovereignty. If the King is the "Master of Men," the Woman is the "Maker of the Master."

The Economic "Tribute" of Love
In the previous speech, the second bodyguard argued that taxes flow to the King. Zerubbabel counters that the ultimate destination of wealth is not the treasury, but the woman. Men endure "every misery" (πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν) of travel and labor only to hand the profits to women as to δεσποίναις (mistresses/sovereigns). He frames romantic desire as a higher "tax" than any imperial decree.

The "Slap" that Shook the Empire
Zerubbabel uses a shocking, eyewitness anecdote to prove his point. He describes Apame slapping the Great King and stealing his crown (διάδημα). This is a powerful image of inverted hierarchy: the man who commands 127 provinces is physically abused and psychologically manipulated by a single woman. Josephus uses this to show that "The Law of the Medes and Persians" stops at the door of the royal bedchamber.

Psychological Slavery (κολακεύοντα)
The King is described as κολακεύοντα (flattering/fawning). While the subjects are "bound by fear" to the King, the King is "bound by mood" to the woman. If she smiles, he is happy; if she frowns, he is miserable. This emotional dependency is presented as a form of "voluntary slavery" that is more absolute than any political servitude.

Household as Civilizational Core
Zerubbabel credits women with the creation of the domestic sphere—weaving clothes and protecting the home. By doing so, he elevates "women’s work" to the level of state-building. Without the stability of the home provided by women, the "public" world of the King and the "social" world of Wine would have no foundation.

Rhetorical Setup for "Truth"
By proving that the King is subordinate to Women, Zerubbabel has broken the second bodyguard’s argument. However, he is not finished. He has established a hierarchy of power (Wine < King < Women), but he is about to introduce the final, supreme category: Truth. For while a woman can rule a King’s heart, only Truth is eternal and divine.

⁵⁵ Εἰς ἀλλήλους δὲ ἀφορώντων τῶν σατραπῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ἤρξατο λέγειν " ἀπέδειξα μέν, εἰπών, ὅσον αἱ γυναῖκες ἰσχύουσιν, ἀσθενέστεραι δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ αὗται καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπάρχουσιν. εἰ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ γῆ μεγίστη καὶ ὑψηλὸς ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ταχὺς ὁ ἥλιος, ταῦτα δὲ πάντα κινεῖται κατὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἀληθινὸς δέ ἐστιν καὶ δίκαιος οὗτος, ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας δεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν ἰσχυροτάτην ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ μηδὲν πρὸς αὐτὴν τὸ ἄδικον δυνάμενον.

⁵⁵ "While the satraps and governors looked at one another, he [Zerubbabel] began to speak concerning the Truth, saying: 'I have demonstrated how much women prevail; yet both they and the King are nonetheless weaker than the Truth. For if the earth is vast, and the heaven high, and the sun swift—all these things move according to the will of God, and He is true and just. For this same reason, it is necessary to consider Truth the most powerful of all, and that nothing unjust has power against it.

⁵⁵ And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he began to speak about truth; and he said, "I have already demonstrated how powerful women are; but both these women themselves, and the king himself, are weaker than truth; for although the earth be large, and the heaven high, and the course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved according to the will of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that what is unrighteous is of no force against it.

⁵⁵ As the satraps and officers looked at each other, he began to speak about truth. He said, "I have already shown the power of women, but women and the king himself are weaker than truth, for though the earth is large and the heaven high and the course of the sun is swift, all these are moved according to God’s will, who is true and righteous. Therefore we should deem truth to be the strongest of all things and that what is unrighteous has no power against it.

⁵⁶ ἔτι γε μὴν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα θνητὰ καὶ ὠκύμορα εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τῶν ἰσχὺν ἐχόντων, ἀθάνατον δὲ ἡ ἀλήθεια χρῆμα καὶ ἀίδιον. παρέχει δ᾽ ἡμῖν οὐ κάλλος χρόνῳ μαραινόμενον οὐδὲ περιουσίαν ἀφαιρετὴν ὑπὸ τύχης, ἀλλὰ τὰ δίκαια καὶ τὰ νόμιμα, διακρίνουσα ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ ἄδικα καὶ ἀπελέγχουσα."

⁵⁶ Moreover, all other things that possess strength happen to be mortal and short-lived, but Truth is an immortal and eternal thing. It does not provide us with a beauty that withers with time, nor a wealth that can be taken away by fortune, but rather those things that are just and lawful, distinguishing and refuting the unjust among them.'

⁵⁶ Moreover, all things else that have any strength are mortal and short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal and eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as will wither away by time, nor such riches as may be taken away by fortune, but righteous rules and laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous to rebuke."

⁵⁶ Moreover, all other strong things are mortal and short-lived, but truth is immortal and eternal. What it grants us is not perishable beauty or riches such as fortune may take away, but righteous rules and laws, distinguishing them from injustice, which it condemns."

⁵⁷ καταπαύει μὲν ὁ τὸν περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας λόγον, ἐπιβοήσαντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους ὡς εἰπόντος, καὶ ὅτι τὸ ἀληθὲς ἰσχὺν ἄτρεπτον καὶ ἀγήρω μόνον ἔχοι, προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς αἰτήσασθαί τι πάρεξ ὧν αὐτὸς ἦν ὑπεσχημένος· δώσειν γὰρ ὄντι σοφῷ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μᾶλλον φανέντι συνετῷ· συγκαθεσθήσῃ δέ μοι, φησίν, καὶ κεκλήσῃ συγγενὴς ἐμός. "

⁵⁷ Zerubbabel ceased his discourse on the Truth, and when the multitude cried out that he had spoken most excellently—and that Truth alone possesses an unchangeable and ageless power—the King commanded him to ask for something beyond what he himself had promised; for he would give it to him as a man who was wise and had appeared more intelligent than the rest. 'You shall sit with me,' he said, 'and you shall be called my kinsman.'

⁵⁷ So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it was truth alone that had immutable strength, and such as never would wax old, the king commanded that he should ask for somewhat over and above what he had promised, for that he would give it him because of his wisdom, and that prudence wherein he exceeded the rest; "and thou shalt sit with me," said the king, "and shalt be called my cousin."

⁵⁷ When Zorobabel had ended his discourse about truth and the people had shouted out that he had spoken most wisely, since truth alone had immutable strength that would never fade, the king bade him ask for something over and above what he had promised, for he wanted to reward him for his wisdom and prudence, surpassing all the rest. "You shall sit beside me," said the king, "and be called my kinsman."

⁵⁸ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος ὑπέμνησεν αὐτὸν τῆς εὐχῆς, ἧς ἐποιήσατο, εἰ λάβοι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν· αὕτη δ᾽ ἂν εἴη οἰκοδομῆσαι μὲν , κατασκευάσαι δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ναόν, ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ τὰ σκεύη, ὅσα συλήσας εἰς ἐκόμισεν. Καὶ τοῦτ᾽, ἔφη, τοὐμὸν αἴτημά ἐστιν, ὅ μοι νῦν ἐπιτρέπεις αἰτήσασθαι κριθέντι σοφῷ καὶ συνετῷ."

⁵⁸ When he had said this, Zerubbabel reminded him of the vow he had made if he should ever receive the kingdom: this was to rebuild Jerusalem, to construct the Temple of God within it, and to restore the vessels that Nebuchadnezzar had plundered and carried to Babylon. 'This,' he said, 'is my request, which you now permit me to ask, having been judged wise and intelligent.'"

⁵⁸ When he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the vow he had made in case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was, "to rebuild Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God; as also to restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And this," said he, "is that request which thou now permittest me to make, on account that I have been judged to be wise and understanding."

⁵⁸ As he said this, Zorobabel reminded him of what he had vowed to do if he should ever gain the kingship, which was to rebuild Jerusalem and build in it the temple of God and to restore the vessels that Nabuchodonosor had pillaged and brought to Babylon. "This," he said, "is the request you now allow me to make, having judged me to be wise and understanding."

The Hierarchy of Power
Zerubbabel’s argument is a classic "climbing" syllogism. He has already shown:

1) Wine < The King (The King commands the drinkers).

2) The King < Women (The Woman commands the King).

3) Women < The Truth (Nature and God command all).

By placing Truth at the apex, he aligns the interests of the Persian state with the "Will of God" (βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ).

Truth as Cosmic Law
Josephus frames Truth not as a subjective "honesty," but as the structural integrity of the universe. The "vast earth" and "high heaven" move because of the Truth of God. This would have appealed deeply to the Persian (Zoroastrian) sensibilities of Darius, who viewed the struggle between Asha (Truth/Order) and Druj (the Lie/Chaos) as the fundamental conflict of the universe.

The Refutation of Fortune (τύχης)
Zerubbabel contrasts Truth with τύχη (Fortune/Chance). In the Hellenistic world, Tyche was a goddess who could strip a man of beauty or wealth in an instant. Zerubbabel argues that Truth provides a "wealth" that is ἀφαιρετὴν (not removable). It is a stable legal and moral foundation (τὰ δίκαια καὶ τὰ νόμιμα) that outlasts the biological decay of women and the political decay of kings.

Public Acclamation (ἐπιβοήσαντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους)
The "multitude" of Persian elites acts as a jury. Their shout of approval—acknowledging that Truth is ἀγήρω (ageless/un-aging)—is the turning point. Josephus uses this to show that Jewish wisdom is universally recognizable; it is not a "secret" tribal knowledge, but a self-evident reality that even the pagan lords of the East must applaud.

Wisdom as the Key to Diplomacy
Darius recognizes Zerubbabel as σοφῷ καὶ συνετῷ (wise and intelligent). This earns Zerubbabel the title of συγγενής (Kinsman). In Josephus’s view, the Jews did not regain their land through violent revolt, but through the superior intellect and moral clarity of their leaders.

Converting Wisdom into Policy
Zerubbabel is a shrewd negotiator. When the King offers him anything he wants, Zerubbabel doesn't ask for gold or personal power. He holds the King to his εὐχῆς (vow). He pivots from the abstract philosophy of Truth to the concrete politics of Jerusalem, the Temple, and the Vessels. He effectively forces the King to prove his own "Truth" by keeping his word.

The Triple Restoration
Notice the three-fold request:

1) The City: Political and civil restoration (οἰκοδομῆσαι Ἱεροσόλυμα).

2) The Temple: Religious restoration (κατασκευάσαι... τὸν ναόν).

3) The Vessels: Historical continuity (ἀποκαταστήσαι δὲ καὶ τὰ σκεύη).

By reclaiming the vessels stolen by Nebuchadnezzar, Zerubbabel ensures that the "Second Temple" is not a new invention, but a legitimate continuation of the First.

⁵⁹ ἡσθεὶς ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναστὰς κατεφίλησέν τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοῖς τοπάρχαις καὶ σατράπαις γράφει κελεύων προπέμψαι τὸν Ζοροβάβηλον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μέλλοντας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ οἰκοδομὴν ἐξιέναι τοῦ ναοῦ.	⁵⁹ "Pleased with these things, the King arose and kissed him [Zerubbabel]; he wrote to the toparchs and satraps, commanding them to escort Zerubbabel and those with him who intended to go forth for the building of the temple.
⁵⁹ So the king was pleased with what he had said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote to the toparchs and governors, and enjoined them to conduct Zorobabel and those that were going with him to build the temple.	⁵⁹ Pleased with what he said, the king stood up and kissed him, and wrote orders to the toparchs and officers to give safe conduct to Zorobabel and those who were going with him to build the temple.

⁶⁰ ἐπέστειλε δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐν καὶ ξύλα κέδρινα κατακομίζειν ἐκ τοῦ τεμόντας εἰς , καὶ συγκατασκευάζειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ πόλιν, καὶ πάντας ἔγραψεν ἐλευθέρους εἶναι τοὺς εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων .

⁶⁰ He also sent orders to those in Syria and Phoenicia to fell cedar trees from Lebanon and carry them down to Jerusalem, and to assist him in rebuilding the city; he wrote that all the captives who went back to Judea should be free men.

⁶⁰ He also sent letters to those rulers that were in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building the city. He also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to Judea should be free;

⁶⁰ Furthermore, he sent letters to the officers in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem and to help him in building the city. He also wrote that all the prisoners who wished to go to Judea were free to do so,

⁶¹ καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ σατράπας ἐκώλυσεν ἐπιτάττειν τοῖς τὰς βασιλικὰς χρείας, ἀνῆκέ τε πᾶσαν ἣν ἂν κατασχεῖν δυνηθῶσιν τῆς χώρας ἀτελῆ φόρων αὐτοῖς νέμεσθαι. προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοὺς καὶ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς κοίλης ἀφεῖναι τὰς κώμας, ἃς τῶν κατεῖχον, καὶ προσέτι τάλαντα πεντήκοντα εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ δοθῆναι.

⁶¹ He forbade his officials and satraps from imposing royal labor (basilikas chreias) upon the Jews, and he granted that all the land they were able to occupy should be held by them free of taxes. He further commanded the Idumeans, the Samaritans, and those of Coele-Syria to give up the villages they held belonging to the Jews, and in addition, that fifty talents be given for the building of the sanctuary.

⁶¹ and he prohibited his deputies and governors to lay any king’s taxes upon the Jews; he also permitted that they should have all that land which they could possess themselves of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to restore those villages which they had taken from the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty talents should be given them for the building of the temple.

⁶¹ and he forbade his deputies and officers to lay any royal taxes upon the Jews. He allowed them have without tributes all the land they could occupy, and ordered the Idumaeans and Samaritans and the people of Coele-Syria, to restore the villages they had taken from the Jews. Besides all this, he gave them fifty talents for the building of the temple.

⁶² θύειν τε αὐτοῖς τὰς νενομισμένας θυσίας ἐπέτρεψε καὶ τὴν‎ χορηγίαν ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἱερὰν στολήν, ᾗ θεραπεύουσι τὸν θεὸν ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων γίνεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς τὰ ὄργανα,

⁶² He permitted them to offer the customary sacrifices and ordered that the entire supply—including the sacred vestments with which the high priest and the priests serve God—be provided from his own funds. To the Levites, he ordered the musical instruments with which they hymn God to be given;

⁶² He also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices, and that whatsoever the high priest and the priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made at his own charges; and that the musical instruments which the Levites used in singing hymns to God should be given them.

⁶² He let them offer their appointed sacrifices and at his own expense paid for all that was needed by the high priest and other priests, including the sacred vestments in which they worshipped God, and the instruments with which the Levites made music to God.

⁶³ οἷς ὑμνοῦσι τὸν , καὶ τοῖς φύλαξι τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προσέταξεν κλήρους γῆς δοθῆναι καὶ κατὰ ἕκαστον ἔτος ὡρισμένον τι πρὸς τὴν‎ τοῦ βίου χρείαν ἀργύριον, πέμψαι δὲ καὶ τὰ σκεύη, καὶ πάντα, ὅσα πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ ἐβουλήθη περὶ τῆς τῶν ἀποκαταστάσεως, ταῦτα καὶ διετάξατο.

⁶³ and to the guards of the city and the temple, he commanded that allotments of land be given, along with a fixed sum of silver each year for their living expenses. He also sent the vessels; indeed, all that Cyrus before him had intended concerning the restoration of the Jews, Darius likewise ordained."

⁶³ Moreover, he charged them, that portions of land should be given to those that guarded the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance; and withal he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do before him relating to the restoration of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained should be done accordingly.

⁶³ He had portions of land given to those who guarded the city and the temple, and a fixed sum of money each year for their maintenance. He also he sent the vessels, and all that Cyrus had intended to do before him about the restoration of the Jews, Darius commanded to be done.

The Royal Kiss (κατεφίλησέν)
Josephus adds a touch of personal intimacy. The kiss is a Persian courtly sign of the highest favor, marking Zerubbabel not as a subject, but as a "Kinsman" of the King. This emotional bond ensures that the decree is not a cold administrative act but a protected royal priority.

The Logistics of Cedar (κέδρινα... ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου)
Darius commands the felling of Lebanon’s famous cedars. In the ancient Near East, cedar was the ultimate luxury material, reserved for palaces and divine dwellings. By ordering these from the provinces of Syria and Phoenicia, Darius is signaling that the Jerusalem Temple is to be treated with the same prestige as a Persian royal palace.

Diplomatic Restitution
Darius addresses the "land-grab" that occurred during the seventy-year exile. He orders the Idumeans and Samaritans to vacate the κώμας (villages) they had occupied. This is a massive geopolitical correction. It also explains the deep-seated ethnic tensions that would persist into the New Testament era: the neighbors of the Jews were being forcibly evicted by Persian decree to make room for the returnees.

The Tax-Exempt Status (ἀτελῆ φόρων)
One of the most significant grants is the ἀτελῆ (tax-exempt) status for Jewish lands. In an empire built on tribute, granting a province tax-exempt status was an extraordinary financial sacrifice by the crown. This was intended to allow the fledgling community to reinvest all its capital into the infrastructure of Jerusalem.

Institutional Funding
Darius goes beyond the building itself and funds the operations:

1) The Sacred Vestments: The high-priced priestly robes are paid for by the King.

2) The Levites' Instruments: The musical culture of the Temple is restored via royal grant.

3) The Guards: He provides κλήρους γῆς (allotments of land) to the city guards, effectively creating a professional Judean security force subsidized by the Persian Empire.

The "Vessels" and Continuity
By mentioning the return of the σκεύη (vessels) again, Josephus emphasizes that the Second Temple is the legitimate successor to the First. Darius is seen as the "Completer" of Cyrus’s initial vision, closing the loop on the Babylonian theft.

The End of "Royal Labor"
The prohibition against βασιλικὰς χρείας (royal labor/corvée) is crucial. In the ancient world, kings could press-gang subjects into labor for roads or monuments. By exempting the Jews, Darius ensures that every available hand in Judea is focused on one task alone: the Temple.

⁶⁴ Τυχὼν οὖν τούτων παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐξελθὼν ἀπὸ τῶν βασιλείων καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν εὐχαριστεῖν ἤρξατο τῷ θεῷ τῆς σοφίας καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ νίκης, ἣν παρόντος ἔλαβεν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν τούτων ἀξιωθῆναι μὴ σοῦ, φησί, δέσποτα,

⁶⁴ "Having obtained these favors from the King, Zerubbabel went out from the royal palace and, looking up to heaven, began to give thanks to God for the wisdom and the victory he had received because of it in the presence of Darius. 'For I would not have been deemed worthy of these things,' he said, 'had I not found You, O Master, to be favorable.'

⁶⁴ Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he went out of the palace, and looking up to heaven, he began to return thanks to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the victory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of Darius himself; for, said he, "I had not been thought worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favorable to me."

⁶⁴ When he had obtained these grants from the king, Zorobabel left the palace and looking up to heaven, began to thank God for the wisdom he had given him and the victory he had thereby gained, in the presence of Darius. For he said, "These would not have been mine, O Lord, unless you had favoured me."

⁶⁵ τυχὼν εὐμενοῦς. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν περὶ τῶν παρόντων εὐχαριστήσας τῷ θεῷ καὶ πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα δεηθεὶς αὑτὸν παρέχειν ὅμοιον, ἧκεν εἰς ΒαβυλῶναBabylon καὶ τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις εὐηγγελίσατο τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.	⁶⁵ Having thus given thanks to God for the present circumstances and having prayed that He would show Himself the same in the future, he came to Babylon and announced the good news from the King to his fellow countrymen.
⁶⁵ When therefore he had returned these thanks to God for the present circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to afford him the like favor for the time to come, he came to Babylon, and brought the good news to his countrymen of what grants he had procured for them from the king;	⁶⁵ When he had thanked God for his situation and prayed for the same in the future, he came to Babylon to tell his countrymen the good news about the king’s decree.

⁶⁶ οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εὐχαριστοῦσι μὲν τῷ θεῷ πάλιν αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντι τὴν‎ πάτριον γῆν, εἰς δὲ πότον καὶ κώμους τραπέντες ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ διήγαγεν εὐωχούμενοι καὶ τὴν‎ ἀνάκτησιν καὶ παλιγγενεσίαν τῆς πατρίδος ἑορτάζοντες.

⁶⁶ When they heard this, they gave thanks to God for returning their ancestral land to them once more; turning to drinking and revelry, they spent seven days feasting and celebrating the recovery and the rebirth (palingenesian) of their homeland.

⁶⁶ who, when they heard the same, gave thanks also to God that he restored the land of their forefathers to them again. So they betook themselves to drinking and eating, and for seven days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuilding and restoration of their country:

⁶⁶ When they heard it they too thanked God for restoring their ancestral land to them, and turned to drinking and eating and for seven days joyously celebrated the rebuilding and restoration of their country.

⁶⁷ ἔπειτα τοὺς ἀναβησομένους εἰς τὰ ἡγεμόνας ἐκ τῶν πατρίων φυλῶν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις καὶ ὑποζυγίοις ἐπελέξαντο, οἳ συμπέμψαντος ἕως τῶν ὥδευον μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ τρυφῆς, ψαλλόμενοι καὶ καταυλούμενοι καὶ περιψοφούμενοι τοῖς κυμβάλοις. προέπεμπε δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ ὑπολειπόμενον τῶν πλῆθος μετὰ παιδιᾶς.

⁶⁷ Afterward, they selected the leaders from their ancestral tribes who were to go up to Jerusalem with their wives, children, and beasts of burden; having been escorted by the men Darius sent along, they made their journey as far as Jerusalem with joy and luxury, accompanied by the playing of harps, flutes, and the clashing of cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude that remained behind escorted them on their way with games and merry-making."

⁶⁷ after this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and children, and cattle, who traveled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also besides accompanied them with rejoicing.

⁶⁷ Then from the tribes of their ancestors they chose officers to go up to Jerusalem, with their wives and children and livestock. Sent by them and by Darius, they went to Jerusalem with joy and gladness, making music with songs and pipes and cymbals, and with delight the rest of the Jewish crowd sent them on their way.

The Source of Wisdom (τῆς σοφίας)
Zerubbabel’s first act upon leaving the palace is to look up to heaven (ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν). Josephus emphasizes that Zerubbabel does not take credit for his rhetorical victory. He views his "wisdom" not as a personal talent, but as a divine gift. In the Josephan worldview, a Jewish leader’s primary weapon is his intellect, which is sharpened by his adherence to God’s law.

The Theology of "Rebirth" (παλιγγενεσίαν)
Josephus uses a powerful Greek word here: παλιγγενεσία (palingenesia). Originally a philosophical term (used by Stoics to describe the world’s regeneration), it later became a central concept in Christian theology. By applying it to the return of the Jewish exiles, Josephus frames the Restoration not just as a political move, but as a national reincarnation. The 70-year "death" of the exile is officially over.

Seven Days of Feast
The seven-day celebration mirrors the duration of the Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) and the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Passover). Josephus is showing that the Jews in Babylon immediately reverted to their "ancestral habits" (τὰ πάτρια) even before they crossed the border. The transition from the "miserable" status described earlier to one of κώμους (revelry) is the emotional payoff of the decree.

A Musical Exodus
Unlike the first Exodus from Egypt, which was a flight of haste and fear, this return is a parade of luxury (τρυφῆς). Josephus lists an entire orchestra:

1) Harps/Psalteries (ψαλλόμενοι): The stringed instruments associated with King David.

2) Flutes (καταυλούμενοι): Wind instruments common in both sacred and secular joy.

3) Cymbals (κυμβάλοις): Percussive instruments often used by the Levites.

This musical detail serves as a direct fulfillment of the prophecy in Isaiah 51:11: "The ransomed of the Lord shall return and come to Zion with singing."

The Persian Escort
The detail that Darius’s men escorted them (συμπέμψαντος) is crucial for security. The road to Jerusalem was dangerous. By providing a royal guard, Darius transformed a band of refugees into a protected state-sponsored mission. This protection was the "teeth" behind the decree.

The Diaspora "Escort"
A touching social detail is provided at the end: those who stayed behind (τὸ ὑπολειπόμενον) escorted the travelers a portion of the way with παιδιᾶς (games/sport/play). This reflects the bittersweet reality of the new Jewish world: a strong community remaining in the East (Babylon) and a pioneering community rebuilding the West (Judea), both bound by a shared identity.

⁶⁸ Καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἀπῄεσαν ἐξ ἑκάστης πατριᾶς ἀριθμὸς ὄντες ὡρισμένος. ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔδοξε τὰ τῶν πατριῶν καταλέγειν ὀνόματα, ἵνα μὴ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀναγινωσκόντων διάνοιαν τῆς συναφῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀποσπάσας δυσπαρακολούθητον αὐτοῖς ποιήσω τὴν‎ διήγησιν.

⁶⁸ "And so they departed from each ancestral family, being of a specific number. But I decided not to list the names of the families, lest by distracting the readers' minds from the connection of events, I make the narrative difficult for them to follow.

⁶⁸ And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number out of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite particularly the names of those families, that I may not take off the mind of my readers from the connexion of the historical facts, and make it hard for them to follow the coherence of my narrations;

⁶⁸ So they went, a certain number from every family, though I do not think I need to list the names of those families in particular, not to distract my readers from the overview of the events and make it hard for them to follow the line of my narrative.

⁶⁹ τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιον τῶν ἀπερχομένων περὶ ἔτη δώδεκα τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν γεγονότων ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς καὶ ἦν μυριάδες τετρακόσιαι καὶ ὀκτακισχίλιοι, δὲ τέσσαρες καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, γυναικῶν δὲ ἀναμὶξ καὶ νηπίων σώματα ἦν τετρακισμύρια ἑπτακόσια τεσσαρακονταδύο.

⁶⁹ The total number of those departing, who were about twelve years of age and older from the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand [4,628,000—see note below]. There were seventy-four Levites, and the group of women and infants mixed together numbered forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two [40,742].

⁶⁹ but the sum of those that went up, above the age of twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand the Levites were seventy-four; the number of the women and children mixed together was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two;

⁶⁹ The sum total of those who went up, more than twelve years old, of the tribes of Judas and Benjamin, was four million, six hundred and twenty-eight thousand. The Levites were seven hundred and forty thousand. The total number of the women and children was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two.

⁷⁰ πάρεξ δὲ τούτων μὲν ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιοκτώ, πυλωροὶ δὲ ἑκατὸν δέκα, δοῦλοι δὲ ἱεροὶ τριακόσιοι ἐνενηκονταδύο, ἄλλοι τε πρὸς τούτοις λέγοντες μὲν εἶναι τῶν οὐ δυνάμενοι δὲ ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἑξακόσιοι πεντηκονταδύο.

⁷⁰ Besides these, there were one hundred and twenty-eight Levite singers, one hundred and ten gatekeepers, and three hundred and ninety-two sacred servants. In addition to these, there were six hundred and fifty-two others who claimed to be Israelites but were unable to prove their lineage.

⁷⁰ and besides these, there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-two; there were also others besides these, who said they were of the Israelites, but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two:

⁷⁰ Besides, there were one hundred and twenty-eight singers of the Levites and one hundred and ten porters and three hundred and ninety-two sacred ministers; there were also six hundred and sixty-two others who said they were Israelite, but could not prove their genealogies.

⁷¹ ἐξεβλήθησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ἐκ τῆς τιμῆς ἠγμένοι γυναῖκας, ὧν οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ τὸ γένος εἶχον εἰπεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ταῖς γενεαλογίαις τῶν καὶ ἱερέων εὑρέθησαν· ἦσαν δὲ ὡς πεντακόσιοι καὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι.

⁷¹ Certain priests were also excluded from their honor because they had married women whose lineage they could not state, nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; these numbered about five hundred and twenty-five.

⁷¹ some there were also who were expelled out of the number and honor of the priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could not produce, nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; they were about five hundred and twenty-five:

⁷¹ Some five hundred and twenty-five were expunged from the list and honour of the priesthood for having married wives whose genealogies they could not produce, or were not found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests.

⁷² τὸ δὲ τῶν θεραπόντων πλῆθος εἵπετο τοῖς ἀναβαίνουσιν εἰς ἑπτακισχιλίων τριακοσίων τριακονταεπτά, ψάλται δὲ καὶ ψάλτριαι διακόσιοι τεσσαρακονταπέντε, κάμηλοι τετρακόσιαι τριακονταπέντε, ὑποζύγια πεντακισχίλια πεντακόσια εἰκοσιπέντε.

⁷² A multitude of servants followed those going up to Jerusalem, numbering seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven [7,337]; there were also two hundred and forty-five male and female singers, four hundred and thirty-five camels, and five thousand five hundred and twenty-five [5,525] beasts of burden.

⁷² the multitude also of servants that followed those that went up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred and forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the beasts used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and twenty-five;

⁷² Following the group going up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven servants, two hundred and forty-five singing men and singing women, four hundred and thirty-five camels and five thousand five hundred and twenty-five beasts of burden.

⁷³ ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῆς κατηριθμημένης πληθύος ἦν ὁ Σαλαθιήλου παῖς ἐκ τῶν υἱῶν ὢν τῶν γεγονὼς ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς, καὶ υἱὸς Ἰωσεδέκου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως. πρὸς τούτοις ὁ καὶ Σερεβαῖος ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους κεκριμένοι ἄρχοντες ἦσαν, οἳ καὶ συνεβάλοντο μνᾶς μὲν χρυσίου ἑκατὸν ἀργύρου δὲ πεντακισχιλίας.

⁷³ The leader of this enumerated multitude was Zerubbabel, the son of Salathiel, being of the sons of David and born of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of Jozadak the high priest. In addition to these, Mordecai and Serebaeus were chosen as leaders from the multitude, who contributed one hundred minas of gold and five thousand of silver.

⁷³ and the governors of all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua, the son of Josedek the high priest; and besides these there were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were distinguished from the multitude, and were rulers, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of silver.

⁷³ The officers over this numbered crowd were Zorobabel, son of Salathiel, descended from David and the tribe of Judas, and Joshua, son of Josadak the high priest. To these should be added Mardochai and Serebeus, officers distinguished from the people, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold and five thousand of silver.

⁷⁴ οὕτως μὲν οὖν οἵ τε ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ καὶ μέρος τι τοῦ παντὸς λαοῦ τῶν , ὃς ἦν ἐν τῇ , κατῳκίσθησαν εἰς τὰ · τὸ δὲ ἄλλο πλῆθος εἰς τὰς ἰδίας ἀνεχώρησεν πατρίδας.

⁷⁴ Thus the priests, the Levites, and a certain portion of the entire Jewish people who were in Babylon settled in Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned to their own ancestral lands."

⁷⁴ By this means therefore the priests and the Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned every one to their own countries.

⁷⁴ In this way, the priests and Levites and part of the entire Jewish nation in Babylon, came and lived in Jerusalem, but the rest of the people returned each to their own region.

The Historian’s "Edit" (συναφῆς τῶν πραγμάτων)
Josephus makes a meta-commentary on his writing style. He explicitly avoids the long lists of names found in Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7. He prioritizes the "connection of events" (συναφῆς) and the ease of reading over exhaustive record-keeping. This reflects his Hellenistic training—he wants his history to be a readable narrative, not just an archive.

The Problem of the Numbers
There is a massive discrepancy in Josephus’s text regarding the total count. He lists 4,628,000 for the two tribes (Judah and Benjamin), which is astronomically higher than the biblical figure of 42,360. Most scholars view this as a scribal error in the transmission of Josephus’s manuscripts (swapping "thousands" for "myriads") or an intentional hyperbole to emphasize the grandeur of the restoration to his Roman audience.

Genealogical Purity and the "Excluded"
Josephus highlights a strict vetting process. Those who could not ἐπιδεῖξαι τὸ γένος (prove their lineage) or priests who married "foreign" women were disqualified from service. This illustrates the transition of the Jewish community into a more "closed" or "protected" ethnic identity during the Second Temple period, prioritizing ancestral records to preserve the sanctity of the priesthood.
The Leadership "Dream Team"
Josephus identifies the two pillars of the new state:

1) Zerubbabel (Political/Davidic): Representing the royal line of David.

2) Jeshua (Religious/Aaronic): The High Priest.

This "dual leadership" (King and Priest) was the ideal model for the Jewish commonwealth. Josephus also mentions a Mordecai; while some link him to the Mordecai of the Book of Esther, the timeline here suggests a different leader of the same name.

Male and Female Singers (ψάλται δὲ καὶ ψάλτριαι)
It is notable that Josephus includes female singers in the entourage. While the liturgical singing inside the Temple was eventually reserved for male Levites, the journey and the community celebrations involved both genders, highlighting the festive, choral nature of the return.

The Logistics of the Journey
The mention of 435 camels and over 5,000 beasts of burden underscores the immense wealth brought back from Babylon. These weren't just refugees; they were "settlers" bringing the capital needed to restart an economy. The contribution of 100 minas of gold by the leaders provided the initial "seed money" for the reconstruction.

Partial Restoration
Josephus concludes with a crucial distinction: only a μέρος τι (a certain portion) settled in Jerusalem, while others returned to their ancestral villages throughout the countryside. This paints a realistic picture of the repopulation of Judea—Jerusalem was the heart, but the "multitude" spread out to reclaim the farms and vineyards that had been abandoned for seven decades.

Chapter 4
[075-119]
Cutheans (Samaritans) oppose rebuilding of the Temple.
This sows seeds of future enmity

☜ ☞

⁷⁵ Ἑβδόμῳ δὲ μηνὶ τῆς ἀπὸ αὐτῶν ἐξόδου περιπέμψαντες ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ὁ ἄρχων τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνήγαγον εἰς πανδημεὶ μηδὲν προθυμίας ἀπολιπόντες,

⁷⁵ "In the seventh month from their departure from Babylon, Jeshua the high priest and Zerubbabel the governor sent word around and gathered those from the countryside to Jerusalem with the whole people, omitting nothing of their eagerness.

⁷⁵ Now in the seventh month after they were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest, and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every way round about, and gathered those that were in the country together to Jerusalem universally, who came very gladly thither.

⁷⁵ In the seventh month after they left Babylon, Joshua the high priest and Zorobabel the ruler sent messengers around everywhere and gathered all the country people together to Jerusalem, and they came there very gladly.

⁷⁶ κατεσκεύασάν τε θυσιαστήριον ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πρότερον ἦν ᾠκοδομημένον τόπου, ὅπως τὰς νομίμους ἀναφέρωσι θυσίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. ταῦτα δὲ ποιοῦντες οὐκ ἦσαν ἐν ἡδονῇ τοῖς προσχωρίοις ἔθνεσιν πάντων αὐτοῖς ἀπεχθανομένων.

⁷⁶ They constructed an altar on the very spot where it had been built before, so that they might offer the lawful sacrifices upon it to God according to the laws of Moses. In doing these things, they were not a source of pleasure to the neighboring nations, all of whom were hostile toward them.

⁷⁶ He then built the altar on the same place it had formerly been built, that they might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, according to the laws of Moses. But while they did this, they did not please the neighboring nations, who all of them bare an ill-will to them.

⁷⁶ He then prepared an altar on the very place where it had formerly been built, to offer to God upon it the appointed sacrifices according to the laws of Moses. But that they did this was displeasing to the neighbouring nations, who all were hostile to them.

⁷⁷ ἤγαγον δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ σκηνοπηγίαν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρόν, ὡς ὁ νομοθέτης περὶ αὐτῆς διετάξατο, καὶ προσφορὰς μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς καλουμένους ἐνδελεχισμοὺς καὶ τὰς θυσίας τῶν σαββάτων καὶ πασῶν τῶν ἁγίων ἑορτῶν, οἵ τε πεποιημένοι τὰς εὐχὰς ἀπεδίδοσαν θύοντες ἀπὸ νουμηνίας τοῦ ἑβδόμου μηνός.

⁷⁷ They also celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles (Skēnopēgian) at that time, just as the Lawgiver had ordained concerning it, and after this the offerings and the so-called 'continual burnt offerings' (endelechismous), and the sacrifices of the Sabbaths and of all the holy festivals; and those who had made vows performed them by sacrificing from the new moon of the seventh month.

⁷⁷ They also celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concerning it; and after they offered sacrifices, and what were called the daily sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month.

⁷⁷ At that time they celebrated the feast of tents also, as the Legislator had ordained, and worshipped and then offered what were called the daily oblations and the sacrifices proper for the Sabbaths and every sacred feast, and all who had made vows performed them and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month.

⁷⁸ ἤρξαντο δὲ καὶ τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ πολλὰ τοῖς τε λατόμοις καὶ τέκτοσι χρήματα δόντες καὶ τὰ πρὸς τροφὴν τῶν εἰσαγομένων, τοῖς τε Σιδωνίοις ἡδὺ καὶ κοῦφον ἦν τά τε κέδρινα κατάγουσιν ἐκ τοῦ ξύλα δήσουσιν αὐτὰ καὶ σχεδίαν πηξαμένοις εἰς τὸν τῆς κομίζειν λιμένα· τοῦτο γὰρ πρῶτος μὲν ἐκέλευσεν, τότε δὲ κελεύσαντος ἐγίνετο.

⁷⁸ They also began the building of the temple, giving much money to the stonecutters and carpenters, as well as provisions for the food of the importers. It was a pleasant and easy task for the Sidonians to bring down the cedar logs from Lebanon, having bound them together and constructed a raft to carry them to the harbor of Joppa; for Cyrus had first commanded this, and it was now being carried out at the command of Darius."

⁷⁸ They also began to build the temple, and gave a great deal of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and what was necessary for the maintenance of the workmen. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them together, and to make a united float of them, and to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was now done at the command of Darius.

⁷⁸ Then they also began to build the temple and provided a lot of money for the masons and carpenters and what was needed to feed the workmen. The Sidonians were very ready and willing to bring cedar trees from Libanus, binding them together into a raft and bringing them to the port of Joppa, for what Cyrus had earlier ordered was now performed at the command of Darius.

The Priority of the Altar
Josephus notes that the altar was built ἐφʼ οὗ καὶ πρότερον ἦν (on the very spot where it was before). This is a crucial detail for Jewish law (Halakha); the sanctity of the location is permanent. By building the altar before the Temple walls were up, Zerubbabel and Jeshua established that communication with God (via sacrifice) is the foundation of the state, not the architecture of the building.

The Seventh Month: A Spiritual New Year
The "seventh month" (Tishrei) is the most significant month in the Jewish liturgical calendar. It contains Rosh Hashanah (New Year), Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), and Sukkot (Tabernacles). By convening the people πανδημεὶ (with the whole people) at this time, the leaders were essentially rebooting the national soul after a 70-year "system shutdown."

Sukkot: The Festival of the Returnees
Celebrating the Feast of Tabernacles (Skēnopēgia) was deeply symbolic. The festival commemorates the Israelites living in temporary booths in the wilderness after the Exodus from Egypt. For the returnees from Babylon, who were literally living in temporary shelters amidst the ruins of Jerusalem, the festival was no longer just a ritual—it was their current reality.

Regional Friction (ἀπεχθανομένων)
Josephus candidly observes that the neighboring nations were not pleased. The smoke rising from the Jewish altar was a signal of territorial reclamation. This "neighborhood watch" of hostile tribes (Samaritans, Idumeans, and others) would soon escalate from mere resentment to active political and military sabotage.

The "Continual" Connection (ἐνδελεχισμοὺς)
The use of the term endelechismous (continual/perpetual) refers to the Tamid sacrifice—the lamb offered every morning and every evening. This was the "heartbeat" of the Temple. Its restoration meant that, in the eyes of the priests, the covenantal clock had started ticking again.

The Log-Raft Logistics
Josephus describes the fascinating ancient engineering of moving Lebanese cedar. The Sidonians (Phoenicians) would bind the massive logs into σχεδίαν (rafts) and float them down the Mediterranean coast to Joppa (modern Jaffa). From there, they had to be hauled uphill over 3,000 feet of elevation to Jerusalem—a massive labor-intensive project.

The Continuity of Imperial Will
Josephus makes sure to credit both Cyrus and Darius. He presents the current work as the fulfillment of a long-standing Persian policy. By framing the construction as an "Imperial Project" rather than just a local Jewish one, he highlights the legal protection the Jews enjoyed against their local enemies.

⁷⁹ Ὧν τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τῆς εἰς καθόδου τῶν μηνὶ δευτέρῳ παραγενομένων συνείχετο ἡ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευή· καὶ τοὺς θεμελίους ἐγείραντες τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ δευτέρου μηνὸς τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους , προστησάμενοι τῶν ἔργων τε τοὺς εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη γεγονότας καὶ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ Ζοδμοῆλον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ‎.

⁷⁹ "In the second year of the Jews' return to Jerusalem, in the second month, the construction of the temple was undertaken. Having raised the foundations on the new moon of the second month of the second year, they began building upon them, having placed in charge of the works those Levites who were already twenty years of age, as well as Jeshua and his sons and brothers, and Zodmoel the brother of Judah the son of Aminadab and his sons.

⁷⁹ In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews were there in the second month, the building of the temple went on apace; and when they had laid its foundations on the first day of the second month of that second year, they set, as overseers of the work, such Levites as were full twenty years old; and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel the brother of Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons;

⁷⁹ In the second month of the second year after the Jews came back to Jerusalem, the building of their temple was going ahead steadily. After they had laid its foundations on the first day of the second month of that second year, they put Levites of more than twenty years old in charge of the work, and Joshua and his sons and brothers and Zodmiel the brother of Judas, son of Aminadab, along with his sons.

⁸⁰ καὶ ὁ μὲν ναὸς πάσῃ‎ χρησαμένων σπουδῇ τῶν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἐγκεχειρισμένων θᾶττον ἢ προσεδόκησεν ἄν τις ἔλαβεν τέλος. ἀπαρτισθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ μετὰ σαλπίγγων οἱ ἱερεῖς ταῖς συνήθεσι στολαῖς κεκοσμημένοι καὶ οἱ καὶ οἱ Ἀσάφου παῖδες ἀναστάντες ὕμνουν τὸν , ὡς τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτὸν εὐλογίαν κατέδειξε πρῶτος.

⁸⁰ The temple, because those entrusted with its care utilized every possible haste, reached its completion sooner than anyone might have expected. When the sanctuary was finished, the priests, adorned in their customary vestments, and the Levites and the sons of Asaph arose with trumpets and hymned God, according to the blessing for Him that David had first established.

⁸⁰ and the temple, by the great diligence of those that had the care of it, was finished sooner than any one would have expected. And when the temple was finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed garments, stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, according as David first of all appointed them to bless God.

⁸⁰ Due to the diligence of those in charge of the work, the temple was finished sooner than could be expected. When the temple was complete, the priests in their usual vestments stood with their trumpets, while the Levites and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, just as David had first appointed them to bless God.

⁸¹ οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς καὶ καὶ τῶν πατριῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τὸν πρότερον [ναὸν] ταῖς μνήμαις ἀναπολοῦντες μέγιστόν τε καὶ πολυτελέστατον, καὶ τὸν γεγενημένον ὁρῶντες ὑπὸ πτωχείας ἐνδεέστερον τοῦ πάλαι κατασκευαζόμενον, ὅσον εἶεν τῆς ἀρχαίας εὐδαιμονίας ὑποβεβηκότες καὶ τῆς ἀξίας τοῦ ναοῦ λογιζόμενοι κατήφουν, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ λύπης κρατεῖν οὐ δυνάμενοι μέχρι θρήνων καὶ δακρύων προήγοντο.

⁸¹ But the priests and Levites and the elders of the families, recollecting in their memories the former temple—how great and most magnificent it had been—and seeing the one now being built, which because of their poverty was more deficient than the one of old, became downcast. Calculating how far they had fallen below their ancient prosperity and the worthiness of the temple, and being unable to master their grief at this, they were moved to wailing and tears.

⁸¹ Now the priests and Levites, and the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves how much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing that now made how much inferior it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had been built of old, considered with themselves how much their happy state was sunk below what it had been of old, as well as their temple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts;

⁸¹ The priests and Levites and the elders of the families recalled how much larger and grander the old temple had been, and seeing how, due to their poverty, the one they now had made was inferior to that which had been built of old, realized how less prosperous they and their temple now were than of old, and were so saddened that they could not refrain from weeping at the thought.

⁸² ὁ δὲ λαὸς ἠγάπα τοῖς παροῦσιν καὶ τῷ μόνον οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ πρότερον ὄντος οὐδένα λόγον ποιούμενος οὐδ᾽ ἀνάμνησιν οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν‎ σύγκρισιν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου βασανίζων αὑτὸν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐλάττοσιν οἷς ὑπελάμβανεν.

⁸² The common people, however, were content with the present circumstances; making no account or recollection of the former temple, they did not torment themselves with a comparison to it, nor with the thought that they were receiving less than they had expected.

⁸² but the people in general were contented with their present condition; and because they were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor indeed at all tormented themselves with the comparison of that and the former temple, as if this were below their expectations;

⁸² The ordinary people, though, were content with their present lot and wanted nothing more than just to build the temple, not caring about or recalling the former temple, or torturing themselves with comparisons, as if this one were below their expectations.

⁸³ ὑπερεφώνει δὲ τὸν τῶν σαλπίγγων ἦχον καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ πλήθους χαρὰν ἡ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ ἱερέων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐδόκουν ἐλαττοῦσθαι τὸν ναὸν τοῦ κατασκαφέντος οἰμωγή.	⁸³ But the sound of the trumpets and the joy of the multitude was surpassed by the lamentation of the elders and priests over the fact that the temple seemed to them inferior to the one that had been razed."
⁸³ but the wailing of the old men and of the priests, on account of the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that which had been demolished, overcame the sounds of the trumpets and the rejoicing of the people.	⁸³ But the wailing of the old men and the priests about this temple’s inferiority, in their view, to the one that was demolished, drowned out the sound of the trumpets and of the people’s rejoicing.

The Logistics of Haste (πάσῃ... σπουδῇ)
Josephus notes that the work proceeded "faster than anyone expected." This highlights the administrative efficiency of Zerubbabel and the Persian-backed funding. The use of twenty-year-old Levites as supervisors indicates a "mobilization of youth"—a workforce with the physical stamina to clear the massive debris of 70 years of ruin.

The Liturgical Blueprint of David
The mention of the "sons of Asaph" and the trumpets (σαλπίγγων) shows Josephus’s concern with continuity. Even though the building was new, the music was ancient. By citing the "blessing of David," Josephus argues that the spiritual architecture remained unbroken, even if the physical architecture had changed.

The "Architecture of Poverty" (ὑπὸ πτωχείας)
Josephus uses the word πτωχείας (poverty) to explain the difference between Solomon’s Temple and Zerubbabel’s Temple. While the First Temple was built during a peak of imperial wealth with gold-plated walls, the Second Temple was built by a small community of returnees. The "deficiency" (ἐνδεέστερον) was not in the devotion of the builders, but in the raw materials available to them compared to the legendary wealth of the Solomonic era.

The Generation Gap: Memory vs. Presence
This is one of the most psychologically profound moments in Josephus’s history. He identifies two distinct groups:

1) The Elders: Their eyes are fixed on the memory of what was lost. To them, the new building is a painful reminder of their "fallen prosperity" (ἀρχαίας εὐδαιμονίας).

2) The Multitude: Their eyes are fixed on the presence of what is gained. They have no memory of the First Temple; for them, a modest temple is infinitely better than no temple at all.

The "Battle of the Shouts"
Josephus vividly describes the acoustic conflict: the "lamentation" (οἰμωγή) of the old men actually surpassed (ὑπερεφώνει) the sound of the trumpets and the cheers of the young. This suggests that the trauma of the exile was still the dominant "note" in the Jewish national psyche, even at the moment of restoration.

