FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 10

From the Assyrian Captivity to end of the Babylonian Exile

Chapter 1 Sennacherim’s failed invasion. Isaias encourages king Ezekias to resist
Chapter 2 Through Isaias, Ezekias' miraculous recovery and extra years of life
Chapter 3 King Manasses is converted in captivity. Succeeded by his son, Amon
Chapter 4 Amon succeeed by Josias, who is guided by the prophetess Huldah
Chapter 5 Josiah’s war with Egypt; the exile of his son. Jeremias and Ezekiel
Chapter 6 Nabuchodonosor of Babylon invades Judea and imposes a new king
Chapter 7 Nabuchodonosor hardens against Jerusalem; Jeremias predicts disaster
Chapter 8 Jerusalem captured; Temple destroyed; Jews to Babylon, as predicted
Chapter 9 Ruler Gadalias is killed; reprisals against the Jews who had fled to Egypt
Chapter 10 Daniel and Nabuchodonosor’s Dream: God’s fidelity during the exile
Chapter 11 Persian rule ends Babylonian exile; Daniel’s prophesying in Media

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-023]
Sennacherim’s failed invasion, in the days of Ezekias. Isaias encourages resistance, with the help of God

☞

¹ Ἐζεκίου δὲ τοῦ τῶν δύο φυλῶν βασιλέως τέταρτον ἤδη καὶ δέκατον ἔτος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἔχοντος ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς Σεναχείριμος ὄνομα στρατεύει μετὰ πολλῆς παρασκευῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν κατὰ κράτος τε ἁπάσας αἱρεῖ τὰς πόλεις τὰς τῆς φυλῆς καὶ .

¹ "When Hezekiah, the king of the two tribes, was now in the fourteenth year of his reign, the King of the Assyrians [Sennacherib], named Senacheirimos, campaigned against him with a great force; he took all the cities of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin by force.

¹ It was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib, made an expedition against him with a great army, and took all the cities of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force;

¹ It was the fourteenth year of the reign of Ezekias, king of the two tribes, when Sennacherim, king of the Babylonians, attacked him with a large army and took by force all the cities of the tribes of Judas and Benjamin.

² μέλλοντος δ᾽ ἄγειν τὴν‎ δύναμιν καὶ ἐπὶ φθάνει πρεσβευσάμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ὑπακούσεσθαι καὶ φόρον ὃν ἂν τάξῃ τελέσειν ὑπισχνούμενος. Σεναχείριμος δὲ μαθὼν τὰ παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων ἔγνω μὴ πολεμεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ προσδέχεται καὶ ἀργυρίου μὲν τάλαντα τριακόσια χρυσίου δὲ τριάκοντα λαβὼν Φίλος ἀναχωρήσειν ὡμολόγει πίστεις δοὺς τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐνόρκους, ἦ μὴν ἀδικήσας μηδὲν αὐτὸν οὕτως ἀναστρέψειν.

² As he was about to lead his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah anticipated him by sending ambassadors, promising that he would be subject to him and would pay whatever tribute he might impose. Sennacherib, having learned the message from the ambassadors, decided not to make war; instead, he accepted the proposal, and having received three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold, he agreed to depart as a friend, giving sworn pledges to the ambassadors that he would return home after doing him no further injury.

² and when he was ready to bring his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassadors to him beforehand, and promised to submit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the proposals that were made him; and if he might receive three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would then do him no harm, but go away as he came.

² He was about to bring his forces to bear on Jerusalem when Ezekias sent him envoys and promised to submit and pay whatever tax he should assign. When he heard the envoys' message Sennacherim decided not to go on with the war. He accepted the offer, promising to leave if he received three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold, and he guaranteed to the envoys on oath to do him no harm, but to leave as he had come.

³ ὁ δ᾽ ἘζεκίαςHezekiah πεισθεὶς καὶ κενώσας τοὺς θησαυροὺς πέμπει τὰ χρήματα νομίζων ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀγῶνος.	³ Hezekiah, having believed this and having emptied the treasuries, sent the money, thinking he would be delivered from the war and from the struggle for his kingdom.
³ So Hezekiah submitted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should be freed from his enemy, and from any further distress about his kingdom.	³ Ezekias agreed and emptied his treasures and sent the money, thinking it would free him from his enemy and all distress about his kingdom.