Davidic Continuity vs. Current Reality
By emphasizing that the elders "calculated" (λογιζόμενοι) the difference, Josephus suggests a deep sense of national mourning. They weren't just sad about a building; they were mourning a lost status. The "Return" was a miracle, but it was a "humbled" miracle compared to the independent Kingdom of old.

⁸⁴ Τῆς δὲ βοῆς τῶν σαλπίγγων ἀκούσαντες οἱ , ἐτύγχανον γὰρ ἀπεχθανόμενοι τῇ τε φυλῇ καὶ τῇ , συνέδραμον τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ θορύβου μαθεῖν θέλοντες. γνόντες δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας εἰς τῶν ἀνακτίζοντας τὸ ἱερόν, προσίασιν τῷ καὶ καὶ τοῖς ἡγουμένοις τῶν πατριῶν ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοῖς ἐπιτραπῆναι συγκατασκευάσαι τὸν ναὸν καὶ κοινωνῆσαι τῆς οἰκοδομίας·

⁸⁴ "When the Samaritans heard the sound of the trumpets—for they happened to be hostile toward the tribes of Judah and Benjamin—they ran together, wishing to learn the cause of the noise. Having discovered that the Jews who had been taken captive to Babylon were rebuilding the sanctuary, they approached Zerubbabel, Jeshua, and the heads of the ancestral families, requesting that they be permitted to assist in constructing the temple and to share in the building project.

⁸⁴ But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came running together, and desired to know what was the occasion of this tumult; and when they perceived that it was from the Jews, who had been carried captive to Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the families, and desired that they would give them leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with them in building it; for they said,

⁸⁴ When the Samaritans, who were hostile to the tribes of Judas and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they hurried together wanting to know the cause of this uproar, and when they saw it was from the Jews, who had been taken prisoner to Babylon and were now rebuilding their temple, they came to Zorobabel and to Joshua and to the heads of the families and asked to be allowed to prepare the temple along with them and to be partners in the building of it.

⁸⁵ " σεβόμεθα γὰρ οὐκ ἐκείνων τὸν , , καὶ τοῦτον ὑπερευχόμεθα καὶ τῆς θρησκείας ἐσμὲν ἐπιθυμηταὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς

⁸⁵ 'For we worship God no less than they,' they claimed, 'and we pray to Him and have been lovers of this religion from that time when Shalmaneser, the king of the Assyrians, moved us here from Cutha and Media.'

⁸⁵ "We worship their God, and especially pray to him, and are desirous of their religious settlement, and this ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us out of Cuthah and Media to this place."

⁸⁵ They said, "We worship God no less than they do and pray much to him and are zealous for their religion, ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us from Cuthah and Media to this place."

⁸⁶ ἡμᾶς μετήγαγεν καὶ ἐνθάδε. τούτους αὐτῶν ποιησαμένων τοὺς λόγους καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ τῶν πατριῶν ἡγεμόνες τῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τῆς μὲν οἰκοδομίας αὐτοῖς ἀδύνατον εἶναι κοινωνεῖν, αὐτῶν προσταχθέντων κατασκευάσαι τὸν ναὸν πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ νῦν δὲ ὑπὸ ·

⁸⁶ When they had made these speeches, Zerubbabel, Jeshua the high priest, and the leaders of the ancestral families of the Israelites said to them that it was impossible for them to share in the building, since they [the Jews] specifically had been commanded to construct the temple—first by Cyrus and now by Darius.

⁸⁶ When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest, and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was impossible for them to permit them to be their partners, whilst they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius,

⁸⁶ When they said this, Zorobabel and Joshua the high priest and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied that they could not let them be their partners, since first Cyrus and now Darius had appointed them alone to build the temple.

⁸⁷ προσκυνεῖν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐφιέναι καὶ τοῦτο μόνον εἶναι κοινόν, εἰ βούλονται, πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν σέβειν τὸν θεόνGod.	⁸⁷ However, they said they would permit them to worship there, and that this alone was common to them and to all people who arrived at the sanctuary to revere God, if they so desired."
⁸⁷ although it was indeed lawful for them to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them nothing but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship God there.	⁸⁷ They were free, however, to come and worship there if they pleased but they could offer them only what was allowed to all other men, to come to the temple and there worship God.

The "Sound of Success" as a Trigger
The Samaritans are drawn by the βοῆς τῶν σαλπίγγων (the shout of the trumpets). Josephus notes they were already hostile (ἀπεχθανόμενοι). In the ancient world, building a temple was a supreme claim to land and sovereignty. The Samaritans recognized that the noise coming from Jerusalem wasn't just a party; it was a formal re-establishment of a rival political and religious center.

The Claim to Religious Parity
The Samaritans present a sophisticated argument: σεβόμεθα... οὐκ ἔλαττον (we worship no less [than you]). They identify themselves as "lovers of the religion" and trace their residency back to the Assyrian deportation under Shalmaneser (722 BCE). By claiming to worship the same God, they are attempting to gain a "seat at the table" of the new Persian-backed administration of Judea.

The "Cuthaean" Identity Reaffirmed
Josephus has the Samaritans themselves admit they were moved from Χουθίας (Cutha) and Μηδίας (Media). This reinforces Josephus’s consistent polemic that the Samaritans are not "Israelites" of the Northern Kingdom, but foreign transplants who merely adopted the local God out of fear (a reference to the "lions of Samaria" story in 2 Kings 17).

The Rejection: Legal vs. Theological
Zerubbabel and Jeshua offer a shrewd, legalistic rejection. Instead of launching into a theological debate about who is a "real" Jew, they cite Persian Law. They argue that the decrees of Cyrus and Darius were issued specifically to the returning exiles. To allow the Samaritans to help would be a violation of the King’s building permit. It was a "bureaucratic" way to maintain ethnic and religious purity.

Inclusion vs. Participation
The Jewish leaders make a sharp distinction between building the Temple and worshipping at it. They tell the Samaritans that worship is "common to all people" (πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις). This reflects the concept of the Temple as a "house of prayer for all nations," while maintaining that the management and priesthood of the Temple must remain strictly in the hands of the Davidic and Aaronic lines.

The Architect of the Schism
By refusing the "shared building" project, Zerubbabel and Jeshua effectively drew a line in the sand. Had they accepted, the resulting religion might have been a syncretic blend of Judean and Samaritan traditions. By rejecting the offer, they ensured the survival of a distinct Jewish identity, but they also guaranteed that the Samaritans would become their most persistent and dangerous enemies for the next five centuries.

⁸⁸ Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες οἱ Χουθαῖοι, τὴν‎ γὰρ προσηγορίαν οἱ ταύτην ἔχουσιν, ἠγανάκτησαν καὶ πείθουσιν τὰ ἐν ἔθνη τῶν σατραπῶν δεηθῆναι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὅνπερ ἐπὶ πρότερον εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ μετ᾽ αὐτόν, ἐπισχεῖν τὴν‎ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευὴν καὶ σπουδάζουσιν περὶ αὐτὸν τοῖς ἀναβολὴν καὶ τριβὴν πραγματεύσασθαι.

⁸⁸ "When the Cuthaeans—for this is the name the Samaritans have—heard these things, they were indignant and persuaded the nations in Syria to petition the satraps in the same manner as they had previously done under Cyrus and later under Cambyses, to stop the construction of the temple; they busied themselves with engineering delay and hindrance for the Jews in this matter.

⁸⁸ When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation, they had indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same manner as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews in their zeal about it.

⁸⁸ When the Cutheans heard this, for so the Samaritans are called, they were angry and persuaded the nations of Syria to ask the officers, as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus and in the days of Cambyses after him, to put a stop to the building of the temple and to try to delay and hinder the Jews in their zeal about it.

⁸⁹ κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀναβάντων εἰς Σισίνου τοῦ τῆς καὶ ἐπάρχου καὶ Σαρωβαζάνου μετὰ καί τινων ἑτέρων καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν ἐρομένων, τίνος αὐτοῖς συγχωρήσαντος οὕτως οἰκοδομοῦσιν τὸν ναόν, ὡς φρούριον μᾶλλον αὐτὸν εἶναι ἢ ἱερόν, καὶ τί δήποτε τὰς στοὰς καὶ τὰ τείχη περιβεβλήκασιν τῇ πόλει σφόδρα ὀχυρά,

⁸⁹ At this time, Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and Sarabazanes, along with certain others, went up to Jerusalem and asked the leaders of the Jews by whose permission they were building the temple in such a way that it seemed more like a fortress than a sanctuary, and why indeed they had surrounded the city with such exceedingly strong porticoes and walls.

⁸⁹ Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was that they built the temple in this manner, since it was more like to a citadel than a temple? and for what reason it was that they built cloisters and walls, and those strong ones too, about the city?

⁸⁹ At that time Sisinnes, the ruler of Syria and Phoenicia and Sathrabuzanes and some others came up to Jerusalem and asked the officers of the Jews by whose authority they were building the temple in this form, since it was more like a citadel than a temple, and why were they building porticoes and such strong walls around the city.

⁹⁰ καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς δούλους μὲν αὐτοὺς εἶναι τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, τὸν δὲ ναὸν τοῦτον αὐτῷ κατασκευασθέντα ὑπὸ βασιλέως αὐτῶν εὐδαίμονος καὶ πάντας ὑπερβάλλοντος ἀρετῇ πολὺν διαμεῖναι χρόνον.

⁹⁰ Zerubbabel and the high priest Jeshua replied that they were servants of the Most High God, and that this temple had been built for Him by a king of theirs who was prosperous and surpassed all others in excellence, and that it had remained for a long time.

⁹⁰ To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high priest replied, that they were the servants of God Almighty; that this temple was built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it continued a long time,

⁹⁰ To this Zorobabel and Joshua the high priest replied that they were the servants of Almighty God that this temple was built for him by their prosperous king who had excelled all others in virtue, and that it had lasted a long time.

⁹¹ ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν πατέρων ἀσεβησάντων εἰς τὸν θεὸν ὁ καὶ βασιλεὺς ἑλὼν τὴν‎ πόλιν κατὰ κράτος αὐτήν τε καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸν ναὸν συλήσας ἐνέπρησεν καὶ τὸν λαὸν μετῴκισεν αἰχμάλωτον μεταγαγὼν εἰς ,

⁹¹ But since their fathers had acted impiously toward God, Nebuchadnezzar, the king of the Babylonians and Chaldeans, having taken the city by force, destroyed it and, after plundering the temple, set it on fire and transported the people as captives to Babylon.

⁹¹ but that because of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took their city by force, and destroyed it, and pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and transplanted the people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon;

⁹¹ Then because of their fathers' impiety toward God, king Nabuchodonosor of the Babylonians and Chaldeans, had stormed their city and destroyed it and pillaged and burned the temple and transported the people as captives into Babylon.

⁹² ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τῆς καὶ βασιλεὺς ἔγραψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι τὸν ναόν, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα μετήγαγεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀναθήματα καὶ σκεύη παραδοὺς καὶ τῷ γαζοφύλακι προσέταξεν κομίσαι εἰς καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὸν ἴδιον ἀποκατασταθῆναι ναὸν οἰκοδομηθέντα.

⁹² Cyrus, the king of Babylonia and Persia after him, wrote an order to rebuild the temple; and delivering to Zerubbabel and Mithridates the treasurer all the offerings and vessels that Nebuchadnezzar had removed from it, he commanded them to carry them to Jerusalem and restore them to their own temple once it was rebuilt.

⁹² that Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote to them to build the temple, and committed the gifts and vessels, and whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the treasurer; and gave order to have them carried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their own temple, when it was built;

⁹² Then Cyrus who was king of Babylon and Persia after him, wrote to them to build the temple and entrusted to Zorobabel and Mithridates the treasurer the gifts and vessels and whatever Nabuchodonosor had taken from it, and ordered them brought to Jerusalem to be restored to their own temple, when it was built.

⁹³ τοῦτο γὰρ ἐπέστειλεν ἐν τάχει γενέσθαι Σαβάσηρον κελεύσας ἀναβάντα εἰς τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν. ὃς μετὰ τὸ λαβεῖν παρὰ γράμματα, παραγενόμενος εὐθὺς τοὺς θεμελίους κατεβάλετο, καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου κατασκευαζόμενος μέχρι καὶ τοῦ δεῦρο διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακοήθειάν ἐστιν ἀτελής.

⁹³ For he had sent orders that this should happen quickly, commanding Sabasarus [Sheshbazzar] to go up to Jerusalem and take charge of the building of the temple. After he received the letters from Cyrus and arrived, he immediately laid the foundations; and from that time, though under construction until now, it remains unfinished because of the malice of our enemies.

⁹³ for he had sent to them to have that done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem, and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon receiving that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid its foundations; "and although it hath been in building from that time to this, it hath not yet been finished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies.

⁹³ This he had ordered to be done quickly, telling Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem and take care of the building of the temple. On receiving that letter from Cyrus, he had come immediately and laid its foundations. "But while it has gone on from that time to this, the building is not yet finished, because of our enemies' spite.

⁹⁴ εἰ τοίνυν βούλεσθε καὶ δοκιμάζετε, γράψατε ταῦτα ΔαρείῳDarius, ὅπως ἐπισκεψάμενος τὰ τῶν βασιλέων ὑπομνήματα εὕρῃ μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὧν λέγομεν καταψευσαμένους."	⁹⁴ If, therefore, you wish and so judge, write these things to Darius, so that by searching the records of the kings, he may find that we have not falsely stated anything we are saying."
⁹⁴ If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath consulted the records of the kings, he may find that we have told you nothing that is false about this matter."	⁹⁴ If therefore you think it proper and good, write this to Darius, and when he consults the royal records he will find that we have told you nothing false about this matter."

The Weaponization of Terminology
The core of the Samaritan strategy was to change the vocabulary of the project. They didn't tell the satraps that the Jews were "praying"; they told them the Jews were building a φρούριον (fortress) with ὀχυρά (exceedingly strong) walls. In the Persian Empire, a "temple" was a religious right, but a "fortress" was a declaration of independence. By framing the architecture as military, they triggered a mandatory inspection by the regional governor, Sisinnes.

The "Cuthaean" Polemic
Josephus again pauses to remind his Greek and Roman readers that the Samaritans are Χουθαῖοι (Cuthaeans). By doing this, he strips them of their local "Israelite" identity and portrays them as Persian transplants who are abusing their influence with the satraps to oppress the indigenous returning Jews.

Servants, Not Rebels
Zerubbabel’s response is brilliant. When asked who gave them authority, he doesn't lead with the Persian decree. He leads with their identity: δούλους... τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ (servants of the Most High God). This establishes that their primary motivation is religious duty, not political insurrection. He then references Solomon—the "prosperous king"—to show that the Temple has a historical "zoning permit" that predates the Persian Empire itself.

The Confession of Sin
Unlike many national histories that blame only the invaders, Zerubbabel (via Josephus) admits that the destruction was the result of their own fathers ἀσεβησάντων (acting impiously). This theological honesty serves a diplomatic purpose: it portrays the Jews as a reformed, law-abiding people who have learned their lesson and are now under the protection of both their God and the Persian King.

The "Paper Trail" Strategy
The Jews knew that oral arguments might fail, but the Persian bureaucracy was obsessed with records (ὑπομνήματα). By inviting Sisinnes to write to Darius, the Jews were betting their lives on the existence of the original "Cyrus Decree" in the royal archives. This gamble assumes that the truth—archived and sealed—is stronger than the bribes and "malice" (kakoētheian) of the local neighbors.

The Mystery of Sabasarus
Josephus mentions Σαβάσηρον (Sabasarus/Sheshbazzar) as the one who laid the foundations. There is significant scholarly debate whether Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel were the same person or successive leaders. Josephus treats them as distinct but part of the same continuous effort that has been "unfinished" (ateles) not due to laziness, but due to external sabotage.

⁹⁵ Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντων τοῦ τε Ζοροβαβήλου καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ Σισίννης καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ μὲν οἰκοδομίαν ἐπισχεῖν οὐ διέγνωσαν ἕως ἂν ταῦτα δηλωθῇ ΔαρείῳDarius, παραχρῆμα δ᾽ αὐτῷ περὶ τούτων ἔγραψαν.	⁹⁵ "When Zerubbabel and the high priest had spoken these things, Sisinnes and those with him decided not to halt the building until these matters were made known to Darius, and they immediately wrote to him concerning them.
⁹⁵ When Zorobabel and the high priest had made this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder the building, until they had informed king Darius of all this. So they immediately wrote to him about these affairs;	⁹⁵ When Zorobabel and the high priest gave this reply, Sisinnes and his companions decided not to hinder the building until they had spoken of all this to king Darius. So they immediately wrote to him about these matters.

⁹⁶ τῶν δὲ κατεπτηχότων καὶ δεδιότων μὴ μεταδόξῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ περὶ τῆς τῶν καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευῆς, ὄντες κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον δύο προφῆται παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ θαρρεῖν αὐτοὺς παρώρμων καὶ μηδὲν ἐκ τῶν ὑφορᾶσθαι δύσκολον, ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτα προλέγοντος. πιστεύοντες δὲ τοῖς προφήταις ἐντεταμένως εἴχοντο τῆς οἰκοδομίας μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν ἀνιέμενοι.

⁹⁶ But the Jews were dejected and afraid that the king might change his mind regarding the restoration of Jerusalem and the temple. At that time, there were two prophets among them, Haggai and Zechariah, who urged them to take courage and to suspect nothing difficult from the Persians, for God was foretelling these things. Trusting the prophets, they applied themselves intensely to the building, not letting up for a single day.

⁹⁶ but as the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest the king should change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem and of the temple, there were two prophets at that time among them, Haggai and Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So, in dependence on those prophets, they applied themselves earnestly to building, and did not intermit one day.

⁹⁶ As the Jews were now miserable and terrified that the king might change his resolve about the building of Jerusalem and the temple, two prophets arose among them at that time, Haggai and Zacharias, who encouraged them and bade them to take heart and not to expect any harassment from the Persians, since God had foretold all this. So, relying on those prophets, they devoted themselves to building and did not pause for a single day.

⁹⁷ δὲ τῶν αὐτῷ γραψάντων καὶ κατηγορούντων διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῶν , ὡς τήν τε πόλιν ὀχυροῦσι καὶ τὸν ναὸν φρουρίῳ προσεοικότα μᾶλλον ἢ ἱερῷ κατασκευάζουσιν, λεγόντων δὲ μὴ συνοίσειν αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα καὶ προσέτι τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιδεικνύντων τὰς , δι᾽ ὧν ἐκώλυσεν ἐκεῖνος οἰκοδομεῖν τὸν ναόν,

⁹⁷ When the Samaritans wrote to Darius and accused the Jews in their letter—claiming they were fortifying the city and making the temple more like a fortress than a sanctuary, saying that these happenings would not benefit him, and even displaying the letters of Cambyses by which he had forbidden the temple’s construction.

⁹⁷ Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in their epistle had accused the Jews, how they fortified the city, and built the temple more like to a citadel than to a temple; and said, that their doings were not expedient for the king’s affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of Cambyses, wherein he forbade them to build the temple:

⁹⁷ The Samaritans wrote to Darius and in their letter accused the Jews of fortifying the city and building the temple more like a citadel than a temple, saying that what they were doing was not to the king’s advantage, and then they showed him the letter of Cambyses forbidding them to build the temple.

⁹⁸ μαθὼν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀσφαλῆ τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀποκατάστασιν ἔσεσθαι, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Σισίννου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ κομισθέντα ἀνέγνω γράμματα, προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ζητηθῆναι τὰ περὶ τούτων.

⁹⁸ Darius learned from them that the restoration of Jerusalem would not be safe for his interests. However, after he also read the letters brought from Sisinnes and his associates, he ordered a search to be made concerning these matters in the royal records.

⁹⁸ and when Darius thereby understood that the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were with him, he gave order that what concerned these matters should be sought for among the royal records.

⁹⁸ On learning from the letter from Sisinnes and his friends that the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for him, Darius had the relevant material sought for, among the royal records.

⁹⁹ καὶ εὑρέθη ἐν τῇ βάρει τῇ ἐν βιβλίον, ἐν ᾧ τάδε ἦν ἀναγεγραμμένα· " ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν τὸν ναὸν οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸν ἐν καὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον, ὕψος μὲν πηχῶν ἑξήκοντα εὖρος δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν, διὰ δόμων λιθίνων βία τε ξεστῶν τριῶν καὶ ξυλίνου δόμου ἑνὸς ἐγχωρίου.

⁹⁹ And there was found in Ecbatana, the fortress in Media, a book in which the following was recorded: 'In the first year of his reign, King Cyrus ordered the temple in Jerusalem and the altar to be built, with a height of sixty cubits and a width of the same, with three layers of polished stones and one layer of local timber.

⁹⁹ Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was in Media, wherein was written as follows: "Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign, commanded that the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in height threescore cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their own country;

⁹⁹ A book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower in Media, where the following was written: "In the first year of his reign, Cyrus the king ordered the building of the temple in Jerusalem, with an altar sixty feet high and the same wide, with three buildings of polished local stone and one building of local timber.

¹⁰⁰ καὶ τὴν‎ εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην ἐκ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως γίνεσθαι διετάξατο, καὶ τὰ σκεύη, ἃ συλήσας ΝαβουχοδονόσοροςNabuchodonosor εἰς ΒαβυλῶναBabylon ἐκόμισεν, ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς Ἱεροσολυμίταις(people of) Jerusalem,	¹⁰⁰ And he ordained that the expense for these should come from the king’s funds, and that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered and carried to Babylon be returned to the people of Jerusalem.
¹⁰⁰ and he ordained that the expenses of it should be paid out of the king’s revenue. He also commanded that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people of Jerusalem;	¹⁰⁰ The expenses were to be paid from the royal revenue, and he also ordered that the vessels which Nabuchodonosor had pillaged and brought to Babylon be restored to the people of Jerusalem,

¹⁰¹ τὴν‎ δὲ ἐπιμέλειαν τούτων εἶναι Ἀναβασσάρου τοῦ ἐπάρχου καὶ τῆς τε καὶ ἡγεμόνος καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ‎, ὅπως αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀφέξονται τοῦ τόπου, τοῖς δὲ δούλοις τοῦ θεοῦ τε καὶ ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέψουσιν οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸν ναόν.

¹⁰¹ The care of these matters was to be the responsibility of Anabassarus [Sheshbazzar], the governor and leader of Syria and Phoenicia, and his companions; they were to keep away from the place and permit the servants of God, the Jews and their leaders, to build the temple.'

¹⁰¹ and that the care of these things should belong to Sanabassar, the governor and president of Syria and Phoenicia, and to his associates, that they may not meddle with that place, but may permit the servants of God, the Jews and their rulers, to build the temple.

¹⁰¹ and that the care of these things should belong to Anabassar, the ruler of Syria and leader of Phoenicia and his associates, not in order to meddle with the place, but to allow the servants of God, the Jews and their officers, to build the temple.

¹⁰² καὶ συλλαβέσθαι δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον διετάξατο, κἀκ τοῦ φόρου τοῦ τῆς χώρας ἧς ἐπετροπεύοντο τελεῖν τοῖς εἰς θυσίας λόγον ταύρους καὶ κριοὺς καὶ ἄρνας καὶ ἐρίφους καὶ σεμίδαλιν καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ οἶνον καὶ τἆλλα, ὅσα ἂν οἱ ἱερεῖς ὑπαγορεύσωσιν, εὔχωνται δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ .

¹⁰² He also ordained that they should assist in the work, and from the tribute of the land they governed, they were to pay the Jews for sacrifices—bulls, rams, lambs, and goats, along with fine flour, oil, wine, and whatever else the priests might dictate—so that they might pray for the safety of the king and the Persians.

¹⁰² He also ordained that they should assist them in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the country where they were governors, on account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the goats, and fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things that the priests should suggest to them; and that they should pray for the preservation of the king, and of the Persians;

¹⁰² He also ordered them to help them in the work, and that to give to the Jews, from the tax of the places they administered, bulls and rams and lambs and kid goats and fine flour and oil and wine for the sacrifices, and anything else that the priests should request of them, and have them pray for the safety of the king and of the Persians.

¹⁰³ τοὺς δὲ παραβάντας τι τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων συλληφθέντας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνασταυρωθῆναι καὶ τὴν‎ οὐσίαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλικὴν καταταγῆναι κτῆσιν. Καὶ κατηύξατο πρὸς τούτοις τῷ θεῷ, ὅπως εἴ τις ἐπιχειρήσειε διακωλῦσαι τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ναοῦ, βαλὼν αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς ἐπίσχῃ τῆς ἀδικίας."

¹⁰³ As for those who violated any of these orders, he commanded that they be seized and impaled (anastaurōthēnai), and their property be confiscated to the royal treasury. In addition to this, he prayed to God that if anyone should attempt to hinder the building of the temple, God might strike him and restrain his injustice."

¹⁰³ and that for such as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to them, he commanded that they should be caught, and hung upon a cross, and their substance confiscated to the king’s use. He also prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder the building of the temple, God would strike him dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness."

¹⁰³ Anybody who disobeyed any of the orders he sent to them were to be taken prisoner and crucified and their property confiscated for the king’s own use; and he also prayed to God that if anyone tried to hinder the building of the temple, God would curb his wickedness by striking him dead."

The Role of Prophetic Psychology
Josephus emphasizes the internal state of the Jews: they were κατεπτηχότων (cowering/dejected). While the legal battle happened in the Persian court, the spiritual battle happened in Jerusalem. The prophets Haggai and Zechariah provided the "intellectual morale" necessary to keep working while the king deliberated. Josephus frames the prophecy not just as a prediction, but as a stabilizing force for national labor.

The Samaritan "Dossier"
The Samaritans used a classic political tactic: they cited Cambyses as a legal precedent. By showing that a previous king had stopped the work on security grounds, they forced Darius to choose between his father’s (Cyrus) decree and his predecessor’s (Cambyses) cautionary measures. They framed the Temple as a φρουρίῳ (fortress), moving the argument from "freedom of religion" to "national security."

The Discovery at Ecbatana
Historically, Cyrus issued his decree in Babylon, but the record was found in Ecbatana (modern Hamadan, Iran). This is a highly accurate detail; Ecbatana was the summer capital of the Achaemenid kings. It shows the sprawling nature of Persian bureaucracy—a decree made in one capital might be archived in another across the empire.

Technical Specifications of the Temple
Josephus (following the biblical Ezra 6) includes specific architectural details: 60 cubits high and wide, using a "three-to-one" ratio of stone to wood (διὰ δόμων λιθίνων... καὶ ξυλίνου δόμου). This was likely a fire-safety measure or a method for earthquake resistance common in ancient Near Eastern construction.

"Pray for the King"
Darius’s motive for funding the sacrifices was not purely altruistic. He explicitly requests prayers for τῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ βασιλέως (the safety of the king). This established a "covenant of loyalty" between the Jewish priesthood and the Persian crown that would last until the time of Alexander the Great. It allowed the Jews to be religiously autonomous while remaining politically loyal subjects.

The Ultimate Deterrent (ἀνασταυρωθῆναι)
The penalty for interference was impalement (often translated as "crucifixion" in later Greek, but referring here to the Persian method of public execution on a stake). Darius’s decree was "hard" law. By turning the property of the offender over to the royal treasury, he ensured that local governors had a personal financial incentive to obey him—disobeying meant not just death, but the total erasure of one’s family legacy.

¹⁰⁴ Ταῦθ᾽ εὑρὼν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς ἀντιγράφει τῷ Σισίννῃ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ‎ τάδε λέγων· " βασιλεὺς Σισίννῃ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ καὶ Σαραβαζάνῃ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτῶν χαίρειν. τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ὑμῖν ἧς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν εὗρον τοῖς ἀπέσταλκα καὶ βούλομαι γίνεσθαι πάντα, καθὼς ἐν αὐτῇ περιέχει.

¹⁰⁴ "Darius, having found these things in the records of Cyrus, wrote back to Sisinnes and his companions, saying: 'King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sarabazanes and their companions, greetings. I have sent to you a copy of the letter which I found in the records of Cyrus, and I wish all things to be done exactly as contained within it. Farewell.'

¹⁰⁴ When Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose contents were these: "King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it you; and I will that all things be done as is therein written. Fare ye well."

¹⁰⁴ When Darius had found this document among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes and his group, to this effect: "King Darius to Sisinnes the ruler and to Sarabazanes, greetings. Having found a copy of this letter among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it you, and I will that all things written in it be done. Fare well."

¹⁰⁵ ἔρρωσθε. μαθόντες οὖν ἐκ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ὁ Σισίννης καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν ταύτῃ τὰ λοιπὰ ἀκόλουθα ποιεῖν διέγνωσαν. ἐπεστάτουν οὖν τῶν ἱερῶν ἔργων συλλαμβανόμενοι τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις τῶν καὶ τῶν γερόντων ἄρχουσιν.

¹⁰⁵ When Sisinnes and those with him learned the king’s intention from the letter, they decided to act in accordance with the rest of his commands. They therefore presided over the sacred works, assisting the elders of the Jews and the leaders of the older men.

¹⁰⁵ So when Sisinnes, and those that were with him, understood the intention of the king, they resolved to follow his directions entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and the princes of the Sanhedrim;

¹⁰⁵ On learning of the king’s wishes, Sisinnes and his companions resolved to follow them entirely in future. So they supported the sacred work and helped the elders of the Jews and the officers of the Sanhedrin.

¹⁰⁶ καὶ ἠνύετο κατὰ πολλὴν σπουδὴν ἡ κατασκευὴ τοῦ ναοῦ προφητευόντων καὶ κατὰ πρόσταγμα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μετὰ βουλήσεως τε καὶ τῶν βασιλέων, ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ἐν ἔτεσιν ἑπτά.

¹⁰⁶ And the construction of the temple was completed with great haste, while Haggai and Zechariah prophesied according to the command of God and with the will of Kings Cyrus and Darius; it was built in seven years.

¹⁰⁶ and the structure of the temple was with great diligence brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, according to God’s commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was built in seven years' time.

¹⁰⁶ Thus, as Haggai and Zacharias prophesied at God’s command, the structure of the temple was completed with great diligence in seven years, after the intervention of kings Cyrus and Darius.

¹⁰⁷ τοῦ δ᾽ ἐνάτου τῆς βασιλείας ἔτους εἰκάδι καὶ τρίτῃ μηνὸς δωδεκάτου, ὃς καλεῖται παρὰ μὲν ἡμῖν παρὰ δὲ , προσφέρουσιν θυσίας οἵ τε ἱερεῖς καὶ καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τῶν πλῆθος ἀνανεωτικὰς τῶν πρότερον ἀγαθῶν μετὰ τὴν‎ αἰχμαλωσίαν τοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνακαινισθὲν ταύρους ἑκατὸν κριοὺς διακοσίους ἄρνας τετρακοσίους χιμάρους δώδεκα κατὰ φυλήν, τοσαῦται γάρ εἰσιν αἱ τῶν φυλαί, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἥμαρτεν ἑκάστη.

¹⁰⁷ In the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month—which is called Adar by us and Dystros by the Macedonians—the priests, the Levites, and the rest of the multitude of the Israelites offered sacrifices to renew their former blessings after the captivity, having received back the sanctuary now restored. They offered one hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve he-goats according to tribe—for such is the number of the tribes of Israel—on behalf of the sins which each had committed.

¹⁰⁷ And in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is by us called Adar, but by the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests, and Levites, and the other multitude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of their former prosperity after their captivity, and because they had now the temple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred rains, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes, (for so many are the tribes of the Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every tribe.

¹⁰⁷ So in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is called Adar by us, but Dystrus by the Macedonians, to celebrate the renewal of their former prosperity after their captivity and because they now had the temple rebuilt, the priests and Levites and the whole throng of the Israelites offered in sacrifice a hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs and twelve kid goats, according their tribes, for that is the number the tribes of Israel, for the sins of each tribe.

¹⁰⁸ ἔστησάν τε κατὰ τοὺς ΜωυσέωςMoses νόμους οἵ τε ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ ΛευῖταιLevites θυρωροὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου πυλῶνος· ᾠκοδομήκεσαν γὰρ οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ τὰς ἐν κύκλῳ τοῦ ναοῦ στοὰς τοῦ ἔνδοθεν ἱεροῦ.	¹⁰⁸ According to the laws of Moses, the priests and Levites stationed gatekeepers at each gateway; for the Jews had also built the porticoes around the temple within the inner sanctuary."
¹⁰⁸ The priests also and the Levites set the porters at every gate, according to the laws of Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple that were round about the temple itself.	¹⁰⁸ The priests and Levites set porters at every gate, according to the laws of Moses, and the Jews built the porticoes of the inner temple that were around the temple itself.

The "Imperial U-Turn"
The brevity of Darius’s letter (ἔρρωσθε - "Farewell/Be strong") carries a weight of absolute authority. By sending Sisinnes the original Cyrus Decree, Darius effectively told his own governor: "Stop asking questions and start helping." Josephus notes that the officials immediately transitioned from investigators to assistants (συλλαμβανόμενοι), illustrating how Persian administrative power was the "wall" that finally protected the Jews from their neighbors.

The Seven-Year Symmetry
Josephus records that the building took seven years. This is a significant chronological detail meant to echo the building of the First Temple. According to 1 Kings 6:38, Solomon also took seven years to build his temple. By highlighting this duration, Josephus suggests that despite the "poverty" of the current era, the Second Temple shares the same divinely ordained timeline and legitimacy as the first.

The Synchronization of Calendars
Josephus provides three ways to date the event:

1) The Persian Date: The 9th year of Darius.

2) The Jewish Date: The 23rd of Adar.

3) The Macedonian Date: Dystros.

By including the Macedonian name, Josephus is writing for a Greek-speaking audience in the Roman world. He is mapping Jewish sacred history onto the global timeline, ensuring his readers understand exactly when this "rebirth" occurred in relation to world history.

The Theology of Twelve Tribes
A striking detail is the sacrifice of twelve he-goats for the twelve tribes. At this point in history, the "Ten Lost Tribes" of the Northern Kingdom had long been scattered. However, Josephus (and the biblical Ezra) emphasizes that the restoration was for all Israel. The sacrifice was a symbolic act of national reunification, asserting that the Jerusalem Temple remained the spiritual center for the entire biological family of Jacob, wherever they might be.

The "Renewal" Sacrifice (ἀνανεωτικὰς)
The sacrifices are called ananeōtikas—sacrifices of "renewal." This isn't just about ritual; it’s about the restoration of the "former blessings" (πρότερον ἀγαθῶν). For Josephus, the Temple is the "engine" of national prosperity. Its completion signifies that the curse of the exile has been lifted and the flow of divine favor has been "reconnected."

Architectural Completion: The Porticoes (στοὰς)
Josephus adds a specific detail not found in all accounts: the construction of the inner porticoes (colonnades). These porticoes would become the hallmark of the Temple’s social life (like "Solomon’s Porch" mentioned in the New Testament). By mentioning the gatekeepers (θυρωροὺς), he shows that the Temple was now a functioning, secure institution capable of regulating its own sacred space.

¹⁰⁹ Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς μηνὶ τῷ πρώτῳ, κατὰ μὲν λεγομένῳ κατὰ δὲ ἡμᾶς Νισάν, συνερρύη πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐκ τῶν κωμῶν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, καὶ τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν ἤγαγον ἁγνεύοντες μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ,

¹⁰⁹ "When the Feast of Unleavened Bread arrived in the first month—called Xanthikos by the Macedonians and Nisan by us—all the people streamed together from the villages into the city, and they celebrated the festival in a state of purity along with their wives and children according to the ancestral law.

¹⁰⁹ And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month, which, according to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but according to us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having purified themselves, with their wives and children, according to the law of their country;

¹⁰⁹ As the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month, which the Macedonians call Xanthicus, but we call Nisan, all the people hurried in from the villages to the city and celebrated the festival, having purified themselves and their wives and children, according to their ancestral law.

¹¹⁰ καὶ τὴν‎ πάσχα θυσίαν τῇ τετράδι καὶ δεκάτῃ τοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ μηνὸς ἐπιτελέσαντες κατευωχήθησαν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ μηδεμιᾶς φειδόμενοι πολυτελείας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ὁλοκαυτώσεις ἐπιφέροντες τῷ θεῷ καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας ἱερουργοῦντες ἀνθ᾽ ὧν αὐτοὺς ποθοῦν τὸ θεῖον πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ πάτριον γῆν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ νόμους ἤγαγεν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως διάνοιαν εὐμενῆ κατέστησεν αὐτοῖς.

¹¹⁰ Having performed the sacrifice called the Passover on the fourteenth day of the same month, they feasted for seven days, sparing no expense; they offered up whole burnt offerings to God and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving because the Divine had led them back to their ancestral land and its laws, and had rendered the mind of the King of the Persians favorable toward them.

¹¹⁰ and they offered the sacrifice which was called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same month, and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of the king of Persia favorable to them.

¹¹⁰ Then they offered the sacrifice called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same month and feasted seven days and spared no expense but offered entire holocausts to God and thank-offerings, for He had led them back to the land of their fathers and to its laws to it and had caused the king of Persia to be favourable to them.

¹¹¹ καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιδαψιλευόμενοι ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμίαι κατῴκησαν ἐν τοῖς πολιτείᾳ χρώμενοι ἀριστοκρατικῇ μετὰ ὀλιγαρχίας· οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς προεστήκεσαν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄχρι οὗ τοὺς συνέβη βασιλεύειν ἐκγόνους.

¹¹¹ Lavishing these sacrifices and their devotion upon God, they settled in Jerusalem, employing an aristocratic government with an oligarchy; for the high priests were at the head of affairs until it happened that the descendants of the Asamonaeans [Hasmoneans] became kings.

¹¹¹ So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government;

¹¹¹ For this they offered the largest of sacrifices and were generous in the worship of God. Their life in Jerusalem was a mixture of aristocracy and oligarchy, with the high priests in charge, until the descendants of the Hasmoneans began to rule as kings.

¹¹² πρὸ μὲν γὰρ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας καὶ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐβασιλεύοντο ἀπὸ πρῶτον ἀρξάμενοι καὶ ἐπὶ ἔτη πεντακόσια τριακονταδύο μῆνας ἓξ ἡμέρας δέκα, πρὸ δὲ τῶν βασιλέων τούτων ἄρχοντες αὐτοὺς διεῖπον οἱ προσαγορευόμενοι κριταὶ καὶ μόναρχοι, καὶ τοῦτον πολιτευόμενοι τὸν τρόπον ἔτεσιν πλέον ἢ πεντακοσίοις διήγαγεν μετὰ ἀποθανόντα καὶ τὸν στρατηγόν.

¹¹² For before the captivity and the upheaval, they were ruled by kings, beginning first from Saul and David, for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days. Before those kings, they were governed by rulers called Judges and monarchs; living under this form of government, they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses and Joshua the general.

¹¹² for before their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days; but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses, and of Joshua their commander.

¹¹² Before the captivity and their dissolution, they first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months and ten days, but before the kings, those who led them were called judges and monarchs, the system they had followed for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses and of their general, Joshua.

¹¹³ καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῶν ἀνασωθέντων ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἸουδαίωνJews ἐν τοῖς ΚύρουCyrus καὶ ΔαρείουDarius χρόνοις ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν.	¹¹³ And such were the circumstances concerning the Jews who were saved from the captivity during the times of Cyrus and Darius."
¹¹³ And this is the account I had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were delivered from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius.	¹¹³ And that is my account of the Jews who had been brought into captivity, but were saved from it in the times of Cyrus and Darius.

The Purity of the "Stream" (συνερρύη)
Josephus uses the word synerryē (streamed/flowed together) to describe the pilgrimage from the countryside (κωμῶν) to the city. This signifies the restoration of Jerusalem as the "gravity well" of Jewish life. For the first time in 70 years, the Passover was not a private family meal in exile, but a national event involving wives and children in a collective state of ritual purity (ἁγνεύοντες).

The Divine "Lobbyist"
Josephus credits the "Divine" (to theion) with a specific political achievement: rendering the mind of the Persian King εὐμενῆ (favorable). In Josephus’s theology, God works through the psychology of world leaders. The success of the Temple was not just a result of Zerubbabel’s debate skills, but a divine "softening" of the imperial heart.

The Shift to "Aristocratic Oligarchy"
This is one of the most famous political descriptions in Josephus. He argues that after the exile, the Davidic monarchy (represented by Zerubbabel) faded, and the High Priests took over the civil administration.

1) Aristocratic: Rule by the "best" or the noble families.

2) Oligarchic: Rule by a few (the priestly elite).

Josephus, being a priest himself, portrays this as a stable and legitimate form of government that lasted until the Hasmonean (Maccabean) revolt transformed the high priesthood back into a kingship.

A Mathematical History
Josephus provides a precise calculation of Jewish history:

1) The Monarchy: 532 years, 6 months, 10 days.

2) The Judges: 500+ years.

By providing these numbers, Josephus is asserting that the Jews have a documented, ancient history that rivals the chronologies of the Egyptians or Greeks. It is a defense of the antiquity of his people—a major theme of his later work, Against Apion.

Joshua the "General" (στρατηγόν)
It is interesting to note that Josephus refers to the biblical Joshua as a stratēgos (general). This reflects Josephus’s own background as a military commander in Galilee during the Jewish War against Rome. He consistently frames the early leaders of Israel in terms that a Roman or Greek reader would recognize and respect.

The End of the "Cyrus-Darius" Era
Josephus concludes this section by "closing the book" on the early restoration. The Temple is built, the law is restored, and the political structure has shifted from kings to priests. This sets the stage for the next great wave of the Diaspora: the arrival of Ezra, who will transition the focus of the nation from the physical building of the Temple to the spiritual "building" of the people through the reading of the Torah.

¹¹⁴ Οἱ δὲ ΣαμαρεῖςSamaritans ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ βασκάνως διακείμενοι πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰργάσαντο πλούτῳ τε πεποιθότες καὶ συγγένειαν προσποιούμενοι τὴν‎ ΠερσῶνPersians, ἐπειδήπερ ἐκεῖθεν ἦσαν.	¹¹⁴ "But the Samaritans, being hostile and maliciously disposed toward them, worked many evils against the Jews, trusting in their wealth and pretending to be of the same race as the Persians, since they were from that region.
¹¹⁴ But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came;	¹¹⁴ But the Samaritans, being malicious and envious toward the Jews, did them much harm, trusting in their riches and their claim to be allied to the Persians, because they came from there.

¹¹⁵ ὅσα τε γὰρ ἐκελεύσθησαν ἐκ τῶν φόρων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὰς θυσίας τελεῖν τοῖς παρέχειν οὐκ ἤθελον τούς τε ἐπάρχους σπουδάζοντας αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ συνεργοῦντας εἶχον, ἄλλα τε ὅσα βλάπτειν ἢ δι᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἢ δι᾽ ἑτέρων ἠδύναντο τοὺς οὐκ ἀπώκνουν.

¹¹⁵ For they were unwilling to provide to the Jews the funds which had been commanded by the King to be paid from the taxes for the sacrifices; they also had the local governors striving and cooperating with them toward this end, and they did not shrink from whatever other harms they could inflict upon the Jews, either by themselves or through others.

¹¹⁵ and whatsoever it was that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king’s order out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it. They had also the governors favorable to them, and assisting them for that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves or by others, as far as they were able.

¹¹⁵ They would not pay the Jews what the king had ordered from their tributes for the sacrifices, and their officers favoured and helped them in that purpose. Nor did they refrain from doing them harm, either by themselves or through others, as far as they were able.

¹¹⁶ ἔδοξεν οὖν πρεσβευσαμένοις τοῖς Ἱεροσολυμίταις(people of ) Jerusalem πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ΔαρεῖονDarius κατηγορῆσαι τῶν ΣαμαρειτῶνSamaritans, καὶ πρεσβεύουσιν ΖοροβάβηλοςZorobabel καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν ἀρχόντων τέσσαρες.	¹¹⁶ Therefore, the people of Jerusalem decided to send an embassy to King Darius to accuse the Samaritans; and Zerubbabel and four others of the leaders went as ambassadors.
¹¹⁶ So the Jews determined to send an embassage to king Darius, in favor of the people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse the Samaritans. The ambassadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers;	¹¹⁶ So the Jews decided to send an delegation to king Darius, on behalf of the people of Jerusalem, to accuse the Samaritans. The envoys were Zorobabel and four others of the officers.

¹¹⁷ ὡς δὲ τὰ ἐγκλήματα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας, ἃς κατὰ τῶν ἐπέφερον, ἔγνω παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων ὁ βασιλεύς, δοὺς αὐτοῖς κομίζειν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπάρχους τῆς καὶ τὴν‎ βουλὴν ἀπέπεμψεν.

¹¹⁷ When the King learned from the ambassadors the charges and the causes they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them a letter to carry to the governors of Samaria and the council, and sent them away.

¹¹⁷ and as soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations and complaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria; the contents of which epistle were these:

¹¹⁷ When the king heard the accusations and complaints against the Samaritans brought by the envoys, he gave them a letter to bring to the officers and council of Samaria, as follows:

¹¹⁸ τὰ δὲ γεγραμμένα ἦν τοιάδε· " βασιλεὺς καὶ τοῖς ἐπάρχοις καὶ καὶ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς συνδούλοις αὐτῶν τοῖς ἐν . καὶ καὶ πρεσβευταὶ ᾐτιῶντο ὑμᾶς ὡς ἐνοχλοῦντας αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ μὴ χορηγοῦντας ἃ προσέταξα ὑμῖν εἰς τὰς θυσίας τελεῖν αὐτοῖς .

¹¹⁸ The things written were as follows: 'King Darius to Taganas and Sambas, the governors, and to Sadraces and Boedon of the Samaritans, and the rest of their fellow-servants in Samaria. Zerubbabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews, have accused you of troubling them regarding the building of the temple and of not supplying the expenditures for the sacrifices which I commanded you to pay to them.

¹¹⁸ "King Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sainaritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow servants that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in the building of the temple, and do not supply them with the expenses which I commanded you to do for the offering of their sacrifices.

¹¹⁸ "King Darius to Taganas and Sambas, the officers of the Samaritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo and the rest of their fellow subjects in Samaria. Zorobabel, Ananias and Mardochai have come from the Jews to complain that you are obstructing them in the building of the temple and not supplying them with the money as I ordered you, for their sacrifices.

¹¹⁹ βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς ἀναγνόντας τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν χορηγεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γαζοφυλακείου τῶν φόρων τῆς πάνθ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς θυσίας ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς χρήσιμα, καθὼς οἱ ἱερεῖς ἀξιοῦσιν, ἵνα μὴ διαλείπωσιν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν θύοντες μηδ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ καὶ εὐχόμενοι τῷ θεῷ. Καὶ ἡ μὲν ταῦτα περιεῖχεν.

¹¹⁹ I wish, therefore, that after reading this letter, you supply to them from the royal treasury of the taxes of Samaria everything useful to them for the sacrifices, as the priests request, so that they may not cease offering sacrifices daily nor praying to God on behalf of me and the Persians.' This was what the letter contained."

¹¹⁹ My will therefore is this, That upon the reading of this epistle, you supply them with whatsoever they want for their sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that they may not leave off offering their daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the Persians." And these were the contents of that epistle.

¹¹⁹ I will that having read this letter you supply them from the royal treasury of the taxes of Samaria with whatever they need for their sacrifices as the priests shall desire, that they may not cease offering their daily sacrifices, and pray to God for me and for the Persians." Such were the contents of the letter.

The Tactics of the "Insider" (συγγένειαν προσποιούμενοι)
Josephus points out a clever psychological tactic used by the Samaritans: they claimed "kinship" with the Persians. Since the Samaritans were originally from Mesopotamia and Media (deported by the Assyrians), they framed themselves as the King's "homegrown" loyalists, whereas the Jews were seen as a distinct, returning foreign body. They leveraged this perceived ethnic bond to win over the local Persian governors.

Economic Sabotage as Warfare
The conflict moved from the architectural to the fiscal. The Samaritans didn't just stop the building; they withheld the φόρων (taxes) earmarked for the liturgy. By cutting off the "gasoline" of the Temple—the animals and supplies for the daily sacrifices—they aimed to make the Temple functionally dead even if the building was standing.

The Composition of the Embassy
Note the names in the embassy: Zerubbabel, Ananias, and Mordecai. Josephus presents a high-level diplomatic mission. These leaders didn't appeal to the local governors (who were already bribed); they went straight to the "Supreme Court"—the King himself. This highlights the "direct access" Zerubbabel enjoyed as a result of his victory in the debate of the three bodyguards.

The Persian Bureaucracy: "Fellow Servants" (συνδούλοις)
Darius addresses the Samaritan leaders as συνδούλοις (fellow servants/slaves). This is classic Achaemenid rhetoric. In the Persian system, everyone from the highest satrap to the lowest subject was technically a "slave" of the Great King. By using this term, Darius reminds the Samaritans of their place in the hierarchy: they are not independent actors; they are functionaries of his will.

The "National Security" of Sacrifice
Darius’s reason for the letter is not necessarily a love for Judaism, but a fear of losing divine protection. He explicitly mentions his desire for the priests to continue εὐχόμενοι τῷ θεῷ (praying to God) on behalf of himself and the Persians. To Darius, a cessation of sacrifice in Jerusalem was a threat to the stability of the Persian Empire. This gave the Jews a powerful "spiritual leverage" in imperial politics.

The "Blank Check" (καθὼς οἱ ἱερεῖς ἀξιοῦσιν)
The most devastating part of the decree for the Samaritans was that they were ordered to provide supplies "as the priests request." This effectively gave the Jewish priesthood the authority to audit the Samaritan treasury. It turned the tables completely: the ones who were trying to starve the Temple were now legally required to be its primary financiers.

Chapter 5
[120-183]
The goodwill of Xerxes toward the Jews.
Ezra and Nehemias continue the reconstruction

☜ ☞

¹²⁰ δὲ τελευτήσαντος παραλαβὼν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ Ξέρξης ἐκληρονόμησεν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειάν τε καὶ τιμήν· ἅπαντα γὰρ ἀκολούθως τῷ πατρὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἐποίησεν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἔσχεν φιλοτιμότατα.

¹²⁰ "When Darius died, his son Xerxes took over the kingdom and inherited both his father's piety toward God and his honor for Him; for he did everything regarding religious worship in accordance with his father and showed the greatest zeal toward the Jews.

¹²⁰ Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom, who, as he inherited his father’s kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God, and honor of him; for he did all things suitably to his father relating to divine worship, and he was exceeding friendly to the Jews.

¹²⁰ After the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took over as king, inheriting not only his kingdom but also his piety and honour toward God, for he acted like his father in all things relating to worship and was very favourable to the Jews.

¹²¹ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἀρχιερεὺς ἦν παῖς Ἰωάκειμος ὄνομα. ὑπῆρχεν δὲ καὶ ἐν δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ δόξης ἀπολαύων ἀγαθῆς παρὰ τῷ πλήθει πρῶτος ἱερεὺς τοῦ θεοῦ καλούμενος Ἔζδρας, ὃς τῶν νόμων ἱκανῶς ἔμπειρος ὢν γίνεται Φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ .

¹²¹ At that time, the high priest was Joakeimos, the son of Jeshua. There was also in Babylon a righteous man who enjoyed a good reputation among the multitude, the first priest of God, called Ezra (Ezdras). Being sufficiently expert in the laws of Moses, he became a friend to King Xerxes.

¹²¹ Now about this time a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high priest. Moreover, there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a great reputation among the multitude. He was the principal priest of the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skillful in the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes.

¹²¹ Now about this time there was a high priest named Joakeim, son of Joshua. And in Babylon there was then a righteous man, highly reputed by the people and a prominent priest of God, named Esdras, very skilled in the laws of Moses and a trusted friend of king Xerxes.

¹²² γνοὺς δὲ ἀναβῆναι εἰς τὰ καὶ ἐπαγαγέσθαι τινὰς τῶν ἐν τυγχανόντων παρεκάλεσεν τὸν βασιλέα δοῦναι αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας τῆς ἐπιστολήν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς αὐτοῖς γνωρισθήσεται τίς εἴη.

¹²² Deciding to go up to Jerusalem and bring along some of the Jews who happened to be in Babylon, he petitioned the king to give him a letter to the satraps of Syria, by which he might be made known to them.

¹²² He had determined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some of those Jews that were in Babylon; and he desired that the king would give him an epistle to the governors of Syria, by which they might know who he was.

¹²² He had decided to go up to Jerusalem bringing with him some of the Jews in Babylon, and he asked the king for a letter to the satraps of Syria, to tell them who he was.

¹²³ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς γράφει πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας ἐπιστολὴν τοιάνδε· " βασιλεὺς βασιλέων Ξέρξης Ἔζδρᾳ ἱερεῖ καὶ ἀναγνώστῃ τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμων χαίρειν. τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ φιλανθρωπίας ἔργον εἶναι νομίσας τὸ τοὺς βουλομένους ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ ὄντων ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ βασιλείᾳ συναπαίρειν εἰς τὰ , τοῦτο προσέταξα, καὶ ὁ βουλόμενος ἀπίτω,

¹²³ The king wrote to the satraps a letter as follows: 'King of Kings Xerxes to Ezra, the priest and reader of the laws of God, greetings. Thinking it an act of my own benevolence that those of the Jewish nation and the Levites who wish to depart from our kingdom to Jerusalem should do so, I have ordered this, and let whoever wishes depart,

¹²³ Accordingly, the king wrote the following epistle to those governors: "Xerxes, king of kings, to Esdras the priest, and reader of the divine law, greeting. I think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem.

¹²³ The king wrote the following letter to the satraps: "Xerxes, king of kings, to Esdras the priest well-read in the divine law, greeting. In my benevolence I think it right to permit those of the Jewish nation who so wish, with the priests and Levites in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem and have so decreed: let each one who so wishes go there.

¹²⁴ καθάπερ ἔδοξέν μοι καὶ τοῖς ἑπτά μου συμβούλοις, ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπισκέψωνται τῷ νόμῳ τοῦ θεοῦ ἀκολούθως καὶ ἀπενέγκωσι δῶρα τῷ θεῷ, ἅπερ ηὐξάμην ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ φίλοι·

¹²⁴ just as it seemed good to me and my seven counselors, so that they may inspect the affairs of Judea in accordance with the law of God and carry gifts to the God of Israel, which I and my friends have vowed.

¹²⁴ Accordingly, I have given command for that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counselors, and this in order to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them those presents which I and my friends have vowed,

¹²⁴ This seems good to me and to my council of seven who reviewed the affairs of Judea to see if they be in accord with the law of God. Let them also take with them the gifts which I and my friends have vowed.

¹²⁵ καὶ ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσίον ὅσον ἂν εὑρεθῇ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν ὠνομασμένον τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο πᾶν εἰς κομισθῆναι τῷ θεῷ εἰς τὰς θυσίας, πάντα τε, ὅσα βούλει ἐξ ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ κατασκευάσαι, ποιεῖν ἐξέστω σοι μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν.

¹²⁵ And all the silver and gold that may be found in the land of the Babylonians dedicated to God—let all this be carried to Jerusalem to God for the sacrifices; and whatever else you wish to construct from silver and gold, it shall be permitted for you to do so with your brothers.

¹²⁵ with all that silver and gold that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest.

¹²⁵ All the silver and gold dedicated to God that is found in the land of Babylon must be brought to God in Jerusalem for sacrificial use. You and your brothers are also allowed to make as many vessels of silver and gold as you need,

¹²⁶ καὶ τὰ δεδομένα σοι ἱερὰ σκεύη ἀναθήσεις καὶ ὅσων ἂν ἐπίνοιαν λάβῃς καὶ ταῦτα προσεξεργάσῃ τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτὰ δαπάνην ποιούμενος ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γαζοφυλακείου.	¹²⁶ And you shall dedicate the sacred vessels given to you, and whatever others you have the intention to make, you shall further complete them, taking the expense for them from the royal treasury.
¹²⁶ Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make, and shall take the expenses out of the king’s treasury.	¹²⁶ and you may consecrate to God the sacred vessels given to you and as many more as you want to make, at the expense of the royal treasury.

¹²⁷ ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ τοῖς γαζοφύλαξιν τῆς καὶ τῆς , ἵνα τῶν ὑπὸ Ἔζδρα τοῦ ἱερέως καὶ ἀναγνώστου τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμων ἐπισταλέντων ἐπιμεληθῶσιν. ὅπως δὲ μηδεμίαν ὀργὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐμὲ λάβῃ τὸ θεῖον ἢ τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἐκγόνους, πάντ᾽ ἀξιῶ καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πυροῦ κόρων ἑκατὸν ἐπιτελεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν νόμον.

¹²⁷ I have also written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, so that they might take care of the things sent by Ezra the priest and reader of the laws of God. And so that the Divine may not hold any wrath against me or my descendants, I demand that everything—even up to a hundred cors of wheat—be fulfilled for God according to the law.

¹²⁷ I have, moreover, written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that God may not be at all angry with me, or with my children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred cori of wheat.

¹²⁷ I have also written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia to be supportive in the matters about which I have sent Esdras the priest, who is expert in the laws of God. So that Deity may have no anger toward me or my children, I allow all that is needed for sacrifices to God according to the law, up to a hundred cori of wheat.

¹²⁸ καὶ ὑμῖν δὲ λέγω, ὅπως τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν καὶ καὶ ἱεροψάλταις καὶ θυρωροῖς καὶ ἱεροδούλοις καὶ γραμματεῦσιν τοῦ ἱεροῦ μήτε φόρους ἐπιτάξητε μήτε ἄλλο μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον ἢ φορτικὸν εἰς αὐτοὺς γένηται.

¹²⁸ And I say to you also, that you shall not impose taxes upon the priests, the Levites, the temple-singers, the doorkeepers, the temple-servants (hierodoulois), or the scribes of the Temple; nor shall any other treacherous or burdensome thing be done against them."

¹²⁸ And I enjoin you not to lay any treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or scribes of the temple.

¹²⁸ And I command you not to impose any tribute upon their priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or ministers, or scribes of the temple.

¹²⁹ καὶ σὺ δέ, Ἔζδρα, κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ σοφίαν ἀπόδειξον κριτάς, ὅπως δικάσωσιν ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria καὶ ΦοινίκῃPhoenicia πάσῃ‎ τοὺς ἐπισταμένους σου τὸν νόμον, καὶ τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν δὲ παρέξεις αὐτὸν μαθεῖν,	¹²⁹ And you, Ezra, according to the wisdom of God, appoint judges, so that they may judge in all Syria and Phoenicia those who know your law; and to those who are ignorant of it, you shall provide the means to learn it,
¹²⁹ And do thou, O Esdras, appoint judges according to the wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as understand the law, that they may judge in all Syria and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant of it,	¹²⁹ And you Esdras must appoint judges who are wise under God in the ways of your law, to give justice in all of Syria and Phoenicia, and instruct those who are ignorant.

¹³⁰ ἵνα ἄν τις τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν σου παραβαίνῃ τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ νόμον ἢ τὸν βασιλικόν, ὑπόσχῃ τιμωρίαν, ὡς οὐ κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν αὐτὸν παραβαίνων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπιστάμενος μὲν τολμηρῶς δὲ παρακούων καὶ καταφρονῶν. κολασθήσονται δ᾽ ἤτοι θανάτῳ ἢ ζημίᾳ χρηματικῇ. ἔρρωσο."

¹³⁰ so that if anyone of your fellow countrymen transgresses the law of God or the king’s law, he may undergo punishment, not as one transgressing out of ignorance, but as one who knows the law yet daringly disobeys and despises it. They shall be punished either by death or by a fine of money. Farewell.'"

¹³⁰ that if any one of thy countrymen transgress the law of God, or that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be punished by death, or by paying fines. Farewell."

¹³⁰ If any of your countrymen breaks the law of God or that of the king, let him be punished, not like one who sinned in ignorance, but as one who knew the law but boldly despised and scorned it. Let such men be punished by death, or by paying fines. Farewell."

The Identification of Xerxes
A point of historical confusion: Josephus identifies the king who sent Ezra as Xerxes (the son of Darius), whereas the biblical Book of Ezra names him Artaxerxes. Josephus likely preferred "Xerxes" to maintain a tighter chronological link to the building of the Temple or followed a specific historical tradition that conflated the two. Regardless, he portrays the king as a "perfect" successor to Darius’s pro-Jewish policy.

Ezra: The "Reader" (ἀναγνώστῃ)
Josephus uses the term anagnōstēs (reader) for Ezra, emphasizing his role as a scholar-priest. In this period, the "Power of the Book" began to rival the "Power of the Altar." Ezra’s authority stems from his ἱκανῶς ἔμπειρος (sufficient expertise) in the Law. This marks the beginning of the "Scribe" as a central figure in Jewish leadership.

The "Seven Counselors" (ἑπτά μου συμβούλοις)
This is a highly accurate detail of Persian court life. The Achaemenid kings traditionally relied on a council of seven noble families (the "Seven Peers") who helped govern the empire. By mentioning them, Josephus shows that the decree for Jerusalem was not a whim of the king but a formal, high-level act of the Persian State.

Fear of Divine Wrath (μηδεμίαν ὀργὴν)
The king's motivation is explicitly stated: preventing the wrath of the Divine against himself and his children. This reflects the Persian "religious insurance policy." By funding the Judean Temple, the King of Kings hoped to secure the favor of every local deity within his vast empire.

Tax-Exempt Status for the "Intelligentsia"
The decree grants total tax exemption to the entire Temple staff, including γραμματεῦσιν (scribes). This created a protected class of religious scholars, effectively subsidizing the preservation and study of the Torah with Persian tax dollars.

The Judicial "Annexation" of Syria and Phoenicia
Perhaps the most extraordinary part of the decree is Ezra’s authority to appoint judges throughout the entire satrapy of Syria and Phoenicia. This granted the Jewish Law a degree of extraterritorial jurisdiction. Ezra was not just a priest; he was a Minister of Justice for the Jewish Diaspora across the Levant.

Education as a Legal Requirement
Ezra is commanded to teach those who are ignorant of the Law. The king’s logic is cold: once you have been taught the Law, any disobedience is "daring" (τολμηρῶς) rather than accidental. This transformed the Torah from a religious text into a Civil Code enforced by the state with the power of the sword (θανάτῳ).

¹³¹ Λαβὼν δὲ Ἔζδρας ταύτην τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ὑπερήσθη καὶ τῷ θεῷ προσκυνεῖν ἤρξατο, τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν χρηστότητος ἐκεῖνον αἴτιον ὁμολογῶν γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὴν‎ πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ‎ χάριν ἔλεγεν εἶναι. ἀναγνοὺς δ᾽ ἐν τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν τοῖς αὐτόθι παροῦσιν , αὐτὴν μὲν κατέσχεν, τὸ δ᾽ ἀντίγραφον αὐτῆς πρὸς ἅπαντας ἔπεμψεν τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν‎ ὄντας.

¹³¹ "Having received this letter, Ezra was overjoyed and began to worship God, acknowledging Him as the cause of the King’s kindness toward him, and for this reason, he said that all the gratitude belonged to Him. After reading the letter in Babylon to the Jews present there, he kept the original but sent a copy of it to all his fellow countrymen living in Media.

¹³¹ When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and began to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cause of the king’s great favor to him, and that for the same reason he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there; but he kept the epistle itself,

¹³¹ Esdras was very glad to receive his letter and began to worship God whom he thanked as the source of all the king’s favour to him. He read the letter in Babylon to the Jews there, but kept the letter itself and sent a copy of it to all of his own people in Media.

¹³² μαθόντες δὲ οὗτοι τὴν‎ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἔζδραν εὔνοιαν ἅπαντες μὲν ὑπερηγάπησαν, πολλοὶ δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἀναλαβόντες ἦλθον εἰς ποθοῦντες τῆς εἰς τὰ καθόδου.

¹³² When these people learned of the King’s piety toward God and his goodwill toward Ezra, they were all exceedingly delighted; many of them took up their possessions and came to Babylon, longing for the return to Jerusalem.

¹³² and sent a copy of it to all those of his own nation that were in Media. And when these Jews had understood what piety the king had towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleased; nay, many of them took their effects with them,

¹³² These Jews were all greatly pleased to see the king’s devotion to God and his favour to Esdras, and many took their goods and came to Babylon, eager to make the journey to Jerusalem.

¹³³ ὁ δὲ πᾶς λαὸς τῶν κατὰ χώραν ἔμεινεν· διὸ καὶ δύο φυλὰς εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ἐπί τε τῆς καὶ τῆς ὑπακουούσας, αἱ δὲ δέκα φυλαὶ πέραν εἰσὶν ἕως δεῦρο, μυριάδες καὶ ἀριθμῷ γνωσθῆναι μὴ δυνάμεναι.

¹³³ But the vast body of the Israelites remained in that country; wherefore it has come to pass that there are two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Romans, while the ten tribes are beyond the Euphrates until now—countless myriads whose number cannot be known.

¹³³ and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that country; wherefore there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Iomans, while the ten tribes are beyond Euphrates till now, and are an immense multitude, and not to be estimated by numbers.

¹³³ But the larger body of the people of Israel stayed on in that land; so that only two of our tribes came to be in European Asia, subject to the Romans, while ten tribes, numbering thousands too many to count, are still beyond the Euphrates.

¹³⁴ πρὸς δὲ Ἔζδραν ἱερέων καὶ καὶ θυρωρῶν καὶ ἱεροψαλτῶν καὶ ἱεροδούλων πολλοὶ τὸν ἀριθμόν. συναγαγὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ καὶ τρεῖς ἐπιδιατρίψας ἐκεῖ ἡμέρας νηστείαν αὐτοῖς παρήγγειλεν, ὅπως εὐχὰς ποιήσονται τῷ θεῷ περὶ τῆς αὐτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν παθεῖν ἄτοπον ἢ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἤ τινος ἄλλου δυσκόλου προσπεσόντος αὐτοῖς·

¹³⁴ However, a great number of priests, Levites, gatekeepers, singers, and sacred servants came to Ezra. Having gathered those from the captivity at the far side of the Euphrates and spent three days there, he proclaimed a fast for them, so that they might offer prayers to God for their safety and that they might suffer nothing untoward on the journey, whether from enemies or any other difficulty falling upon them.

¹³⁴ Now there came a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants to Esdras. So he gathered those that were in the captivity together beyond Euphrates, and staid there three days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might make their prayers to God for their preservation, that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way, either from their enemies, or from any other ill accident;

¹³⁴ Many priests, Levites, porters, sacred singers and temple ministers came to Esdras and he gathered the exiles on the other side of the Euphrates and stayed there with them for three days and arranged for them a day of fasting to pray to God for their safety, to spare them from any mishap on the journey, either from their enemies or some other misfortune.

¹³⁵ φθάσας γὰρ ὁ Ἔζδρας εἰπεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅτι διασώσει αὐτοὺς ὁ θεός, οὐ κατηξίωσεν ἱππεῖς αὐτὸν αἰτῆσαι τοὺς προπέμψοντας. ποιησάμενοι δὲ τὰς εὐχάς, ἄραντες ἀπὸ τοῦ δωδεκάτῃ τοῦ πρώτου μηνὸς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους τῆς βασιλείας παρεγένοντο εἰς μηνὶ πέμπτῳ τοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ ἔτους.

¹³⁵ For Ezra, having previously told the King that God would preserve them, did not deign to ask him for horsemen to escort them. Having made their prayers, they set out from the Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of Xerxes' reign and arrived in Jerusalem in the fifth month of the same year.

¹³⁵ for Esdras had said beforehand that he had told the king how God would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request that he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had finished their prayers, they removed from Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same year.

¹³⁵ Esdras had assured the king that God would preserve them and that he did not need to ask him for a cavalry escort. When they had said their prayers they moved from the Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes and reached Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same year.

¹³⁶ καὶ παραχρῆμα τοῖς γαζοφύλαξιν ὁ Ἔζδρας οὖσιν ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ἱερέων γένους παρέστησεν τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα, ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἑξακόσια πεντήκοντα, σκεύη ἀργυρᾶ ταλάντων ἑκατόν, καὶ χρύσεα σκεύη ταλάντων εἴκοσι, καὶ χαλκᾶ σκεύη χρυσοῦ κρείττονα σταθμὸν ἔχοντα ταλάντων δώδεκα· ταῦτα γὰρ ἐδωρήσατο ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ σύμβουλοι αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν μένοντες .

¹³⁶ Immediately, Ezra presented the sacred funds to the treasurers, who were of the priestly lineage: six hundred and fifty talents of silver, silver vessels of a hundred talents, gold vessels of twenty talents, and bronze vessels—more precious than gold—weighing twelve talents. For these had been gifted by the King, his counselors, and all the Israelites remaining in Babylon.

¹³⁶ Now Esdras presented the sacred money to the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six hundred and fifty talents, vessels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more precious than gold, twelve talents by weight; for these Presents had been made by the king and his counselors, and by all the Israelites that staid at Babylon.

¹³⁶ Esdras immediately presented to the treasurers, who were of priestly family, the six hundred and fifty silver talents of sacred money, a hundred talents weight of silver vessels, twenty talents of golden vessels and twelve talents of brass vessels, more precious than gold, gifts from the king and his counsellors and from all the Israelites who stayed on in Babylon.

¹³⁷ παραδοὺς δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὁ Ἔζδρας ἀπέδωκε τῷ θεῷ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ὁλοκαυτώσεων νενομισμένας γίνεσθαι θυσίας, ταύρους δώδεκα ὑπὲρ κοινῆς τοῦ λαοῦ σωτηρίας, κριοὺς ἐνενήκοντα, ἄρνας ἑβδομηκονταδύο, ἐρίφους εἰς παραίτησιν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δεκαδύο.

¹³⁷ Having delivered these to the priests, Ezra offered to God the customary sacrifices of whole burnt offerings: twelve bulls for the common safety of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve he-goats as a plea for the forgiveness of sins.

¹³⁷ So when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sacrifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the common preservation of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, for the remission of sins.

¹³⁷ When Esdras had passed these on to the priests, he offered the appointed holocaust sacrifices to God, twelve bulls for the safety of the people, and ninety rams, seventy-two lambs and twelve kid goats for the remission of their sins.

¹³⁸ τοῖς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως οἰκονόμοις καὶ τοῖς ἐπάρχοις τῆς κοίλης καὶ τὰ γράμματα τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπέδωκεν. οἱ δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ποιεῖν ἀνάγκην ἔχοντες ἐτίμησάν τε τὸ ἔθνος καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν αὐτῷ χρείαν συνήργησαν.

¹³⁸ He then delivered the King’s letters to the King’s stewards and the governors of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. They, being under necessity to do what was commanded by him, honored the nation and assisted it in every need."

¹³⁸ He also delivered the king’s epistle to the king’s officers, and to the governors of Celesyria and Phoenicia; and as they were under a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they honored our nation, and were assistant to them in all their necessities.

¹³⁸ He also gave the king’s letter to the king’s stewards and the officers of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and as they had to obey his orders they honoured our nation and helped them in all their needs.

The "Invisible" Ten Tribes
Josephus includes a fascinating demographic aside for his 1st-century audience. He notes that while the "Two Tribes" (Judah and Benjamin) are under Roman rule in Europe and Asia, the "Ten Tribes" remain "beyond the Euphrates" as μυριάδες ἄπειροι (countless myriads). This confirms that in the Roman era, the "Lost Tribes" were not considered truly lost, but rather a massive, uncounted population living under Parthian rule.

The Diplomacy of Faith (οὐ κατηξίωσεν)
Ezra finds himself in a "faith trap" of his own making. He had bragged to the King that God protects His people; therefore, he felt he could not ask for a military escort without appearing hypocritical or weak in faith. This highlights the high-stakes "performance" of religion at the Persian court. The three-day fast at the Euphrates was not just a ritual—it was a desperate survival measure for a wealthy, unarmed caravan crossing bandit-heavy territory.

Bronze "Precious than Gold"
Josephus mentions bronze vessels (χαλκᾶ σκεύη) that were considered more valuable than gold. This likely refers to Orichalcum or a specific Persian alloy (perhaps corinthian bronze style) that was prized for its unique luster and rarity. It underscores the immense artistic and material quality of the gifts provided by the Persian court.

Logistics of the Journey
The journey took exactly four months (from the 1st to the 5th month). This is a standard pace for a large caravan including families, livestock, and heavy metals. By documenting the dates so precisely, Josephus emphasizes the historical authenticity of the account, mimicking the style of official Persian archives.

The "Twelve Tribe" Sacrifice
Just as the builders of the Temple did before him, Ezra sacrifices twelve bulls and twelve goats. This is a recurring theme in Josephus: even though the political entity was "Judah," the spiritual vision was always the total restoration of the twelve-tribe Israel. He presents Ezra as a leader not of a sect, but of a global nation.

The "Necessity" of Honor (ἀνάγκην ἔχοντες)
Josephus notes that the Syrian governors assisted the Jews because they had ἀνάγκην (necessity/compulsion). They didn't help because they liked the Jews; they helped because Xerxes' decree was so terrifying that they had no choice. This "compelled honor" was the only thing keeping the local hostile tribes at bay.

¹³⁹ Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλεύσατο Ἔσδρας, προεχώρησεν δ᾽ αὐτῷ κρίναντος αὐτὸν ἄξιον οἶμαι τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν βουληθέντων διὰ χρηστότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην.	¹³⁹ "These things, then, Ezra had purposed; and I believe that God judged him worthy of his desires because of his goodness and righteousness, and thus he succeeded.
¹³⁹ Now these things were truly done under the conduct of Esdras; and he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the success of his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteousness.	¹³⁹ These things went as Esdras planned, and succeeded because God thought him worthy of it, for his goodness and righteousness.

¹⁴⁰ χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον προσελθόντων αὐτῷ τινων κατηγορούντων, ὥς τινες τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ παραβεβήκασι τὴν‎ πολιτείαν καὶ λελύκασιν τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀλλοεθνεῖς ἠγμένοι γυναῖκας καὶ τὸ ἱερατικὸν γένος συγκεχύκασιν,

¹⁴⁰ But some time later, certain persons came to him with accusations that some of the multitude, as well as the priests and Levites, had transgressed the constitution and broken the ancestral laws by marrying women of foreign nations, and had thereby confounded the priestly lineage.

¹⁴⁰ But some time afterward there came some persons to him, and brought an accusation against certain of the multitude, and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into confusion.

¹⁴⁰ A while later some people came to him accusing some of the people including even priests and Levites, who had broken their constitution and ignored their ancient laws by marrying foreign wives and thereby sullied the priestly lineage.

¹⁴¹ δεομένων τε βοηθῆσαι τοῖς νόμοις, μὴ κοινὴν ἐπὶ πάντας ὀργὴν λαβὼν πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰς συμφορὰς ἐμβάλῃ, διέρρηξε μὲν εὐθὺς ὑπὸ λύπης τὴν‎ ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἐσπάρασσεν καὶ τὰ γένεια ὑβρίζων ἐπὶ τὴν‎ γῆν τε ἑαυτὸν μερίδα ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ταύτην λαβεῖν τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ λαοῦ.

¹⁴¹ They begged him to come to the aid of the laws, lest God, moved by a common wrath against all, should again plunge them into calamities. Ezra immediately rent his garment in his grief, tore the hair from his head, and plucked at his beard in his distress; he threw himself upon the ground because the leaders of the people were the ones primarily responsible for this cause.

¹⁴¹ These persons desired him to support the laws, lest God should take up a general anger against them all, and reduce them to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent his garment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off the hair of his head and beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because this crime had reached the principal men among the people;

¹⁴¹ They begged him to uphold the laws lest they all come under divine anger and be again reduced to misery, so that in his grief he rent his garment and tore at the hair of his head and beard and flung himself upon the ground, since this crime had affected even the leading people.

¹⁴² λογιζόμενος δὲ ὅτι, ἐὰν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν προστάξῃ τέκνα, οὐκ ἀκουσθήσεται, διέμενεν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κείμενος. συνέτρεχον οὖν πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ μέτριοι πάντες κλαίοντες καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ γεγενημένῳ λύπης συμμεταλαμβάνοντες.

¹⁴² Calculating that if he were to order them to cast out their wives and the children born of them, he would not be listened to, he remained lying upon the earth. Then all the moderate men ran together to him, weeping themselves and sharing in the grief over what had happened.

¹⁴² and considering that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives, and the children they had by them, he should not be hearkener to, he continued lying upon the ground. However, all the better sort came running to him, who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief he was under for what had been done.

¹⁴² Expecting not to be heeded if he should order them to expel their wives and the children they had by them, he just stayed there lying on the ground; but the sensible people came running to him weeping and sharing his grief at what had been done.

¹⁴³ ἀναστὰς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ὁ Ἔσδρας καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, αἰσχύνεσθα μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτὸν ἀναβλέψαι διὰ τὰ ἡμαρτημένα τῷ λαῷ, ὃς τῆς μνήμης ἐξέβαλεν τὰ τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν διὰ τὴν‎ ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν συμπεσόντα,

¹⁴³ Ezra, rising from the earth and stretching out his hands toward heaven, said he was ashamed to look up because of the sins committed by the people, who had cast out from their memory the things that befell our fathers on account of their impiety.

¹⁴³ So Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands towards heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it, because of the sins which the people had committed, while they had cast out of their memories what their fathers had undergone on account of their wickedness;

¹⁴³ Esdras rose from the ground and stretched his hands to heaven and said he was ashamed to look up toward it because of the sins among the people who had cast away all thought of what had befallen their fathers due to their wickedness.

¹⁴⁴ παρεκάλει δὲ τὸν θεὸν σπέρμα τι καὶ λείψανον ἐκ τῆς τότε συμφορᾶς αὐτῶν καὶ αἰχμαλωσίας περισώσαντα καὶ πάλιν εἰς καὶ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν γῆν ἀποκαταστήσαντα [καὶ τοὺς βασιλέας ἀναγκάσαντα] λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτῶν, καὶ συγγνωμονῆσαι τοῖς νῦν ἡμαρτημένοις, ἄξια μὲν θανάτου πεποιηκόσιν, ὂν δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ χρηστότητι καὶ τοὺς τοιούτους ἀφιέναι τῆς κολάσεως.

¹⁴⁴ He besought God—who had preserved a certain seed and remnant from their former calamity and captivity, and had restored them again to Jerusalem and their own land, and had compelled the kings of the Persians to take pity on them—to also grant forgiveness for their present sins; for though they had done things worthy of death, it was characteristic of the goodness of God to release even such as these from punishment."

¹⁴⁴ and he besought God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and to their own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to have compassion on them, that he would also forgive them their sins they had now committed, which, though they deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the punishment due to them.

¹⁴⁴ He called on God, who had saved a seed and remnant from their disastrous captivity and restored them to Jerusalem and to their own land and had made the kings of Persia to be merciful to them, to also forgive them their present sins worthy of death, yet whose punishment it was fitting for God’s goodness to set aside.

The "Constitution" of the Soul (τὴν πολιτείαν)
Josephus uses the word politeian (constitution/commonwealth) to describe the Jewish way of life. For Ezra, the law against intermarriage was not just a religious ritual but a foundational article of the state's "constitution." By marrying ἀλλοεθνεῖς (those of other nations), the people were effectively dissolving the legal and cultural boundaries that defined them as a distinct nation.

The Contamination of the Priesthood (τὸ ἱερατικὸν γένος)
The most scandalous part of the report was that the priests and Levites were involved. In the Jewish system, the priesthood was strictly hereditary. If the "priestly lineage" became συγκεχύκασιν (confounded/mixed), the entire sacrificial system of the Temple would be rendered illegitimate under the Law of Moses. This explains the intensity of Ezra's reaction.

Ezra's Performance of Grief
Josephus vividly describes Ezra’s physical mourning:

1) Rending the garment: A sign of extreme internal rending.

2) Tearing the hair and beard: A sign of shame and the loss of personal dignity.

3) Prostration: Throwing himself on the ground to show that the nation itself had fallen.

Ezra uses this public display as a form of "moral protest." He knows that a direct command might be ignored, so he uses visible suffering to prick the conscience of the "moderate men" (οἱ μέτριοι).

The Political Calculation (λογιζόμενος)
Ezra is portrayed as a realist. He calculates that he lacks the raw power to force thousands of men to abandon their families. This is a moment of "soft power"—he waits for the people to come to him in their own grief, ensuring that the eventual reform comes from a place of communal repentance rather than just a top-down decree.

The "Remnant" Theology (σπέρμα τι καὶ λείψανον)
Ezra’s prayer emphasizes the fragility of the nation. He calls them a σπέρμα (seed) and a λείψανον (remnant). The logic is simple: if God barely saved a tiny portion of the nation from Babylon, how much more dangerous is it to provoke Him now? He reminds the people that their presence in Jerusalem is a miracle "compelled" upon the Persian kings by God, and it could be retracted if they return to the old ways.

"Worthy of Death" (ἄξια μὲν θανάτου)
In the strict interpretation of the Law, the betrayal of the Covenant was a capital offense. Ezra does not sugarcoat the situation; he admits they deserve the ultimate penalty. However, he pivots to a plea for συγγνωμονῆσαι (forgiveness), basing his hope on the χρηστότητι (goodness/kindness) of God rather than any merit of the people.

¹⁴⁵ Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπαύσατο τῶν εὐχῶν· θρηνούντων δὲ πάντων, ὅσοι πρὸς αὐτὸν σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις συνῆλθον, Ἀχόνιός τις ὀνόματι πρῶτος τῶν , προσελθὼν αὐτοὺς μὲν ἁμαρτεῖν ἔλεγεν ἀλλοεθνεῖς ἐνοικισαμένους γυναῖκας, δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξορκίσαι πάντας ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτὰς καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν γεγενημένα, κολασθήσεσθαι δὲ τοὺς οὐχ ὑπακούσαντας τῷ νόμῳ.

¹⁴⁵ "And so he ceased his prayers; while all those who had gathered to him with their wives and children were wailing, a certain Achonios [Shecaniah], a leading man of Jerusalem, stepped forward and said that they had sinned by taking foreign women as residents. He persuaded Ezra to adjure them all to cast them out, along with the children born of them, and that those who did not obey the law should be punished.

¹⁴⁵ After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all those that came to him with their wives and children were under lamentation, one whose name was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came to him, and said that they had sinned in marrying strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them all to cast those wives out, and the children born of them, and that those should be punished who would not obey the law.

¹⁴⁵ With this he ceased his prayer and when all those who came to him with their wives and children joined in lamentation, a leading person from Jerusalem named Achonias came to him saying that they had sinned in marrying foreign wives, and he persuaded him to get them all to expel those wives and the children born of them and to punish any who would not obey the law.

¹⁴⁶ πεισθεὶς οὖν τούτοις ὁ Ἔζδρας ἐποίησεν ὀμόσαι τοὺς φυλάρχους τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν ΛευιτῶνLevi καὶ ἸσραηλιτῶνIsrael, Israelites ἀποπέμψασθαι τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα κατὰ τὴν‎ Ἀχονίου συμβουλίαν.	¹⁴⁶ Persuaded by these words, Ezra made the leaders of the priests, the Levites, and the Israelites swear an oath to send away the women and children according to the counsel of Achonios.
¹⁴⁶ So Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those wives and children, according to the advice of Jechonias.	¹⁴⁶ Taking this advice Esdras got the tribal heads of the priests and Levites and Israelites to swear to put away those wives and children, as Achonias advised.

¹⁴⁷ λαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ εἰς τὸ παστοφόριον τὸ ἸωάννουJohn τοῦ Ἐλιασίβου καὶ μηδενὸς ὅλως διὰ τὴν‎ λύπην γευσάμενος ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν διήγαγεν αὐτόθι.	¹⁴⁷ Having taken these oaths, he immediately went from the temple to the chamber (pastophorion) of Joannes the son of Eliasib; because of his grief, he tasted absolutely nothing and spent that entire day there.
¹⁴⁷ And when he had received their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that day.	¹⁴⁷ When he had received their oaths, he hurried from the temple to the office of Joannes, son of Eliasib and spent the day there, tasting no food whatever in his grief.

¹⁴⁸ γενομένου δὲ κηρύγματος ὥστε πάντας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας συνελθεῖν εἰς , ὡς τῶν ἐν δυσὶν ἢ τρισὶν ἡμέραις οὐκ ἀπαντησάντων ἀπαλλοτριωθησομένων τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων κρίσιν ἀφιερωθησομένης, συνῆλθον ἐκ τῆς καὶ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις εἰκάδι τοῦ ἐνάτου μηνός, ὃς κατὰ μὲν Ξένιος, κατὰ δὲ καλεῖται.

¹⁴⁸ When a proclamation was made that all those from the captivity should assemble in Jerusalem—and that those who did not appear within two or three days would be alienated from the multitude and their property confiscated as sacred for the treasury according to the judgment of the elders—those from the tribes of Judah and Benjamin assembled within three days on the twentieth of the ninth month, which is called Xenios [Chislev] by the Hebrews and Apellaios by the Macedonians.

¹⁴⁸ And when proclamation was made, that all those of the captivity should gather themselves together to Jerusalem, and those that did not meet there in two or three days should be banished from the multitude, and that their substance should b appropriated to the uses of the temple, according to the sentence of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews, is called Tebeth, and according to the Macedonians, Apelleius.

¹⁴⁸ When it was announced that all those back from the captivity must gather in Jerusalem and those who did not meet there in two or three days would be banished from the people and their property proscribed for temple use by decree of the elders, the people of the district of Judas and Benjamin gathered in three days, on the twentieth day of the ninth month, called Chasleus by the Hebrews and Apelleius by the Macedonians.

¹⁴⁹ καθισάντων δὲ ἐν τῷ ὑπαίθρῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, παρόντων ἅμα καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ κρύους ἀηδῶς διακειμένων, ἀναστὰς Ἔζδρας ᾐτιᾶτο ἐκείνους λέγων παρανομῆσαι γήμαντας οὐκ ἐξ · νῦν μέντοι γε ποιήσειν αὐτοὺς τῷ μὲν θεῷ κεχαρισμένα συμφέροντα δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀποπεμψαμένους τὰς γυναῖκας.

¹⁴⁹ As they sat in the open air of the temple, with the elders present and feeling miserable due to the biting cold, Ezra stood up and accused them, saying they had acted lawlessly by marrying those not of their own race. He told them that now, however, they would do what was pleasing to God and beneficial to themselves by sending away these women.

¹⁴⁹ Now as they were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the elders also were present, but were uneasy because of the cold, Esdras stood up and accused them, and told them that they had sinned in marrying wives that were not of their own nation; but that now they would do a thing both pleasing to God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away.

¹⁴⁹ As they sat in the upper room of the temple, with the elders who were present feeling chilled by the cold, Esdras stood up and accused them of sinning by marrying wives who were not of their own nation, but said that if they put those wives away it would be both pleasing to God and useful to themselves.

¹⁵⁰ οἱ δὲ ποιήσειν μὲν τοῦτο πάντες ἐξεβόησαν, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος εἶναι πολύ, καὶ τὴν‎ ὥραν τοῦ ἔτους χειμέριον, καὶ τὸ ἔργον οὐ μιᾶς οὐδὲ δευτέρας ἡμέρας ὑπάρχειν. ἀλλ᾽ οἵ τε ἡγεμόνες τούτοις καὶ οἱ συνοικοῦντες ταῖς ἀλλοφύλοις παραγενέσθωσαν λαβόντες χρόνον καὶ πρεσβυτέρους ἐξ οὗ ἂν θελήσωσιν

¹⁵⁰ They all cried out that they would do this, but said the multitude was large, the season of the year was wintry, and the task was not for one or even two days. Instead, let the leaders and those living with foreign women present themselves, taking time, along with elders from whatever place they chose to help oversee the crowd of those who had married.

¹⁵⁰ Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That, however, the multitude was great, and that the season of the year was winter, and that this work would require more than one or two days. "Let their rulers, therefore, [said they,] and those that have married strange wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders of every place, that are in common to estimate the number of those that have thus married, are to be there also."

¹⁵⁰ All shouted that they would do so, but said that the people were many and as the season of the year was winter this work would require more than a day or two. "So let our leaders and any who have married foreign wives, come at an appointed time and place decided by the elders, to reflect together on the number of those who have been so married."

¹⁵¹ τόπου τοὺς συνεπισκεψομένους τὸ τῶν γεγαμηκότων πλῆθος. Καὶ ταῦτα δόξαν αὐτοῖς ἀρξάμενοι τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ δεκάτου μηνὸς ἀναζητεῖν τοὺς συνοικοῦντας ταῖς ἀλλοεθνέσιν εὗρον ἕως τῆς τοῦ μηνὸς τοῦ ἐχομένου νουμηνίας ποιησάμενοι τὴν‎ πολλοὺς ἔκ τε τῶν ἐκγόνων τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν καὶ τῶν ,

¹⁵¹ This being agreed upon, they began on the new moon of the tenth month to search for those living with foreign women, and they found them, having conducted the investigation until the new moon of the following month. They found many among the descendants of Jeshua the high priest, and among the priests, Levites, and Israelites;

¹⁵¹ Accordingly, this was resolved on by them, and they began the inquiry after those that had married strange wives on the first day of the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first day of the next month, and found a great many of the posterity of Jeshua the high priest, and of the priests and Levites, and Israelites,

¹⁵¹ Once they decided this, the inquiry into those who had married foreign wives began on the first day of the tenth month and continued until the first day of the next month, and as a result many of the descendants of Joshua the high priest and of the priests and Levites and Israelites

¹⁵² οἳ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν γεγενημένα τῆς τῶν νόμων φυλακῆς ἢ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὰ φίλτρων ποιούμενοι πλείονα λόγον εὐθὺς ἐξέβαλον καὶ θυσίας ἐξευμενίζοντες τὸν θεὸν ἐπήνεγκαν κριοὺς καταθύσαντες αὐτῷ. τὰ δὲ ὀνόματα αὐτῶν λέγειν οὐκ ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι.

¹⁵² these men, making a greater account of the guarding of the laws than of their affection for their wives and children, immediately cast them out and offered rams as sacrifices to appease God. It did not seem necessary to us to state their names.

¹⁵² who had a greater regard to the observation of the law than to their natural affection, and immediately cast out their wives, and the children which were born of them. And in order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew rams, as oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of these men.

¹⁵² immediately expelled their wives and the children born of them, putting the keeping of the law above their natural affection, and to appease God they sacrificed and offered up rams. I do not think it necessary to set down the names of these men.

¹⁵³ τὸ μὲν οὖν ἁμάρτημα τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους τῶν προειρημένων οὕτως ἐπανορθώσας Ἔζδρας ἐκαθάρισεν τὴν‎ περὶ ταῦτα συνήθειαν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν τοῦ λοιποῦ μόνιμον εἶναι.	¹⁵³ Thus, having corrected the sin concerning the marriages of the aforementioned men, Ezra purified the practice regarding these things so that it remained permanent for the future."
¹⁵³ So when Esdras had reformed this sin about the marriages of the forementioned persons, he reduced that practice to purity, so that it continued in that state for the time to come.	¹⁵³ When Esdras had reformed this sin about the marriages of the people mentioned, he purified our practice in that matter for all time to come.

Achonios (Shecaniah): The Voice of the People
Josephus notes that the proposal for the mass divorce did not come from Ezra, but from a layman, Achonios. This is a crucial detail. It suggests that the reform was not a "theocratic tyranny" imposed from above, but a grassroots movement of the "moderate" and leading citizens who recognized that their national survival depended on legal distinctness.

The "Alienation" Clause (ἀπαλλοτριωθησομένων)
The assembly was enforced by a terrifying legal threat: the loss of citizenship and the confiscation of property (herem). In the Persian period, "confiscation" meant the property became sacred to the Temple treasury. This shows that the Jewish community in Jerusalem had significant internal autonomy to enforce its own civil laws with harsh economic penalties.

The Physicality of the Crisis (ὑπὸ τοῦ κρύους)
Josephus captures the human misery of the scene. It was the month of Chislev (December), and the people were sitting in the ὑπαίθρῳ (open air) trembling from the κρύους (cold/frost). This physical discomfort likely added to the somber, repentant mood. The "winter of their discontent" provided the backdrop for the most difficult legal decision in the nation's history.

Affection vs. Law (τῶν πρὸς αὐτὰ φίλτρων)
Josephus candidly acknowledges the emotional cost. He notes that the men chose the "guarding of the laws" over their φίλτρων (affections/love) for their wives and children. By using the word philtra, Josephus humanizes the situation; these were not necessarily marriages of convenience, but families being torn apart for the sake of a perceived higher national "purity."

The Three-Month Audit
The process was not a chaotic purge; it was a three-month legal investigation. By establishing a commission to "oversee the crowd," the leaders ensured that each case was reviewed. This bureaucratic approach emphasizes that the Restoration was as much about administrative records and genealogical purity as it was about religious fervor.

The "Permanent" Practice (μόνιμον)
Josephus concludes by stating that this reform made the practice of endogamy (marrying within the group) permanent. From this point forward in the Antiquities, the "mixing" with foreign nations is viewed as the primary threat to the Jewish politeia. Ezra’s reform effectively created the "social wall" that would allow the Jewish people to survive as a distinct entity through the coming Hellenistic and Roman eras.

¹⁵⁴ Τῷ δ᾽ ἑβδόμῳ μηνὶ τὴν‎ σκηνοπηγίαν ἑορτάζοντες καὶ σχεδὸν ἅπαντος τοῦ λαοῦ συνεληλυθότος ἐπ᾽ αὐτήν, ἀνελθόντες εἰς τὸ ἀνειμένον τοῦ ναοῦ πρὸς τὴν‎ πύλην τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἀνατολὴν ἀποβλέπουσαν ἐδεήθησαν τοῦ Ἔζδρα τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς ἀναγνῶναι τοὺς .

¹⁵⁴ "In the seventh month, while they were celebrating the Feast of Tabernacles (Skēnopēgia) and almost all the people had assembled for it, they went up to the open space of the temple facing the gate that looks toward the east, and they begged Ezra to read the laws of Moses to them.

¹⁵⁴ Now when they kept the feast of tabernacles in the seventh month and almost all the people were come together to it, they went up to the open part of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be read to them.

¹⁵⁴ When in the seventh month they held the festival of tents and almost all the people had gathered for it, they went up to the open part of the temple, to the eastern gate, and asked Esdras to read to them the laws of Moses.

¹⁵⁵ ὁ δὲ μέσος τοῦ πλήθους σταθεὶς ἀνέγνω καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησεν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας ἕως μεσημβρίας· οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἀναγινωσκομένων τῶν νόμων δίκαιοι μὲν πρὸς τὸ παρὸν καὶ τὸ μέλλον ἐδιδάσκοντο εἶναι, περὶ δὲ τῶν παρῳχημένων ἐδυσφόρουν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ δακρύειν προήχθησαν ἐνθυμούμενοι πρὸς αὑτούς, ὅτι μηδὲν ἂν τῶν πεπειραμένων κακῶν ἔπαθον, εἰ τὸν νόμον διεφύλαττον.