⁴ ὁ δὲ Ἀσσύριος λαβὼν ταῦτα τῶν μὲν ὡμολογημένων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντισεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾽ καὶ , τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν Ῥαψάκην μετὰ πολλῆς ἰσχύος σὺν καὶ δυσὶν ἄλλοις τῶν ἐν τέλει κατέλιπε πορθήσοντας τὰ . τούτων δὲ τὰ ὀνόματα Θαρατὰ καὶ Ἀράχαρις ἦν.

⁴ But the Assyrian, having received these things, gave no thought to his agreements; instead, he himself campaigned against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, but left behind his commander Rhapsakēs [the Rabshakeh], along with two other high officials and a great force, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of these officials were Tharata [the Tartan] and Aracharis [the Rabsaris]."

⁴ Accordingly, the Assyrian king took it, and yet had no regard to what he had promised; but while he himself went to the war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders, with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris.

⁴ The Assyrian took it but did not keep his promise, and when he went off to war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh and two more of his chief officers, with a large force to destroy Jerusalem. The names of these other two were Tartan and Rabsaris.

The Nomenclature of Empires
A striking detail in Josephus’s Greek text is his identification of Sennacherib as the "King of the Babylonians" (τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεὺς). While Sennacherib was primarily the King of Assyria, he also held the title of King of Babylon during this period. Josephus often uses these terms interchangeably for his Greco-Roman audience, who viewed the Mesopotamian powers as a continuous imperial lineage.

The Bankruptcy of Judah
Josephus emphasizes that Hezekiah "emptied the treasuries" (κενώσας τοὺς θησαυροὺς). The biblical account adds the heartbreaking detail that Hezekiah even stripped the gold from the doors and doorposts of the Temple. This illustrates the desperate "all-in" gamble of Hezekiah’s diplomacy: he traded the nation’s entire liquid wealth for a "sworn pledge" (ἐνόρκους) that turned out to be worthless.

Sennacherib’s Grand Strategy
Josephus provides a broader geopolitical context: Sennacherib’s ultimate goal was not just Jerusalem, but Egypt and Ethiopia. Judah was merely a "speed bump" on the way to the Nile. By accepting the tribute and then moving on to Egypt, Sennacherib intended to neutralize the Judean threat behind him while using a secondary force to seize Jerusalem without needing his main army.

The Trio of Command
Josephus names three specific Assyrian officials left to oversee the destruction of Jerusalem:

1) Rhapsakēs (Rabshakeh): The Chief Cupbearer/Field Commander (the primary orator).

2) Tharata (Tartan): The Commander-in-Chief.

3) Aracharis (Rabsaris): The Chief Eunuch/High Official.

This indicates that Sennacherib left a professional, high-level siege staff in Judea, signaling that the "agreement" for peace was a total fabrication designed to catch Hezekiah with empty treasuries and lowered guards.

The Moral Pivot
For Josephus, this is the low point of Hezekiah’s reign. He is depicted as being "persuaded" (πεισθείς) by the Assyrian king, a word that carries a hint of naive trust. However, this failure of secular diplomacy sets the stage for the religious miracle to follow. When money and treaties fail, only the "piety toward the Divine" mentioned in the previous chapter remains as a defense.

The 14th Year
The "fourteenth year" is a significant chronological marker. It places the invasion at a time when Hezekiah had completed his religious reforms but was still vulnerable. Historically, the year 701 BC is one of the most well-documented points of intersection between the Bible, the Assyrian "Taylor Prism" (Sennacherib’s own records), and classical historians like Herodotus.

⁵ ὡς δ᾽ ἐλθόντες πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, πέμψαντες πρὸς τὸν ἠξίουν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς λόγους. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ δειλίας οὐ πρόεισι, τρεῖς δὲ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους φίλους αὐτῷ ἐξέπεμψε, τὸν τῆς βασιλείας ἐπίτροπον Ἐλιακίαν ὄνομα καὶ Σουβαναῖον καὶ Ἰώανον τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων.

⁵ "When they arrived and encamped before the walls, they sent to Hezekiah and demanded that he come to a parley. He, however, out of fear, did not go out himself, but sent out three of his most intimate friends: Eliakim, the steward of the kingdom; Shebna (Soubanaios); and Joah, the recorder.

⁵ Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak with him; but he did not himself come out to them for fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends; the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder.