¹⁵⁵ Standing in the midst of the multitude, he read, and he did this from daybreak until noon. Those who heard the laws being read were taught to be righteous for the present and the future, but they were distressed regarding the past and were moved even to tears, reflecting within themselves that they would have suffered none of the evils they had experienced if they had kept the law.

¹⁵⁵ Accordingly, he stood in the midst of the multitude and read them; and this he did from morning to noon. Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were instructed to be righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for their past offenses, they were displeased at themselves, and proceeded to shed tears on their account, as considering with themselves that if they had kept the law, they had endured none of these miseries which they had experienced.

¹⁵⁵ He stood among the people and read them, doing so from morning to noon. On hearing the laws read to them, they were taught to be righteous for the present and for the future, and were displeased with their past offences and even shed tears on account of them, considering that they would have suffered none of the woes they had experienced, if they had kept the law.

¹⁵⁶ ὁ δὲ Ἔζδρας οὕτως ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς ἔχοντας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι πρὸς αὑτοὺς καὶ μὴ δακρύειν· εἶναι γὰρ ἑορτὴν καὶ μὴ δεῖν ἐν αὐτῇ κρέας· οὐ γὰρ ἐξεῖναι· προυτρέπετο δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς εὐωχίαν ὁρμήσαντας ποιεῖν τὰ πρόσφορα τῇ ἑορτῇ καὶ κεχαρισμένα, καὶ τὴν‎ μετάνοιαν καὶ λύπην τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ἐξημαρτημένοις ἀσφάλειάν τε ἕξειν καὶ φυλακὴν τοῦ μηδὲν ὅμοιον συμπεσεῖν.

¹⁵⁶ When Ezra saw them in this state, he commanded them to go to their homes and not to weep; for he said it was a festival and they should not cry during it—indeed, it was not permitted. Instead, he urged them to turn toward feasting and to perform the acts appropriate and pleasing for the festival, and that their repentance and grief over their past sins would serve as a security and a guard against anything similar happening again.

¹⁵⁶ But when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he bade them go home, and not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to do. He exhorted them rather to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to let their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security and a guard to them, that they fell no more into the like offenses.

¹⁵⁶ When Esdras saw them in this mood he bade them go home and dry their tears, since it was a festival when it was wrong to weep and they ought not do so. He urged them rather to proceed with celebrating and do what was suitable to a feast and a day of joy, but to let their repentance and sorrow about their former sins be a warning to safeguard them from again falling into similar offences.

¹⁵⁷ οἱ δὲ ταῦτα Ἔζδρα παραινοῦντος ἑορτάζειν ἤρξαντο καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα μετὰ ὕμνων τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως τῶν περὶ τὸ πολίτευμα παρανομηθέντων Ἔζδρᾳ χάριν εἰδότες.

¹⁵⁷ Following Ezra's exhortation, they began to celebrate; and having done this for eight days in their booths (skēnais), they returned to their own homes with hymns to God, feeling grateful to Ezra for the correction of the lawless acts committed regarding the constitution.

¹⁵⁷ So upon Esdras’s exhortation they began to feast; and when they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they departed to their own homes, singing hymns to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what corruptions had been introduced into their settlement.

¹⁵⁷ So at the urging of Esdras they began to feast, and having done so in their tents for eight days, they departed to their homes, singing hymns to God and thanking Esdras for his reforming the abuses that had crept into their way of life.

¹⁵⁸ ᾧ συνέβη μετὰ τὴν‎ παρὰ τῷ λαῷ δόξαν γηραιῷ τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον καὶ ταφῆναι μετὰ πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐν . ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ Ἰωακείμου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀποθανόντος παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ Ἐλεάσιβος τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην διεδέξατο.

¹⁵⁸ After enjoying such fame among the people, it happened that he ended his life at an old age and was buried with great honor in Jerusalem. Around this same time, the high priest Joakeimos also died, and his son Eliasib succeeded to the high priesthood."

¹⁵⁸ So it came to pass, that after he had obtained this reputation among the people, he died an old man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it happened also that Joacim, the high priest, died; and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.

¹⁵⁸ So it was that after gaining this reputation among the people, he died an old man and was buried with full honours in Jerusalem. About the same time it happened also that Joakeim the high priest died, and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.

The Power of Public Literacy
Josephus depicts the Law not as a secret priestly manual, but as a public constitution. The people ἐδεήθησαν (begged/entreated) Ezra to read it. This transition—where the common people demand access to the text—is the birth of "The People of the Book." The location, the "open space" (aneimenon) near the Water Gate, was a secular area, emphasizing that the Law belongs to the streets as much as the sanctuary.

Cognitive Dissonance and Collective Trauma
The people's reaction is a fascinating psychological study. As they hear the Law, they realize their history was an "avoidable tragedy." Josephus notes they were moved to tears because they connected their current poverty and recent exile directly to their ancestors' ἀσέβειαν (impiety). The reading of the Law acted as a mirror, forcing a traumatic national self-reflection.

The Liturgy of Joy (μὴ δεῖν ἐν αὐτῇ κλαίειν)
Ezra introduces a revolutionary theological concept: Joy is a legal obligation. On a festival (Heortē), mourning is "not permitted" (ou gar exeinai). He reframes "repentance" (metanoia) not as perpetual sorrow, but as a "security guard" (phylakēn) for the future. By eating and drinking, the people were essentially celebrating their new "insurance policy" against further exile.

The Sukkot Connection
The Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) was the perfect setting for this. Living in booths commemorated the wilderness wandering. By re-establishing this feast, Ezra helped the returnees see their journey from Babylon as a "New Exodus," validating their identity as the true heirs of Moses.

Ezra as the "Second Moses"
Josephus grants Ezra an ending usually reserved for kings or patriarchs: he dies γηραιῷ (at a ripe old age) and is buried with πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας (great honor). While the Bible is silent on Ezra's death, Josephus records a tradition that he was buried in Jerusalem, cementing his status as the architect of the Second Temple's social and legal order.

The Transition of Leadership
The passage concludes with the death of the High Priest Joakeimos and the succession of Eliasib. This signals the start of a new era. Ezra had "corrected" the constitution, but it would fall to the next generation—and a new leader named Nehemiah—to provide the physical security (the walls) to match Ezra's spiritual security (the Law).

¹⁵⁹ Τῶν δ᾽ αἰχμαλωτισθέντων τις οἰνοχόος τοῦ βασιλέως ὄνομα περιπατῶν πρὸ τῆς μητροπόλεως τῶν Σούσων, ξένων τινῶν ἀπὸ μακρᾶς ὁδοιπορίας εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν εἰσιόντων ἐπακούσας ἑβραιστὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλούντων προσελθὼν αὐτοῖς ἐπυνθάνετο, πόθεν εἶεν παραγενόμενοι.

¹⁵⁹ "One of the Jewish captives, a cupbearer to King Xerxes named Nehemiah, was walking in front of the Persian capital, Susa, when he overheard some strangers entering the city after a long journey speaking to one another in Hebrew. Approaching them, he inquired from where they had come.

¹⁵⁹ Now there was one of those Jews that had been carried captive who was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he heard some strangers that were entering the city, after a long journey, speaking to one another in the Hebrew tongue; so he went to them, and asked them whence they came.

¹⁵⁹ One of the captive Jews called Nehemias, a cup-bearer to king Xerxes, was walking outside of Susa, the Persian capital, and heard some strangers who were entering the city after a long journey, speaking to each other in the Hebrew tongue, so he went to them and asked them where they came from.

¹⁶⁰ ἀποκριναμένων δ᾽ ἥκειν ἐκ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea, πῶς αὐτῶν ἔχει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἡ μητρόπολις ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem, πάλιν ἤρξατο πυνθάνεσθαι.	¹⁶⁰ When they replied that they came from Judea, he began to ask again how the people and the capital city, Jerusalem, were faring.
¹⁶⁰ And when their answer was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire of them again in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Jerusalem was;	¹⁶⁰ When they replied that they came from Judea, he went on to ask how the people there were faring and about their capital, Jerusalem.

¹⁶¹ κακῶς δ᾽ ἔχειν εἰπόντων, καθῃρῆσθαι γὰρ εἰς ἔδαφος τὰ τείχη καὶ τὰ περὶ ἔθνη πολλὰ διατιθέναι κακὰ τοὺς , ἡμέρας μὲν κατατρεχόντων τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ διαρπαζόντων, τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς κακῶς ἀπεργαζομένων, ὡς πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς χώρας καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν αἰχμαλώτους ἀπῆχθαι καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς πλήρεις εὑρίσκεσθαι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν νεκρῶν,

¹⁶¹ They said that things were in a bad state; for the walls had been razed to the ground, and the surrounding nations were inflicting many evils upon the Jews, overrunning the country and plundering by day, and working mischief by night—so that many had been carried away captive from the countryside and from Jerusalem itself, and the roads were found daily to be full of corpses.

¹⁶¹ and when they replied that they were in a bad state for that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the neighboring nations did a great deal of mischief to the Jews, while in the day time they overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the night did them mischief, insomuch that not a few were led away captive out of the country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the day time found full of dead men.

¹⁶¹ They replied that they were doing badly for their walls had been thrown to the ground and that the neighbouring nations were badly damaging the Jews, overrunning and pillaging the country by daytime and doing further harm in the night, so that not a few were led away as prisoners from the country and from Jerusalem itself and that even every day the roads were found full of corpses.

¹⁶² ἐδάκρυσεν ὁ ΝεεμίαςNehemiah ἐλεήσας τῆς συμφορᾶς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους, καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, " ἄχρι τίνος, εἶπεν, ὦ δέσποτα, περιόψει ταῦτα πάσχον τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν οὕτως ἅρπαγμα	¹⁶² Nehemiah wept, pitying the misfortune of his kinsmen; and looking up to heaven, he said, 'How long, O Master, will You overlook our nation suffering these things, having thus become the prey and spoil of all?'
¹⁶² Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said, "How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it suffers so great miseries, and while we are made the prey and spoil of all men?"	¹⁶² At this Nehemias shed tears of pity for the troubles of his countrymen, and looking up to heaven he said, "How long, O Lord, will you ignore that our nation suffers such woes and we are made the booty and spoil of all?"

¹⁶³ πάντων καὶ λάφυρον γενόμενον; διατρίβοντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τῇ πύλῃ καὶ ταῦτα ἀποδυρομένου προελθών τις ἤγγειλεν αὐτῷ μέλλειν ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ὡς εἶχεν μηδὲ ἀπολουσάμενος διακονήσων ἔσπευσεν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῦ πότου διακονίαν.

¹⁶³ While he was lingering near the gate and lamenting these things, someone came and told him that the king was already about to recline [for dinner]. Just as he was, without even washing himself, he hurried to serve the king his drink at the banquet.

¹⁶³ And while he staid at the gate, and lamented thus, one told him that the king was going to sit down to supper; so he made haste, and went as he was, without wishing himself, to minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer.

¹⁶³ While he stayed at the gate, grieving, someone told him that the king was going to sit down to supper, so he hurried and went as he was, without even washing, to minister to the king as cup-bearer.

¹⁶⁴ ὡς δὲ μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ὁ βασιλεὺς διεχύθη καὶ ἡδίων αὑτοῦ γενόμενος ἀπέβλεψεν εἰς τὸν Νεεμίαν, κατεσκυθρωπακότα θεασάμενος, διὰ τί κατηφὴς εἴη ἀνέκρινεν.	¹⁶⁴ After dinner, when the king was in a relaxed and more pleasant mood, he looked at Nehemiah; observing that he was looking gloomy, he asked why he was downcast.
¹⁶⁴ But as the king was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful than usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and seeing him look sad, he asked him why he was sad.	¹⁶⁴ Now as the king was more cheerful and pleasant after supper than usual, he looked at Nehemias and seeing him look so depressed, he asked him why he was so down.

¹⁶⁵ ὁ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ δεηθεὶς χάριν τινὰ καὶ πειθὼ παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ λέγοντι, " πῶς, φησίν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, δύναμαί σοι μὴ βλέπεσθαι τοιοῦτος μηδὲ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀλγεῖν, ὅπου τῆς πατρίδος μου , ἐν ᾗ τάφοι καὶ μνήματα προγόνων τῶν ἐμῶν εἰσιν, ἀκούω βεβλῆσθαι κατὰ τῆς γῆς τὰ τείχη καὶ τὰς πύλας ἐμπεπρησμένας αὐτῆς; ἀλλὰ χάρισαί μοι πορευθέντι τὸ τεῖχος ἀνεγεῖραι καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸ λεῖπον προσοικοδομῆσαι.

¹⁶⁵ Nehemiah, having prayed to God to grant him some grace and persuasion in his speech, said, 'How, O King, can I not appear this way to you or feel pain in my soul, when I hear that the walls of my homeland, Jerusalem—where the tombs and monuments of my ancestors are—have been thrown to the ground and its gates burned? Grant me the favor of going there to raise up the wall and finish building what is lacking in the temple.'

¹⁶⁵ Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favor, and afford him the power of persuading by his words, and said, "How can I, O king, appear otherwise than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepulchers of my fathers, are thrown down to the ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire? But do thou grant me the favor to go and build its wall, and to finish the building of the temple."

¹⁶⁵ Praying for God’s favour to grant him the power of persuading by his words he said, "My king, how can I look otherwise and not be troubled while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city containing the burial vaults of my fathers, are flattened to the ground and that its gates have been burned down? Please allow me to go and raise the wall and to finish the building of the temple."

¹⁶⁶ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διδόναι τε τὴν‎ δωρεὰν κατένευσεν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας κομίσαι γράμματα, ὅπως τιμῆς τε αὐτὸν ἀξιώσωσι καὶ πᾶσαν παράσχωσιν χορηγίαν εἰς ἅπερ βούλεται. " πέπαυσο δή, φησί, λυπούμενος καὶ χαίρων ἡμῖν τοῦ λοιποῦ διακόνει.

¹⁶⁶ The king nodded his assent to grant the gift and to give him letters to carry to the satraps, so that they might treat him with honor and provide every supply for whatever he wished. 'Cease being grieved, then,' he said, 'and serve us with joy from now on.'

¹⁶⁶ Accordingly, the king gave him a signal that he freely granted him what he asked; and told him that he should carry an epistle to the governors, that they might pay him due honor, and afford him whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. "Leave off thy sorrow then," said the king, "and be cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter."

¹⁶⁶ The king freely granted him what he asked, and told him to carry a letter to the satraps, who would pay him due honour and grant him whatever help he required. "Give up your sorrow then," said he, "and in future be cheerful in carrying out your duties."

¹⁶⁷ ὁ μὲν οὖν προσκυνήσας τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ὑποσχέσεως εὐχαριστήσας τὸ κατηφὲς τοῦ προσώπου καὶ συγκεχυμένον ἀπεκάθηρεν τῇ περὶ τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων ἡδονῇ. καλέσας δὲ αὐτὸν τῇ ἐπιούσῃ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ πρὸς Ἀδδαῖον ἐπιστολὴν κομίσαι τὸν τῆς καὶ καὶ ἔπαρχον, ἐν ᾗ περὶ τε τῆς τιμῆς τοῦ Νεεμίου καὶ χορηγίας τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν ἐπεστάλκει.

¹⁶⁷ Nehemiah, having worshipped God and thanked the king for the promise, cleared the gloom and confusion from his face through the pleasure of what had been promised. Calling him the next day, the king gave him a letter to carry to Addaios, the governor of Syria, Phoenicia, and Samaria, in which he had sent orders concerning the honor of Nehemiah and the supplies for the building."

¹⁶⁷ So Nehemiah worshipped God, and gave the king thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from the king’s promises. Accordingly, the king called for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to pay due honor to Nehemiah, and to supply him with what he wanted for his building.

¹⁶⁷ So Nehemias worshipped God and thanked the king for his promise and his sad, overshadowed face cheered up, in his pleasure at what the king had promised. Next day the king called for him and gave him a letter to be brought to Adeus, the ruler of Syria and Phoenicia and Samaria instructing him to pay due honour to Nehemias and to supply him for his building project.

Susa: The Heart of the Empire
Josephus sets the scene in Susa (Shushan), the winter palace of the Persian kings. The detail of Nehemiah overhearing "Hebrew" (ἑβραϊστὶ) spoken in a foreign capital highlights the connectivity of the Jewish Diaspora. It suggests that even in the heart of Persia, a distinct linguistic identity remained a "signal" that could connect a high official to a dusty traveler.

The "Failed" Restoration
This passage reveals a grim reality: though the Temple was built (under Ezra and Zerubbabel), the city was a security nightmare. Without walls, Jerusalem was a "soft target." Josephus’s description is visceral—roads full of corpses (νεκρῶν) and nightly raids. This underscores Nehemiah’s mission as one of civilian protection and urban renewal, not just religious ritual.

The Protocol of the Cupbearer (οἰνοχόος)
The role of cupbearer was one of extreme trust; he was the final line of defense against poisoning. Nehemiah’s breach of protocol—appearing before the king unwashed (μηδὲ ἀπολουσάμενος) and visibly sad (κατεσκυθρωπακότα)—was technically a capital offense. Kings demanded an atmosphere of perpetual joy. Nehemiah’s "gloomy face" was a high-stakes gamble that used his personal relationship with the king to bypass the bureaucracy.

Ancestral Tombs as Diplomatic Leverage
Nehemiah does not appeal to the king on the basis of Jewish theology, but on the basis of ancestral tombs (τάφοι καὶ μνήματα προγόνων). In the ancient world, and specifically to the Persians, the desecration of a city containing one's father's graves was a universally recognized cause for grief. Nehemiah chose a "language of honor" that the Persian King would intuitively respect.

The Architecture of Authority
Nehemiah asks to "raise up the wall" and finish "what is lacking" in the Temple. This confirms that the Second Temple was functional but likely lacked the defensive enclosures and grand porticoes that required official state military authorization to build.

Addaios and the Regional Power Shift
The king sends a letter to Addaios (the biblical Rehum or a similar official). By making Nehemiah a royal envoy with a "blank check" for supplies, the king effectively promoted a Jewish captive to a position of authority over the very governors who had been harassing the Jews.

¹⁶⁸ Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ἐθελοντὶ ἀκολουθοῦντας αὐτῷ παραλαβὼν ἧκεν εἰς πέμπτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη βασιλεύοντος , καὶ δείξας τῷ θεῷ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδίδωσιν τῷ Ἀδδαίῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπάρχοις, καὶ συγκαλέσας πάντα τὸν λαὸν εἰς στὰς ἐν μέσῳ τῷ ἱερῷ τοιούτους ἐποιήσατο πρὸς αὐτὸν τοὺς λόγους·

¹⁶⁸ "Having arrived in Babylon and taken with him many of his kinsmen who followed him voluntarily, he reached Jerusalem in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. After presenting the letters to God, he delivered them to Addaios and the other governors; then, having summoned all the people to Jerusalem and standing in the midst of the temple, he addressed them with these words:

¹⁶⁸ Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many of his countrymen, who voluntarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. And when he had shown the epistles to God he gave them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple, and made the following speech to them:

¹⁶⁸ He went to Babylon and took with him many of his countrymen, who followed him willingly, and came to Jerusalem in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. When he had shown the letters to God he gave them to Adeus and to the other officers. Then he called together all the people to Jerusalem and stood in the middle of the temple and made the following speech to them:

¹⁶⁹ " ἄνδρες , τὸν μὲν θεὸν ἴστε μνήμῃ τῶν πατέρων Ἀβράμου καὶ καὶ παραμένοντα καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐκείνων δικαιοσύνης οὐκ ἐγκαταλείποντα τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν πρόνοιαν· ἀμέλει συνήργησέν μοι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως λαβεῖν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως ὑμῶν τὸ τεῖχος ἀναστήσω καὶ τὸ λείψανον τοῦ ἱεροῦ τελειώσω.

¹⁶⁹ 'Men of Judea, you know that God remains mindful of our fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and through their righteousness, He does not abandon His providence over you. Indeed, He has assisted me in obtaining authority from the king so that I may raise up your wall and finish what remains of the temple.

¹⁶⁹ "You know, O Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually, and for the sake of their righteousness hath not left off the care of you. Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this authority of the king to raise up our wall, and finish what is wanting of the temple.

¹⁶⁹ "My dear Jews, you know that God has continually kept in mind our fathers Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, and for the sake of their righteousness has not abandoned his care for you; so he has helped me to gain authority from the king to raise up our wall and finish the rest of the temple.

¹⁷⁰ βούλομαι δ᾽ ὑμᾶς τὴν‎ τῶν γειτονευόντων ἡμῖν ἐθνῶν δυσμένειαν σαφῶς εἰδότας, καὶ ὅτι πρὸς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν, εἰ μάθοιεν περὶ ταύτην ἡμᾶς φιλοτιμουμένους, ἐνστήσονται καὶ πολλὰ πραγματεύσονται πρὸς αὐτὴν ἡμῖν ἐμπόδια,

¹⁷⁰ But I wish you—knowing clearly the hostility of the nations neighboring us, and that they will set themselves against the building if they learn we are zealous for it, and will engineer many obstacles against us—

¹⁷⁰ I desire you, therefore who well know the ill-will our neighboring nations bear to us, and that when once they are made sensible that we are in earnest about building, they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of obstructing our works,

¹⁷⁰ Well aware of the ill-will our neighbouring nations bear to us and how once they learn that we are in earnest about building they will come here and seek to obstruct our work in many ways, I want you,

¹⁷¹ θαρρεῖν μὲν τῷ θεῷ πρῶτον ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἀπέχθειανhatred στησομένους, μήτε δ᾽ ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς αὐτοὺς ἀνιέναι τῆς οἰκοδομίας, ἀλλὰ πάσῃ‎ σπουδῇ χρωμένους συνέχειν τὸ ἔργον,	¹⁷¹ to trust first in God as those who will stand firm against their hatred, and to never let up from the building either by day or by night, but using every haste to persevere in the work, for the time is opportune.'
¹⁷¹ that you will, in the first place, put your trust in God, as in him that will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit building neither night nor day, but to use all diligence, and to hasten on the work, now we have this especial opportunity for it."	¹⁷¹ first, to trust in God, who will help us against their hatred and not to pause in the construction work by night or day, but be diligent and press on with the work, now we have this special opportunity for it."

¹⁷² ὥς γε καιρὸς ἴδιός ἐστιν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς τοὺς ἄρχοντας μετρῆσαι τὸ τεῖχος καὶ διανεῖμαι τὴν‎ ἐργασίαν αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ λαῷ κατὰ κώμας τε καὶ πόλεις κατὰ τὸ ἑκάστοις δυνατόν, ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν συλλήψεσθαι πρὸς τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν διέλυσε τὴν‎ ἐκκλησίαν.

¹⁷² Having said this, he immediately ordered the leaders to measure the wall and to distribute the labor of it to the people according to villages and cities as each was able; promising that he himself, along with his own servants, would assist in the building, he dismissed the assembly.

¹⁷² When he had said this, he gave order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work of it among the people, according to their villages and cities, as every one’s ability should require. And when he had added this promise, that he himself, with his servants, would assist them, he dissolved the assembly.

¹⁷² Saying this, he commanded the leaders to measure the wall and divide among the people the work on it, by villages and cities and according to each one’s ability; and promising that he himself and his servants would help them, he dissolved the assembly.

¹⁷³ καὶ οἱ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον παρεσκευάζοντο. ἐκλήθησαν δὲ τὸ ὄνομα ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας ἐκ ἀνέβησαν ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς, ἧς πρώτης ἐλθούσης εἰς ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους αὐτοί τε καὶ ἡ χώρα τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν αὐτοῖς μετέλαβον.

¹⁷³ And the Jews prepared themselves for the work. They have been called by this name [Jews] from the day they came up from Babylon, derived from the tribe of Judah; since that tribe was the first to come to those places, both they and the country took their name from it."

¹⁷³ So the Jews prepared for the work: that is the name they are called by from the day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first to these places, and thence both they and the country gained that appellation.

¹⁷³ So the Jews prepared for the work; and from the day when they returned from Babylon they have been called by this name, derived from the tribe of Judas which first came to these places, and both the people and the district were named after it.

The "Twenty-Fifth Year" Chronology
Josephus dates Nehemiah’s arrival to the 25th year of Xerxes (approx. 460 BCE). In the biblical account (Nehemiah 2:1), it is the 20th year of Artaxerxes. Josephus frequently harmonizes Persian kings with the Greek historical tradition he was writing for, but the essential point remains: Nehemiah arrives more than a decade after Ezra, finding a city still physically vulnerable.

Presenting Letters "to God"
A beautiful detail Josephus includes is that Nehemiah "showed the letters to God" (δείξας τῷ θεῷ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς) before delivering them to the Persian governors. This ritual suggests that Nehemiah viewed the King’s decree not just as a political document, but as a fulfilled promise from the Almighty. It was a "dedication of the permit" before the start of the work.

The Psychology of Mobilization
Nehemiah’s speech is a classic "Call to Action." He balances three things:

1) The Theological Foundation: Invoking the Patriarchs (Abraham, Isaac, Jacob) to prove that the work is divinely sanctioned.

2) The Realistic Threat: He warns them of the δυσμένειαν (hostility) of their neighbors. He knows that as soon as the first stone is laid, the Samaritans and Ammonites will attack.

3) The Urgent Tempo: He demands work "day and night" (μήτε δʼ ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς). Speed was their only defense; they had to close the gaps in the wall before the enemy could organize a formal military intervention.

Logistics: The Division of Labor
Nehemiah’s brilliance was administrative. He didn't just tell them to "build"; he ordered the leaders to measure the wall and distribute the labor according to villages and cities. This "sector-by-sector" approach (detailed in Nehemiah 3) gave every family a personal stake in the section of the wall nearest their own home or interest.

Leadership by Example
Nehemiah promises that he and his οἰκετῶν (household servants/retinue) will work alongside the people. In the ancient world, high-ranking Persian officials rarely engaged in manual labor. By "getting his hands dirty," Nehemiah bridged the gap between the imperial elite and the local Judeans, preventing resentment and boosting morale.

The Etymology of "Jew" (Ἰουδαῖοι)
Josephus provides a significant historical note at the end of this passage. He explains that the term "Jew" (Ioudaios) specifically became the national descriptor after the return from Babylon. Prior to the exile, they were "Israelites" or "Hebrews." Because the Tribe of Judah dominated the return and the resettlement of the region, the entire nation—regardless of their original tribal affiliation—took on the name of Judah.

¹⁷⁴ Ἀκούσαντες δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν τειχῶν οἰκοδομὴν σπευδομένην καὶ καὶ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ [ ] νεμόμενοι χαλεπῶς ἔφερον καὶ διετέλουν ἐπιβουλὰς αὐτοῖς συντιθέντες τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἐμποδίζοντες, πολλούς τε τῶν ἀπέκτειναν καὶ αὐτὸν ἐζήτουν τὸν Νεεμίαν διαφθεῖραι μισθούμενοί τινας τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, ἵν᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνέλωσιν.

¹⁷⁴ "When the Ammonites, Moabites, Samaritans, and all those inhabiting Coele-Syria heard that the building of the walls was proceeding with haste, they were deeply resentful and continually devised plots to hinder their purpose. They killed many of the Jews and sought to destroy Nehemiah himself by hiring certain foreigners to assassinate him.

¹⁷⁴ But now when the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Celesyria, heard that the building went on apace, they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, and to hinder their intentions.

¹⁷⁴ When the Ammanites and Moabites and Samaritans and all who lived in Coele-Syria heard how the building was going on apace, they were angry and proceeded to plot against them and hinder their plans. Indeed they killed many of the Jews and sought to destroy Nehemias himself, by hiring some foreigners to kill him.

¹⁷⁵ εἰς φόβον δὲ καὶ ταραχὴν αὐτοὺς ἐνέβαλλον καὶ φήμας αὐτοῖς διέστελλον ὡς πολλῶν ἐπιστρατεύειν αὐτοῖς μελλόντων ἐθνῶν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐκταρασσόμενοι μικροῦ τῆς οἰκοδομίας ἀπέστησανto mislead, rebel.	¹⁷⁵ "When the Ammonites, Moabites, Samaritans, and all those inhabiting Coele-Syria heard that the building of the walls was proceeding with haste, they were deeply resentful and continually devised plots to hinder their purpose. They killed many of the Jews and sought to destroy Nehemiah himself by hiring certain foreigners to assassinate him.
¹⁷⁵ They also slew many of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy Nehemiah himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad rumors, as if many nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building.	¹⁷⁵ They caused fear and trouble to the Jews and spread a rumour that many nations were ready to invade them, so that they were harassed and had almost abandoned the building.

¹⁷⁶ τὸν δὲ Νεεμίαν οὐδὲν τούτων ἐξέστησεν τῆς σπουδῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ στῖφός τι φυλακῆς ἕνεκα τοῦ σώματος περιβαλλόμενος ἀτρύτως ὑπέμενεν, ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ ἔργον ἐπιθυμίας ἀναισθητῶν καὶ τῆς ταλαιπωρίας. οὕτως δὲ καὶ συντεταμένως καὶ προνοητικῶς αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς σωτηρίας εἶχεν οὐχὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θάνατον, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένος, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ τελευτὴν οὐκέτ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς πολίταις ἀναστήσεται τὰ τείχη.

¹⁷⁶ Yet none of these things caused Nehemiah to deviate from his zeal for the work; instead, surrounding himself with a bodyguard for the protection of his person, he endured tirelessly, becoming insensible to both his desires and his hardships because of his passion for the task. Thus, he was intensely and providently concerned for his safety—not because he feared death, but because he was convinced that after his death, the walls would never again be raised up for his fellow citizens.

¹⁷⁶ But none of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent about the work; he only set a number of men about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect this work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast, take care of his own safety; not that he feared death, but of this persuasion, that if he were dead, the walls for his citizens would never be raised.

¹⁷⁶ But none of these things could deter Nehemiah’s zeal for the work. Setting a number of men around him as a bodyguard he tirelessly persevered, heedless of drudgery in his desire to complete the work. With attention foresight he also took care of his own safety, not out of fear of death, but from this persuasion that if he died the walls would never be raised for his citizens.

¹⁷⁷ ἐκέλευσεν δὲ ἑξῆς τοὺς οἰκοδομοῦντας ὅπλα περιζωννυμένους ἐργάζεσθαι, καὶ ὁ μὲν οἰκοδόμος μάχαιραν εἶχεν καὶ ὁ τὴν‎ ὕλην παρακομίζων, θυρεοὺς δ᾽ ἔγγιστα αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν κεῖσθαι καὶ σαλπιγκτὰς ἀπὸ πεντακοσίων ἔστησεν ποδῶν προστάξας, ἂν ἐπιφανῶσιν οἱ πολέμιοι, τοῦτο σημῆναι τῷ λαῷ, ἵν᾽ ὁπλισάμενοι μάχωνται καὶ μὴ γυμνοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπέσωσιν.

¹⁷⁷ He then ordered the builders to work girded with weapons; the mason had his sword, as did the one carrying the materials, and he ordered shields to be placed very near them. He stationed trumpeters at intervals of five hundred feet, commanding them that if the enemy appeared, they should signal the people so that they might arm themselves and fight, rather than having the enemy fall upon them while they were unarmed.

¹⁷⁷ He also gave orders that the builders should keep their ranks, and have their armor on while they were building. Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well as he that brought the materials for building. He also appointed that their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their enemies appeared, they should give notice of it to the people, that they might fight in their armor, and their enemies might not fall upon them naked.

¹⁷⁷ He ordered the builders to wear their armour in future while they were building, so that both the bricklayer and the one bringing the building materials wore their swords. He also directed them to keep their shields near them, and placed trumpeters every five hundred feet with orders to give notification to the people if their enemies appeared, to have them armed for the fight and not let their enemies attack them unprotected.

¹⁷⁸ αὐτὸς δὲ νύκτωρ περιήρχετο τῆς πόλεως τὸν κύκλον οὐδὲν κάμνων οὔτε τοῖς ἔργοις οὔτε τῇ διαίτῃ οὔτε τοῖς ὕπνοις· οὐδενὶ γὰρ τούτων πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἀνάγκην ἐχρῆτο.	¹⁷⁸ He himself went around the circuit of the city by night, never wearying of the work, the diet, or the lack of sleep; for he used none of these for pleasure, but only by necessity.
¹⁷⁸ He also went about the compass of the city by night, being never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity.	¹⁷⁸ He also went about the whole of the city by night, undaunted either by the work itself or about his own diet and sleep, for he used things not for mere pleasure but only as needed.

¹⁷⁹ καὶ ταύτην ὑπέμεινε τὴν‎ ταλαιπωρίαν ἐπὶ ἔτη δύο καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας· ἐν τούτῳ γὰρ τῷ χρόνῳ τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἀνῳκοδομήθη τὸ τεῖχος, ὀγδόῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ τῆς ΞέρξουXerxes βασιλείας ἔτει μηνὶ ἐνάτῳ.	¹⁷⁹ He endured this hardship for two years and four months; for in this time, the wall was rebuilt for Jerusalem, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month.
¹⁷⁹ And this trouble he underwent for two years and four months; for in so long a time was the wall built, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month.	¹⁷⁹ He bore this drudgery for two years and four months, for by then the wall was completed, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month.

¹⁸⁰ τέλος δὲ τῶν τειχῶν λαβόντων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἔθυσαν τῷ θεῷ ὑπὲρ τῆς τούτων οἰκοδομίας καὶ διῆγον ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ εὐωχούμενοι. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἔθνη τὰ ἐν τῇ κατῳκημένα τῆς τῶν τειχῶν οἰκοδομίας πέρας ἔχειν ἀκουσθείσης ἐδυσφόρει.

¹⁸⁰ When the walls were completed, Nehemiah and the multitude sacrificed to God for their construction and spent eight days feasting. The nations dwelling in Syria, however, were distressed when they heard the building of the walls had reached its end.

¹⁸⁰ Now when the walls were finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of them, and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it.

¹⁸⁰ When the walls were complete, Nehemias and the people offered sacrifices to God for their building and went on feasting for eight days. But when the nations which lived in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, it angered them.

¹⁸¹ δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὁρῶν ὀλιγανθρωπουμένην τοὺς ἱερεῖς τε καὶ παρεκάλεσεν τὴν‎ χώραν ἐκλιπόντας μετελθεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ μένειν ἐν αὐτῇ κατασκευάσας τὰς οἰκίας αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ·

¹⁸¹ Nehemiah, seeing the city was underpopulated, urged the priests and Levites who had left the countryside to move to the city and remain in it, preparing houses for them at his own expense.

¹⁸¹ But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and he built them houses at his own expenses;

¹⁸¹ When Nehemias saw the city lacking in population he urged the priests and Levites to leave the country and move to live in the city, where he built them houses at his own expense.

¹⁸² τόν τε γεωργοῦντα λαὸν τὰς δεκάτας τῶν καρπῶν ἐκέλευσε φέρειν εἰς , ἵνα τρέφεσθαι διηνεκῶς ἔχοντες οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ μὴ καταλείπωσι τὴν‎ θρησκείαν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡδέως ὑπήκουσαν οἷς διετάξατο, πολυανθρωποτέραν δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν οὕτως συνέβη γενέσθαι.

¹⁸² He also ordered the farming people to bring the tithes of their produce to Jerusalem, so that the priests and Levites, having a constant means of support, might not abandon the religious service. They gladly obeyed Nehemiah’s regulations, and thus it happened that the city of the Jerusalemites became more populous.

¹⁸² and he commanded that part of the people which were employed in cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually, might not leave the divine worship; who willingly hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than it was before.

¹⁸² He directed the farmers among the people to bring the tithes of their crops to Jerusalem, so that the priests and Levites would always have something to live on and not abandon the divine worship. These willingly did as Nehemias directed, so that the city of Jerusalem came to be more populous than before.

¹⁸³ πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα καλὰ καὶ ἄξια φιλοτιμησάμενος ὁ ἐτελεύτησεν εἰς γῆρας ἀφικόμενος. Ἀνὴρ δὲ ἐγένετο χρηστὸς τὴν‎ φύσιν καὶ δίκαιος καὶ περὶ τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς φιλοτιμότατος, μνημεῖον αἰώνιον αὐτῷ καταλιπὼν τὰ τῶν τείχη. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ βασιλέως ἐγένετο.

¹⁸³ After accomplishing many other noble and praiseworthy things, Nehemiah died, having reached an old age. He was a man good by nature and just, and most zealous for his kinsmen, leaving the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument to himself. These things, then, occurred during the time of King Xerxes."

¹⁸³ So when Nehemiah had done many other excellent things, and things worthy of commendation, in a glorious manner, he came to a great age, and then died. He was a man of a good and righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make his own nation happy; and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. Now this was done in the days of Xerxes.

¹⁸³ After nobly achieving many other excellent and commendable things, Nehemias died at a great age. By temperament he was good and just and most eager for the prospering of his own nation and he has left himself an eternal monument in the walls of Jerusalem. This all happened in the days of Xerxes.

The Psychological Warfare of Rumor
Josephus highlights that the greatest threat wasn't just physical violence, but φήμας (rumors). The neighboring tribes understood that if they could break the Jews' morale, the project would collapse from within. Nehemiah’s role was primarily one of "psychological anchor," holding the community together when they were μικροῦ (on the verge) of quitting.

The Theology of Indispensability
A striking insight into Nehemiah’s character: he didn't fear death for himself, but he feared that he was the only one who could finish the job (οὐκέτʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς πολίταις ἀναστήσεται). Josephus frames this not as arrogance, but as a realistic assessment of leadership. Nehemiah recognized that his survival was a prerequisite for the nation’s security.

The "Trowel and Sword" Logistics
Josephus provides specific technical details of the defense:

1) Trumpeters every 500 feet: A sophisticated early-warning system to allow a scattered workforce to consolidate rapidly.

2) Shields nearby: Ensuring that even the "unarmed" laborers carrying materials (τὴν ὕλην) could transition to a defensive posture in seconds.

This transformation of a construction site into a military camp is a hallmark of the Nehemiah narrative.

The Timeline of the Wall
Josephus records the build time as two years and four months (ending in the 28th year of Xerxes). This differs significantly from the biblical Nehemiah 6:15, which claims the wall was finished in a miraculous 52 days. Josephus likely felt that 52 days was historically implausible for the massive scale of Jerusalem's fortifications and adjusted the timeline to reflect a more realistic Roman-era engineering perspective.

Urban Planning and the "Brain Drain"
Nehemiah recognized a classic problem of ancient cities: people preferred the safety and resources of the countryside. To fix this "underpopulation" (ὀλιγανθρωπουμένην), he used his own wealth to build housing for the religious elite. By ensuring the δεκάτας (tithes) reached the city, he created a "Theocratic Economy" that made Jerusalem a viable place for the priests to live without having to moonlight as farmers.

The Eternal Monument (μνημεῖον αἰώνιον)
Josephus concludes by defining Nehemiah’s legacy not through his wealth or titles, but through the walls. In the ancient world, a city without walls was a village; a city with walls was a sovereign entity. Nehemiah didn't just build a structure; he created a political "monument" that protected the Jewish identity for centuries to come.

Chapter 6
[184-296]
Under Artaxerxes, Haman plots against the Jews.
Esther and Mardochai; Feast of Purim

☜ ☞

¹⁸⁴ τελευτήσαντος δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν Κῦρον, ὃν Ἀρταξέρξην καλοῦσιν, συνέβη μεταβῆναι. τούτου τὴν‎ ἔχοντος ἡγεμονίαν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὸ τῶν ἔθνος ἅπαν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀπολέσθαι. τὴν‎ δ᾽ αἰτίαν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν·

¹⁸⁴ "Upon the death of Xerxes, the kingdom passed to his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks call Artaxerxes. During his hegemony over the Persians, the entire Jewish nation—including women and children—came into danger of perishing.

¹⁸⁴ After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this man had obtained the government over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, with their wives and children, were in danger of perishing;

¹⁸⁴ After the death of Xerxes, the kingship passed to his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this man held the leadership of the Persians, the whole Jewish nation with their wives and children were in danger of dying, the cause of which we shall soon describe.

¹⁸⁵ πρέπει γὰρ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως διηγεῖσθαι πρῶτον, ὡς ἔγημεν ἸουδαίανJudea γυναῖκα τοῦ γένους οὖσαν τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, ἣν καὶ σῶσαι τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν λέγουσιν.	¹⁸⁵ We shall reveal the cause of this shortly; for it is proper first to narrate the affairs of the King, how he married a Jewish woman of royal lineage, who is said to have saved our nation.
¹⁸⁵ the occasion whereof we shall declare in a little time; for it is proper, in the first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry a Jewish wife, who was herself of the royal family also, and who is related to have saved our nation;	¹⁸⁵ First we must explain about this king and how he came to marry a Jewish wife, a woman of the royal family who is said to have saved our nation.

¹⁸⁶ παραλαβὼν γὰρ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁ Ἀρταξέρξης καὶ καταστήσας ἀπὸ Ἰνδίας ἄχρι τῶν σατραπειῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἰκοσιεπτὰ οὐσῶν ἄρχοντας, τῷ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει τούς τε φίλους καὶ τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν ὑποδεξάμενος ἑστιᾷ πολυτελῶς, οἷον εἰκὸς παρὰ βασιλεῖ τοῦ πλούτου παρασκευαζομένῳ τὴν‎ ἐπίδειξιν ποιήσασθαι, ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα.

¹⁸⁶ When Artaxerxes took over the kingdom and appointed governors over the one hundred and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he welcomed his friends, the Persian nations, and their leaders, and feasted them sumptuously, as is fitting for a king making an exhibition of his wealth, for one hundred and eighty days.

¹⁸⁶ for when Artaxerxes had taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for their governors, such a one as was proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make a public demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days;

¹⁸⁶ When Artaxerxes had taken over the kingdom and set officers over the hundred twenty-seven satrapies, from India to Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he made an elaborate feast for his friends and the nations of Persia and their officers, such a right royal occasion to publicly display his riches, which went on for a hundred and eighty days.

¹⁸⁷ ἔπειτα τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς αὐτῶν ἐν Σούσοις ἐπὶ ἡμέρας κατευώχησεν ἑπτά. τὸ δὲ συμπόσιον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον γεγενημένον· σκήνωμα πηξάμενος ἐκ χρυσέων καὶ ἀργυρέων κιόνων ὕφη λίνεα καὶ πορφύρεα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν διεπέτασεν, ὥστε πολλὰς μυριάδας κατακλίνεσθαι.

¹⁸⁷ Afterward, he entertained the nations and their ambassadors in Susa for seven days. The banquet was arranged in this manner: he erected a pavilion of gold and silver columns and spread linen and purple fabrics over them, so that many myriads could recline.

¹⁸⁷ after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered after the manner following: He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down.

¹⁸⁷ Then for other nations and their envoys he held a feast at Susa for seven days. This symposium was organized as follows: He had a tent pitched, supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, with space for many thousands to recline.

¹⁸⁸ διηκονοῦντο δ᾽ ἐκπώμασι χρυσέοις καὶ τοῖς διὰ λίθου πολυτελοῦς εἰς τέρψιν ἅμα καὶ θέαν πεποιημένοις. προσέταττεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς διακόνοις μὴ βιάζεσθαι πίνειν τὸ ποτὸν αὐτοῖς συνεχῶς προσφέροντας, ὡς καὶ παρὰ γίγνεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὃ βούλεται τῶν κατακειμένων ἕκαστος φιλοφρονεῖσθαι.

¹⁸⁸ They were served from golden cups and those made of precious stone, created for both delight and spectacle. He also commanded the servants not to force them to drink by continually offering the cup—as is the custom among Persians—but to permit each of those reclining to be treated with hospitality according to his own wish.

¹⁸⁸ The cups with which the waiters ministered were of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order to the servants that they should not force them to drink, by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to enjoy himself according to his own inclination.

¹⁸⁸ The serving cups used by the waiters were of gold and adorned with precious stones, to please and impress the eye. He also ordered the servants not to force people to drink by continually bringing more wine, as is the practice of the Persians, but to let each one of the guests enjoy himself according to his own inclination.

¹⁸⁹ διαπέμψας δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν παρήγγειλεν ἀνεῖσθαι τῶν ἔργων ἀφιεμένους καὶ ἑορτάζειν ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ‎ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις.	¹⁸⁹ He also sent word throughout the land for the people to be released from their labors and to celebrate on behalf of his kingdom for many days.
¹⁸⁹ Moreover, he sent messengers through the country, and gave order that they should have a remission of their labors, and should keep a festival many days, on account of his kingdom.	¹⁸⁹ He also sent messengers through the country with orders to give a holiday from toil and hold a festival of many days in honour of his kingship.

¹⁹⁰ ὁμοίως τε τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ βασίλισσα Ἄστη συνήγαγεν συμπόσιον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις, ἣν ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος τοῖς ἑστιωμένοις ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὴν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ἥκειν κάλλει τὰς γυναῖκας ἁπάσας ὑπερβάλλουσαν.

¹⁹⁰ Similarly, the Queen, Aste [Vashti], gathered a banquet for the women in the palace. The King, wishing to display her to the guests, sent for her and commanded her to come to the banquet, as she surpassed all women in beauty.

¹⁹⁰ In like manner did Vashti the queen gather her guests together, and made them a feast in the palace. Now the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded all other women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and he sent some to command her to come to his feast.

¹⁹⁰ Similarly his queen, Astee, gathered a festive symposium for women in the palace. As she surpassed all other women in beauty, the king wished to show her to those who feasted with him and sent to command her to come to his feast.

¹⁹¹ ἡ δὲ φυλακῇ τῶν παρὰ νόμων, οἳ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις βλέπεσθαι τὰς γυναῖκας ἀπηγορεύκασιν, οὐκ ἐπορεύετο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ πολλάκις τοὺς εὐνούχους ἀποστέλλοντος πρὸς αὐτὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐνέμεινεν παραιτουμένη τὴν‎ ἄφιξιν,

¹⁹¹ But she, guarding the Persian laws—which forbid wives to be seen by strangers—did not go to the King; and though he sent his eunuchs many times to her, she nonetheless persisted in refusing to come.

¹⁹¹ But she, out of regard to the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by strangers, did not go to the king and though he oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless stay away, and refused to come,

¹⁹¹ But in deference to the Persian laws which forbid wives to be seen by outsiders, she did not go to the king and though he sent the eunuchs to her several times, she stayed away and refused to come.

¹⁹² ὡς εἰς ὀργὴν παροξυνθέντα τὸν βασιλέα λῦσαι μὲν τὸ συμπόσιον, ἀναστάντα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ τῶν , οἳ τὴν‎ τῶν νόμων ἐξήγησιν ἔχουσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, καλέσαντα κατηγορεῖν τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ λέγειν, ὡς ὑβρισθείη πρὸς αὐτῆς· κληθεῖσα γὰρ

¹⁹² As a result, the King, provoked to anger, ended the banquet and, rising up, called the seven Persians who possess the interpretation of the laws among them to accuse his wife and say that he had been insulted by her; for though called by him many times to the banquet, she had not obeyed even once.

¹⁹² till the king was so much irritated, that he brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those seven who had the interpretation of the laws committed to them, and accused his wife, and said that he had been affronted by her, because that when she was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not obey him once.

¹⁹² Finally the king was so angered that he broke up the entertainment and rose and called for the seven men entrusted with interpreting the laws and accused his wife of insulting him when, despite being often called by him to his feast, she never once obeyed.

¹⁹³ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πολλάκις εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ὑπήκουσεν οὐδὲ ἅπαξ. προσέταξεν οὖν δηλοῦν, τίνα κατ᾽ αὐτῆς νόμον ὁρίζουσιν. ἑνὸς δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν Μουχαίου ὄνομα εἰπόντος οὐκ αὐτῷ μόνῳ ταύτην γεγονέναι τὴν‎ ὕβριν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι , οἷς κινδυνεύεται καταφρονουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν αἴσχιστα διαγεγονέναι τὸν βίον·

¹⁹³ He therefore ordered them to declare what law they defined against her. One of them, named Mouchaios [Memucan], said that this insult had not happened to him alone, but to all Persians, who were in danger of living most shamefully if despised by their wives.

¹⁹³ He therefore gave order that they should inform him what could be done by the law against her. So one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that this affront was offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, if they must be thus despised by them;

¹⁹³ When he bade them tell him what could be done against her according to the law, one of them, named Muchaios, said that this insulted not him alone, but all the Persians, whose relationship with their wives would go very badly if they were to be so scorned by them.

¹⁹⁴ οὐδεμία γὰρ τοῦ συνοικοῦντος ἀνδρὸς αἰδῶ ποιήσεται παράδειγμα τὴν‎ τῆς βασιλίσσης ὑπερηφανίαν πρὸς σὲ τὸν κρατοῦντα ἁπάντων ἔχουσα. παρακελευομένου δὲ τὴν‎ οὕτως ἐνυβρίζουσαν αὐτῷ ζημιῶσαι μεγάλην ζημίαν καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντα διαγγεῖλαι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν τὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης κεκυρωμένα, ἔδοξε τὴν‎ Ἄστην ἐκβαλεῖν καὶ δοῦναι τὴν‎ ἐκείνης τιμὴν ἑτέρᾳ γυναικί.

¹⁹⁴ 'For no woman,' he said, 'will show respect for her husband, having the arrogance of the Queen toward you, the ruler of all, as an example.' Advancing the idea that he should punish the woman who had so insulted him with a great penalty, and having done this, proclaim to the nations what had been decreed concerning the Queen, it was decided to expel Aste and give her honor to another woman."

¹⁹⁴ for that none of their wives would have any reverence for their husbands, if they, "had such an example of arrogance in the queen towards thee, who rulest over all." Accordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a severe manner; and when he had so done, to publish to the nations what had been decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to put Vashti away, and to give her dignity to another woman.

¹⁹⁴ "No wife will have any reverence for her husband, if she sees such an example of arrogance in the queen toward you, the ruler of all." He was urged to severely punish the one who had so gravely insulted him and then publish to the nations what had been decreed about the queen. So he resolved to set Astee aside and give her dignity to another.

The Nomenclature Shuffle
Josephus identifies the king as Cyrus but notes the Greeks call him Artaxerxes. In the biblical text, he is Ahasuerus (Xerxes). Josephus is likely trying to harmonize the biblical account with the Greek histories of Ctesias and Herodotus. By identifying him with Artaxerxes, he aligns the story with a king known for his general benevolence, making the sudden threat of genocide even more dramatic.

The Diplomacy of Leisure
Josephus emphasizes the 180-day feast as a political exhibition of πλούτου (wealth). This wasn't just a party; it was a grand display of imperial stability. Interestingly, Josephus notes a change in Persian drinking customs: usually, Persians were known for heavy, forced drinking during councils, but Artaxerxes mandates "freedom of choice" in consumption—a detail Josephus uses to paint the king as a sophisticated, civilized monarch.

Vashti (Aste) and the Law
Josephus adds a sympathetic layer to Queen Aste (Vashti) that isn't explicitly in the biblical text. He claims she refused to appear because she was "guarding the Persian laws" regarding female modesty and seclusion. In Josephus’s telling, Vashti is caught in a "Catch-22": she can either obey the King’s whim and break the Law, or keep the Law and disobey the King.

The "Domestic Domino Effect"
The advice of Mouchaios (Memucan) reflects a classic ancient fear: that the private behavior of the royals would set a precedent for the common people. He frames Vashti's disobedience as a threat to the πολιτεία (constitution) of every household in the empire. If the King cannot control his wife, no Persian man can. This elevates a domestic dispute to a matter of national security.

The Seven Sages
Just as in the story of Nehemiah and Ezra, the "Seven Persians" appear as the legal backbone of the empire. Josephus portrays the Persian government as a "rule of law" system—even the King cannot simply exile his wife without a formal legal consultation and a decree (κεκυρωμένα). This makes the later decree against the Jews even more terrifying, as it suggests that once a law is written in Persia, it is functionally unchangeable.

The 127 Satrapies
The mention of 127 satrapies from India to Ethiopia underscores the sheer scale of the danger. When the decree of destruction eventually goes out, there is nowhere for the Jews to run; they are already within the borders of the "World Empire."

¹⁹⁵ διακείμενος δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐρωτικῶς καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν‎ διάζευξιν, καταλλαγῆναι μὲν αὐτῇ διὰ τὸν νόμον οὐκ ἐδύνατο, λυπούμενος δὲ ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀδυνάτοις οἷς ἤθελεν διετέλει. βλέποντες δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα χαλεπῶς οἱ φίλοι συνεβούλευον τὴν‎ μὲν τῆς γυναικὸς μνήμην καὶ τὸν μηδὲν ὠφελούμενον ἐκβαλεῖν,

¹⁹⁵ "But the King, being romantically disposed toward her [Vashti] and unable to bear the separation, was yet unable to be reconciled to her because of the law; thus, he continued in sorrow as one desiring the impossible. When his friends saw him in this distressed state, they advised him to cast out the memory and the love of his wife, since it brought no benefit,

¹⁹⁵ But the king having been fond of her, did not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he could not admit of a reconciliation; so he was under trouble, as not having it in his power to do what he desired to do. But when his friends saw him so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind,

¹⁹⁵ Having been in love with her, the king was not happy with the separation and yet by law could not accept a reconciliation, so he was troubled and unable to do what he wanted. When his friends saw him so distressed, they advised him to drive from his mind the memory of his wife and his love for her,

¹⁹⁶ ζητῆσαι δὲ περιπέμψαντα καθ᾽ ὅλην τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην παρθένους εὐπρεπεῖς, ὧν τὴν‎ προκριθεῖσαν ἕξειν γυναῖκα· σβέννυσθαι γὰρ τὸ πρὸς τὴν‎ προτέραν φιλόστοργον ἑτέρας ἐπεισαγωγῇ, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἐκείνην εὔνουν ἀποσπώμενον κατὰ μικρὸν γίνεσθαι τῆς συνούσης.

¹⁹⁶ and instead to send out and search throughout the entire inhabited world for beautiful virgins, and to take the one chosen from among them as his wife. For they said his affection for the former would be extinguished by the introduction of another, and his goodwill toward her, being drawn away little by little, would transfer to the one now with him.

¹⁹⁶ but to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and to take her whom he should best like for his wife, because his passion for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction of another, and the kindness he had for Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed on her that was with him.

¹⁹⁶ and send out over all the world in search of beautiful virgins and take as his wife the one he liked best, for his love for his former wife would be quenched by taking another and his love would be withdrawn from his former wife and given to the one who was with him.

¹⁹⁷ πεισθεὶς δὲ τῇ συμβουλίᾳ ταύτῃ προσέταξέ τισιν ἐπιλεξαμένους τὰς εὐδοκιμούσας ἐπ᾽ εὐμορφίᾳ τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ παρθένων ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν.	¹⁹⁷ Persuaded by this advice, he commanded certain men to select those virgins in the kingdom who were most celebrated for their beauty and bring them to him.
¹⁹⁷ Accordingly, he was persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to certain persons to choose out of the virgins that were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the most comely.	¹⁹⁷ Persuaded by this advice he ordered people to choose among the virgins in his kingdom those who were deemed the most beautiful.

¹⁹⁸ συναχθεισῶν δὲ πολλῶν εὑρέθη τις ἐν κόρη τῶν γονέων ἀμφοτέρων ὀρφανὴ παρὰ τῷ θείῳ , τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, τρεφομένη· οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς, τῶν δὲ πρώτων παρὰ τοῖς .

¹⁹⁸ When many had been gathered, there was found in Babylon a girl, an orphan of both parents, who was being raised by her uncle Mordecai (for this was his name). He was of the tribe of Benjamin and among the first of the Jews.

¹⁹⁸ So when a great number of these virgins were gathered together, there was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle’s name. This uncle was of the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal persons among the Jews.

¹⁹⁸ When many had been assembled, a girl was found in Babylon whose parents were both dead, and she was reared by her uncle, named Mardochai, a man of the tribe of Benjamin and one of the leading personalities among the Jews.

¹⁹⁹ πασῶν δὲ τὴν‎ Ἐσθῆρα συνέβαινεν, τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτῇ τοὔνομα, τῷ κάλλει διαφέρειν καὶ τὴν‎ χάριν τοῦ προσώπου τὰς ὄψεις τῶν θεωμένων μᾶλλον ἐπάγεσθαιto bring on.	¹⁹⁹ It happened that of all the girls, Esther (for this was her name) excelled in beauty, and the grace of her countenance attracted the eyes of those who beheld her more than any other.
¹⁹⁹ Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beautiful of all the rest, and that the grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally upon her.	¹⁹⁹ It turned out that this girl, named Esther, was more beautiful than all the rest and the charm of her face greatly attracted the eyes of onlookers.

²⁰⁰ παραδοθεῖσα δὲ αὕτη τινὶ τῶν εὐνούχων εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν πάσης ἐτύγχανε προνοίας ἀρωμάτων ἀφθονίᾳ καὶ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀλειμμάτων ὧν χρῄζει τὰ σώματα καταρδομένη, καὶ τούτων ἀπέλαυον ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ τετρακόσιαι τὸν ἀριθμὸν οὖσαι.

²⁰⁰ Having been delivered to the care of one of the eunuchs, she received every attention, being bathed in an abundance of perfumes and costly ointments which the body requires; four hundred girls in number enjoyed these things for six months.

²⁰⁰ So she was committed to one of the eunuchs to take the care of her; and she was very exactly provided with sweet odors, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as her body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for six months by the virgins, who were in number four hundred.

²⁰⁰ She was entrusted to the care of one of the eunuchs and, along with the other four hundred girls, was generously supplied for six months with sweet perfumes and costly ointments for anointing her body.

²⁰¹ ὅτε δ᾽ ἐνόμιζεν ἀποχρώντως τῷ προειρημένῳ χρόνῳ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἔχειν τὰς παρθένους καὶ τοῦ βαδίζειν αὐτὰς ἐπὶ κοίτην βασιλέως ἀξίας ἤδη γεγονέναι, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν μίαν ἔπεμπεν τῷ βασιλεῖ συνεσομένην.

²⁰¹ When he [the eunuch] thought the virgins had received sufficient care during the aforementioned time and were now worthy to go to the King’s bed, he sent one to the King each day to be with him. After the King had been with a girl, he immediately sent her back to the eunuch.

²⁰¹ And when the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently purified, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now fit to go to the king’s bed, he sent one to be with the king ever day. So when he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the eunuch;

²⁰¹ When the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently purified in that time and were now fit for the king’s bed, he sent one every day to be with the king.

²⁰² ὁ δὲ πλησιάζων εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸν εὐνοῦχον. δὲ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡσθεὶς αὐτῇ καὶ πεσὼν τῆς κόρης εἰς νομίμως αὐτὴν ἄγεται γυναῖκα καὶ γάμους αὐτῇ ποιεῖται δωδεκάτῳ μηνὶ ἑβδόμου ἔτους τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλείας, Ἀδέρῳ δὲ καλουμένῳ.

²⁰² But when Esther arrived to him, he was delighted with her; falling in love with the girl, he took her as his legal wife and celebrated her marriage in the twelfth month of the seventh year of his reign, which is called Adar.

²⁰² and when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful wife, and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth month of the seventh year of his reign, which was called Adar.

²⁰² When he had intercourse with her he would send her back to the eunuch. When Esther came to him, he was pleased with her and fell in love with the girl and married her and made her his lawful wife and held a wedding feast for her in the seventh year of his reign, in the twelfth month, which was called Adar.

²⁰³ διέπεμψε δὲ τοὺς ἀγγάρους λεγομένους εἰς πᾶν ἔθνος ἑορτάζειν τοὺς γάμους παραγγέλλων, αὐτὸς δὲ Πέρσας [καὶ τοὺς ] καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ἐθνῶν ἑστιᾷ ἐπὶ μῆνα ὅλον ὑπὲρ τῶν γάμων αὐτοῦ‎, εἰσελθούσῃ δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον περιτίθησι τὸ διάδημα, καὶ συνῴκησεν οὕτως Ἐσθήρα μὴ ποιήσασα φανερὸν αὐτῷ τὸ ἔθνος, ἐξ οὗπερ εἴη τυγχάνουσα.

²⁰³ He sent out the couriers called angari into every nation, commanding them to celebrate the marriage; he himself feasted the Persians, the Medes, and the leaders of the nations for an entire month in honor of his nuptials. When she entered the palace, he placed the diadem upon her, and thus Esther lived with him, not having made known to him the nation from which she happened to come.

²⁰³ He also sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head. And thus was Esther married, without making known to the king what nation she was derived from.

²⁰³ He also sent messengers, the so-called angari, to every nation with orders to hold a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes and the leaders of the nations, for a whole month. When Esther came to his royal palace he set a crown on her head. So Esther married, without telling the king what nation she came from.

²⁰⁴ μεταβὰς δὲ ὁ θεῖος αὐτῆς ἐκ εἰς Σοῦσα τῆς αὐτόθι διῆγεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις διατρίβων καὶ πυνθανόμενος περὶ τῆς κόρης, τίνα διάγει τρόπον· ἔστεργεν γὰρ αὐτὴν ὡς αὑτοῦ θυγατέρα.

²⁰⁴ Her uncle, having moved from Babylon to Susa in Persia, lived there, spending every day at the palace gates and inquiring about the girl, how she fared; for he loved her as his own daughter."

²⁰⁴ Her uncle also removed from Babylon to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been his own daughter.

²⁰⁴ Her uncle moved from Babylon to Susa and lived there, and was every day around the palace to ask how the girl was doing, for he loved her like his own daughter.

The Conflict of Law and Emotion
Josephus adds a touching detail not emphasized in the biblical text: the King actually regretted losing Vashti. He describes the King's state as wanting "the impossible" (ἀδυνάτοις) because Persian law was considered immutable. This sets up a recurring theme in the Esther story—the danger of making laws that even the lawmaker cannot undo.

The Psychology of "Replacement"
The advice of the King's friends is rooted in a pragmatic, if cynical, psychology of love. They suggest that the "introduction of another" (ἑτέρας ἐπεισαγωγῇ) will naturally "extinguish" (σβέννυσθαι) the old flame. Josephus frames the beauty contest not just as a search for a queen, but as a therapeutic intervention for a grieving monarch.

Esther’s Ancestry
Josephus clarifies that Mordecai was among the πρώτων (the first/leading men) of the Jews and of the tribe of Benjamin. By identifying Esther as coming from a noble Judean family, Josephus maintains the theme of "hidden royalty" that recurs throughout Jewish literature (like Moses in Egypt).

The Scale of the Search
While the Bible mentions "many young women," Josephus provides a specific number: four hundred (τετρακόσιαι). This serves to highlight the magnitude of Esther’s victory—she wasn't just chosen from a few candidates, but from a massive assembly of the empire’s most beautiful women.

The Persian "Angari"
Josephus uses the technical term ἀγγάρους (angari) for the royal couriers. This was a specific Persian administrative term for the mounted postal system that Herodotus famously praised ("neither snow nor rain..."). By using this specific vocabulary, Josephus signals the historical authenticity of his account to his Greek and Roman readers.

The Mystery of Identity
Esther’s secret is the central tension of the book. Josephus notes that she moved into the palace and wore the διάδημα (royal crown) while keeping her ethnicity entirely hidden. This emphasizes the cosmopolitan nature of the Persian court—one could rise to the highest heights without their specific background being a barrier, provided they were favored by the King.

Mordecai at the Gate
The transition of Mordecai from Babylon to Susa demonstrates his dedication. Josephus highlights his fatherly love (ἔστεργεν γὰρ αὐτὴν ὡς αὑτοῦ θυγατέρα), positioning him at the palace gates not as a beggar, but as a guardian waiting for news. This proximity to the palace will soon allow him to overhear a deadly conspiracy.

²⁰⁵ Ἔθηκε δὲ καὶ νόμον ὁ βασιλεὺς ὥστε μηδένα τῶν ἰδίων αὐτῷ προσιέναι μὴ κληθέντα, ὁπηνίκα ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καθέζοιτο. περιεστήκεσαν δὲ τὸν θρόνον αὐτοῦ‎ πελέκεις ἔχοντες ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τὸ κολάζειν τοὺς προσιόντας ἀκλήτους τῷ θρόνῳ.

²⁰⁵ "The King also established a law that no one should approach him of their own accord without being summoned, whenever he sat upon his throne. Men holding axes stood around the throne to punish those who approached the throne unsummoned.

²⁰⁵ Now the king had made a law, that none of his own people should approach him unless he were called, when he sat upon his throne and men, with axes in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order to punish such as approached to him without being called.

²⁰⁵ The king had made a law that none of his own people could approach him unless invited, when he sat on his throne and men with axes stood around his throne, to punish any who approached him without invitation.

²⁰⁶ καθῆστο μέντοι λύγον χρυσέαν ἔχων αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεύς, ἣν ὅτε τινὰ σώζειν ἤθελεν τῶν ἀκλήτων προσιόντων ἐξέτεινεν πρὸς αὐτόν· ὁ δὲ ἁπτόμενος αὐτῆς ἀκίνδυνος ἦν. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.

²⁰⁶ However, the King himself sat holding a golden rod; whenever he wished to save one of those who approached unsummoned, he extended it toward them; and the one who touched it was free from danger. Regarding these matters, enough has been declared by us.

²⁰⁶ However, the king sat with a golden scepter in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of those that approached to him without being called, and he who touched it was free from danger. But of this matter we have discoursed sufficiently.

²⁰⁶ The king sat with a golden scepter in his hand, which he held out when he wanted to spare anyone who approached him uninvited and anyone who touched it was free from danger; but enough of this matter.

²⁰⁷ Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐπιβουλευσάντων τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῶν εὐνούχων οἰκέτης τοῦ ἑτέρου τὸ γένος ὢν συνεὶς τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν τῷ θείῳ κατεμήνυσε τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ βασιλέως, δὲ διὰ τῆς φανεροὺς ἐποίησε τῷ βασιλεῖ τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας.

²⁰⁷ Some time later, after Bagathōos and Theodositos had conspired against the King, Barnabazos, a servant of one of the eunuchs and a Jew by race, having discovered the plot, revealed it to the uncle of the King’s wife. Mordecai, through Esther, made the conspirators known to the King.

²⁰⁷ Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen’s uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king.

²⁰⁷ Some time later, Bagathoos and Theodositos schemed against the king, and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, by birth a Jew, learned of their conspiracy and revealed it to the queen’s uncle and, through Esther, Mardochai revealed the conspirators to the king.

²⁰⁸ ταραχθεὶς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τἀληθὲς ἐξεῦρεν καὶ τοὺς μὲν εὐνούχους ἀνεσταύρωσεν, τῷ δὲ τότε μὲν οὐδὲν παρέσχεν ὡς αἰτίῳ τῆς σωτηρίας γεγονότι, μόνον δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ὄνομα τοῖς τὰ ὑπομνήματα συγγραφομένοις ἐκέλευσε σημειώσασθαι καὶ προσμένειν αὐτὸν τοῖς βασιλείοις ὄντα φίλον ἀναγκαιότατον τῷ βασιλεῖ.

²⁰⁸ The King, being troubled, discovered the truth and impaled the eunuchs; yet to Mordecai, at that time, he gave nothing for having been the cause of his safety, but merely ordered his name to be noted by those who write the official records (hypomnēmata) and for him to remain at the palace as a most indispensable friend to the King."

²⁰⁸ This troubled the king; but he discovered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no reward to Mordecai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. He only bid the scribes to set down his name in the records, and bid him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend of the king.

²⁰⁸ The king was troubled but he uncovered the truth and crucified the eunuchs but at that time gave no reward to Mardochai for saving his life. He only bade the scribes to set down his name in the records and told him stay in the palace, as a close friend of the king.

The "Axe-Bearers" (πελέκεις ἔχοντες)
Josephus adds a terrifying logistical detail not found in the Masoretic text of Esther: the presence of men with axes around the throne. This paints the Persian court not just as "exclusive," but as a place of immediate, visceral violence. The law of the scepter (or "rod," lygon) wasn't just a formality; it was a split-second stay of execution carried out by professional executioners standing within striking distance of any visitor.

The Mechanics of the Scepter
The King's "golden rod" acted as a physical bridge. Josephus notes that the visitor had to touch it (ἁπτόμενος) to be safe. This ritualization of mercy emphasizes that in the Persian system, life and death were entirely tethered to the physical movements of the monarch.

Barnabazos: The Jewish Connection
Josephus identifies the whistleblower as Barnabazos, a Jewish servant. While the biblical text simply says Mordecai "found out," Josephus provides a specific character and a racial motivation. By making the informant a Jew, Josephus suggests a network of intelligence among the Diaspora that worked to protect the stability of the empire they served.

The Official Records (ὑπομνήματα)
The King orders Mordecai’s name to be entered into the hypomnēmata. This refers to the "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia." In the ancient Near East, these records were seen as a "memory bank" for the King. By placing Mordecai's name there, his deed was "archived," setting the stage for the famous scene later where the King, suffering from insomnia, has these records read to him.

The Delay of Gratitude
Josephus explicitly notes that the King gave Mordecai "nothing" (οὐδὲν) at the time. This highlights a recurring theme in the Antiquities: the "forgetfulness" or delayed justice of earthly kings. It contrasts the immediate punishment of the eunuchs (ἀνεσταύρωσεν—impaled or crucified) with the slow-moving recognition of the righteous.

"Indispensable Friend" (φίλον ἀναγκαιότατον)
Though he received no gold or title initially, Mordecai was granted the status of an "indispensable friend" and allowed to remain at the palace gates. This strategic position is what ultimately puts him in the path of the next great antagonist: Haman.

²⁰⁹ Ἀμάνην δὲ Ἀμαδάθου μὲν υἱὸν τὸ γένος δὲ Ἀμαληκίτην εἰσιόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα προσεκύνουν οἵ τε ξένοι καὶ ΠέρσαιPersians ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν‎ τιμὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἈρταξέρξουArtaxerxes κελεύοντος γενέσθαι.	²⁰⁹ "When Haman, the son of Hammedatha and an Amalekite by race, went in to the King, both foreigners and Persians used to bow down to him (prosekynoun), for Artaxerxes had commanded that this honor be rendered to him by them.
²⁰⁹ Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him;	²⁰⁹ A man called Haman, son of Amedathos, by birth an Amalekite, used to go in to the king and enjoyed the worship of foreigners and Persians, for Artaxerxes had ordered such honour to be paid to him

²¹⁰ Μαρδοχαίου δὲ διὰ σοφίαν καὶ τὸν οἴκοθεν αὐτοῦ‎ νόμον οὐ προσκυνοῦντος ἄνθρωπον, παραφυλάξας ὁ Ἀμάνης ἐπυνθάνετο, πόθεν εἴη. μαθὼν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὄντα ἠγανάκτησεν καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν εἶπεν, ὡς οἱ μὲν ἐλεύθεροι προσκυνοῦσιν αὐτόν, οὗτος δὲ δοῦλος ὢν οὐκ ἀξιοῖ τοῦτο ποιεῖν.

²¹⁰ But since Mordecai, due to his wisdom and his own domestic law, would not bow down to a human being, Haman took notice and inquired from where he came. Upon learning that he was a Jew, he was moved to indignation and said to himself that while free Persians bowed to him, this man, being a slave, did not deem it fit to do so.

²¹⁰ but Mordecai was so wise, and so observant of his own country’s laws, that he would not worship the man When Haman observed this, he inquired whence he came; and when he understood that he was a Jew, he had indignation at him, and said within himself, that whereas the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man, who was no better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so.

²¹⁰ But Mardochai was wise and observant of his own nation’s laws, so that he would not bow down before any man; and when Haman noticed it he asked where he came from, and learning that he was a Jew, was angry and said to himself that though the free Persians bowed before him, this mere slave refused to do so.

²¹¹ καὶ θελήσας τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον αὐτὸν μὲν αἰτήσασθαι πρὸς κόλασιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως μικρὸν ἡγήσατο, τὸ ἔθνος δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ διέγνω πᾶν ἀφανίσαι· καὶ γὰρ φύσει τοῖς ἀπηχθάνετο, ὅτι καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν , ἐξ ὧν ἦν αὐτός, ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν διέφθαρτο.

²¹¹ Wishing to take vengeance on Mordecai, he considered it a small thing to ask the King for his punishment alone; instead, he resolved to annihilate his entire nation. For he was by nature hostile to the Jews, because the race of the Amalekites, from which he himself came, had been destroyed by them.

²¹¹ And when he desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them.

²¹¹ Wanting to punish Mardochai, he thought it too little to request the king just to penalize him alone, but decided to wipe out the whole nation, for he was naturally hostile to Jews, since the Amalekite nation from which he came had been destroyed by them.

²¹² προσελθὼν οὖν τῷ βασιλεῖ κατηγόρει λέγων ἔθνος εἶναι πονηρόν, διεσπάρθαι δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλευομένης οἰκουμένης, ἄμικτον ἀσύμφυλον οὔτε θρησκείαν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἄλλοις οὔτε νόμοις χρώμενον ὁμοίοις, ἐχθρὸν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσι καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν τῷ σῷ λαῷ καὶ ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις.

²¹² Approaching the King, he brought accusations against them, saying there was a wicked nation scattered throughout the world ruled by him; it was unsociable and incompatible (asymphylon), having neither the same religion as others nor using similar laws, but was an enemy in its customs and practices both to your people and to all mankind.

²¹² Accordingly he came to the king, and accused them, saying, "There is a certain wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable earth the was under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable, neither admitting the same sort of divine worship that others do, nor using laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and with all men, both in their manners and practices.

²¹² So he came to the king with the accusation, "There is a certain wicked nation scattered over all the world, a nation apart, unsociable, not accepting the same divine worship as others, or laws like those of others, in their ways and practices opposed to your people and to all others.

²¹³ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος, εἴ τινα θέλεις τοῖς ὑπηκόοις εὐεργεσίαν καταθέσθαι, κελεύσεις πρόρριζον ἀπολέσθαι μηδέ τι αὐτοῦ‎ λείψανον καταλιπεῖν μήτ᾽ εἰς δουλείαν τινῶν φυλαχθέντων μήτε αἰχμαλωσίᾳ.	²¹³ 'This nation,' he said, 'if you wish to confer some benefit upon your subjects, you will command to be destroyed root and branch, leaving no remnant of it either preserved for slavery or taken in captivity.'
²¹³ Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them utterly, and not leave the least remains of them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves or for captives."	²¹³ If you want to do your subjects a favour, you will have them utterly destroyed without trace, leaving none of them alive, even as slaves or prisoners."

²¹⁴ ἵνα μέντοι μὴ ζημιωθῇς τοὺς φόρους τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν γινομένους, ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας αὐτὸς ἐπηγγείλατο μυριάδας δώσειν ταλάντων ἀργυρίου τέσσαρας, ὅπου ἂν κελεύσῃ. ταῦτα δὲ τὰ χρήματα παρέχειν ἡδέως ἔλεγεν, ἵν᾽ ἀπὸ τούτων εἰρηνευθῇ τῶν κακῶν ἡ βασιλεία.

²¹⁴ However, so that you suffer no loss of the taxes produced by them, he promised to give from his own estate forty thousand talents of silver wherever the King might command. He said he would gladly provide this money so that, by these means, the kingdom might be at peace from these evils."

²¹⁴ But that the king might not be damnified by the loss of the tributes which the Jews paid him, Haman promised to give him out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and he said he would pay this money very willingly, that the kingdom might be freed from such a misfortune.

²¹⁴ And so that the king might not suffer by the loss of the tributes the Jews paid to him, Haman promised him from his own estate forty thousand talents whenever he pleased, and he said he would willingly pay this money to free the kingdom from such a blight.

The Proskynesis Trap (προσκυνοῦντος ἄνθρωπον)
Josephus clarifies the theological tension: Mordecai refuses to bow because of his οἴκοθεν νόμον (domestic/ancestral law) which forbids "bowing to a human being." To the Persians, proskynesis was often a secular sign of high rank, but to a Jew like Mordecai, the physical act carried overtones of divine worship reserved for God alone.

The Ancestral Blood Feud (γένος τῶν Ἀμαληκιτῶν)
Josephus makes an explicit connection that explains Haman’s disproportionate rage: Haman is an Amalekite. According to Jewish tradition, the Amalekites were the archetypal enemies of Israel who attacked them in the wilderness. By identifying Haman as a descendant of King Agag, Josephus frames the plot as the "final round" of a war that began in the time of Moses and Saul.

The "Anti-Social" Accusation (ἄμικτον ἀσύμφυλον)
Haman’s speech to the King contains the classic tropes of ancient anti-Semitism:

1) Misanthropy: He claims they are "enemies to all mankind."

Exclusivity: He calls them amiktos (unmixed/unsociable).

2) Legal Rebellion: He argues that because they have their own laws, they are inherently a threat to the King’s law.

This "othering" of the Jews was designed to make their total physical destruction seem like a service to the public good.

Genocide as a Financial Transaction
Haman knows the King might worry about the loss of tax revenue from a large, industrious population. He offers 40,000 talents of silver (the biblical text says 10,000, but Josephus often inflates numbers for dramatic effect or reflects a different manuscript tradition). To put this in perspective, 40,000 talents would have been a significant percentage of the entire Persian imperial treasury, showing Haman’s immense wealth and his desperate obsession with the Jews' extinction.

"Root and Branch" (πρόρριζον)
The phrasing πρόρριζον ἀπολέσθαι (to perish root and branch) highlights the totality of the plan. Haman is not suggesting a deportation or a tax hike; he is proposing a "Final Solution" where not even a λείψανον (remnant) remains. In the context of the Antiquities, where the "Remnant" is the central theme of Jewish survival, this represents the ultimate existential threat.

The "Peace" of the Grave
Haman frames the massacre as a way for the kingdom to be εἰρηνευθῇ (brought to peace). This is a chilling example of political rhetoric where the "removal" of a minority is sold as the only path to national stability and harmony.

²¹⁵ Ταῦτα τοῦ ἀξιώσαντος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον αὐτῷ χαρίζεται καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ὥστε ποιεῖν αὐτοὺς ὅ τι βούλεται. τυχὼν δὲ ὧν ἐπεθύμει Ἀμάνης παραχρῆμα πέμπει διάταγμα ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς ἅπαντα τὰ ἔθνη περιέχον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον·

²¹⁵ "When Haman had made these requests, the King granted him both the silver and the people, so that he might do with them whatever he wished. Having obtained what he desired, Haman immediately sent out a decree in the King’s name to all the nations, containing the following:

²¹⁵ When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him the money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman, having gained what he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the contents whereof were these:

²¹⁵ When Haman made this petition, the king waived the money and granted him leave to do what he would with those people. Having got what he wanted, Haman immediately sent out a decree to all nations, as from the king, which stated:

²¹⁶ " βασιλεὺς μέγας Ἀρταξέρξης τοῖς ἀπὸ ἕως τῆς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν σατραπειῶν ἄρχουσι τάδε γράφει. πολλῶν ἐθνῶν ἄρξας καὶ πάσης ἧς ἐβουλήθην κρατήσας οἰκουμένης καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἐξουσίας ὑπερήφανον μηδὲ σκαιὸν εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους ἀναγκασθεὶς ἁμαρτεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιεικῆ καὶ πρᾷον ἐμαυτὸν παρασχὼν καὶ προνοησάμενος εἰρήνης καὶ εὐνομίας αὐτοῖς, ἐζήτουν πῶς εἰς ἅπαντα τούτων ἀπολαύειν αὐτοῖς γένοιτο.

²¹⁶ 'The Great King Artaxerxes to the governors of the one hundred and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia writes these things. Having ruled over many nations and having mastered the entire world as I wished, and having never been forced by my power to commit any arrogant or harsh wrong against my subjects, but rather showing myself to be equitable and mild, and providing for their peace and good order, I sought how they might enjoy these things forever.

²¹⁶ "Artaxerxes, the great king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained the dominions of all the habitable earth, according to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but have showed myself mild and gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings for all time to come.

²¹⁶ "Artaxerxes, the great king, to the satraps of the hundred twenty-seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, writes this: As ruler of many nations and set over all the world according to my desire and not drawn by such great power to do anything insolent or cruel to my subjects, I have shown myself mild and gentle, caring for their peace and good order and wanting them to enjoy those blessings for all time.

²¹⁷ τοῦ δὲ διὰ σωφροσύνην καὶ δικαιοσύνην παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ τὴν‎ πρώτην μοῖραν δόξης καὶ τιμῆς ἔχοντος καὶ μετ᾽ ἐμὲ δευτέρου διὰ πίστιν καὶ βέβαιον εὔνοιαν κηδεμονικῶς ὑποδείξαντός μοι παντάπασιν ἀνθρώποις ἀναμεμῖχθαι δυσμενὲς ἔθνος καὶ τοῖς νόμοις ἀλλόκοτον καὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀνυπότακτον καὶ παρηλλαγμένον τοῖς ἔθεσι καὶ τὴν‎ μοναρχίαν μισοῦν καὶ δύσνουν τοῖς ἡμετέροις πράγμασι,

²¹⁷ Now, Haman—who on account of his prudence and justice holds the first rank of glory and honor with me, and is second after me due to his loyalty and steadfast goodwill—has in a fatherly way pointed out to me that there is a hostile nation mingled among all mankind, strange in its laws and disobedient to kings, differing in its customs, hating monarchy and ill-disposed toward our affairs.

²¹⁷ And whereas I have been kindly informed by Haman, who, on account of his prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dignity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there is an ill-natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that is averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious to our affairs,

²¹⁷ Since I have been kindly told by Haman, who, for his prudence and justice, is first in my esteem and in dignity after myself and whose faithful goodwill toward me is constant, that there is scattered throughout mankind an ill-disposed nation that is averse to our laws and not subject to kings and has a lifestyle different from all others, hating monarchy and opposed to our affairs,

²¹⁸ κελεύω τοὺς δηλουμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ δευτέρου μου πατρὸς πάντας σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀπολέσαι μηδεμίαν φειδῶ ποιησαμένους, μηδ᾽ πλέον ἢ τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις πεισθέντας παρακοῦσαι τῶν γεγραμμένων.

²¹⁸ I therefore command that all those pointed out by Haman—my "second father"—be destroyed, together with their women and children, showing no sparing, nor disobeying the written orders by being persuaded more by pity than by the instructions.

²¹⁸ I give order that all these men, of whom Haman our second father hath informed us, be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of them be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before obedience to this decree.

²¹⁸ I command that all these, of whom Haman our second father has told us, be destroyed, together with their wives and children and that none of them be spared and that none show pity to them in opposition to this decree.

²¹⁹ καὶ τοῦτο γενέσθαι βούλομαι τῇ τετράδι καὶ δεκάτῃ τοῦ δωδεκάτου μηνὸς τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους, ὅπως οἱ πανταχόθεν ἡμῖν πολέμιοι μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ διαφθαρέντες τοῦ λοιποῦ μετ᾽ εἰρήνης	²¹⁹ I wish this to take place on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of the present year, so that our enemies from every side, being destroyed in a single day, may permit us to live out our lives in peace thereafter.'
²¹⁹ And this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this present year, that so when all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this in one day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in peace hereafter."	²¹⁹ I want this carried out on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this present year, so that when all opposed to us are destroyed in a single day, we may from now on be allowed to live the rest of our lives in peace."

²²⁰ ἡμῖν τὸν βίον διάγειν παρέχωσι. τούτου κομισθέντος τοῦ προστάγματος εἰς τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἕτοιμοι πάντες ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀπώλειαν εἰς τὴν‎ προειρημένην ἡμέραν ἐγίνοντο· ἐσπεύδετο δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τῇ Σούσῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ Ἀμάνης πρὸς εὐωχίαις καὶ πότοις ἦσαν, ἐν ταραχῇ δ᾽ ἦν ἡ πόλις.

²²⁰ When this decree was carried to the cities and the countryside, everyone prepared for the destruction of the Jews on the aforementioned day. This was also hastened in Susa. Thus, while the King and Haman were occupied with feasting and drinking, the city was in a state of turmoil."

²²⁰ Now when this decree was brought to the cities, and to the country, all were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment of the Jews, against the day beforementioned; and they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their time in feasting together with good cheer and wine, but the city was in disorder.

²²⁰ When this decree was brought to city and country, all were ready to destroy and exterminate the Jews on the above-named day, and in Susa they were getting ready for it; but while the king and Haman spent their time cheerfully drinking, the city was troubled.

The Rhetoric of the "Mild" Monarch
The edict begins with a heavy emphasis on Artaxerxes' ἐπιεικῆ καὶ πρᾷον (equitable and mild) nature. This is a brilliant observation by Josephus on the nature of political propaganda: the King frames the genocide as a reluctant necessity to protect the "peace" (eirēnēs) he has worked so hard to establish. To the King, the Jews are not people, but a "variable" that disrupts his perfect administrative order.

Haman as "Second Father" (δευτέρου μου πατρὸς)
Josephus highlights the terrifying level of intimacy between the King and Haman. By calling him a "second father," the King signals to his governors that Haman’s word is as good as his own. This title was a formal Persian honorific for the highest-ranking official (the hazārapaitish or Chiliarch), effectively giving Haman the "executive override" on all provincial matters.

The Charge of "Anti-Monarchism" (μοναρχίαν μισοῦν)
Haman’s most effective weapon is the claim that the Jews hate monarchy. In an empire where the King's divinity (or divine appointment) is the glue of society, a group that claims a "Higher Law" is seen as inherently revolutionary. Josephus portrays the Jews as being caught in a trap where their religious loyalty to God is successfully reframed as political treason against the state.

The Erasure of Pity (μηδʼ ἐλέῳ)
The decree specifically commands the governors to ignore ἐλέῳ (pity). This reveals that the Persian central government anticipated that local neighbors might actually feel bad for the Jews. The state had to issue a pre-emptive strike against human empathy to ensure the "Final Solution" was carried out efficiently across the 127 provinces.

Feasting vs. Turmoil (ταραχῇ)
Josephus concludes the scene with a jarring contrast: the King and Haman are drinking and feasting (πότοις), while the city of Susa is in ταραχῇ (turmoil/confusion). This highlights the disconnect between the elite, who view thousands of deaths as a mere line-item in a "peace plan," and the common people, who are horrified by the sudden legal collapse of their social fabric.

The 14th of Adar: The Deadline
The date is set for the 14th of Adar. By giving nearly a year's notice (as the lot was cast early in the year), Haman unwittingly provided the very window of time necessary for the "Jewish network"—led by Mordecai and Esther—to mobilize their counter-offensive.

²²¹ Ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τὸ γινόμενον περιρρηξάμενος τὴν‎ ἐσθῆτα καὶ σάκκον ἐνδυσάμενος καὶ καταχεάμενος σποδιὰν διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐφέρετο βοῶν, ὅτι μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαν ἔθνος ἀναιρεῖται, καὶ τοῦτο λέγων ἕως τῶν βασιλείων ἦλθεν καὶ πρὸς αὐτοῖς ἔστη· οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν εἰσελθεῖν αὐτῷ τοιοῦτον περικειμένῳ σχῆμα.

²²¹ "When Mordecai learned what was happening, he rent his clothes, put on sackcloth, and sprinkled himself with ashes; he went through the city crying out that a nation that had done no wrong was being destroyed. Saying this, he came as far as the palace and stood before it; for it was not permitted for him to enter while wearing such attire.

²²¹ Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about the city, crying out, that "a nation that had been injurious to no man was to be destroyed." And he went on saying thus as far as to the king’s palace, and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him to go into it in that habit.

²²¹ When Mardochai was told of it, he rent his clothes and put on sackcloth and sprinkled ashes upon his head and went around the city, crying out, "A nation that has done no wrong is to be destroyed." He went on saying it as far as to the king’s palace and stood outside it, for he was not allowed to go into it dressed like that.

²²² τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες ἐποίησαν οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν , ἐν αἷς τὰ περὶ τούτων προετέθη γράμματα, θρηνοῦντες καὶ τὰς κατηγγελμένας αὐτοῖς συμφορὰς ὀδυρόμενοι. ὡς δ᾽ ἀπήγγειλάν τινες τῇ βασιλίσσῃ τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον ἐν οὕτως οἰκτρῷ σχήματι πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς ἑστῶτα, ταραχθεῖσα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀκοὴν ἐξέπεμπεν τοὺς μεταμφιάσοντας αὐτόν.

²²² The Jews in all the cities where the letters concerning these matters were posted did the same, lamenting and bewailing the calamities announced to them. When some reported to the Queen that Mordecai was standing before the court in such a piteous state, she was troubled at the news and sent out those who would change his clothes.

²²² The same thing was done by all the Jews that were in the several cities wherein this decree was published, with lamentation and mourning, on account of the calamities denounced against them. But as soon as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report, and sent out such as should change his garments;

²²² The same was done by all the Jews in the various cities where this decree was published, lamenting and mourning at what was proclaimed against them. When some people told the queen that Mardochai stood outside the palace dressed in mourning, she was troubled to hear it and sent people out to change his clothing.

²²³ οὐ πεισθέντος δὲ ἀποδύσασθαι τὸν σάκκον, οὐ γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοῦτον ἀναγκασθείη λαβεῖν δεινῷ πεπαῦσθαι τοῦτο, προσκαλεσαμένη τὸν εὐνοῦχον Ἀχράθεον, καὶ γὰρ ἔτυχεν αὐτῇ παρών, ἀπέστειλεν γνωσόμενον, τίνος συμβεβηκότος αὐτῷ σκυθρωποῦ πενθεῖ καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦτο περικείμενος οὐδ᾽ αὐτῆς παρακαλούσης ἀπέθετο.

²²³ But when he would not be persuaded to take off the sackcloth—for the dread cause that forced him to put it on had not ceased—she summoned the eunuch Achratheos [Hatach], who happened to be present with her, and sent him to Mordecai to find out what gloomy thing had befallen him that he mourned and wore this attire and would not lay it aside even at her request.

²²³ but when he could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident had befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put off the habit he had put on at her desire.

²²³ But he could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, since the sad reason that forced him to wear it had not yet ceased, so she called the eunuch Achratheus who happened to be with her and sent him to Mardochai, to learn what terrible thing had happened to put him into such mourning that he would not change his robe even at her request.

²²⁴ ὁ δὲ ἐπέδειξε τῷ εὐνούχῳ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τό τε γράμμα τὸ κατὰ τῶν εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν‎ ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ χώραν διαπεμφθὲν καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν χρημάτων ὑπόσχεσιν, ᾗ τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν τοῦ ἔθνους ᾐτεῖτο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀμάνης.

²²⁴ Mordecai showed the eunuch the cause: the letter against the Jews dispatched to all the land under the King, and the promise of money by which Haman had asked the King for the destruction of the nation.

²²⁴ Then did Mordecai inform the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning, and of the decree which was sent by the king into all the country, and of the promise of money whereby Haman brought the destruction of their nation.

²²⁴ Mardochai told the eunuch the reason for his mourning and about the decree sent by the king into the whole land and the promise of money by which Haman had asked the king for the destruction of their nation.

²²⁵ δοὺς δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῶν ἐν Σούσοις προτεθέντων κομίσαι τῇ Ἐσθῆρι καὶ περὶ τούτων δεηθῆναι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνετέλλετο καὶ σωτηρίας ἕνεκεν τοῦ ἔθνους μὴ ἀδοξῆσαι λαβεῖν σχῆμα ταπεινόν, ᾧ παραιτήσεται τοὺς κινδυνεύοντας ἀπολέσθαι· τὸν γὰρ τὴν‎ δευτέραν ἔχοντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τιμὴν Ἀμάνην κατηγορήσαντ᾽ αὐτῶν παρωξυγκέναι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν βασιλέα.

²²⁵ He gave him a copy of the orders posted in Susa to carry to Esther, and charged her to petition the King regarding these things; for the sake of the nation's safety, she was not to be ashamed to assume a humble posture in order to intercede for the Jews who were in danger of perishing. For he explained that Haman, who held the second rank of honor to the King, had accused them and incited the King against them.

²²⁵ He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition the king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonorable thing in her to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was only inferior to that of the king, had accused the Jews, and had irritated the king against them.

²²⁵ He gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at Susa, to bring to Esther, and bade her ask the king about this matter and not to think it a dishonour for her to humble herself for the safety of her nation. She should beg on behalf of the Jews, who were in danger of ruin because Haman, whose dignity was barely less than that of the king, had accused them and roused the king against them.

²²⁶ ταῦτα γνοῦσα πέμπει πάλιν πρὸς Μαρδοχαῖον δηλοῦσα, ὅτι μήτε κληθείη πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὁ εἰσερχόμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκλητος ἀποθνήσκει, πλὴν εἰ μή τινα σώζειν βουλόμενος προτείνειεν τὸν χρυσῆν ῥάβδον· ᾧ γὰρ τοῦτο ποιήσειεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκλήτῳ προσελθόντι, οὗτος οὐκ ἀποθνήσκει μόνος,

²²⁶ Upon learning this, she sent back to Mordecai, explaining that she had not been summoned by the King, and anyone entering his presence unsummoned dies, unless the King, wishing to save someone, extends the golden rod; for whoever the King does this for, even if they approached unsummoned, does not die, but obtaining pardon, is saved.

²²⁶ When she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called by the king, and that he who goes in to him without being called, is to be slain, unless when he is willing to save any one, he holds out his golden scepter to him; but that to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without being called, that person is so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved.

²²⁶ When told of this, she sent to Mardochai again pointing out that she had not been called by the king and that anyone who went in to him uncalled must die, unless he held out his golden scepter to them, wishing to spare them; if he did that, even though they went in unbidden, that person is not killed but wins pardon and is spared.

²²⁷ ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης τυχὼν σώζεται. δὲ τούτους κομίσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ εὐνούχου παρὰ τῆς Ἐσθῆρος τοὺς λόγους ἀπαγγέλλειν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῇ, μὴ τὴν‎ ἰδίαν οὕτως σκοπεῖν σωτηρίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ κοινὴν τοῦ ἔθνους· εἰ γὰρ ἀμελήσειεν τούτου νῦν, ἔσεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ βοήθειαν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πάντως, αὐτὴν δὲ καὶ τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ὀλιγωρηθέντων διαφθαρήσεσθαι.

²²⁷ When the eunuch brought these words from Esther to Mordecai, he commanded him to tell her not to consider her own safety so much as the common safety of the nation; for if she should neglect this now, help would certainly come to the nation from God, but she and her father’s house would be destroyed by those she had disregarded.

²²⁷ Now when the eunuch carried this message from Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only provide for her own preservation, but for the common preservation of her nation, for that if she now neglected this opportunity, there would certainly arise help to them from God some other way, but she and her father’s house would be destroyed by those whom she now despised.

²²⁷ When Mardochai heard Esther’s message from the eunuch, he got him to tell her that she must not only provide for her own safety but also for that of all her nation; for if she did not act now, God would help them in no other way, and she and her father’s house would be destroyed by those whom she now scorned.