⁵ When they arrived in front of the walls, they encamped and sent messengers to Ezekias asking to speak with him, but he was afraid to come out to them in person and sent three of his closest friends, one of whom was Eliakim, the overseer of the kingdom, along with Shebna and Joachos, the recorder.

⁶ οὗτοι μὲν οὖν προελθόντες ἀντικρὺ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τῆς στρατιᾶς τῶν ἔστησαν, θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὁ στρατηγὸς Ῥαψάκης ἐκέλευσεν Ἐζεκίᾳ λέγειν, ὅτι βασιλεὺς μέγας Σεναχείριμος πυνθάνεται αὐτοῦ‎, τίνι θαρρῶν καὶ πεποιθὼς φεύγει δεσπότην αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἀκροάσασθαι μὴ θέλει καὶ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν οὐ δέχεται τῇ πόλει; ἦ διὰ τοὺς τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ στρατιὰν ἐλπίζων ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων αὐτῶν καταγωνίσασθαι;

⁶ These men went forth and stood opposite the Assyrian commanders. When the general Rhapsakes saw them, he commanded them to go back and tell Hezekiah that the Great King Sennacherib (Senacheirimos) inquires of him: in what does he trust or rely that he flees from his master, refuses to listen, and will not admit the army into the city? Is it because of the Egyptians that he hopes the Great King’s army will be defeated by them?

⁶ So these men came out, and stood over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; and when Rabshakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to Hezekiah in the manner following: That Sennacherib, the great king, desires to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in flying from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army would be beaten by them?

⁶ These came out and stood facing the officers of the Assyrian army, and when Rabshakeh saw them, he told them to go and tell Ezekias that the great king Sennacherim wants to know on whom did he rely and depend, when he fled from his master and snubbed him by not admitting his army into the city? Was it on account of the Egyptians and in the hope that his army would be defeated by them?

⁷ εἰ δὲ τοῦτο προσδοκᾷ, δηλοῦν αὐτῷ, ὅτι ἀνόητός ἐστι καὶ ὅμοιος ἀνθρώπῳ, ὃς καλάμῳ ἐπερειδόμενος τεθλασμένῳ πρὸς τῷ καταπεσεῖν ἔτι καὶ τὴν‎ χεῖρα διαπαρεὶς ᾔσθετο τῆς βλάβης. εἰδέναι δ᾽ ὅτι καὶ βουλήσει θεοῦ τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατείαν πεποίηται, ὃς αὐτῷ καταστρέψασθαι καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν βασιλείαν δέδωκεν, ἵνα τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τοὺς ἀρχομένους

⁷ If he expects this, let him know that he is a fool and like a man who leans upon a broken reed; not only does he fall, but he realizes the injury only after the reed has pierced his hand. He should know, moreover, that this expedition against him has been made by the will of God, who gave it to the Great King to overthrow the kingdom of the Israelites and will likewise destroy those ruled by Hezekiah.

⁷ Whereupon he lets him know, that if this be what he expects, he is a foolish man, and like one who leans on a broken reed; while such a one will not only fall down, but will have his hand pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the will of God, who hath granted this favor to him, that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner he shall destroy those that are his subjects also.

⁷ If that was his hope they should tell him that he was a foolish man, like one who leans on a broken reed. Not only will he fall down, but also his hand will be pierced and hurt by it. He should know that this expedition against him was made by God’s will, who showed his favour by letting him destroy the kingdom of Israel, and in the same manner he will destroy Hezekiah’s subjects too.

⁸ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διαφθείρῃ. ταῦτα δὲ τὸν Ῥαψάκην ἑβραιστὶ λέγοντα, τῆς γὰρ γλώττης εἶχεν ἐμπείρως, ὁ Ἐλιάκειμος φοβούμενος, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπακοῦσαν εἰς ταραχὴν ἐμπέσῃ, συριστὶ φράζειν ἠξίου. συνεὶς δ᾽ ὁ στρατηγὸς τὴν‎ ὑπόνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ δέος μείζονι καὶ διατόρῳ τῇ φωνῇ χρώμενος αὐτῷ ἑβραιστὶ λέγειν, ὅπως ἀκούσαντες τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως προστάγματα πάντες τὸ συμφέρον ἕλωνται παραδόντες αὑτοὺς ἡμῖν·

⁸ As Rhapsakes said these things in Hebrew—for he was skilled in that language—Eliakim, fearing lest the multitude should overhear and fall into a panic, requested him to speak in Aramaic (Syristi). But the general, perceiving his motive and the fear behind it, replied with a louder and more piercing voice, speaking in Hebrew so that everyone might hear the king’s commands and choose what was to their advantage by surrendering to us.