²²⁸ ἡ δὲ Ἐσθήρα ἐπέστειλεν μὲν τῷ τὸν αὐτὸν πέμψασα διάκονον εἰς Σοῦσα πορευθέντι τοὺς ἐκεῖ εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγεῖν καὶ νηστεῦσαι πάντων ἀποσχομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ ποιήσασα μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων τότε προσελεύσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ παρὰ τὸν νόμον ὑπισχνεῖτο, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ τοῦτο ὑπομενεῖν.

²²⁸ Esther then sent the same servant back to Mordecai, telling him to go to Susa and gather the Jews there into an assembly, and to fast and abstain from everything for three days on her behalf. She promised that after doing the same with her handmaids, she would then approach the King despite the law, and if it were necessary to die, she would endure it."

²²⁸ But Esther sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know that] she with her maidens would do the same: and then she promised that she would go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse it.

²²⁸ Esther sent the same eunuch back to Mardochai, sending him to Susa to gather the Jews there to a meeting and to fast for her sake and that she and her girls would do the same; and then she promised to go to the king, even unlawfully and if she must die for doing so.

The Geometry of Mourning
Josephus highlights a physical boundary: the palace gate. Mordecai's sackcloth acts as a social barrier. In the Persian court, the King must be surrounded by an illusion of perpetual joy; therefore, the "ugly" reality of the empire's victims is literally barred from his sight. Mordecai uses his presence at the gate as a "visual protest," forcing the news into the palace through the servants.

The Logic of the "Humble Posture" (σχῆμα ταπεινόν)
Mordecai tells Esther not to be ἀδοξῆσαι (ashamed/dishonored) to take a humble posture. This is a subtle psychological point: Esther is now a Queen of the world's greatest empire. Mordecai reminds her that her royal dignity is secondary to her identity as a daughter of a "remnant" people. True honor, in Josephus’s view, lies in the willingness to descend from the throne to save one's kin.

The "Divine Help" Argument
One of the most famous theological moments in the story is framed slightly differently by Josephus. While the biblical text says "relief and deliverance will rise for the Jews from another place," Josephus explicitly names the source: παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ (from God). He frames it as a guarantee: the nation will survive because of God's providence, but Esther's personal legacy and "father's house" depend on her participation in that providence.

The Golden Rod vs. The Law (παρὰ τὸν νόμον)
Josephus emphasizes the νόμος (law) twice in this passage. The Persian system is depicted as a machine of "legalism" where even the Queen is a subject. By deciding to go παρὰ τὸν νόμον (contrary to the law), Esther is committing an act of civil disobedience. Her fast is not just a religious ritual, but a preparation for a potential execution.

Solidarity through Fasting
Esther’s request for a collective fast in Susa establishes a covenant of solidarity. She refuses to act as an isolated individual; she requires the "assembly" (ekklēsian) to stand with her spiritually. This reinforces Josephus's ongoing theme that the safety of the Jews depends on communal unity and shared adherence to ancestral traditions.

"If I Perish, I Perish" (κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ)
Josephus renders this famous line with a Stoic weight. The phrase ὑπομενεῖν (to endure/stand under) suggests a courageous acceptance of fate. It marks the moment Esther ceases to be a passive beauty queen and becomes a political actor.

²²⁹ Καὶ μὲν κατὰ τὰς Ἐσθῆρος ἐντολὰς τόν τε λαὸν ἐποίησεν νηστεῦσαι καὶ τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸς ἱκέτευσε μηδὲ νῦν ὑπεριδεῖν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ἔθνος ἀπολλύμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῦ‎ πολλάκις προενόησεν καὶ ἁμαρτόντι συνέγνω, καὶ νῦν αὐτὸ ῥύσασθαι τῆς κατηγγελμένης ἀπωλείας·

²²⁹ "So Mordecai, according to Esther's instructions, caused the people to fast; and he himself besought God not now to overlook his nation as it was perishing, but—just as He had often provided for them before and forgiven them when they sinned—so now to rescue them from the announced destruction.

²²⁹ Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made the people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to overlook his nation, particularly at this time, when it was going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often before provided for them, and forgiven, when they had sinned, so he would now deliver them from that destruction which was denounced against them;

²²⁹ Mardochai did as Esther bade him and got the people to fast, and with them begged God not to ignore his nation at this time when it was due to be destroyed, but as he had often before provided for them and forgiven their sins, so he would now deliver them from the destruction threatening them.

²³⁰ οὐδὲ γὰρ ἁμαρτόν τι κινδυνεύειν ἀκλεῶς ἀποθανεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν γὰρ εἶναι τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τῆς ὀργῆς, ὅτι μὴ προσεκύνησα μηδ᾽ ἣν σοί, δέσποτα, φησίν, τιμὴν παρεῖχον, ταύτην ἐκείνῳ παρασχεῖν ὑπέμενον, ὀργισθεὶς ταῦτα

²³⁰ For he said that they were not in danger of dying ignobly because of any sin, but rather that he himself was the cause of Haman’s wrath: 'Because,' he said, 'O Master, I could not endure to offer to him that honor which I provide to You; being enraged at this, he has plotted these things against those who do not transgress Your laws.'

²³⁰ for although it was not all the nation that had offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of Haman, "Because," said he, "I did not worship him, nor could I endure to pay that honor to him which I used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he contrived this present mischief against those that have not transgressed thy laws."

²³⁰ For it was not because of any sin that they were in danger of being so shamefully killed, but he himself had caused Haman’s anger. "Because," he said, "I did not worship him, nor could I bear to pay him the honour I used to pay to you, O Lord, and it was his anger that made him plan this present harm against those who have not broken your laws."

²³¹ κατὰ τῶν μὴ παραβαινόντων τοὺς σοὺς νόμους ἐμηχανήσατο. τὰς δ᾽ αὐτὰς ἠφίει καὶ τὸ πλῆθος φωνάς, παρακαλοῦν προνοῆσαι τὸν θεὸν τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ γῇ ἐξελέσθαι τῆς μελλούσης συμφορᾶς· καὶ γὰρ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτὴν εἶχον ἤδη καὶ προσεδόκων. ἱκέτευε δὲ καὶ Ἐσθήρα τὸν θεὸν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ ῥίψασα κατὰ τῆς γῆς ἑαυτὴν καὶ πενθικὴν ἐσθῆτα περιθεμένη,

²³¹ The multitude also sent up the same cries, entreating God to provide for their safety and to deliver the Israelites throughout the whole earth from the coming calamity; for they already had it before their eyes and were expecting it. Esther also besought God according to the ancestral law, casting herself upon the earth and clothing herself in mourning attire;

²³¹ The same supplications did the multitude put up, and entreated that God would provide for their deliverance, and free the Israelites that were in all the earth from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for they had it before their eyes, and expected its coming. Accordingly, Esther made supplication to God after the manner of her country, by casting herself down upon the earth, and putting on her mourning garments,

²³¹ The people made the same prayers and begged God to save them and free the Israelites in all the world from this disaster now coming upon them, for it stood before their eyes and they fully expected it.

²³² καὶ τροφῇ καὶ ποτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἡδέσιν ἀποταξαμένη τρισὶν ἡμέραις ᾔτει τὸν θεὸν ἐλεηθῆναι μὲν αὐτήν, δόξαι δ᾽ ὀφθεῖσαν τῷ βασιλεῖ πιθανὴν μὲν τοὺς λόγους παρακαλοῦσαν τὸ δὲ εἶδος εὐπρεπεστέραν τῆς τάχιον οὖσαν,

²³² having renounced food and drink and all pleasant things for three days, she asked God to have mercy on her, and that when she appeared to the King, she might seem persuasive in her words of entreaty and more beautiful in form than she was before;

²³² and bidding farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' time; and she entreated God to have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive to the king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was before,

²³² So Esther prayed to God in the style of her people, lying on the ground and wearing a mourning robe and shunning food and drink and all delicacies for three days, begging God to have mercy on her and make her words persuasive to the king and her appearance more beautiful than before,

²³³ ἵν᾽ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ παραίτησιν ὀργῆς, εἴ τι παροξυνθείη πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεύς, χρήσαιτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ συνηγορίαν τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις σαλευόντων, μῖσός τε γενέσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τῶν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ μέλλουσαν, ἐὰν ὀλιγωρηθῶσιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, κατασκευάσοντας.

²³³ so that she might use both [beauty and speech] to turn aside his wrath, should the King be provoked against her, and to advocate for her kinsmen who were being tossed about in the extreme of danger; and that a hatred might arise in the King toward the enemies of the Jews and toward those who were preparing the coming destruction for them, should they be neglected by him."

²³³ that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for the averting of the king’s anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, and for the consolation of those of her own country, now they were in the utmost danger of perishing; as also that he would excite a hatred in the king against the enemies of the Jews, and those that had contrived their future destruction, if they proved to be condemned by him.

²³³ so that using both she might turn aside the king’s anger, if he were angry with her, and bring comfort to her countrymen who were in the most extreme danger and arouse in the king a hatred toward the enemies of the Jews and those who planned their destruction, if he turned on them.

The Legal Defense: No Sin Found
In biblical history, national disaster is usually attributed to the people's sins. Here, Josephus records a fascinating theological shift: Mordecai argues that the Jews are innocent of any specific crime. He identifies the conflict as a direct result of religious fidelity. By framing the crisis as a consequence of refusing to commit idolatry, Mordecai "forces" God’s hand—if the people die for keeping the Law, the Law itself is at stake.

Proskynesis: The Theology of Honor
Josephus makes the point of the refusal crystal clear. Mordecai tells God: "I could not endure to offer to him that honor which I provide to You." This distinguishes between civil respect and divine worship. In the eyes of the Persian court, Mordecai was a rebel; in the eyes of Josephus, Mordecai was a guardian of the First Commandment.

The Psychology of the Remnant
The phrase "before their eyes" (πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν) captures the visceral terror of the Jewish Diaspora. They weren't just theoretical victims; they were watching the calendar count down to their execution. This communal lamentation highlights the vulnerability of the "Remnant" scattered across 127 provinces with nowhere left to flee.

Esther’s Dual Strategy: Beauty and Persuasion
Esther’s prayer is remarkably practical. She doesn't just ask for a miracle; she asks for rhetorical and physical enhancements.

1) Persuasive Speech: To navigate the King's ego.

2) Superior Beauty: To act as a "shield" against the King's initial anger at her unsummoned entrance.

Josephus portrays her as a "holy diplomat" who recognizes that God often works through human attributes like charm and eloquence.

The "Tossed About" Nation (σαλευόντων)
Josephus uses the nautical metaphor saleuontōn (being tossed in a storm/unstable). It paints the Jewish nation as a ship on the verge of foundering. This imagery would resonate deeply with Josephus’s Roman-era readers, who often used maritime metaphors for political stability.

Shifting the King's Hatred
The final goal of Esther’s prayer is a psychological "transfer." She doesn't just want the Jews saved; she wants the King’s μῖσος (hatred) to be redirected from the Jews onto their enemies. She realizes that in a zero-sum game like the Persian court, the only way to be safe is to ensure the "Aggressor" (Haman) becomes the new target of the King's volatile temper.

²³⁴ Ταῦθ᾽ ἱκετεύουσα τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀποδύεται μὲν τὴν‎ ἐσθῆτα ἐκείνην καὶ τὸ σχῆμα μεταβάλλει, κοσμησαμένη δ᾽ ὡς ἐχρῆν τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν σὺν δυσὶν θεραπαίναις, ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐπερειδομένην αὐτὴν κούφως ἔφερεν, ἡ δὲ ἑπομένη τὸ βαθὺ τοῦ ἐνδύματος καὶ μέχρι τῆς γῆς κεχυμένον ἄκροις ἀπῃώρει τοῖς δακτύλοις, ἥκει πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, μεστὴ μὲν τὸ πρόσωπον ἐρυθήματος, προσηνὲς δὲ καὶ σεμνὸν ἐπικειμένη τὸ κάλλος.

²³⁴ "Having besought God in this way for three days, she took off those [mourning] garments and changed her appearance; having adorned herself as was fitting for a queen, she went to the King with two handmaids, one of whom supported her as she leaned lightly upon her, while the other followed behind, lifting with her fingertips the long train of her robe that trailed to the ground. Her face was flushed with a blush, yet she bore a beauty that was both gentle and majestic.

²³⁴ When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put off those garments, and changed her habit, and adorned herself as became a queen, and took two of her handmaids with her, the one of which supported her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the other followed after, and lifted up her large train (which swept along the ground) with the extremities of her fingers. And thus she came to the king, having a blushing redness in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her behavior; yet did she go in to him with fear;

²³⁴ When she had prayed to God for three days like this, she put off that robe and changed her looks and dressed like a queen and took two of her serving girls, one of whom supported her and the other followed behind, with her fingers lifting up the train from the ground. So she came to the king with a blush on her cheeks and an expression of deference on her beautiful face.

²³⁵ εἰσῄει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν μετὰ δέους. ὡς δὲ κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ‎ καθεζομένου ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου γίνεται τὸν βασιλικὸν περικειμένου κόσμον, οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ἐκ ποικίλης μὲν ἐσθῆτοςgarment, clothing,	²³⁵ She entered his presence with dread. When she came before him as he sat upon his throne, clothed in his royal finery—which consisted of embroidered robes, gold, and precious stones—
²³⁵ and as soon as she was come over against him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which was a garment interwoven with gold and precious stones,	²³⁵ She went in to him with trepidation, and when she came face to face with him as he sat on his throne in his royal robes interwoven with gold and precious stones

²³⁶ χρυσοῦ δὲ καὶ λίθου πολυτελοῦς, φοβερώτερον καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὰ μᾶλλον θεασαμένη καί τι κἀκείνου προσιδόντος αὐτὴν ἀπηνέστερον καὶ διακεκαυμένῳ ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς τῷ προσώπῳ, πάρεσις αὐτὴν εὐθὺς λαμβάνει καὶ τοῖς παρὰ πλευρὸν οὖσιν ἀχανὴς ἐπέπεσεν.

²³⁶ she beheld him as even more terrifying because of these things. When he looked at her with a somewhat harsh expression, his face burning with anger, she was immediately seized by a fainting spell and fell breathless upon those standing beside her.

²³⁶ which made him seem to her more terrible, especially when he looked at her somewhat severely, and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon:

²³⁶ which made him seem to her more terrible, especially when he looked at her somewhat severely and with a face flushed with anger, her joints failed her from the dread she instantly felt and she fell down sideways in a swoon.

²³⁷ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς κατὰ βούλησιν οἶμαι τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν μετέβαλεν καὶ δείσας περὶ τῇ γυναικί, μὴ καὶ πάθῃ τι τῶν χειρόνων ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου,	²³⁷ But the King, by the will of God, I believe, changed his mind; fearing for his wife, lest she suffer some worse harm from her fright,
²³⁷ but the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon her,	²³⁷ But the king had a change of mind, by God’s will I suppose, and was anxious that his wife’s fear might do her harm.

²³⁸ ἀνεπήδησεν ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου, καὶ ταῖς ἀγκάλαις αὐτὴν ὑπολαβὼν κατασπαζόμενός τε καὶ προσομιλῶν ἡδέως καὶ θαρρεῖν παρακαλῶν καὶ μηδὲν ὑποπτεύειν σκυθρωπόν, ὅτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκλητος · τὸν γὰρ νόμον τοῦτον πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους κεῖσθαι, τὴν‎ δὲ ὁμοίως αὐτῷ βασιλεύουσαν πᾶσαν ἔχειν χρόνου.

²³⁸ he leaped from his throne and, taking her in his arms, revived her, embracing her and speaking sweetly to her, urging her to take courage and suspect nothing grim because she had come to him unsummoned. For he said this law was established for his subjects, but she, who reigned equally with him, had every immunity.

²³⁸ and he leaped from his throne, and took her in his arms, and recovered her, by embracing her, and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any thing that was sad on account of her coming to him without being called, because that law was made for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well as he a king, might be entirely secure;

²³⁸ He jumped from his throne and took her in his arms and revived her by embracing her and speaking comforting words to her and urging her to take heart and to fear no misfortune for coming to him without being called, because that law was made for subjects, but that she, as truly a queen as he was a king, should feel entirely secure.

²³⁹ ταῦτα λέγων τὸ σκῆπτρον αὐτῆς ἐνετίθει τῇ χειρὶ καὶ τὴν‎ ῥάβδον ἐξέτεινεν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐχένα αὐτῆς διὰ τὸν νόμον εὐλαβείας αὐτὴν ἀπολύων.	²³⁹ Saying these things, he placed the scepter in her hand and extended the rod over her neck, releasing her from the law out of reverence for her.
²³⁹ and as he said this, he put the scepter into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the law; and so freed her from her fear.	²³⁹ As he said this, he put the scepter into her hand and touched his staff to her neck according to the law, and so eased her fear.

²⁴⁰ ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀναζωπυρήσασα, " δέσποτ᾽, εἶπεν, οὐκ ἔχω σοι τὸ αἰφνίδιον τοῦ συμβεβηκότος μοι ῥᾳδίως εἰπεῖν· ὡς γὰρ εἶδόν σε μέγαν καὶ καλὸν καὶ φοβερόν, εὐθὺς	²⁴⁰ She, being rekindled by these actions, said, 'O Master, I cannot easily describe to you the suddenness of what happened to me; for as I saw you—great and beautiful and terrifying—my breath immediately withdrew, and my soul abandoned me.'
²⁴⁰ And after she had recovered herself by these encouragements, she said, "My lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit departed from me, and I had no soul left in me."	²⁴⁰ When this revived her she said, "My lord, it is not easy for me at this moment to say what has happened, for as soon as I saw you so great and handsome and terrible, my spirit left me and I had no soul within me."

²⁴¹ ὑπεχώρει μου τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ κατελειπόμην ὑπὸ τῆς ψυχῆς. μόλις δ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ ταῦτα φθεγγομένης καὶ μετὰ ἀσθενείας αὐτόν τε ἀγωνία καὶ ταραχὴ κατελάμβανεν καὶ τὴν‎ Ἐσθῆρ᾽ εὐψυχεῖν καὶ τὰ κρείττω προσδοκᾶν παρεθάρρυνεν, ὡς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὰ ἡμίση τῆς βασιλείας, εἰ δέοιτο τούτων, παραχωρήσοντος αὐτῇ.

²⁴¹ As she uttered these words with difficulty and weakness, he was seized by anxiety and turmoil, and he encouraged Esther to be of good heart and expect the best, promising that he would even cede half of his kingdom to her if she requested it.

²⁴¹ And while it was with difficulty, and in a low voice, that she could say thus much, the king was in a great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to grant her the half of his kingdom.

²⁴¹ As it was only with difficulty and in a low voice that she could say this, the king was distressed and distraught and encouraged Esther to take heart and be more hopeful, since he was ready, if need be, to grant her the half of his kingdom.

²⁴² ἡ δὲ Ἐσθήρα ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν αὐτὸν μετὰ τοῦ φίλου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐλθεῖν ἠξίωσεν· παρεσκευακέναι γὰρ αὐτὴν δεῖπνον ἔλεγεν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπένευσεν καὶ παρῆσαν, μεταξὺ πίνων τὴν‎ Ἐσθῆρα ἐκέλευσε δηλοῦν αὐτῷ, τί βούλεται·

²⁴² Esther, however, asked him to come to her with his friend Haman; for she said she had prepared a banquet. When he consented and they were present, while drinking, he commanded Esther to reveal what she wanted;

²⁴² Accordingly, Esther desired that he and his friend Haman would come to her to a banquet, for she said she had prepared a supper for him. He consented to it; and when they were there, as they were drinking, he bid Esther to let him know what she desired;

²⁴² Esther then asked that he and his friend Haman would come to celebrate with her, saying that she had prepared him a supper. He consented to it, and since they were there and drinking together, he demanded that Esther let him know what she wanted.

²⁴³ μηδενὸς γὰρ ἀτυχήσειν, μηδ᾽ ἂν τὸ μέρος τῆς βασιλείας ἐθελήσῃ [λαβεῖν]. ἡ δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀνεβάλλετο φράζειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ αὐτῆς βούλησιν, εἰ πάλιν πρὸς αὐτὴν μετὰ ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν.

²⁴³ for she would fail in nothing, even if she wished to take a portion of the kingdom. But she postponed telling him her wish until the following day, if he would come again to a banquet with Haman."

²⁴³ for that she should not be disappointed though she should desire the half of his kingdom. But she put off the discovery of her petition till the next day, if he would come again, together with Haman, to her banquet.

²⁴³ She would not be refused, he said, even if she asked for half of his kingdom. But she put off revealing her petition until the next day, if he would come again, along with Haman, to her banquet.

The Choreography of Royalty
Josephus provides a vivid description of the Queen's procession. The detail of the second handmaid holding the βαθὺ τοῦ ἐνδύματος (deep/long train) of the robe emphasizes the physical weight of Esther's status. She is literally "weighed down" by the very royalty she is about to risk. This "theatrical" element makes the scene more accessible to a Roman audience used to the spectacle of the imperial court.

Divine Psychology (κατά βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ)
In the Hebrew Masoretic text of Esther, God is never explicitly mentioned. Josephus, however, breaks this "silence" by stating that the King’s sudden change from anger to panic-stricken concern was "by the will of God." He interprets the King’s leap from the throne as a supernatural pivot, turning a potential execution into a moment of domestic tenderness.

"Immunity" vs. "Subjecthood"
The King offers a unique legal interpretation: the law of the golden scepter applies to ὑπηκόους (subjects), but Esther reigns ὁμοίως αὐτῷ (equally with him) and thus possesses ἄδειαν (immunity/freedom from fear). This is the King’s "out"—a way to uphold the law while exempting the person he loves.

The Somatic Response (πάρεσις)
Josephus uses the term paresis (a slackening or paralysis) to describe Esther’s faint. In the ancient world, a physical collapse was often seen as proof of a person’s sincerity and the overwhelming nature of the "numinous" presence of a King. By fainting, Esther bypassed the King's anger and appealed directly to his protective instincts.

The Strategy of the Second Banquet
Why does Esther delay her request? Josephus portrays her as a master of timing. By inviting Haman, she makes him feel secure and "at the top of his game" just before his fall. The delay also builds the King's curiosity and "turmoil" (ταραχὴ), ensuring that when she finally makes her request, he will be desperate to grant it just to see her "of good heart" again.

"Half the Kingdom"
This phrase, also famously used by Herod Antipas in the New Testament, is a formulaic Persian expression of ultimate favor. By having the King offer this before she even asks, Josephus shows that the "battle" for the King’s favor was already won the moment he stepped off his throne to catch her.

²⁴⁴ Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ὁ Ἀμάνης ἐξῆλθεν περιχαρὴς ἐπὶ τῷ μόνον ἠξιῶσθαι συνδειπνεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ παρὰ τῇ Ἐσθήρᾳ, καὶ ὅτι μηδεὶς τοσαύτης ἄλλος τυγχάνει παρὰ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τιμῆς. ἰδὼν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ Μαρδοχαῖον ὑπερηγανάκτησεν· οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ θεασαμένου πρὸς τιμὴν ἐγένετο.

²⁴⁴ "When the King made this promise, Haman went out overjoyed because he alone had been deemed worthy to dine with the King at Esther’s table, and because no one else obtained such honor from the monarchs. But seeing Mordecai in the court, he was exceedingly provoked; for he received no sign of respect from him.

²⁴⁴ Now when the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very glad, because he alone had the honor of supping with the king at Esther’s banquet, and because no one else partook of the same honor with kings but himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was very much displeased, for he paid him no manner of respect when he saw him.

²⁴⁴ When the king promised to do so, Haman went off feeling glad that he alone had the honour of sharing Esther’s banquet with the king and that no one else would share this royal honour. But when he saw Mardochai in the courtyard he was very angry, for on seeing him he showed no sign of respect.

²⁴⁵ καὶ παρελθὼν πρὸς αὑτὸν τὴν‎ γυναῖκα Γάζασαν ἐκάλεσεν καὶ τοὺς φίλους. ὧν παρόντων διηγεῖτο τὴν‎ τιμήν, ἧς οὐ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπολαύοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τῆς βασιλίσσης· καὶ γὰρ τήμερον ὡς δειπνήσειεν παρ᾽ αὐτῇ μόνος σὺν τῷ βασιλεῖ, κληθείη πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ .

²⁴⁵ Returning home, he called his wife, Gazasa [Zeresh], and his friends. In their presence, he recounted the honor he enjoyed, not only from the King but also from the Queen; for today he had dined with her alone alongside the King, and he had been invited again for the following day.

²⁴⁵ So he went home and called for his wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were come, he showed them what honor he enjoyed not only from the king, but from the queen also, for as he alone had that day supped with her, together with the king, so was he also invited again for the next day;

²⁴⁵ Going home he called his wife Gazasa and his friends and when they came, he told them of the honour he enjoyed not only from the king but also from the queen, for just as he had that day supped alone with her and the king, he was also invited again for the next day.

²⁴⁶ ἔλεγέν τε μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι Μαρδοχαῖον ὁρῶντα ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τὸν . τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ‎ Γαζάσης εἰπούσης κελεῦσαι ξύλον κοπῆναι πηχῶν ἑξήκοντα καὶ πρωὶ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αἰτησάμενον ἀνασταυρῶσαι τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον, ἐπαινέσας τὴν‎ γνώμην προσέταξεν τοῖς οἰκέταις ξύλον ἑτοιμασαμένους στῆσαι τοῦτο ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ πρὸς τιμωρίαν .

²⁴⁶ Yet he said he was not satisfied so long as he saw Mordecai the Jew in the court. His wife Gazasa suggested that he order a wooden beam to be cut, sixty cubits high, and in the morning ask the King to have Mordecai impaled upon it. Praising this opinion, he ordered his servants to prepare the wood and set it up in the court for Mordecai’s punishment.

²⁴⁶ "yet," said he, "am I not pleased to see Mordecai the Jew in the court." Hereupon his wife Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the morning he should ask it of the king that Mordecai might be hanged thereon. So he commended her advice, and gave order to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the punishment of Mordecai thereon,

²⁴⁶ He said he was not pleased to see Mardochai the Jew at court, and his wife Gazasa advised him to order a fifty feet high gallows to be made and in the morning to ask the king to crucify Mardochai on it. Praising her advice he had his servants prepare the gallows and place it in the court, for the punishment of Mardochai.

²⁴⁷ καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἦν ἕτοιμον· ὁ δὲ θεὸς κατεγέλα τῆς ἈμάνουAmanus πονηρᾶς ἐλπίδος καὶ τὸ συμβησόμενον εἰδὼς ἐτέρπετο τῷ γενησομένῳ· τοῦ γὰρ βασιλέως διὰ νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἀφαιρεῖται τὸν ὕπνον.	²⁴⁷ The beam was ready; but God mocked Haman’s wicked hope, and knowing what would happen, He took pleasure in the outcome. For during that night, He took sleep away from the King.
²⁴⁷ which was accordingly prepared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that night he took away the king’s sleep;	²⁴⁷ So it was prepared; but God laughed to scorn Haman’s wicked hopes, knowing what the outcome would be, and that night deprived the king of sleep.

²⁴⁸ ὁ δ᾽ οὐ βουλόμενος ἀργῶς ἀπολέσαι τὴν‎ ἀγρυπνίαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἴς τι τῶν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διαφερόντων αὐτὴν ἀναλῶσαι, τὸν γραμματέα κομίσαντα καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέων τὰ ὑπομνήματα καὶ τῶν ἰδίων πράξεων ἀναγινώσκειν αὐτῷ προσέταξεν.

²⁴⁸ The King, not wishing to waste his wakefulness in idleness but to spend it on something concerning the kingdom, ordered the scribe to bring the records (hypomnēmata) of the kings before him and of his own deeds, and to read them to him.

²⁴⁸ and as the king was not willing to lose the time of his lying awake, but to spend it in something that might be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former kings, and the records of his own actions;

²⁴⁸ Unwilling to waste the time while he lay awake and wishing to spend it on something useful to his kingdom, he ordered the scribe to bring him the chronicles of past kings and the records of his own deeds.

²⁴⁹ κομίσαντος δὲ καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντος εὑρέθη τις δι᾽ ἀριστείαν ἔν τινι γέρας εἰληφὼς χώραν, ἧς καὶ τὸ ὄνομα ἐγέγραπτο. ἕτερον δὲ διὰ πίστιν τετυχηκότα δωρεᾶς μηνύων ἦλθεν καὶ ἐπὶ Γαβαταῖον καὶ Θεοδέστην τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύσαντας εὐνούχους τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὧν μηνυτὴς ἦν γεγενημένος.

²⁴⁹ As the scribe brought and read them, it was found that a certain man had received a region as a reward for bravery, and his name was recorded. Another, for his loyalty, had obtained a gift. Then the reading came to Gabataios and Theodestes, the eunuchs who had conspired against the King, and whose informant Mordecai had been.

²⁴⁹ and when he had brought them, and was reading them, one was found to have received a country on account of his excellent management on a certain occasion, and the name of the country was set down; another was found to have had a present made him on account of his fidelity: then the scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had discovered;

²⁴⁹ When he brought them and was reading them out, one was found whose valour in some engagement was rewarded with a country and its name was in the records; another was found to have been rewarded with gifts for his fidelity. Then the scribe came to Gabataios and Theodestes, the eunuchs whose conspiracy against the king was uncovered by Mardochai.

²⁵⁰ φράσαντος δὲ τοῦτο μόνον τοῦ γραμματέως καὶ μεταβαίνοντος εἰς ἑτέραν πρᾶξιν ἐπέσχεν ὁ βασιλεὺς πυνθανόμενος, εἰ μὴ ἔχει γέρας αὐτῷ δοθὲν ἀναγεγραμμένον. ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἔφη μηδὲν εἶναι, κελεύσας ἡσυχάζειν, τίς ἡ τῆς νυκτὸς ‎ὥρα, παρὰ τῶν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένων ἐπυνθάνετο.

²⁵⁰ When the scribe read this and was moving on to another matter, the King stopped him, inquiring if there was any reward recorded as having been given to him. When the scribe said there was none, the King commanded him to be silent and asked his attendants what hour of the night it was.

²⁵⁰ and when the scribe said no more but that, and was going on to another history, the king stopped him, and inquired "whether it was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?" and when he said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he inquired of those that were appointed for that purpose, what hour of the night it was;

²⁵⁰ When the scribe just mentioned it and was passing on to another account, the king stopped him to ask if there was any mention of Mardochai receiving a reward; and when he replied there was not, he made him stop and asked the men assigned to it what hour of the night it was.

²⁵¹ μαθὼν δ᾽, ὡς ὄρθρος ἐστὶν ἤδη, προσέταξεν τῶν φίλων ὃν ἂν πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς εὕρωσιν ἤδη παρόντα τοῦτον αὐτῷ δηλοῦν. ἔτυχέν τε ὥστε Ἀμάνην εὑρεθῆναι· θᾶττον γὰρ τῆς συνήθους ὥρας ἐληλύθει περὶ τοῦ Μαρδοχαίου θανάτου δεησόμενος αὐτοῦ‎.

²⁵¹ Learning that it was already dawn, he ordered that whichever of his friends was found present before the court should be announced to him. It happened that Haman was found there; for he had come earlier than his usual hour to petition for Mordecai’s death.

²⁵¹ and when he was informed that it was already day, he gave order, that if they found any one of his friends already come, and standing before the court, they should tell him. Now it happened that Haman was found there, for he was come sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have Mordecai put to death;

²⁵¹ When he learned that it was almost day, he bade them tell him if they found that any of his friends had already arrived and were standing in the courtyard. Now Haman was there, for he had come earlier than usual, to ask the king to have Mardochai put to death.

²⁵² τῶν οὖν θεραπόντων εἰπόντων, ὅτι Ἀμάνης εἴη πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν εἰσκαλέσαι. εἰσελθόντος δέ " φίλον, εἶπεν, εἰδὼς ἐμαυτῷ σὲ μόνον εὔνουν συμβουλεῦσαί μοι παρακαλῶ, πῶς ἂν τιμήσαιμι τινὰ στεργόμενον ὑπ᾽

²⁵² When the attendants said Haman was before the court, he ordered him to be called in. When he entered, the King said, 'Friend, knowing you alone to be well-disposed toward me, I ask you to advise me: how might I honor someone who is greatly beloved by me in a manner worthy of my magnanimity?'

²⁵² and when the servants said that Haman was before the court, he bid them call him in; and when he was come in, he said, "Because I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire thee to give me advice how I may honor one that I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable to my magnificence."

²⁵² When the servants said that Haman was just outside he had them call him in, and said to him when he arrived, "Because I know you are my only firm friend, I want you to advise me how to honour one whom I greatly love, in a way worthy of my magnificence."

²⁵³ ἐμοῦ σφόδρα τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ μεγαλοφροσύνης ἀξίως. ὁ δὲ Ἀμάνης λογισάμενος, ἣν ἂν δῷ γνώμην ταύτην δώσειν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎, φιλεῖσθαι γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως μόνον, ἣν ᾤετο εἶναι ταύτην φανερὰν ἐποίησεν.

²⁵³ Haman, calculating that whatever opinion he gave would be for his own benefit—since he believed he alone was loved by the King—revealed what he thought was best.

²⁵³ Now Haman reasoned with himself, that what opinion he should give it would be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought of all other the best; for he said,

²⁵³ Now Haman reckoned that the advice he gave would apply to him, since only he was loved by the king, so he gave the advice he thought would be clearly best for himself.

²⁵⁴ εἶπεν γάρ " εἰ βούλοιο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὃν φῂς ἀγαπᾶν δόξῃ περιβαλεῖν, ποίησον ἐφ᾽ ἵππου βαδίζειν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἐσθῆτά σοι φοροῦντα καὶ περιαυχένιον χρυσοῦν ἔχοντα καὶ προάγοντα τῶν ἀναγκαίων φίλων ἕνα κηρύσσειν δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι ταύτης τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς ὃν ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς τιμήσῃ.

²⁵⁴ He said, 'If you wish to clothe the man you say you love with glory, have him ride upon a horse, wearing the same robe as you, with a golden chain about his neck, and have one of your closest friends lead him, proclaiming through the whole city: "This is the honor which comes to him whom the King honors!"'

²⁵⁴ "If thou wouldst truly honor a man whom thou sayest thou dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with the same garment on which thou wearest, and with a gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through the whole city, that whosoever the king honoreth obtaineth this mark of his honor."

²⁵⁴ He said, "If you would truly cover with honour the person you say you love, have him ride on horseback, clothed as you are yourself, with a gold chain around his neck, and let one of your close friends go ahead of him to proclaim throughout the city that this is the honour given to the one honoured by the king."

²⁵⁵ ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀμάνης ταῦτα συνεβούλευσεν οἰόμενος εἰς αὐτὸν ἥξειν τοῦτο τὸ γέρας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἡσθεὶς τῇ παραινέσει " προελθών. φησίν, ἔχεις γὰρ καὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν καὶ τὸν στρεπτόν. ἐπιζήτησον Μαρδοχαῖον τὸν καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνῳ δοὺς προάγων αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν ἵππον, σὺ γάρ, ἔφη, μοι Φίλος ἀναγκαῖος, ἴσθι διάκονος ὧν χρηστὸς σύμβουλος ἐγένου. ταῦτα δὲ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν

²⁵⁵ Haman gave this advice thinking the reward would come to him. But the King, pleased with the suggestion, said, 'Go, for you have the horse, the robe, and the chain. Seek out Mordecai the Jew and give these to him, leading his horse; for you,' he said, 'are my indispensable friend; be the minister of the things you suggested as a good counselor. These things shall be given to him from us for saving my life.'

²⁵⁵ This was the advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that such a reward would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the advice, and said, "Go thou therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those things, and go before his horse and proclaim accordingly; for thou art," said he, "my intimate friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life."

²⁵⁵ This was what Haman advised, thinking that this prize would come to himself. The king was pleased with the advice and said, "Go then, as you have the horse, the garment and the chain, and ask for Mardochai the Jew and confer those things on him and go before his horse and proclaim accordingly, for you are my close friend and have given me good advice; so carry out the service you have advised. This shall be his reward from us, for saving my life."

²⁵⁶ ἔσται‎ σώσαντί μου τὴν‎ ψυχήν. τούτων ἀκούσας παρὰ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα τὴν‎ διάνοιαν συνεχύθη καὶ πληγεὶς ὑπὸ ἀμηχανίας ἔξεισιν ἄγων τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὴν‎ πορφύραν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν περιαυχένιον, καὶ τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον εὑρὼν πρὸ τῆς αὐλῆς σάκκον ἐνδεδυμένον ἐκέλευσεν ἀποθέμενον ἐνδύσασθαι τὴν‎ πορφύραν.

²⁵⁶ Hearing this contrary to all expectation, his mind was confounded; struck by helplessness, he went out leading the horse and carrying the purple robe and the golden chain. Finding Mordecai before the court dressed in sackcloth, he ordered him to lay it aside and put on the purple.

²⁵⁶ When he heard this order, which was entirely unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to do. However, he went out and led the horse, and took the purple garment, and the golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him put that garment off, and put the purple garment on.

²⁵⁶ When he heard this entirely unexpected order, his mind was addled and he scarcely knew what to do. However, he went out and led the horse and got the purple garment and the golden chain for the neck and finding Mardochai in front of the palace, clothed in sackcloth, told him to put it off and put on the purple garment.

²⁵⁷ ὁ δὲ οὐκ εἰδὼς τἀληθές, ἀλλὰ χλευάζεσθαι νομίζων " ὦ κάκιστε πάντων ἀνθρώπων, εἶπεν, οὕτως ἡμῶν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ἐπεγγελᾷς; πεισθεὶς δ᾽, ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ γέρας τοῦτ᾽ εἴη δεδωκὼς ἀντὶ τῆς σωτηρίας, ἣν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύσαντας εὐνούχους ἐλέγξας, ἐνδύεται τὴν‎ πορφύραν, ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς φορῶν ἀεὶ διετέλει, καὶ περιτίθεται τὸ περιαυχένιον,

²⁵⁷ Mordecai, not knowing the truth but thinking he was being mocked, said, 'O wickedest of men, do you thus mock our calamities?' But being convinced that the King had given him this reward in return for the safety he provided by exposing the conspirators, he put on the purple robe which the King always wore and the golden chain.

²⁵⁷ But Mordecai, not knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery, said, "O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost thou thus laugh at our calamities?" But when he was satisfied that the king bestowed this honor upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him when he convicted the eunuchs who had conspired against him, he put on that purple garment which the king always wore, and put the chain about his neck,

²⁵⁷ But he, not knowing the truth and thinking that this was just a mockery, said, "You wretch, vilest of all mankind, is this how you laugh at our troubles?" When he was satisfied that the king was granting him this honour for saving him when he convicted the eunuchs who had plotted against him, he put on the purple garment which the king regularly wore and put the chain around his neck.

²⁵⁸ καὶ ἐπιβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἐν κύκλῳ περιῄει τὴν‎ πόλιν ἈμάνουAmanus προάγοντος καὶ κηρύσσοντος, ὅτι τοῦτ᾽ ἔσται‎ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾧ ἂν στέρξῃ καὶ τιμῆς ἄξιον δοκιμάσῃ.	²⁵⁸ Mounting the horse, he went around the city in a circle, with Haman leading and proclaiming that this would be the reward from the King for whomever he loved and judged worthy of honor.
²⁵⁸ and got on horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before and proclaimed, "This shall be the reward which the king will bestow on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honor."	²⁵⁸ He got on horseback and went around the city preceded by Haman who proclaimed, "This is the reward the king will bestow on one whom he loves and esteems worthy of honour."

²⁵⁹ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκπεριῆλθον τὴν‎ πόλιν, ὁ μὲν εἰσῄει πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, Ἀμάνης δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης πρὸς αὑτὸν παραγίνεται καὶ μετὰ δακρύων τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς. φίλοις τὰ συμβεβηκότα διηγεῖτο. οἱ δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἀμύνασθαι τὸν Μαρδοχαῖον ἔλεγον δυνήσεσθαι· τὸν γὰρ θεὸν εἶναι σὺν αὐτῷ.

²⁵⁹ When they had finished the circuit, Mordecai went in to the King, but Haman returned home in shame and with tears recounted what had happened to his wife and friends. They told him he would no longer be able to take revenge on Mordecai, for God was with him."

²⁵⁹ And when they had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to the king; but Haman went home, out of shame, and informed his wife and friends of what had happened, and this with tears; who said, that he would never be able to be revenged of Mordecai, for that God was with him.

²⁵⁹ When they had gone around the city, Mardochai went in to the king, but Haman went home feeling ashamed, and in tears told his wife and friends of what had happened, and they said that he could never take revenge on Mardochai, since God was with him.

Divine Derision (ὁ δὲ θεὸς κατεγέλα)
Josephus makes an explicit theological addition here. While the Book of Esther is famous for its "hiddenness" of God, Josephus explicitly states that God mocked Haman. This transforms the story into a battle between Haman’s ponēra elpis (wicked hope) and God’s epiterpeto (pleasure/delight) in justice.

The 60-Cubit Gallow (πηχῶν ἑξήκοντα)
The height mentioned (approx. 90 feet) is intentionally absurd. It emphasizes Haman’s megalomania—he didn't just want Mordecai dead; he wanted a public execution visible from every corner of Susa. Josephus uses this detail to highlight the scale of the reversal: the higher Haman builds the gallows, the further he himself has to fall.

The "Insomnia" of the State
Josephus frames the King’s sleeplessness as a moment of imperial duty. Instead of seeking entertainment, the King seeks hypomnēmata (official records). This underscores a key Josephan theme: history is the tool by which justice is restored. The "records" act as the conscience of the King, bridging the gap between Mordecai’s past deed and his present reward.

Haman's Psychological Projection
Haman's advice is a window into his own soul. He suggests the horse, the robe, and the chain—items that signify royal identity. Haman wasn't just looking for wealth; he was looking to "play King." By suggesting these specific honors, he inadvertently creates the perfect humiliation for himself when he is forced to act as the "groom" for his rival.

Mordecai's Skepticism (χλευάζεσθαι νομίζων)
Josephus adds a realistic human touch: Mordecai thinks he is being bullied. After months of sackcloth and impending death, he assumes Haman has come to mock him with a cruel joke. This emphasizes the sheer "impossibility" of the reversal—it is so total that even the beneficiary can't believe it's real.

The Oracle of Defeat
The final words of Haman's wife and friends (τὸν γὰρ θεὸν εἶναι σὺν αὐτῷ) act as a secular prophecy. Even the "enemies" of the Jews recognize that a supernatural force has shifted the momentum. In Josephus's narrative, this is the moment Haman is spiritually defeated; the physical execution at the second banquet is merely the formal conclusion.

²⁶⁰ Ταῦτα δὲ τούτων ἔτι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμιλούντων ἧκον οἱ τῆς ἘσθήραςEsther εὐνοῦχοι τὸν Ἀμάνην ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐπισπεύδοντες.	²⁶⁰ "While they were still conversing with one another, Esther’s eunuchs arrived, hurrying Haman to the banquet.
²⁶⁰ Now while these men were thus talking one to another, Esther’s eunuchs hastened Haman away to come to supper;	²⁶⁰ While this conversation was going on, Esther’s eunuchs hurried Haman away to the supper.

²⁶¹ Σαβουχάδας δὲ τῶν εὐνούχων εἷς ἰδὼν τὸν σταυρὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ πεπηγότα, ὃν ἐπὶ Μαρδοχαῖον παρεσκευάκεισαν, καὶ πυθόμενος παρά τινος τῶν οἰκετῶν, ἐπὶ τίνα τοῦτον ἦσαν ἑτοιμασάμενοι, γνούς, ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλίσσης θεῖον, τὸν γὰρ Ἀμάνην μέλλειν αὐτὸν αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τιμωρίαν, τότε μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.

²⁶¹ One of the eunuchs, Sabouchadas [Harbonah], having seen the gallows standing in Haman’s house which had been prepared for Mordecai, and having learned from one of the servants for whom they had been readied—knowing it was for the Queen’s uncle, for Haman intended to ask the King to punish him—kept his silence for the time being.

²⁶¹ but one of the eunuchs, named Sabuchadas, saw the gallows that was fixed in Haman’s house, and inquired of one of his servants for what purpose they had prepared it. So he knew that it was for the queen’s uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king that he might be punished; but at present he held his peace.

²⁶¹ One of the eunuchs named Sabuchadas saw the gallows set up in Haman’s house and asked one of his servants why they had prepared it. He learned that it was for the queen’s uncle, as Haman had intended to ask the king to punish him, but had now stayed silent.

²⁶² ὡς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ τοῦ εὐωχηθεὶς ἠξίου τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν λέγειν αὐτῷ, τίνος βούλεται δωρεᾶς τυχεῖν, ὡς ληψομένην οὗπερ ἂν ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχῃ, τὸν τοῦ λαοῦ κίνδυνον ἀπωδύρετο καὶ πρὸς ἀπώλειαν ἔλεγεν μετὰ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐκδεδόσθαι, διὸ καὶ ποιεῖσθαι περὶ τούτων τοὺς λόγους·

²⁶² When the King, having feasted with Haman, asked the Queen to tell him what gift she wished to receive, promising she should have whatever she desired, she began to lament the danger of her people, saying that she and her nation had been handed over for destruction; for this reason, she was making her appeal.

²⁶² Now when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him what gifts she desired to obtain, and assured her that she should have whatsoever she had a mind to. She then lamented the danger her people were in; and said that "she and her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that she, on that account, made this her petition;

²⁶² When the king and Haman were at the banquet, he bade the queen to tell him what gifts she wanted assuring her that she could have whatever she wanted. She then lamented the danger to her people and said that she and her nation were handed over to be destroyed and that that was why she made this petition.

²⁶³ οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἠνωχληκέναι αὐτῷ, εἰ πρὸς δουλείαν πικρὰν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς ἀπεμποληθῆναι· μέτριον γὰρ τοῦτο τὸ κακόν· παρεκάλει τε τούτων ἀπαλλαγῆναι.	²⁶³ For she said she would not have troubled him if he had ordered them to be sold into bitter slavery—for that would be a moderate evil—but she entreated to be delivered from this [total slaughter].
²⁶³ that she would not have troubled him if he had only given order that they should be sold into bitter servitude, for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable; but she desired that they might be delivered from such destruction."	²⁶³ She would not have troubled him if he had only ordered them sold into harsh slavery, for such a misfortune would not be intolerable, but she wanted them saved from death.

²⁶⁴ ἐρωτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑπὸ τίνος εἴη ταῦτα γεγενημένα, κατηγόρει τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη φανερῶς τοῦ ἈμάνουAmanus καὶ τοῦτον ὄντα πονηρὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς κατεσκευακέναι τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ἤλεγχεν.	²⁶⁴ When the King asked by whom these things had been done, she then openly accused Haman, proving that he was the wicked man who had engineered this plot against them.
²⁶⁴ And when the king inquired of her whom was the author of this misery to them, she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, that he had been the wicked instrument of this, and had formed this plot against them.	²⁶⁴ When the king asked her who had done this she accused Haman and publicly named that evil man as the instigator of this plot against them.

²⁶⁵ ταραχθέντος δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἀναπηδήσαντος εἰς τοὺς κήπους ἐκ τοῦ συμποσίου, τῆς ὁ Ἀμάνης ἤρξατο δεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν συγγνῶναι τῶν ἡμαρτημένων· συνῆκε γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐν κακοῖς ὤν· ἐπί τε τῆς κλίνης αὐτοῦ‎ πεσόντος καὶ τὴν‎ βασίλισσαν παρακαλοῦντος ἐπεισελθὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ ὄψιν μᾶλλον παροξυνθεὶς εἶπεν, " ὦ κάκιστε πάντων, καὶ βιάζεσθαί μου

²⁶⁵ The King was troubled by this and leaped up from the banquet into the gardens; then Haman began to beg Esther and entreat her to forgive his sins, for he perceived he was in dire straits. As he fell upon her couch entreating the Queen, the King returned; becoming even more provoked by the sight, he cried out: 'O most wicked of men! Do you even attempt to violate my wife?'

²⁶⁵ When the king was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet into the gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that he was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen’s bed, and was making supplication to her, the king came in, and being still more provoked at what he saw, "O thou wretch," said he, "thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force in wife?"

²⁶⁵ When the king was troubled about this and quickly left the banquet to go into the gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, begging her to forgive the wrong he had done, for he knew the trouble he was in. As he leaned over the queen’s bed imploring her, the king entered and was still more furious at what he saw. "Wretched villain" he said, "are you trying to rape my wife?"

²⁶⁶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα ἐπιχειρεῖς; δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο καταπλαγέντος καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι φθέγξασθαι δυνηθέντος, καὶ Σαβουζάνης ὁ εὐνοῦχος παρελθὼν κατηγόρει τοῦ , ὡς εὕροι σταυρὸν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ‎ παρεσκευασμένον ἐπὶ Μαρδοχαῖον τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ πυνθανομένῳ τὸν οἰκέτην εἰπεῖν, ὅτε καλέσων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον πρὸς αὐτόν. εἶναι δὲ τὸν σταυρὸν ἔλεγεν ἑξήκοντα πήχεων τὸ ὕψος.

²⁶⁶ While Haman was struck speechless by this and could no longer utter a word, Sabouzanes [Harbonah] the eunuch came forward and accused Haman, saying he had found a gallows prepared at Haman's house for Mordecai; for a servant had told him this when he went to call Haman to the banquet. He said the gallows was sixty cubits in height.

²⁶⁶ And when Haman was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in and accused Haman, and said, He found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that the servant told him so much upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call him to supper. He said further, that the gallows was fifty cubits high:

²⁶⁶ At this Haman was stunned and unable to say a word, but Sabuchadas the eunuch came in to accuse him and said he had found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mardochai, because a servant had told him when he was sent to call him to supper. He added that the gallows was fifty feet high.

²⁶⁷ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας οὐκ ἄλλῃ τιμωρίᾳ περιβάλλειν ἔκρινεν τὸν Ἀμάνην ἢ τῇ κατὰ Μαρδοχαίου νενοημένῃ, καὶ κελεύει παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ σταυροῦ κρεμασθέντα ἀποθανεῖν.	²⁶⁷ The King, hearing this, judged that Haman should suffer no other punishment than that which he had devised for Mordecai, and he immediately commanded that he be hanged from that very gallows and die.
²⁶⁷ which, when the king heard, he determined that Haman should be punished after no other manner than that which had been devised by him against Mordecai; so he gave order immediately that he should be hung upon those gallows, and be put to death after that manner.	²⁶⁷ When the king heard this, he decided that Haman be punished in the same way as he had planned for Mardochai, so immediately he ordered him to be hung upon that cross and so put to death.

²⁶⁸ ὅθεν μοι τὸ θεῖον θαυμάζειν καὶ τὴν‎ σοφίαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ δικαιοσύνην καταμανθάνειν, μὴ μόνον τὴν‎ κολάσαντος πονηρίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ κατ᾽ ἄλλου μεμηχανημένην τιμωρίαν ταύτην ἐκείνου ποιήσαντος εἶναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις μαθεῖν οὕτως [γνῶναι] παρεσχηκότος, ὡς ἃ καθ᾽ ἑτέρου τις παρεσκεύασε ταῦτα λανθάνει καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρῶτον ἑτοιμασάμενος.

²⁶⁸ Hence, it occurs to me to marvel at the Divine and to contemplate His wisdom and justice; for He not only punished the wickedness of Haman, but also turned the very punishment engineered against another upon the perpetrator himself, providing a lesson for others to know that whatever things a man prepares against another, he unknowingly prepares first against himself."

²⁶⁸ And from hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, that he should undergo the very same punishment which he had contrived for another; as also because thereby he teaches others this lesson, that what mischiefs any one prepares against another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against himself.

²⁶⁸ This makes me admire God’s wisdom and justice, not only in punishing Haman’s ill-will, but also in arranging for him to suffer the very same penalty he had planned for another, thereby teaching us that whatever evils one prepares against another, he plans against himself.

The Strategy of "Moderate Evil"
Esther’s rhetoric is brilliant. She tells the King that if the decree had merely been for δουλείαν πικρὰν (bitter slavery), she wouldn't have bothered him. By framing slavery as a "moderate evil" (μέτριον κακόν), she makes Haman’s plan for total annihilation look like an insane overreach that insults the King’s own reputation for "mildness."

The Role of the Eunuch "Sabouchadas"
Josephus gives a name and a specific backstory to the eunuch who exposes the gallows. While the Bible mentions Harbonah as an afterthought, Josephus portrays him as a silent observer who "kept his silence" (ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν) until the perfect moment. This highlights the "intelligence network" within the palace where Haman was hated even by those who served him.

The "Couch" Incident and Legal Irony
Haman’s final mistake is physical. In his desperation, he falls onto Esther's κλίνης (couch/reclining seat). In the high-stakes etiquette of the Persian court, for a man to be that close to the Queen was a capital offense. The King uses this "accidental" breach of decorum as a legal pretext to move from anger to execution. Josephus notes that the King was provoked by the ὄψιν (the sight)—he chose to interpret a plea for mercy as an attempted sexual assault.

The Height of the Gallow (60 Cubits)
Josephus repeats the height of the gallows (ἑξήκοντα πήχεων). This detail serves a narrative purpose: it makes Haman’s death visible to the entire city of Susa. The "monument" Haman built for his own ego and his enemy's shame becomes the stage for his own public execution.

Josephus’s Theological "Moral"
In a rare moment, Josephus steps out of the narrative to speak directly to the reader: "It occurs to me to marvel at the Divine." He focuses on two specific attributes of God:

1) Wisdom (σοφίαν): The timing and complexity of the reversal.

2) Justice (δικαιοσύνην): The specific application of Lex Talionis (the law of retaliation).

For Josephus, the story of Esther is the ultimate proof that the universe has a moral architecture.

The Lesson of Self-Entrapment
The final sentence serves as a warning to all political actors: those who prepare traps for others "unknowingly prepare them first against themselves" (λανθάνει καθʼ ἑαυτοῦ πρῶτον ἑτοιμασάμενος). This resonates with the Greco-Roman concept of Hubris leading to Nemesis, but Josephus anchors it firmly in the providence of the God of Israel.

²⁶⁹ Ἀμάνης μὲν οὖν ἀμετρήτως τῇ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως χρώμενος τιμῇ τοῦτον διεφθάρη τὸν τρόπον, τὴν‎ δὲ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐχαρίσατο τῇ βασιλίσσῃ. Μαρδοχαῖον δὲ προσκαλεσάμενος, καὶ γὰρ ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν συγγένειαν Ἐσθήρα, ὃν ἔδωκεν Ἀμάνῃ δακτύλιον τοῦτον δίδωσι.

²⁶⁹ "Haman, then, having used the honor given him by the King without measure, was destroyed in this manner; and the King bestowed his estate upon the Queen. Having summoned Mordecai—for Esther had revealed his kinship to her—the King gave him the signet ring he had formerly given to Haman.

²⁶⁹ Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had before given to Haman.

²⁶⁹ In this way Haman, who abused the honour he had received from the king, was destroyed, and the king granted his estate to the queen. He also called for Mardochai, when Esther told him that she was related to him, and gave him the ring he had earlier given to Haman.

²⁷⁰ δωρεῖται δὲ καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα τὴν‎ κτῆσιν καὶ δεῖται τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπαλλάξαι τοῦ περὶ τῆς ζωῆς φόβου τὸ τῶν ἔθνος, δηλοῦσα τὰ γραφέντα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ χώραν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀμαδάθου· τῆς γὰρ πατρίδος αὐτῇ διαφθαρείσης καὶ τῶν ἀπολομένων οὐκ ἂν ὑπομένειν τὸν βίον.

²⁷⁰ The Queen also gifted Haman’s property to Mordecai and entreated the King to deliver the Jewish nation from the fear for their lives, pointing out the letters written throughout the whole land by Haman, son of Hammedatha; for she could not endure to live while her fatherland was destroyed and her kinsmen perished.

²⁷⁰ The queen also gave Haman’s estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of death, and showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman the son of Ammedatha; for that if her country were destroyed, and her countrymen were to perish, she could not bear to live herself any longer.

²⁷⁰ The queen gave Haman’s estate to Mardochai, and prayed the king to save the Jewish nation from the fear of death, showing him what had been written to all the land by Haman the son of Ammedatha. For if her nation were destroyed and her countrymen killed, she herself could not bear to live any longer.

²⁷¹ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὑπέσχετο μηδὲν ἄχαρι αὐτὴν μηδ᾽ οἷς ἐσπούδακεν ἐναντίον ἔσεσθαι, γράφειν δὲ ἃ βούλεται προσέταξε περὶ τῶν ἐκείνην ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀνόματος καὶ σημηναμένην αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ σφραγῖδι πέμπειν εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν· τοὺς γὰρ ἀναγνωσομένους τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ σημαντῆρος ἠσφαλισμένας ἐπιστολὰς οὐδὲν περὶ τῶν ἐγγεγραμμένων ἐναντιώσεσθαι.

²⁷¹ The King promised he would do nothing unpleasant to her nor oppose her desires. He commanded her to write whatever she wished concerning the Jews in the King's name, to seal it with his own signet, and send it throughout the entire kingdom. For those who read letters secured by the royal seal would not oppose anything written within.

²⁷¹ So the king promised her that he would not do any thing that should be disagreeable to her, nor contradict what she desired; but he bid her write what she pleased about the Jews, in the king’s name, and seal it with his seal, and send it to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles whose authority is secured by having the king’s seal to them, would no way contradict what was written therein.

²⁷¹ The king promised not to do anything against her, or to refuse whatever she wanted, but invited her to write her wishes regarding the Jews, in the king’s name, and seal it with his seal and send it to all his kingdom. No one reading such letters whose authority is secured by the king’s seal would in any way oppose what was written there.

²⁷² μεταπεμφθέντας οὖν τοὺς βασιλικοὺς γραμματεῖς ἐκέλευσε γράφειν τοῖς ἔθνεσι περὶ τῶν τοῖς τε οἰκονόμοις καὶ ἄρχουσιν ἀπὸ ἕως τῆς ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιεπτὰ σατραπειῶν ἡγουμένοις. τὰ δὲ γραφέντα τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον·

²⁷² The royal scribes were summoned and ordered to write to the nations concerning the Jews—to the stewards and governors of the one hundred and twenty-seven satrapies from India to Ethiopia. The letters written were as follows:

²⁷² So he commanded the king’s scribes to be sent for, and to write to the nations, on the Jews' behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that were over his hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle were these:

²⁷² He had the royal scribes sent for, to write on the Jews' behalf to the nations and to his lieutenants and governors of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia.

²⁷³ " βασιλεὺς μέγας Ἀρταξέρξης τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα φρονοῦσι χαίρειν. πολλοὶ διὰ μέγεθος εὐεργεσίας καὶ τιμῆς, ἣν δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν χρηστότητος τῶν παρεχόντων ἐκαρποῦντο, οὐκ εἰς τοὺς ὑποδεεστέρους μόνον ἐξυβρίζουσιν,

²⁷³ 'The Great King Artaxerxes to the governors and to those who mind our affairs, greetings. Many men, through the greatness of the benefits and honor they enjoy due to the overwhelming goodness of those who provide them, not only treat their subordinates with insolence,

²⁷³ "The great king Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects, sendeth greeting. Many men there are who, on account of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on them, and because of the honor which they have obtained from the wonderful kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their inferiors,

²⁷³ The contents of this letter were: "Great king Artaxerxes, to our officers and faithful subjects, greetings. Many there are who, despite the great benefits given to them and the honour they have obtained by the favour of their benefactors, not only harm their inferiors,

²⁷⁴ ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀδικεῖν ὤκνησαν τοὺς εὐεργετοῦντας τὸ εὐχάριστον ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀναιροῦντες, καὶ δι᾽ ἀπειροκαλίαν τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ὧν προσεδόκησαν ἀγαθῶν κόρον εἰς τοὺς αἰτίους ἀφέντες λήσεσθαι τὸ θεῖον ἐπὶ τούτοις νομίζουσι καὶ τὴν‎ ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ διαφεύξεσθαι δίκην.

²⁷⁴ but do not hesitate to wrong even their benefactors—removing gratitude from among men. Because of their lack of refinement, they direct their arrogance toward their benefactors and imagine they will escape the notice of the Divine and flee His justice.

²⁷⁴ but do not scruple to do evil to those that have been their benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude from among men, and by their insolent abuse of such benefits as they never expected, they turn the abundance they have against those that are the authors of it, and suppose that they shall lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance which comes from him.

²⁷⁴ but also do not scruple to do harm their benefactors, as though to abolish gratitude from the human race. By abusing such undeserved benefits, they turn their plenty against those who gave it and think they can hide from God and avoid his vengeance.

²⁷⁵ ἔνιοι δὲ ἐκ τούτων προστασίαν πραγμάτων ἐπιτραπέντες παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ μῖσος ἴδιον ἔχοντες πρός τινας, παραλογισάμενοι τοὺς κρατοῦντας ψευδέσιν αἰτίαις καὶ διαβολαῖς ἔπεισαν κατὰ μηδὲν ἀδικούντων ὀργὴν ἀναλαβεῖν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐκινδύνευσαν ἀπολέσθαι.

²⁷⁵ Some among these, having been entrusted with the administration of affairs by their friends, and having their own private hatred against certain people, have deceived their rulers with false charges and slanders, persuading them to take up anger against those who have done no wrong, by which they [the innocent] have been in danger of perishing.

²⁷⁵ Some of these men, when they have had the management of affairs committed to them by their friends, and bearing private malice of their own against some others, by deceiving those that have the power, persuade them to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till they are in danger of perishing, and this by laying accusations and calumnies:

²⁷⁵ Some of these entrusted by their friends with leadership, have borne secret malice and deceived those in power, bring down anger upon people who have done them no harm, and by accusations and calumnies putting them in danger of death.

²⁷⁶ τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων οὐδ᾽ ἀκοῇ γνωρίμων ἡμῖν οὕτως ἰδεῖν ἔστιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν παρὰ τὰς ἡμετέρας ὄψεις τετολμημένων, ὡς διαβολαῖς μὲν καὶ κατηγορίαις μὴ προσέχειν ἔτι τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδ᾽ οἷς ἕτεροι πείθειν ἐπιχειροῦσιν, κρίνειν δ᾽ ὅσα τις αὐτὸς οἶδεν πεπραγμένα, καὶ κολάζειν μὲν ἂν ᾖ τοιαῦτα, χαρίζεσθαι δ᾽ ἂν ἑτέρως ἔχῃ, τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῖς λέγουσι προστιθέμενον.

²⁷⁶ This is to be seen not merely from ancient records or things known to us by hearsay, but from the bold crimes committed before our very eyes; therefore, we must no longer pay heed to slanders and accusations, nor to what others attempt to persuade us of, but rather judge what we ourselves know has been done, punishing some if they are of such a sort, and showing favor if they are otherwise, looking at the deeds themselves rather than the words of the speakers.

²⁷⁶ nor is this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of such impudent attempts under our own eyes; so that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others, but to determine what any one knows of himself to have been really done, and to punish what justly deserves it, and to grant favors to such as are innocent.

²⁷⁶ This is not ancient history that we have learned only by report, but such shameless things were done under our own eyes. No longer should we attend to calumnies and accusations, or the persuasion of others, but each should decide what he knows to be real facts, and punish what justly deserves it and to help people who are innocent.

²⁷⁷ ὡς μὲν Ἀμάνης, Ἀμαδάθου μὲν παῖς δὲ τὸ γένος, ἀλλότριος ὢν τοῦ αἵματος, ἐπιξενωθεὶς ἡμῖν ἀπέλαυσεν τῆς πρὸς ἅπαντας χρηστότητος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ὡς πατέρα μου τὸ λοιπὸν προσαγορεύεσθαι καὶ προσκυνούμενον διατελεῖν καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τὰ δεύτερα τῆς βασιλικῆς παρὰ πάντων τιμῆς ἀποφέρεσθαι, τὴν‎ εὐτυχίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν οὐδὲ σώφρονι λογισμῷ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐταμίευσεν,

²⁷⁷ Thus Haman, son of Hammedatha, an Amalekite by race and an alien to Persian blood, having been a guest among us, enjoyed our kindness to all to such a degree that he was called my "father" and was continually bowed down to, carrying the second rank of royal honor after us from all men. Yet he did not bear his good fortune, nor did he manage the greatness of his blessings with a sober mind, but plotted against my kingdom and my life—to take away from me the one who was the cause of his power.

²⁷⁷ This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason;

²⁷⁷ This was the case with Haman, son of Amadatha, by birth an Amalekite and not of Persian stock, who, though welcomed by us and enjoying our goodwill to the point that I called him 'my father' and had him revered and honoured by all, second only to the royal honour due to ourselves. But he could not carry his good fortune properly, nor govern the scale of his prosperity.

²⁷⁸ ἀλλὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπεβούλευσέ με καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸν αἴτιον αὐτῷ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀφελέσθαι, τὸν μου καὶ σωτῆρα Μαρδοχαῖον καὶ τὴν‎ κοινωνὸν ἡμῖν τοῦ τε βίου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς Ἐσθῆρα κακούργως καὶ μετὰ ἀπάτης πρὸς ἀπώλειαν αἰτησάμενος· τούτῳ γάρ με τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν εὐνοούντων ἐρημώσας ἐβούλετο τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εἰς ἄλλους μεταβαλεῖν.

²⁷⁸ He sought the destruction of my benefactor and savior, Mordecai, and of Esther, the partner of our life and our rule, by wicked deceit. For in this way, by stripping me of my well-wishers, he intended to transfer the rule to others.

²⁷⁸ nay, he made a conspiracy against me and my life, who gave him his authority, by endeavoring to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and my savior, and by basely and treacherously requiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought to destruction; for he contrived by this means to deprive me of my faithful friends, and transfer the government to others:

²⁷⁸ Instead, he conspired against my very life, who had granted him his authority, by trying to destroy my benefactor and saviour, Mardochai, and seeking basely and treacherously to destroy Esther, the partner of my life and kingdom. In this way he sought to deprive me of my faithful friends and transfer the leadership to others.

²⁷⁹ ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀλιτηρίου πρὸς ἀπώλειαν ἐκδοθέντας οὐ πονηροὺς κατανοήσας, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄριστον πολιτευομένους τρόπον καὶ τῷ θεῷ προσανέχοντας, ὃς ἐμοί τε καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις ἡμῶν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν διεφύλαξεν, οὐ μόνον ἀπολύω τῆς ἐκ τῶν προαπεσταλμένων τιμωρίας, οἷς ποιήσετε καλῶς μὴ προσέχοντες,

²⁷⁹ But I have found that the Jews, who were handed over for destruction by that scoundrel, are not wicked men, but live in the most excellent manner and hold fast to God—who preserved the kingdom for me and my ancestors. I not only release them from the punishment sent in the previous letters—which you will do well to ignore—

²⁷⁹ but since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from the punishment which the former epistle, which was sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to which if you refuse obedience, you shall do well;

²⁷⁹ Now since I see that these Jews, whom this wretch doomed to destruction, were not bad people, but live a good life dedicated to the worship of the God who has preserved the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, not only do I exempt them from the punishment ordered in the former letter sent by Haman, and you had better disregard;

²⁸⁰ ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμῆς αὐτοὺς ἁπάσης τυγχάνειν βούλομαι, καὶ τὸν ταῦτα κατ᾽ αὐτῶν μηχανησάμενον πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν τῶν ἐν Σούσοις ἀνεσταύρωσα μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς, τοῦ πάντα ἐφορῶντος θεοῦ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν‎ δίκην ἐπιβαλόντος.

²⁸⁰ but I also wish them to enjoy every honor. As for him who engineered these things against them, I have impaled him before the gates of Susa with his whole family; the all-seeing God has inflicted this justice upon him.

²⁸⁰ but I will that they have all honor paid to them. Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that contrived such things against them, with his family, before the gates of Shushan; that punishment being sent upon him by God, who seeth all things.

²⁸⁰ but I also want them to be paid every honour and have hanged before the gates of Susa the man who planned such things against them, along with his family, a punishment sent him by God, who sees all things,

²⁸¹ κελεύω δὲ ὑμᾶς τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐκθέντας εἰς ἅπασαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τοὺς ἀφεῖναι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις χρωμένους ζῆν μετ᾽ εἰρήνης καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς, ὅπως τοὺς ἐν οἷς ἠτύχησαν καιροῖς ἀδικήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἀμύνωνται, τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ δωδεκάτου μηνός, ὅς ἐστιν , τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ·

²⁸¹ I command you, having posted the copy of this letter throughout the whole kingdom, to permit the Jews to live using their own laws in peace, and to assist them so that they may take vengeance on those who wronged them in the time of their misfortune, on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar—

²⁸¹ And I give you in charge, that you publicly propose a copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that the Jews may be permitted peaceably to use their own laws, and that you assist them, that at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong, they may defend themselves the very same day from unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar;

²⁸¹ I also require you to publicly display a copy of this letter through all my kingdom, that the Jews may be allowed to follow their own laws in peace and that you help them, that just as they were about to suffer, now they may be protected from injustice, on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar.

²⁸² ταύτην γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἀντὶ ὀλεθρίας σωτήριον πεποίηκεν. ἔστι δ᾽ ἀγαθὴ τοῖς εὐνοοῦσιν ἡμῖν ὑπόμνησις δὲ τῆς τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων κολάσεως.	²⁸² on that same day. For God has made this day a day of salvation for them instead of a day of destruction. It is a day of good remembrance for those well-disposed toward us, but a reminder of the punishment of conspirators.
²⁸² for God hath made that day a day of salvation instead of a day of destruction to them; and may it be a good day to those that wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the conspirators against us:	²⁸² For God has made that day for them a day of salvation instead of destruction, and may it be a good day for those who wish us well and a memorial of the punishment of those who conspired against us.

²⁸³ εἰδέναι μέντοι γε βούλομαι καὶ πόλιν καὶ πᾶν ἔθνος, ἐὰν τῶν γεγραμμένων τινὸς παρακούσῃ, ὅτι καὶ πυρὶ καὶ σιδήρῳ δαπανηθήσεται. τὰ μέντοι γεγραμμένα προτεθήτω καθ᾽ ὅλης τῆς ἡμῖν χώρας, καὶ παρασκευαζέσθωσαν πάντως εἰς τὴν‎ προγεγραμμένην ἡμέραν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μετέλθωσιν."

²⁸³ I wish it to be known that any city or nation that disregards any of these written orders shall be consumed by fire and sword. Let the written orders be posted throughout the whole land subject to us, and let them prepare themselves entirely for the aforementioned day, so that they may pursue their enemies.'"

²⁸³ and I will that you take notice, that every city, and every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let this epistle be published through all the country that is under our obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means, be ready against the day before mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon their enemies."

²⁸³ Take note, that any city or nation that disobeys the contents of this letter shall be destroyed by fire and sword. Let this letter be published through all the region under our obedience and let all the Jews be ready on the above-named day to avenge themselves upon their enemies."

The King’s "Enlightened" Spin
The King’s decree is a masterclass in political face-saving. He doesn't admit he made a mistake; instead, he frames himself as a victim of Haman’s "slander" (διαβολαῖς). He positions the throne as an institution of justice that was temporarily "deceived" by a wicked counselor. This allowed the King to maintain his aura of infallibility while reversing his own policy.

The Ethnicity of Haman (ἀλλότριος ὢν τοῦ Περσῶν αἵματος)
Josephus makes a point of calling Haman an "alien to Persian blood." By emphasizing Haman’s Amalekite heritage, the decree essentially tells the Persian people: "This wasn't a Persian plan; it was a foreign plot by an outsider who tried to hijack our empire." This subtly protected the Jewish population from lingering resentment by the Persian populace by shifting the blame onto Haman alone.

The Definition of Jewish Character
The King describes the Jews as living in the ἄριστον τρόπον (the most excellent way). This is high praise in a Greek context. Josephus uses the King’s voice to validate the Diaspora life: that one can be a "well-wisher" to the Empire while being devoted to God. This was a crucial defense for Jews living in Josephus's own time under Roman rule.

The Logic of Self-Defense
The decree does not simply say "Don't kill the Jews." It commands the governors to βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς (assist them) so they can take vengeance. Since the first decree could not be technically "unwritten," the second decree created a legal state of civil war where the Jews were given the official "high ground." The 13th of Adar was transformed from an execution date into a sanctioned military engagement.

Fire and Sword (πυρὶ καὶ σιδήρῳ)
The decree ends with a standard but terrifying Persian threat of total destruction for any city that fails to protect the Jews. This ensured that local governors—who might have shared Haman’s prejudice—would prioritize their own survival by ensuring the Jews' safety.

The "All-Seeing God" (πάντα ἐφορῶντος θεοῦ)
Again, Josephus puts the name and presence of God directly into the King's mouth. By having the Persian King acknowledge God’s role in Haman’s execution, Josephus suggests that the God of Israel is the true "Great King" behind the scenes, using even the Persian postal system to manifest His justice.

²⁸⁴ Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς οἱ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς διακομίζοντες εὐθὺς ἐξορμήσαντες τὴν‎ προκειμένην ὁδὸν ἤνυον. ὁ δὲ ὡς ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ βασιλικὴν στολὴν καὶ τὸν στέφανον τὸν χρυσοῦν καὶ τὸν στρεπτὸν περιθέμενος προῆλθεν, ἰδόντες αὐτὸν οὕτως τετιμημένον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ ἐν Σούσοις ὄντες κοινὴν ὑπέλαβον τὴν‎ εὐπραγίαν αὐτοῦ‎.

²⁸⁴ "So the horsemen carrying the letters set out immediately and finished the prescribed road. But when Mordecai went forth, having taken up the royal robe and placed the golden crown and the chain about him, the Jews in Susa, seeing him so honored by the King, considered his prosperity as a common success for them all.

²⁸⁴ Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the epistles proceeded on the ways which they were to go with speed: but as for Mordecai, as soon as he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he went forth in a public procession; and when the Jews who were at Shushan saw him in so great honor with the king, they thought his good fortune was common to themselves also,

²⁸⁴ The horsemen bearing the letters immediately sped on their ways as directed. Then Mardochai put on the royal garment and the crown of gold and the chain about his neck and went out in a public procession, and when the Jews in Susa saw him so honoured by the king, they felt that they shared in his good fortune themselves.

²⁸⁵ χαρὰ δὲ καὶ σωτήριον φέγγος ἐκτιθεμένων τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως γραμμάτων καὶ τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν τῶν καὶ τοὺς κατὰ χώραν ἐπεῖχεν, ὡς πολλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῶν φόβον περιτεμνόμενα τὴν‎ αἰδῶ τὸ ἀκίνδυνον αὐτοῖς ἐκ τούτου πραγματεύσασθαι.

²⁸⁵ And as the King's letters were published, joy and a saving light came upon the Jews both in the cities and in the countryside; so much so that many of the other nations, out of fear of the Jews, were circumcised in their private parts to procure safety for themselves by this means.

²⁸⁵ and joy and a beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the cities, and those that were in the countries, upon the publication of the king’s letters, insomuch that many even of other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they might procure safety to themselves thereby;

²⁸⁵ At the publication of the king’s letters a joyful glow of salvation bathed the Jews, both those in the cities and those throughout the land, and even in other nations many had their foreskins circumcised for fear of the Jews, to ensure their own safety.

²⁸⁶ καὶ γὰρ τοῦ δωδεκάτου μηνὸς τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ, ὃς κατὰ μὲν καλεῖται κατὰ δὲ , οἱ κομίσαντες τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως γράμματα ἐδήλουν, ὅπως καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν αὐτοὶ ἤμελλον ἐν ταύτῃ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀπολέσωσιν.

²⁸⁶ For on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month—which is called Adar by the Hebrews and Dystros by the Macedonians—those who carried the King's letters made it known that on the very day they were meant to be in danger, they should instead destroy their enemies.

²⁸⁶ for on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which according to the Hebrews is called Adar, but according to the Macedonians, Dystrus, those that carried the king’s epistle gave them notice, that the same day wherein their danger was to have been, on that very day should they destroy their enemies.

²⁸⁶ For on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which among the Hebrews is called Adar, but Dystrus among the Macedonians, the bearers of the king’s letter announced that the day when they were to have been wiped out was the very day when they could destroy their enemies.

²⁸⁷ οἱ δὲ ἄρχοντες τῶν σατραπειῶν καὶ οἱ τύραννοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς εἶχον ἐν τιμῇ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews· ὁ γὰρ ἐκ Μαρδοχαίου φόβος ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτοὺς σωφρονεῖν.	²⁸⁷ The governors of the satrapies, the lords, the kings, and the scribes held the Jews in honor; for the fear of Mordecai forced them to act with restraint.
²⁸⁷ But now the rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai forced them to act with discretion.	²⁸⁷ The officers of the satrapies and the tyrants and the kings and the scribes esteemed the Jews, for their fear of Mardochai made them act prudently.

²⁸⁸ τοῦ δὲ γράμματος τοῦ βασιλικοῦ διὰ πάσης τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν χώρας γενομένου συνέπεσεν ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σούσοις ἸουδαίουςJews ἀποκτεῖναι τῶν ἐχθρῶν περὶ πεντακοσίους.	²⁸⁸ When the King’s letter had gone through all the land under him, it happened that the Jews in Susa killed about five hundred of their enemies.
²⁸⁸ Now when the royal decree was come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hundred of their enemies;	²⁸⁸ When the royal decree came to all the territory subject to the king, the Jews at Susa killed five hundred of their enemies.

²⁸⁹ τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως τῶν ἀπολωλότων δηλώσαντος τὸν ἀριθμὸν Ἐσθήρᾳ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας τί ποτ᾽ εἴη γεγονὸς διαποροῦντος καὶ τί πρὸς τούτοις αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι βούλεται πυνθανομένου, πραχθήσεσθαι γάρ, παρεκάλεσεν ἐπιτραπῆναι τοῖς καὶ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν οὕτως χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὑπολειπομένοις τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ τοὺς δέκα τοὺς παῖδας ἀνασταυρῶσαι.

²⁸⁹ When the King informed Esther of the number of the slain and wondered what had happened in the rest of the country, asking what more she wished to be done for her—for it would be granted—she requested that the Jews be permitted to treat the remaining enemies in the same way the following day, and to impale the ten sons of Haman.

²⁸⁹ and when the king had told Esther the number of those that were slain in that city, but did not well know what had been done in the provinces, he asked her whether she would have any thing further done against them, for that it should be done accordingly: upon which she desired that the Jews might be permitted to treat their remaining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also that they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the gallows.

²⁸⁹ Though the king told Esther the number of those killed in that city, he did not clearly know what had been done in the provinces so he asked if she wished anything further done against them and it would be done. She asked that the Jews be allowed to similarly treat their remaining enemies on the next day, and crucify the ten sons of Haman.

²⁹⁰ καὶ τοῦτο μὲν προσέταξε τοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν Ἐσθῆρι δυνάμενος· οἱ δὲ πάλιν συστραφέντες τῇ τετράδι καὶ δεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς ἀπέκτειναν τῶν ἐναντίων ὡς τριακοσίους, καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐκείνοις ὑπαρχόντων ἥψαντο κτημάτων.

²⁹⁰ The King commanded the Jews to do this, being unable to deny anything to Esther. So they gathered again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystros and killed about three hundred of their adversaries, yet they touched none of their possessions.

²⁹⁰ So the king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. So they gathered themselves together again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew about three hundred of their enemies, but touched nothing of what riches they had.

²⁹⁰ Not wishing to oppose Esther, the king let the Jews do so, and they assembled again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus and killed about three hundred of their enemies, but did not touch any their possessions.

²⁹¹ ἀπέθανον δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῖς ἑπτακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι. Καὶ τούτους μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνός, τὴν‎ δὲ ἐχομένην ἑορτάσιμον ἐποίησαν.

²⁹¹ In the countryside and the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies were killed by the Jews. These they slew on the thirteenth day of the month, and they made the following day a festival.

²⁹¹ Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept as a festival.

²⁹¹ Seventy-five thousand of their enemies were killed by the Jews in the provinces and in the other cities on the thirteenth day of the month and they held a festival the next day.

²⁹² ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν Σούσοις τὴν‎ τετράδα καὶ δεκάτην καὶ τὴν‎ ἐχομένην τοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ μηνὸς συναθροισθέντες εὐωχήθησαν. ὅθεν καὶ νῦν οἱ ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ πάντες τὰς ἡμέρας ταύτας ἑορτάζουσιν διαπεμπόμενοι μερίδας ἀλλήλοις.

²⁹² Similarly, the Jews in Susa, having gathered on the fourteenth and the following day of the same month, feasted. From this, even now, all the Jews throughout the inhabited world celebrate these days, sending portions [of food] to one another.

²⁹² In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these days festival, and send portions to one another.

²⁹² Likewise the Jews in Susa gathered to celebrate on the fourteenth day and the following one. This is why even now all the Jews that are in the world keep festival on these days and send gifts to each other.

²⁹³ ἔγραψεν δὲ τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ [ζῶσιν] ταύτας παραφυλάσσειν τὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἑορτὴν ἄγειν αὐτὰς καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις παραδοῦναι τοῦ πρὸς πάντα διαμεῖναι τὸν χρόνον τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν ἕνεκα καὶ μὴ λήθῃ παραπολέσθαι·

²⁹³ Mordecai wrote to the Jews living in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days and keep them as a festival, handing them down to their descendants so that the festival might endure for all time and not perish through forgetfulness.

²⁹³ Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver them down to posterity, that this festival might continue for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in oblivion;

²⁹³ Mardochai also wrote to the Jews in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days and celebrate them as festivals and pass them to their descendants that this festival should continue forever and never be lost to mind.

²⁹⁴ μελλήσαντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν ταύταις διαφθείρεσθαι ταῖς ἡμέραις ὑπὸ δίκαια ποιήσειν, εἰ διαφυγόντες μὲν ἐν αὐταῖς τὸν κίνδυνον τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς τιμωρησάμενοι παρατηρήσουσιν αὐτὰς εὐχαριστοῦντες τῷ θεῷ.

²⁹⁴ For since they had been on the verge of being destroyed by Haman on these days, it would be just to observe them in thanksgiving to God, having escaped danger and punished their enemies.

²⁹⁴ for since they were about to be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to observe those days, and give thanks to God on them;

²⁹⁴ Since on these days they were due to be wiped out by Haman, it was fitting that the days when they escaped the danger and punished their enemies be observed in thanksgiving to God.

²⁹⁵ διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἱ τὰς προειρημένας ἡμέρας ἑορτάζουσιν προσαγορεύσαντες αὐτὰς φρουρέας. ὁ δὲ μέγας τε ἦν καὶ λαμπρὸς παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ συνδιεῖπεν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀπολαύων ἅμα καὶ τῆς κοινωνίας τοῦ βίου τῇ βασιλίσσῃ.

²⁹⁵ For these reasons, the Jews celebrate the aforementioned days, calling them Phrouraioi [Purim]. Mordecai was great and illustrious with the King, and he helped govern the empire with him, enjoying at the same time his life in common with the Queen.

²⁹⁵ for which cause the Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them days of Phurim (or Purim.) And Mordecai became a great and illustrious person with the king, and assisted him in the government of the people. He also lived with the queen;

²⁹⁵ So the Jews still keep those days and call them the Phrourea. and Mardochai became a great celebrity with the king and helped him to rule and enjoyed the queen’s company.

²⁹⁶ ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews τὰ πράγματα δι᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀμείνω πάσης ἐλπίδος. Καὶ τὰ μὲν τούτοις βασιλεύοντος ἈρταξέρξουArtaxerxes συμβάντα τοῦτον εἶχεν τὸν τρόπον.	²⁹⁶ The affairs of the Jews, because of them, were better than all hope. And these were the things that happened during the reign of Artaxerxes."
²⁹⁶ so that the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they could ever have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews under the reign of Artaxerxes.	²⁹⁶ Through them the affairs of the Jews were improved beyond all their hopes; such was the state of their affairs under the reign of Artaxerxes.

The "Saving Light" (σωτήριον φέγγος)
Josephus uses a poetic metaphor here—"saving light"—to describe the arrival of the counter-decree. In the darkness of the original death sentence, the King's new letter acts as a dawn. This likely references the "light and gladness" mentioned in the biblical text (Esther 8:16), but Josephus elevates it to a quasi-divine phenomenon that affects the psychology of the entire empire.

Radical Conversion out of Fear
Josephus adds a visceral detail about the "many of the other nations" who became Jews. While the Bible says they "became Jews" (mithyahadim), Josephus specifically mentions περιτεμνόμενα τὴν αἰδῶ (circumcising their private parts). He interprets this not as a spiritual awakening, but as a pragmatic political strategy (τὸ ἀκίνδυνον) to escape the vengeance of a now-empowered Jewish population.

The Synchronization of Calendars
Josephus is writing for a Greco-Roman audience, so he translates the Hebrew months into the Macedonian calendar: Adar becomes Dystros. This helps his readers place the events within the Hellenistic framework of time, emphasizing that Jewish history is part of world history.

Administrative Restraint (σωφρονεῖν)
Josephus notes that the fear of Mordecai forced the Persian officials to be "sober-minded" or "restrained." This suggests that without the threat of Mordecai’s influence at court, the local governors might have stood by and let the massacre happen. It is a cynical but realistic observation on how power—rather than just decrees—secures the safety of minorities.

Ethical Warfare: "Touched No Possessions"
Twice, Josephus (following the biblical text) notes that the Jews did not take the κτημάτων (possessions/plunder). This is a crucial point in the narrative of the "Remnant": the conflict was not about wealth or looting, but about survival and justice. By refusing the spoils, the Jews differentiated their "holy war" from a common riot.

The Etymology of Purim (Φρουρέας)
Josephus uses the term Phrouraioi for Purim. Scholars debate whether this is a corruption of the word Purim (lots) or if Josephus is connecting it to the Greek word phroura (guard/watch), suggesting a festival of "protection" or "preservation." Regardless of the linguistic origin, he emphasizes the social aspect: διαπεμπόμενος μερίδας (sending portions), which remains the central custom of the holiday today (Mishloach Manot).

The Co-Regency of Mordecai
The chapter ends by elevating Mordecai to a position where he συνδιεῖπεν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν (helped govern the empire with him). In Josephus’s telling, Mordecai isn't just a courtier; he is a partner in the administration of the world's largest empire. This provides a "happy ending" for the Diaspora: the Jewish orphan (Esther) and the Jewish exile (Mordecai) are now the pillars of the Persian state.

Chapter 7
[297-303]
Murderous rivalry about the high-priesthood.
The harm done by Bagoses, a general of Artaxerxes.

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²⁹⁷ Ἀποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ διεδέξατο. τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου τὴν‎ τιμὴν υἱὸς ὢν αὐτοῦ‎ παρέλαβεν, δι᾽ ὃν καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ [ἄλλου] τὸν ναὸν ἐμίανεν καὶ φόρους ἐπέταξε τοῖς , πρὶν τὰς καθημερινὰς ἐπιφέρειν θυσίας ὑπὲρ ἀρνὸς ἑκάστου τελεῖν αὐτοὺς δημοσίᾳ δραχμὰς πεντήκοντα.

²⁹⁷ "Upon the death of the High Priest Eleasibos [Eliashib], his son Iodas [Joiada] succeeded to the high priesthood. When he also passed away, his son John [Johanan] took the honor. It was because of him that Bagoses, the general of the other Artaxerxes, defiled the Temple and imposed taxes upon the Jews; before they could offer the daily sacrifices, they were required to pay publicly fifty drachmas for every lamb.

²⁹⁷ When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes’s army, polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels.

²⁹⁷ When the high priest Eliasib died, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood, and when he died that dignity passed to his son John, whose fault it was that Bagoses, an army general of the other Artaxerxes, polluted the temple and imposed a tax on the Jews, that before offering the daily sacrifices they must pay fifty shekels for every lamb, from the public funds. The reason for this was as follows.

²⁹⁸ τούτου δὲ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην συνέβη γενέσθαι· ἀδελφὸς ἦν τῷ ἸωάννῃJohn ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua· τούτῳ φίλῳ τυγχάνοντι ὁ ΒαγώσηςBagoses ὑπέσχετο τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην παρέξειν.	²⁹⁸ The cause of this happened to be as follows: John had a brother named Jesus [Joshua]. Bagoses, being a friend to this Jesus, promised to provide him with the high priesthood.
²⁹⁸ Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to procure him the high priesthood.	²⁹⁸ John’s brother Joshua was a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to obtain him the high priesthood.

²⁹⁹ ἀπὸ ταύτης οὖν τῆς πεποιθήσεως ἐν τῷ ναῷ διενεχθεὶς τῷ παρώξυνεν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τηλικοῦτο ἀσέβημα δρᾶσαι κατ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ τὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ὡς δεινὸν ἦν καὶ πρότερον, ὡς μήτε παρ᾽ μήτε παρὰ βαρβάροις ὠμὸν οὕτως καὶ ἀσεβὲς ἔργον γεγονέναι.

²⁹⁹ Relying on this assurance, Jesus quarreled with John in the Temple and provoked his brother to such an extent that John slew him. It was a terrible thing that John, out of anger, should perpetrate such an impiety against his brother in the Temple—an act so cruel and impious that nothing like it had occurred before among either Greeks or Barbarians.

²⁹⁹ In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians.

²⁹⁹ Confident of his support, Joshua quarreled with John in the temple and so provoked his brother that in his anger he killed him—a horrible crime for the high priest John to commit against his brother in the temple, more cruel and impious than was ever done either by the Greeks or the Barbarians.

³⁰⁰ τὸ μέντοι θεῖον οὐκ ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ λαὸς δι᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐδουλώθη καὶ ὁ ναὸς ἐμιάνθη ὑπὸ . δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς γνούς, ὅτι ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν τὸν ἴδιον ἀδελφὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐφόνευσεν, εὐθὺς ἐπιστὰς τοῖς μετὰ θυμοῦ ἤρξατο λέγειν·

³⁰⁰ The Divine, however, did not overlook it; for this very reason, the people were enslaved and the Temple was defiled by the Persians. For Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes, upon learning that John the High Priest of the Jews had murdered his own brother Jesus in the Temple, immediately confronted the Jews and began to say in a rage: 'Have you dared to commit a murder in the Temple?'

³⁰⁰ However, God did not neglect its punishment, but the people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes’s army, knew that John, the high priest of the Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them, "Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?"

³⁰⁰ But God did not fail to punish it and the people were enslaved on account of it and the temple was polluted by the Persians. When Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes' army, knew that the Jewish high priest John had killed his brother Joshua in the temple, he immediately came upon the Jews and angrily began to say to them, "How dare you commit murder in your temple?"

³⁰¹ " ἐτολμήσατε ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ φόνον ἐργάσασθαι. πειρωμένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἐκώλυον αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔφη· " πῶς οὐκ ἐγὼ καθαρώτερός εἰμι τοῦ ἀνῃρημένου ἐν τῷ ναῷ; καὶ τούτους ποιησάμενος τοὺς λόγους εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσέρχεται. ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν χρησάμενος τῇ ἐπινοίᾳ τοὺς ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ ὑπὲρ τῆς τελευτῆς μετῆλθεν.

³⁰¹ When he attempted to enter the Temple, they tried to prevent him. But he said to them: 'Am I not purer than the one who was murdered in the Temple?' Having said these words, he entered the Temple. Using this pretext, Bagoses persecuted the Jews for seven years on account of the death of Jesus.

³⁰¹ And as he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them, "Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?" And when he had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretense, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus.

³⁰¹ As he was trying to enter the temple, they stopped him but he asked them, "Am I not purer than the man who was killed in the temple?" and with these words entered the temple. So Bagoses used this pretext to punish the Jews for seven years for the murder of Joshua.

³⁰² Καταστρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ τὸν βίον διαδέχεται τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ Ἰαδδοῦς. ἦν δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ἀδελφὸς ὄνομα, ᾧ ὁ πεμφθεὶς εἰς ὑπὸ τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως σατράπης Χουθαῖος τὸ γένος, ἐξ ὧν καὶ οἱ εἰσιν,

³⁰² When John ended his life, his son Jaddous [Jaddua] succeeded to the high priesthood. He also had a brother named Manasses. To him, Sanaballetes—who was sent to Samaria as satrap by Darius, the last king, and was a Chuthean by race (from whom the Samaritans also descend)—

³⁰² Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also.

³⁰² When John had departed this life, his son Jaddous succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother named Manasses, who had links with Sanballet, a Cuthean by birth, the same stock as the Samaritans, was was sent into Samaria by the last king, Darius.

³⁰³ εἰδὼς λαμπρὰν οὖσαν τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ κατοικοῦσιν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεῖς πράγματα παρασχόντας, ἀσμένως συνῴκισεν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατέρα Νικασὼ καλουμένην, οἰόμενος τὴν‎ ἐπιγαμίαν ὅμηρον αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ἔθνους παντὸς εὔνοιαν.

³⁰³ gladly married his daughter, named Nikaso. Knowing that the city of Jerusalem was famous and that its kings had caused much trouble to the Assyrians and the inhabitants of Coele-Syria, he believed this marriage alliance would serve as a hostage to ensure the goodwill of the entire Jewish nation toward him."

³⁰³ This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him.

³⁰³ He knew that Jerusalem was a famous city and that their kings had given lots of trouble to the Assyrians and the people of Coele-Syria, so he willingly gave his daughter Nicaso to Manasses in marriage, thinking that the marriage would confirm the Jewish nation’s goodwill toward him.

Fratricide in the Holy Place
Josephus highlights the extreme "impiety" (ἀσέβημα) of John’s crime. In the ancient world, the Temple was a place of asylum where even enemies were safe. For a High Priest to kill his own brother within the sacred precincts was a double violation—of family and of God. Josephus notes that even "Barbarians" (non-Greeks) found this level of sacrilege shocking.

Bagoses and the "Purity" Argument
The Persian general Bagoses uses a clever, biting piece of rhetoric to enter the Temple. Non-Jews were strictly forbidden from the inner courts on pain of death due to ritual impurity. Bagoses argues that a living Persian general is "purer" (καθαρώτερός) than a corpse lying in the sanctuary. By turning the Jews’ own purity laws against them, he justifies his intrusion and the subsequent seven years of "persecution" (literally "pursuit" or "punishment," metēlthen).

The Economic Penalty: The Lamb Tax
The tax of 50 drachmas per lamb for the daily sacrifice (Tamid) was an astronomical burden. This was not a general income tax but a "sin tax" specifically targeting the religious life of the nation. It turned the act of worship into a source of revenue for the Persian state, a subtle form of "enslavement" (ἐδουλώθη) that signaled the loss of Judean autonomy.

Sanballat and the Samaritan Origins
Josephus identifies Sanaballetes (Sanballat) as a "Chuthean" (Χουθαῖος). This is a polemical term used by Jews to describe Samaritans as descendants of the colonists settled by the Assyrians from Cuthah (2 Kings 17:24). By framing the Samaritans as ethnic outsiders, Josephus reinforces the Jewish claim that the Samaritan temple and community were illegitimate offshoots.

Marriage as Geopolitics
The marriage between Manasses (a priest of the line of Aaron) and Nikaso (daughter of the Samaritan satrap) was a high-stakes political move. Sanballat recognized the power of the Jerusalem priesthood and the "troublesome" history of Jewish kings. He attempted to co-opt the Jewish elite through ἐπιγαμίαν (intermarriage), effectively using the High Priest's brother as a "hostage" (ὅμηρον) for peace.

The "Last Darius"
The mention of "Darius the last king" refers to Darius III (Codomannus), who would eventually be defeated by Alexander the Great. Josephus is carefully positioning his narrative at the twilight of the Persian Empire, preparing the reader for the monumental shift from East to West.

Chapter 8
[304-347]
The Samaritan Temple, on Mount Garizim.
Conquests of Alexander [the Great] of Macedon.
Successors to his Kingdom

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³⁰⁴ Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip ὁ ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians βασιλεὺς ἐν ΑἰγαῖςEgae ὑπὸ Παυσανίου τοῦ Κεράστου ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τῶν Ὀρεστῶν γένους δολοφονηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν.	³⁰⁴ "At about this time, Philip, the King of the Macedonians, died in Aigai, assassinated by Pausanias, the son of Kerastos, of the lineage of the Orestae.
³⁰⁴ About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste,	³⁰⁴ About this time king Philip of Macedon was treacherously attacked and killed at Egae by Pausanias, son of Cerastes, of the family of Oreste.

³⁰⁵ παραλαβὼν δ᾽ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν καὶ διαβὰς τὸν , νικᾷ μὲν τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς, ἐπελθὼν δὲ τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ δουλωσάμενος καὶ τὴν‎ Καρίαν ἐπιδραμὼν τοῖς ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ τόποις ἐπέβαλεν, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

³⁰⁵ His son Alexander, having taken over the kingdom and crossed the Hellespont, defeated the generals of Darius in battle at the Granicus; then, having advanced through Lydia and Ionia and subdued Caria, he overran the regions of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.

³⁰⁵ and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere.

³⁰⁵ His son Alexander succeeded to his kingdom and, crossing the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius' army in a battle fought at Granicum. He marched via Lydia and subdued Ionia and overran Caria and attacked the places of Pamphylia, as we have said before.

³⁰⁶ Οἱ δὲ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πρεσβύτεροι δεινοπαθοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν Ἰαδδοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφὸν ἀλλοφύλῳ συνοικοῦντα μετέχειν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἐστασίαζον πρὸς αὐτόν·	³⁰⁶ Meanwhile, the elders of the Jerusalemites, being deeply distressed that the brother of the High Priest Jaddua, while living with a foreigner, should share in the high priesthood, rose up in faction against him.
³⁰⁶ But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him;	³⁰⁶ Now the elders in Jerusalem were upset that the brother of Jaddous the high priest, although married to a foreigner, shared the high priesthood with him, and so rose up against him.

³⁰⁷ ἡγοῦντο γὰρ τὸν τούτου γάμον ἐπιβάθραν τοῖς παρανομεῖν περὶ τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν συνοικήσεις βουλησομένοις γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους αὐτοῖς κοινωνίας ἀρχὴν τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι.	³⁰⁷ For they considered his marriage to be a stepping-stone (epibathran) for those who would wish to transgress the laws regarding the cohabitation with women, and that this would be the beginning of a communion with foreigners for them.
³⁰⁷ for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners,	³⁰⁷ They thought that this marriage would encourage others to transgress and would start a trend of having intercourse with foreign women.

³⁰⁸ ὑπάρξαι μέντοι καὶ τῆς προτέρας αἰχμαλωσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν κακῶν αἴτιον τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους πλημμελῆσαί τινας καὶ ἀγαγέσθαι γυναῖκας οὐκ ἐπιχωρίας. ἐκέλευον οὖν τὸν διαζεύγνυσθαι τῆς γυναικὸς ἢ μὴ προσιέναι τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ.

³⁰⁸ Indeed, they maintained that the cause of their former captivity and their past evils was that certain men had offended regarding marriages and had taken wives who were not of their own land. They therefore commanded Manasseh either to divorce his wife or not to approach the altar.

³⁰⁸ although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar,

³⁰⁸ Since this abuse whereby some had married wives that were not of their own country, had caused their former captivity and the woes they then endured, so they ordered Manasses to divorce his wife or not to approach the altar.

³⁰⁹ τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως τῷ λαῷ συναγανακτοῦντος καὶ εἴργοντος τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βωμοῦ, παραγενόμενος ὁ πρὸς τὸν πενθερὸν Σαναβαλλέτην στέργειν μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα Νικασώ, τῆς μέντοι γε ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς μεγίστης οὔσης ἐν τῷ ἔθνει καὶ τῷ γένει παραμενούσης οὐ βούλεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτὴν στέρεσθαι.

³⁰⁹ Since the High Priest shared the people's indignation and barred his brother from the altar, Manasseh went to his father-in-law Sanballat and said that while he loved his daughter Nikaso, he did not wish to be deprived of the high priestly honor, which was the greatest in the nation and remained within his family.

³⁰⁹ the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family.

³⁰⁹ Even the high priest joined in the popular anger and drove his brother from the altar. So Manasses came to Sanballat his father-in-law, and told him that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, he was unwilling on account of her to lose the priestly dignity, the highest in their nation, which had always been retained in his family.

³¹⁰ τοῦ δὲ Σαναβαλλέτου μὴ μόνον τηρήσειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερατικὴν παρέξειν δύναμιν καὶ τιμὴν καὶ πάντων ἀποδείξειν ὧν αὐτὸς ἐπῆρχεν τόπων ἡγεμόνα βουλόμενον συνοικεῖν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ θυγατρί, καὶ λέγοντος οἰκοδομήσειν ναὸν ὅμοιον ὄντα τῷ ἐν τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους, ὃ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐστιν ὑψηλότατον,

³¹⁰ Sanballat promised that he would not only preserve his priesthood but would provide him with the power and honor of the high priesthood itself, and would appoint him governor of all the places over which he himself ruled, provided he wished to live with his daughter. He said he would build a temple similar to the one in Jerusalem upon Mount Gerizim, which is the highest of the mountains in Samaria.

³¹⁰ And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria;

³¹⁰ Sanballat promised that if he would marry his daughter not only to maintain his priesthood but also he would win for him the power and dignity of high priest and make him ruler of all the places now ruled by himself. He also said that he would build him a temple like that in Jerusalem, upon Mount Garizim, the highest of the mountains in Samaria.

³¹¹ καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου μετὰ τῆς γνώμης τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ὁ παρέμενεν τῷ Σαναβαλλέτῃ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην οἰόμενος ἕξειν δόντος· καὶ γὰρ συνέβαινεν τὸν Σαναβαλλέτην ἤδη πρεσβύτερον εἶναι.

³¹¹ And as he promised to do these things with the approval of King Darius, Manasseh, elated by these promises, remained with Sanballat, believing he would obtain the high priesthood as a gift from Darius; for it happened that Sanballat was already an elderly man.

³¹¹ and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years.

³¹¹ He promised to do this with the approval of king Darius and Manasses was buoyed up by these promises and stayed with Sanballat, thinking to gain the high priesthood from Darius, since Sanballat was already old.

³¹² πολλῶν δὲ ἱερέων καὶ τοιούτοις γάμοις ἐπιπεπλεγμένων κατεῖχεν οὐ μικρὰ ταραχὴ τοὺς · ἀφίσταντο γὰρ ἅπαντες πρὸς τὸν τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου χορηγοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ χρήματα καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ κατοίκησιν ἀπομερίζοντος καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ τῷ γαμβρῷ συμφιλοκαλοῦντος.

³¹² Since many priests and Israelites were entangled in such marriages, a no small turmoil seized the Jerusalemites; for they all defected to Manasseh, with Sanballat supplying them with both money and land for farming and habitation, and in every way showing favor to his son-in-law."

³¹² But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law.

³¹² There was now a great unease in Jerusalem, since many of the priests and Israelites were entangled in such marriages. They all apostasized to Manasses, and Sanballat gave them money and shared out tillage land and dwellings among them and did everything possible to gratify his son-in-law.

The Global and the Local
Josephus juxtaposes the assassination of Philip II and the lightning-fast conquests of Alexander the Great with a local marriage scandal in Judea. This is a deliberate literary technique to show that while Alexander was redrawing the borders of the world, the "real" history for the Jewish people was the preservation of the νόμος (law) and the purity of the priesthood.

Marriage as a "Stepping-Stone" (ἐπιβάθραν)
The elders' fear was not just about one man. They saw Manasseh's marriage as an epibathran—a scaling-ladder or stepping-stone. If the High Priest's brother could marry a Samaritan princess, then the legal barriers separating Israel from the surrounding nations would collapse. Josephus frames this as a historical trauma response; the elders cite the "former captivity" (Babylonian Exile) as direct punishment for past intermarriage.

Mount Gerizim: The Rival Altar
Sanballat’s offer to build a ναὸν ὅμοιον (a similar temple) on Mount Gerizim is the formal origin of the Samaritan Schism. By offering Manasseh a high priesthood and a "shadow" Jerusalem, Sanballat created a permanent alternative for disgruntled Jewish aristocrats. This "rivalry of the mountains" (Zion vs. Gerizim) remains a central theme in the New Testament (John 4) and later Jewish history.

The Economics of Defection
Josephus notes that Manasseh didn't leave alone. A "no small turmoil" occurred as other priests "entangled" in foreign marriages followed him. Sanballat didn't just build a temple; he built a colony. By providing χρήματα καὶ χώραν (money and land), he used his Persian authority as satrap to subsidize a priestly "brain drain" from Jerusalem to Samaria.

Darius vs. Alexander: The Looming Shadow
Manasseh and Sanballat are shown betting on Darius III. They believe the Persian King's approval will validate their new temple. However, the reader (and Josephus) knows that Alexander has already crossed the Hellespont. The "promises" of the elderly Sanballat are built on the foundation of a Persian Empire that is about to vanish.

The "Other" Artaxerxes and the "Last" Darius
Josephus is often criticized for his confused Persian chronology, but here he clearly identifies the transition. The "Darius" here is Darius III Codomannus. The conflict between the traditionalists in Jerusalem and the "modernizing" or "assimilating" faction around Manasseh is perfectly timed to coincide with the collapse of Persian stability.

³¹³ Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀκούσας, ὅτι τὸν διαβὰς καὶ τοὺς σατράπας αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ κατὰ Γράνικον μάχῃ κρατήσας προσωτέρω χωρεῖ, στρατιὰν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικὴν συνήθροιζεν ἀπαντῆσαι διαγνοὺς τοῖς πρὶν ἢ πᾶσαν αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας καταστρέψασθαι τὴν‎ .

³¹³ "At this time, Darius, having heard that Alexander had crossed the Hellespont and had defeated his satraps at the Battle of the Granicus and was advancing further, assembled a great army of cavalry and infantry, having resolved to meet the Macedonians before they could overrun and subdue all of Asia.

³¹³ About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia.

³¹³ About this time Darius heard how Alexander had crossed the Hellespont and defeated his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum and was proceeding further, so he gathered an army of cavalry and infantry and decided to meet the Macedonians before they attacked and conquered all of Asia.

³¹⁴ περαιωσάμενος οὖν τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ποταμὸν καὶ τὸν ταῦρον τὸ Κιλίκιον ὄρος ὑπερελθὼν ἐν Ἰσσῷ τῆς ΚιλικίαςCilicia τοὺς πολεμίους ὡς ἐκεῖ μαχησόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐξεδέχετο.	³¹⁴ Crossing the Euphrates river and passing over the Cilician mountain Taurus, he awaited the enemy at Issus in Cilicia, intending to fight them there.
³¹⁴ So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle.	³¹⁴ He crossed the river Euphrates and the Cilician Mount Taurus and waited for the enemy at Issus of Cilicia, intending to meet them in battle.

³¹⁵ ἡσθεὶς δὲ τῇ καταβάσει ὁ εὐθὺς ἔλεγεν τῷ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις τελέσειν, ὡς ἂν κρατήσας τῶν πολεμίων ὑποστρέψῃ· πέπειστο γὰρ οὐκ αὐτὸς μόνος ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ μηδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς ἥξειν τοὺς διὰ τὸ πλῆθος.

³¹⁵ Sanballat, delighted by Darius's descent, immediately told Manasseh that he would fulfill his promises [to build the temple] as soon as Darius returned after defeating the enemy; for not only he, but everyone in Asia, was convinced that the Macedonians would not even come to blows with the Persians because of their vast numbers.

³¹⁵ Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude.

³¹⁵ Sanballat was glad when Darius went there, and immediately told Manasses that he would fulfill his promises to him as soon as Darius returned from defeating his enemies. For not only he, but also everyone in Asia, thought that the Macedonians would not even come to grips with the Persians, due to their numbers.

³¹⁶ ἀπέβη δ᾽ οὐχ ὡς προσεδόκων· συμβαλὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἡττήθη καὶ πολλὴν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπολέσας ληφθέντων αἰχμαλώτων αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων ἔφυγεν εἰς Πέρσας.

³¹⁶ But it turned out not as they expected; for when the King engaged the Macedonians, he was defeated. Having lost a great part of his army and with his mother, wife, and children taken captive, he fled back to Persia.

³¹⁶ But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia.

³¹⁶ But it turned out differently from what they expected, for when the king fought the Macedonians he was defeated and lost most of his army, and leaving his mother and his wife and children to be taken captive, he fled into Persia.

³¹⁷ δ᾽ εἰς παραγενόμενος αἱρεῖ καὶ κρατήσας ἐπολιόρκει , ἠξίου τε ἀποστείλας γράμματα πρὸς τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέα συμμαχίαν τε αὐτῷ πέμπειν καὶ ἀγορὰν τῷ στρατεύματι παρασχεῖν καὶ ὅσα πρότερον ἐτέλουν δῶρα τούτῳ διδόναι τὴν‎ φιλίαν ἑλομένους·

³¹⁷ Alexander, having arrived in Syria, took Damascus; and having mastered Sidon, he began to besiege Tyre. He sent a letter to the High Priest of the Jews, requesting that he send reinforcements, provide provisions for the army, and give to him the gifts they previously paid to Darius, choosing instead the friendship of the Macedonians—for they would not regret such a choice.

³¹⁷ So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing.

³¹⁷ Alexander came into Syria and took Damascus, and after defeating Sidon he besieged Tyre. Then he sent a letter to the Jewish high priest asking him to send him some support and to supply his army with provisions, and to send him the gifts he had formerly sent to Darius, saying that if he elected to side with the Macedonians he would never repent of doing so.

³¹⁸ οὐ γὰρ μετανοήσειν ἐπὶ τούτοις. τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκριναμένου τοῖς γραμματοφόροις, ὡς ὅρκους εἴη δεδωκὼς μὴ βαστάζειν ὅπλα κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, καὶ τούτους ἕως ἂν ᾖ ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν μὴ παραβήσεσθαι φήσαντος,

³¹⁸ But the High Priest replied to the messengers that he had given oaths to Darius not to take up arms against him, and he stated that he would not violate these oaths as long as Darius was among the living.

³¹⁸ But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living.

³¹⁸ But the high priest answered the letter-bearers that he had sworn his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him, and that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living.

³¹⁹ ἀκούσας παρωξύνθη, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν οὐκ ἔκρινεν καταλιπεῖν ὅσον οὐδέπω μέλλουσαν αἱρεῖσθαι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ταύτην ἠπείλει στρατεύσειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέα καὶ διδάξειν πάντας, πρὸς τίνας δὴ αὐτοῖς φυλακτέον τοὺς ὅρκους·

³¹⁹ Upon hearing this, Alexander was incensed. Though he decided not to leave Tyre, which was just on the verge of being taken, once he had reduced it, he threatened to march against the High Priest of the Jews and teach everyone to whom they must truly keep their oaths.

³¹⁹ Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths.

³¹⁹ On hearing this, Alexander was very angry and though he decided not to leave Tyre, as it was on the point of being taken, he threatened that as soon as he captured it he would make war on the Jewish high priest and so teach all, to whom they must keep their oaths!

³²⁰ ὅθεν πονικώτερον χρησάμενος τῇ πολιορκίᾳ λαμβάνει τὴν‎ . καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν ἦλθεν καὶ τήν τε καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ φρούραρχον ὄνομα ἐπολιόρκει.

³²⁰ Therefore, applying himself more laboriously to the siege, he took Tyre. After settling affairs there, he went to the city of the Gazans and besieged both Gaza and the commander of the garrison there, named Babemeses."

³²⁰ So when he had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses.

³²⁰ He took Tyre, at the cost of much effort during the siege, and after settling matters there he came to the city of Gaza and besieged both the city and the ruler of its garrison, named Babemeses.

The Fog of War and Groupthink
Josephus provides a fascinating look at the "intel" of the time. Everyone in Asia believed the Macedonians wouldn't even dare to fight because of the πλῆθος (multitude) of the Persian army. This "consensus of the experts" proved to be a fatal miscalculation. It highlights a recurring Josephan theme: God often uses the "smaller" force to overturn the "larger" one to demonstrate His sovereignty over history.

The Integrity of the High Priest (Ἰαδδοῦς)
The High Priest’s refusal to switch sides is a remarkable moment of political ethics. In an age of shifting loyalties, Jaddua stays true to his ὅρκους (oaths) to Darius. From a purely pragmatic view, this was suicidal; Alexander was a conqueror known for his temper. However, Josephus frames this as a matter of religious honor—an oath made in God's name is binding regardless of the geopolitical weather.

Alexander's "Teaching" Moment
Alexander’s threat to "teach everyone to whom they must truly keep their oaths" reveals the Macedonian’s psychological warfare. To Alexander, an oath wasn't a moral absolute; it was a recognition of power. He intended to prove that the only "living" god/king worth swearing to was the one holding the sword over your city.

The Geography of Conquest
Josephus tracks Alexander's movement with precision: Tyre → Gaza → Jerusalem. This is the classic "Leventine Corridor." By focusing on the sieges of Tyre and Gaza, Josephus builds tension. The reader knows that if the impregnable island city of Tyre could not stand against Alexander, the unwalled city of Jerusalem has no hope—unless a miracle occurs.

Sanballat’s Opportunism
Sanballat is the foil to the High Priest. While Jaddua is guided by an oath, Sanballat is guided by the καταβάσει (descent/march) of whoever looks like the winner. His "delight" at Darius’s arrival quickly turns to dust, forcing him to scramble as Alexander approaches. He represents the "worldling" who tries to build a temple on the shifting sands of political favor.

³²¹ Νομίσας δὲ καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν ὁ τῆς ἐπιβολῆς μὲν ἀπέγνω, λαβὼν δὲ ὀκτακισχιλίους τῶν ἀρχομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς ἧκεν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀρχόμενον τῆς πολιορκίας, ὧν τε αὐτὸς ἄρχει τόπων ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τούτους καὶ δεσπότην αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἔχειν ἀντὶ τοῦ βασιλέως.

³²¹ "Thinking he had found a suitable time for his plan, Sanballat gave up hope on Darius. Taking eight thousand of his subjects, he came to Alexander while he was beginning the siege of Tyre; he told him that he surrendered the places he ruled and gladly accepted him as master instead of King Darius.

³²¹ But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius.

³²¹ Sanballat saw this as a good chance to revolt, and repudiated Darius and taking seven thousand of his subjects, came to Alexander at the start of the siege of Tyre, saying that he would bring over to him these subjects of his and gladly take him as master instead of king Darius.

³²² ἀσμένως δ᾽ αὐτὸν προσδεξαμένου θαρρῶν ἤδη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων ὁ αὐτῷ λόγους προσέφερεν δηλῶν, ὡς γαμβρὸν μὲν ἔχοι Μανασσῆ τοῦ τῶν ἀρχιερέως Ἰαδδοῦ ἀδελφόν, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλους αὐτῷ συμπαρόντας τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν θέλειν ἱερὸν ἐν τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τόποις ἤδη κατασκευάσαι.

³²² Since Alexander received him kindly, Sanballat—now emboldened—brought up his proposal, explaining that he had a son-in-law named Manasseh, brother of the Jewish High Priest Jaddua, and that many others of the same nation were with him, and he wished to build a temple in the places under his rule.

³²² So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him;

³²² Being well received by him, Sanballat ventured to speak about his present concern: that he had a son-in-law, Manasses, a brother of the high priest Jaddous, and that besides him there were many others of his nation who wished to have a temple in the places subject to him.

³²³ τοῦτο δ᾽ εἶναι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφέρον εἰς δύο διῃρῆσθαι τὴν‎ δύναμιν, ἵνα μὴ ὁμογνωμονοῦν τὸ ἔθνος μηδὲ συνεστός, εἰ νεωτερίσειέν ποτε, χαλεπὸν ᾖ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ἄρξασιν ἐγένετο.

³²³ He argued that it was also in the King’s interest that the power of the Jews be divided in two, so that the nation—if it remained of one mind and united—might not become troublesome to kings should it ever revolt, as had happened previously to the rulers of the Assyrians.

³²³ that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria.

³²³ It would benefit the king if the strength of the Jews were divided in two, for when the nation is of one mind and united, if they ever revolt it is more troublesome for their rulers, as it was for the kings of Assyria in the past.

³²⁴ συγχωρήσαντος δὲ πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενος σπουδὴν ᾠκοδόμησεν ὁ τὸν ναὸν καὶ ἱερέα τὸν Μανασσῆ κατέστησεν, μέγιστον γέρας ἡγησάμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς γενησομένοις τοῦτ᾽ ἔσεσθαι.

³²⁴ When Alexander granted permission, Sanballat applied every effort and built the temple, appointing Manasseh as priest, considering this to be the greatest honor for the children born of his daughter.

³²⁴ Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity;

³²⁴ So Alexander gave Sanballat permission and he built the temple with all speed and made Manasses its priest and considered it a great thing for his daughter’s children to have that dignity.

³²⁵ μηνῶν δ᾽ ἑπτὰ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ διεληλυθότων καὶ δύο τῇ ὁ μὲν ἀπέθανεν. δ᾽ ἐξελὼν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν ἀναβαίνειν ἐσπουδάκει.

³²⁵ After seven months had passed in the siege of Tyre and two in that of Gaza, Sanballat died. Alexander, having taken Gaza, was in haste to go up to the city of the Jerusalemites.

³²⁵ but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem;

³²⁵ But Sanballat died after the seven months of the siege of Tyre and the two months of the siege of Gaza, and after taking Gaza, Alexander hurried up to the city of Jerusalem.

³²⁶ ὁ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰαδδοῦς τοῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἦν ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ καὶ δέει, πῶς ἀπαντήσει τοῖς ἀμηχανῶν ὀργιζομένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῇ πρότερον ἀπειθείᾳ. παραγγείλας οὖν ἱκεσίαν τῷ λαῷ καὶ θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσφέρων ἐδεῖτο ὑπερασπίσαι τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῶν ἐπερχομένων κινδύνων ἀπαλλάξαι.

³²⁶ The High Priest Jaddua, hearing this, was in agony and fear, wondering how he would meet the Macedonians, as he was at a loss because the King was angry over his previous disobedience. He therefore ordered the people to make supplication and, offering sacrifice to God with them, he entreated Him to shield the nation and deliver them from the coming dangers.

³²⁶ and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them;

³²⁶ When he heard this, the high priest Jaddous was frantic with fear, not knowing how to meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased with his earlier disobedience. So he got the people to pray and join him in sacrificing to God, whom he begged to protect the nation and save them from their impending dangers.

³²⁷ κατακοιμηθέντι δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ θυσίαν ἐχρημάτισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς θαρρεῖν καὶ στεφανοῦντας τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων ταῖς νομίμοις στολαῖς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ ὑπάντησιν μηδὲν προσδοκῶντας πείσεσθαι δεινὸν προνοουμένου τοῦ θεοῦ.

³²⁷ But after the sacrifice, as he fell asleep, God spoke to him in his dreams, telling him to take courage and to open the gates after crowning the city with garlands; and that the others should be dressed in white clothing, while he and the priests should make their meeting dressed in their legal robes, expecting to suffer nothing terrible, as God was providing for them.

³²⁷ whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent.

³²⁷ In a dream which came to him after he had sacrificed, God told him to take heart and adorn the city and open its crowned gates, and have the rest of the people dress up in white while he and the priests should meet the king in their official vestments without fear, for the providence of God would protect them.

³²⁸ διαναστὰς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου ἔχαιρέν τε μεγάλως αὐτὸς καὶ τὸ χρηματισθὲν αὐτῷ πᾶσι μηνύσας καὶ ποιήσας ὅσα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ παρηγγέλη τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν ἐξεδέχετο.	³²⁸ Arising from sleep, he rejoiced greatly; and having revealed the divine message to everyone and performed all that had been commanded in his dreams, he awaited the arrival of the King."
³²⁸ Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.	³²⁸ When he rose from his sleep, he was greatly heartened and declared to all the message he had received from God. He did all that the dream suggested and so waited for the king’s arrival.

Sanballat’s "Divide and Conquer" Argument
Sanballat uses a classic piece of Realpolitik to convince Alexander. He argues that a unified Jewish nation is a threat to imperial stability, citing their history of rebellion against the Assyrians (likely a general term here for Mesopotamian powers like the Babylonians). By suggesting that Alexander "divide the power" (διῃρῆσθαι τὴν δύναμιν) of the Jews, he presents the Samaritan Temple not as a religious project, but as a strategic asset for the Macedonian Empire.

The Death of the Schemer
Josephus notes that Sanballat died just as Alexander finished the sieges of Tyre and Gaza. There is a sense of "poetic timing" here—Sanballat lived just long enough to see his rival temple built, but he died before the "Great Encounter" at Jerusalem, leaving the schism he created as his primary legacy.

Jaddua’s "Agony" (ἀγωνία)
In contrast to Sanballat’s bold defection, the High Priest Jaddua is depicted in genuine distress. He is caught between his oath to the (now-defeated) Darius and the approaching wrath of the (victorious) Alexander. His recourse is not political negotiation but ἱκεσίαν (supplication) and θυσίαν (sacrifice).

The Liturgical Procession
The instructions given in the dream are highly visual and symbolic:

1) Garlands (στεφανοῦντας): To greet a conqueror with garlands was a sign of peace and "crowning" him as a welcome ruler.

2) White Robes (λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν): Symbolizing purity and the non-combatant status of the citizens.

3) Priestly Robes (νομίμοις στολαῖς): The specific, law-mandated garments of the Aaronite priesthood, intended to represent the presence of God’s law.

God as "Provider" (προνοουμένου)
Josephus uses the word pronoia (Providence). In the Hellenistic world, this was a major philosophical theme. Josephus is telling his Greek readers that the survival of Jerusalem wasn't just luck or Alexander's whim, but the result of divine foresight protecting a "Remnant" that remained faithful to its word.

The Psychological Shift
The transition from ἀγωνία (agony) to ἔχαιρέν μεγάλως (rejoiced greatly) marks the climax of the chapter. Jaddua goes from a man expecting execution to a man preparing a parade. This sets the stage for the next famous scene: the Macedonian army's shock when, instead of a defiant fortress, they find a city of white robes and golden priestly mitres.

³²⁹ Πυθόμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ὄντα πρόεισι μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους, ἱεροπρεπῆ καὶ διαφέρουσαν τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ποιούμενος τὴν‎ ὑπάντησιν εἰς τόπον τινὰ Σαφειν λεγόμενον. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦτο μεταφερόμενον εἰς τὴν‎ γλῶτταν σκοπὸν σημαίνει· τά τε γὰρ καὶ τὸν ναὸν συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖθεν ἀφορᾶσθαι.

³²⁹ "When Alexander learned that the High Priest was not far from the city, he went forth with the priests and the body of citizens, making his reception in a sacred manner that differed from that of other nations, at a place called Sapha. This name, translated into the Greek tongue, signifies a 'lookout' (skopos); for it happened that from there both Jerusalem and the Temple could be seen.

³²⁹ And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple.

³²⁹ Hearing that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession with the priests and the throng of the citizens, in a venerable procession, different from the way of other nations, to meet him at a place called Sapha. The name, translated into Greek, means a prospect, for from it one can see both Jerusalem and the temple.

³³⁰ τῶν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀκολουθούντων ὅσα βασιλέως ὀργὴν εἰκὸς ἦν ἐπιτρέψειν αὐτοῖς τήν τε πόλιν διαρπάσειν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα μετ᾽ αἰκίας ἀπολέσειν λογιζομένων, τὰ ἐναντία τούτων ἐγένετο.

³³⁰ The Phoenicians and the Chaldeans who followed him—thinking it likely that the King’s anger would allow them to plunder the city and destroy the High Priest with torment—found that the opposite happened.

³³⁰ And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high priest to death, which the king’s displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened;

³³⁰ When his Phoenician and Chaldean followers thought that due to the king’s wrath they would be allowed to loot the city and torture the high priest to death, the opposite occurred,

³³¹ ὁ γὰρ ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἰδὼν τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, τοὺς δὲ ἱερεῖς ἐν ταῖς βυσσίναις αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἐν τῇ ὑακινθίνῳ καὶ διαχρύσῳ στολῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχοντα τὴν‎ κίδαριν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἔλασμα, ᾧ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐγέγραπτο ὄνομα, προσελθὼν μόνος προσεκύνησεν τὸ ὄνομα καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα πρῶτος ἠσπάσατο.

³³¹ For Alexander, while still far off, saw the multitude in white robes, the priests standing at the front in their fine linen, and the High Priest in his robe of hyacinth-blue and gold, wearing on his head the mitre (kidarin) and upon it the golden plate on which the name of God was inscribed. Alexander approached alone and prostrated himself (prosekynēsen) before the Name, and was the first to greet the High Priest.

³³¹ for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest.

³³¹ for, on seeing the people in the distance, clothed in white and the priests clothed in fine linen and the high priest robed in purple and scarlet, with his mitre on his head, and the gold breastplate on which the name of God was engraved, Alexander approached by himself and adored the name and first greeted the high priest.

³³² τῶν δὲ ὁμοῦ πάντων μιᾷ φωνῇ τὸν ἀσπασαμένων καὶ κυκλωσαμένων αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν τῆς βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντος κατεπλάγησαν καὶ διεφθάρθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ὑπελάμβανον,

³³² When the Jews altogether with one voice greeted Alexander and surrounded him, the kings of Syria and the rest were struck with amazement at what he did, supposing that the King’s mind was disordered.

³³² The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind.

³³² All together, with one voice, the Jews greeted Alexander and gathered around him; and the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what the king had done and thought him crazy in mind.

³³³ Παρμενίωνος δὲ μόνου προσελθόντος αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένου, τί δήποτε προσκυνούντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων αὐτὸς προσκυνήσειεν τὸν ἀρχιερέα; " οὐ τοῦτον, εἶπεν, προσεκύνησα, τὸν δὲ , οὗ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην οὗτος τετίμηται·

³³³ But Parmenion alone approached him and asked why, when all others prostrated themselves before him, he himself prostrated before the High Priest of the Jews? He replied, 'It was not this man I worshipped, but the God whose high priesthood he has been honored with.

³³³ However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, "I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood;

³³³ Parmenio alone went up to him and asked how it was that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? He replied, "I did not adore him, but the God who has honoured him with his high priesthood.

³³⁴ τοῦτον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδον ἐν τῷ νῦν σχήματι ἐν τῆς τυγχάνων, καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διασκεπτομένῳ μοι, πῶς ἂν κρατήσαιμι τῆς , παρεκελεύετο μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντα διαβαίνειν· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἡγήσεσθαί μου τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τὴν‎ παραδώσειν ἀρχήν.

³³⁴ For I saw this very man in my dreams in this same appearance while I was at Dium in Macedonia; and as I was debating with myself how I might conquer Asia, he exhorted me not to delay but to cross over with courage, for He Himself would lead my army and deliver the empire of the Persians to me.

³³⁴ for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians;

³³⁴ For in a dream I saw this man, dressed like this, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, and as I was considering within myself how to obtain the dominion of Asia, he urged me to make no delay, but to cross the sea boldly, for he would guide my army and give me mastery over the Persians.

³³⁵ ὅθεν ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα θεασάμενος ἐν τοιαύτῃ στολῇ, τοῦτον δὲ νῦν ἰδὼν καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀναμνησθεὶς ὄψεώς τε καὶ παρακελεύσεως, νομίζω θείᾳ πομπῇ τὴν‎ στρατείαν πεποιημένος νικήσειν καὶ τὴν‎ καταλύσειν δύναμιν καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἐστί μοι προχωρήσειν.

³³⁵ Therefore, having seen no one else in such a garment, and seeing this man now and being reminded of the vision and exhortation in my dreams, I believe that I have made this campaign under divine guidance, and that I shall conquer Darius and destroy the power of the Persians, and that everything will proceed according to my mind.'

³³⁵ whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind."

³³⁵ For this reason, having seen no one else in that vestment and now seeing this man in it, and remembering the vision and the urging in my dream, I believe it is under divine guidance that I bring this army and with it shall conquer Darius and destroy the power of the Persians and that all will succeed according to my mind."

³³⁶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν Παρμενίωνα καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν παραθεόντων εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν παραγίνεται. Καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν θύει μὲν τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὑφήγησιν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἀξιοπρεπῶς ἐτίμησεν.

³³⁶ After saying this to Parmenion and giving his right hand to the High Priest, he entered the city with the Jews running alongside him. Going up to the Temple, he sacrificed to God according to the High Priest’s direction, and he honored the High Priest and the priests in a fitting manner.

³³⁶ And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests.

³³⁶ When he had said this to Parmenio and had shaken the hand of the high priest, he came into the city with the Jews running alongside him. When he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction and treated both the high priest and the priests handsomely.

³³⁷ δειχθείσης δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς βίβλου, ἐν ᾗ τινα τῶν καταλύσειν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐδήλου, νομίσας αὐτὸς εἶναι ὁ σημαινόμενος τότε μὲν ἡσθεὶς ἀπέλυσε τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς αἰτεῖσθαι δωρεάς, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέλωσιν.

³³⁷ When the Book of Daniel was shown to him, in which it was declared that one of the Greeks would destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that he himself was the one signified. Being then delighted, he dismissed the multitude; but on the following day, he summoned them and told them to ask for whatever gifts they wished.

³³⁷ And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him;

³³⁷ When he was shown the Book of Daniel which declares that one of the Greeks would destroy the empire of the Persians, he thought it applied to himself and in his joy he dismissed the people, but the next day he called them and told them to ask him for whatever favours they pleased.

³³⁸ τοῦ δ᾽ ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀνείσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησεν πάντα. παρακαλεσάντων δ᾽ αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν.

³³⁸ When the High Priest asked that they might observe their ancestral laws and that the seventh year [the Sabbatical year] be free from tribute, he granted everything. When they entreated him to permit the Jews in Babylon and Media also to use their own laws, he gladly promised to do what they requested.

³³⁸ whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired.

³³⁸ When the high priest asked that they should follow their ancestral laws and pay no tax on the seventh year, he granted all they wanted; and when they implored him to let the Jews in Babylon and Media enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do later what they wanted.

³³⁹ εἰπόντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ βούλονται συστρατεύειν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμμένοντες καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῶντες, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν , πολλοὶ τὴν‎ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατείαν ἠγάπησαν.

³³⁹ When he told the multitude that if any of them wished to serve in his army while remaining in their ancestral customs and living according to them, he was ready to take them, many embraced the service with him."

³³⁹ And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.

³³⁹ When he told the people that if any of them enlisted in his army, on condition that they could keep their ancestral laws and live by them, he wanted to take them with him, many gladly joined him in his campaign.

The Topography of Awe: Sapha
Josephus identifies the meeting point at Sapha (modern-day Mount Scopus). The Greek translation skopos (lookout) is intentional; it is the moment of visual revelation. Alexander sees the city for the first time, but more importantly, he sees the High Priest—a visual "trigger" for a dream he allegedly had years prior in Macedonia.

Proskynesis: The Great Reversal
The term προσκύνησις (proskynesis) is highly charged. In the Persian and later Macedonian courts, this was the act of prostration before a King as a god. Alexander’s generals are horrified because the "God-King" is bowing to a subject. Alexander’s defense is sophisticated: he isn't bowing to the man Jaddua, but to the Name (the Tetragrammaton) on the golden plate, recognizing God as the true "Commander-in-Chief."

The Dream at Dium
This story serves to legitimize Alexander’s conquest in Jewish eyes. By claiming Alexander had a vision of the High Priest in Macedonia, Josephus frames the Hellenistic takeover not as a pagan intrusion, but as a divine appointment. It transforms Alexander from a "gentile invader" into a "servant of the Most High," similar to how Isaiah described Cyrus the Great.

Daniel and the "Greek King"
The mention of the Book of Daniel (likely referring to the visions in chapters 7, 8, or 11) is a masterstroke of diplomacy. By showing Alexander a prophecy that predicted his own victory, the priesthood secured his favor. Alexander saw himself in the "mighty goat" that destroys the Persian "ram," providing him with a "script" for his own destiny.

Exceptionalism: The Sabbatical Year
The request for the ἕβδομον ἔτος (seventh year) to be tax-exempt is a practical, legal triumph. Since Jews were forbidden from farming during the Sabbatical year, paying tribute was a crushing burden. Alexander’s grant of ἀνείσφορον (tribute-free status) shows a rare level of imperial sensitivity to Jewish religious law, which Josephus highlights to show that the Jews were "special" from the very start of Greek rule.

The Jewish "Phalanx"
The passage ends with Jews joining Alexander’s army. This is a significant detail—Alexander allowed them to τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμμένοντες (remain in their ancestral customs). This meant providing kosher food and observing the Sabbath while on campaign. It marks the beginning of the Jewish presence in the military colonies of the Hellenistic East, which would eventually lead to the large Jewish populations in Alexandria and Antioch.

³⁴⁰ Ὁ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα διοικησάμενος ἐν τοῖς ἐξεστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐχομένας πόλεις. πάντων δ᾽ αὐτὸν πρὸς οὓς φιλοφρόνως ἐκδεχομένων, μητρόπολιν τότε τὴν‎ Σίκειμαν ἔχοντες κειμένην πρὸς τῷ ὄρει καὶ κατῳκημένην ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν τοῦ ἔθνους, ἰδόντες ὅτι τοὺς οὕτω λαμπρῶς τετίμηκεν ἔγνωσαν αὑτοὺς ὁμολογεῖν.

³⁴⁰ "Now Alexander, having settled these affairs in Jerusalem, marched out against the neighboring cities. While all those to whom he came received him kindly, the Samaritans—who then had Shechem as their metropolis, situated near Mount Gerizim and inhabited by apostates from the Jewish nation—seeing that Alexander had so magnificently honored the Jews, decided to profess themselves Jews also.

³⁴⁰ So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews;

³⁴⁰ When Alexander had so settled matters in Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighbouring cities and all those to whom he came received him warmly, and the Samaritans, whose capital was then Sikima beside Mount Garizim, settled by apostates from the Jewish nation, seeing that Alexander had so greatly honoured the Jews, decided to profess themselves Jews.

³⁴¹ εἰσὶν γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι τὴν‎ φύσιν, ὡς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν· ἐν μὲν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὄντας τοὺς ἀρνοῦνται συγγενεῖς ὁμολογοῦντες τότε τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, ὅταν δέ τι λαμπρὸν περὶ αὐτοὺς ἴδωσιν ἐκ τύχης, ἐπιπηδῶσιν αὐτῶν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ προσήκειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν γενεαλογοῦντες αὑτοὺς ἐκγόνων καὶ Μανασσοῦς.

³⁴¹ For the Samaritans are of such a nature, as we have already shown somewhere before: when the Jews are in misfortune, they deny that they are kin, then confessing the truth [that they are of a different race]; but whenever they see some brilliant success happen to them by chance, they jump to join in their communion, saying they are related to them and tracing their genealogy from the descendants of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh.

³⁴¹ for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh.

³⁴¹ Such is the nature of the Samaritans, as already said elsewhere, that when the Jews are in difficulties, they deny that they are related to them ( acknowledging the truth, but when they notice good fortune coming to them, they immediately want to share it, by claiming descent from Joseph’s children, Ephraim and Manasses.

³⁴² μετὰ λαμπρότητος οὖν καὶ πολλὴν ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὴν‎ περὶ αὐτὸν προθυμίαν ἀπήντησαν τῷ βασιλεῖ μικροῦ δεῖν ἐγγὺς τῶν . ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ προσῆλθον αὐτῷ προσπαραλαβόντες καὶ οὓς πρὸς αὐτὸν στρατιώτας ἀπέστειλεν καὶ παρεκάλουν παραγενόμενον εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτῶν τιμῆσαι καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἱερόν.

³⁴² With magnificence, therefore, and showing much eagerness for him, they met the King near Jerusalem. When Alexander praised them, the Shechemites approached him, bringing along the soldiers whom Sanballat had sent to him, and they entreated him to come to their city and honor their temple also.

³⁴² Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also;

³⁴² They greeted the king in festive eagerness, meeting him at a short distance from Jerusalem. When Alexander praised them, the Sikimites approached him, bringing the troops that Sanballat had sent him and asking him to come to their city and show honour to their temple too.

³⁴³ ὁ δ᾽ ἐκεῖνο μὲν αὖθις ἰδεῖν ὑπέσχετο πρὸς αὐτούς, δὲ ἀφεῖναι τὸν φόρον αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἑβδοματικοῦ ἔτους, οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ σπείρειν, τίνες ὄντες ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν ἐπυνθάνετο. τῶν δ᾽ εἰπόντων μὲν εἶναι,

³⁴³ He promised them that he would see it upon his return; but when they asked him to remit the tribute of the seventh year [the Sabbatical year], because they also did not sow in it, he inquired who they were that they made such a request.

³⁴³ to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition;

³⁴³ He promised, to come to them on his return journey, and when they implored him to absolve them of the tax each seventh year, since on it they only sowed, he asked who they were to make such a petition.

³⁴⁴ χρηματίζειν δ᾽ οἱ ἐν , πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐπηρώτησεν, εἰ τυγχάνουσιν . τῶν δ᾽ οὐκ εἶναι φαμένων " ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε ταῦτ᾽, εἶπεν, ἔδωκα, ὑποστρέψας μέντοι γε καὶ διδαχθεὶς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀκριβέστερον ποιήσω τὰ δόξαντα. τοῖς μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπετάξατο.

³⁴⁴ When they said they were Hebrews, but were called 'Sidonians in Shechem,' he asked them again if they were Jews. When they said they were not, he replied, 'I gave these privileges to the Jews; however, when I return and have been more accurately instructed by you, I will do what seems best.' Thus he dismissed the Shechemites.

³⁴⁴ and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, "It was to the Jews," said he, "that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper." And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites;

³⁴⁴ When they said they were Hebrews living at Sikima, but called by the name of Sidonians, he asked them again if they were Jews. When they said they were not he replied, "It was to the Jews that I granted that privilege. But when I return and you tell me more fully about this matter, I will do what I think right," and so he took leave of the Sikimites.

³⁴⁵ τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου στρατιώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἕπεσθαι εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοῖς δώσειν κλήρους γῆς· ὃ καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐποίησεν ἐν τῇ Θηβαίδι φρουρεῖν τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτοῖς προστάξας.	³⁴⁵ As for the soldiers of Sanballat, he commanded them to follow him into Egypt, for he would give them allotments of land there; which he did shortly after in the Thebaid, ordering them to guard the country for him.
³⁴⁵ but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country.	³⁴⁵ He ordered the troops of Sanballat to follow him into Egypt because he planned to give them lands there, which he did a little later in the Thebaid, leaving them as garrison to that land.

³⁴⁶ τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους ἐμερίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν. εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν ἔσχεν παρὰ τοῖς κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγεν λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι.

³⁴⁶ After Alexander died, the empire was divided among his successors, but the temple on Mount Gerizim remained. If anyone was accused by the Jerusalemites of 'common-eating' [violating dietary laws] or of breaking the Sabbath, or of any other such sin, he would flee to the Shechemites, saying he had been unjustly cast out.

³⁴⁶ Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly.

³⁴⁶ When Alexander died, his domain was divided among his successors, but the temple remained on Mount Garizim there, and anyone accused by people in Jerusalem of eating unclean foods or of breaking the sabbath, or of any other similar crime, would flee to the Sikimites and claimed to be unjustly accused.

³⁴⁷ τετελευτήκει δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰαδδοῦς καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὈνίαςOnias ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ παρειλήφει. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τοὺς ἹεροσολυμίταςJerusalem ἐν τούτοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα.	³⁴⁷ By that time, the High Priest Jaddua had also died, and his son Onias took over the high priesthood. Such were the affairs of the Jerusalemites at that time."
³⁴⁷ About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time.	³⁴⁷ About this time the high priest Jaddous died and his son Onias took over the high priesthood. Such was the state of the affairs of the Jerusalemites at this time.

The "Chameleon" Identity of the Samaritans
Josephus is notoriously polemical toward the Samaritans. He portrays their identity as purely opportunistic: they claim to be "Hebraic" descendants of Joseph when the Jews are in favor, but claim to be Sidonians (Phoenician/Canaanite) when the Jews are under persecution. This serves Josephus's broader argument that the Samaritans are "apostates" rather than a legitimate branch of Israel.

The Legal Trap: "Are You Jews?"
The dialogue with Alexander is a clever bit of legal sparring. The Shechemites want the Sabbatical Year tax exemption Alexander just granted to Jerusalem. Alexander's logic is strictly administrative: he granted the right to "the Jews." When the Shechemites—trying to maintain their distinct identity—admit they are not Jews, Alexander effectively says, "Then the tax break doesn't apply to you." It highlights the early Greek struggle to categorize the diverse Near Eastern ethnic groups.

The Diaspora in the Thebaid
Josephus notes that Alexander took Sanballat's 8,000 soldiers to Upper Egypt (the Thebaid). This is historically significant as it explains the origins of the Jewish and Samaritan military colonies in Egypt. These soldiers were given κλήρους γῆς (land allotments) in exchange for guarding the frontier, a practice that would continue under the Ptolemies and lead to the flourishing of the Egyptian Diaspora.

Shechem as a "City of Refuge" for Sinners
Josephus presents a fascinating social dynamic: Shechem became a haven for those the Jerusalem religious authorities considered "unclean" or "law-breakers" (κοινοφαγίας—eating forbidden foods). This suggests that the Samaritan community grew not just through natural birth, but as a "protest" community for those who found the Jerusalem Temple’s strictness intolerable.

The End of an Era
The mention of the death of both Alexander (323 BCE) and the High Priest Jaddua marks the end of the Persian-Hellenic transition. The "division among the successors" (the Wars of the Diadochi) introduced a century of instability for Judea.

The Samaritan Temple's Survival
Despite Sanballat's death and Alexander's passing, the temple on Mount Gerizim remained. This rival sanctuary would stand for nearly 200 years until it was eventually destroyed by the Hasmonean king John Hyrcanus. Josephus mentions its survival here to underscore that the "schism" was now a permanent feature of the landscape.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 11

From the end of the Exile to the death of Alexander of Macedon

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 11