⁸ When Rabshakeh had made this speech in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skillful in that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude that heard him should be disturbed; so he desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue. But the general, understanding what he meant, and perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer with a greater and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said, that "since they all heard what were the king’s commands, they would consult their own advantage in delivering up themselves to us;

⁸ When Rabshakeh had said this in Hebrew, as he was skilled in that language, Eliakim was afraid that the people who heard him would be terrified, so he asked him to speak in Syriac. But the general, understanding what he meant and seeing his fear, answered in Hebrew in a louder voice, that since all had heard the king’s commands, "You can save your lives by surrendering to us.

⁹ δῆλον γὰρ ὡς τὸν λαὸν ὑμεῖς τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐλπίσι παρακρουόμενοι ματαίαις ἀντέχειν πείθετε. εἰ δὲ θαρρεῖτε καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἡμῶν ἀπώσεσθαι νομίζετε, δισχιλίους ἐκ τῆς ἐμοὶ παρούσης ἵππους ἕτοιμός εἰμι ὑμῖν παρέχειν, οἷς ἰσαρίθμους ἐπιβάτας δόντες ἐμφανίσατε τὴν‎ αὑτῶν δύναμιν· ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν οὕς γε μὴ ἔχετε τούτους δῴητε.

⁹ 'For it is clear,' he said, 'that both you and the king are deceiving the people with vain hopes to persuade them to resist. But if you have such confidence and think you can repel our force, I am ready to provide you with two thousand horses from those I have here, if you can provide an equal number of riders for them and thus demonstrate your power; but you cannot provide what you do not have.

⁹ for it is plain the both you and your king dissuade the people from submitting by vain hopes, and so induce them to resist; but if you be courageous, and think to drive our forces away, I am ready to deliver to you two thousand of these horses that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on their backs, and show your strength; but what you have not you cannot produce.

⁹ We know that you and your king are telling the people not to surrender, bolstering them to resist, with empty hopes. If you are so brave and think you can hold off our forces, I'll give you two thousand of my horses, if you can set as many horsemen on their backs, to show your strength. But what you don't have you cannot produce.

¹⁰ τί τοιγαροῦν βραδύνετε παραδιδόναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς κρείττοσι καὶ ληψομένοις ὑμᾶς καὶ μὴ θέλοντας; καίτοι τὸ μὲν ἑκούσιον τῆς παραδόσεως ἀσφαλὲς ὑμῖν, τὸ δὲ ἀκούσιον πολεμουμένοις ἐπικίνδυνον καὶ συμφορῶν αἴτιον φανεῖται."

¹⁰ Why then do you delay in surrendering yourselves to those who are superior and who will take you even against your will? Truly, a voluntary surrender ensures your safety, whereas an involuntary one, once you have been warred upon, will prove dangerous and the cause of calamities.'"

¹⁰ Why therefore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a superior force, who can take you without your consent? although it will be safer for you to deliver yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and will bring further calamities upon you."

¹⁰ Why not then give yourselves up without delay to a superior force, which can take you whether you want it or not? It will be better for you to surrender freely, for to be defeated and taken in battle will be worse and bring more trouble on you."

The Psychology of the "Broken Reed"
Josephus preserves the famous "broken reed" (καλάμῳ... τεθλασμένῳ) metaphor found in the biblical account. It is a brilliant piece of geopolitical analysis: Egypt was known for its impressive appearance but structural weakness. The image of the reed piercing the hand of the one leaning on it suggests that alliances with foreign powers are not just useless—they are actively self-destructive.

Linguistic Warfare: Hebrew vs. Aramaic
One of the most dramatic moments is the dispute over language. Eliakim asks Rhapsakes to speak in συριστὶ (Aramaic/Syrian), which was the lingua franca of diplomacy, understood by the elite but not the commoners. By refusing and speaking in ἑβραϊστὶ (Hebrew) with a διατόρῳ (piercing) voice, Rhapsakes bypasses the government to speak directly to the "rank and file" on the walls, attempting to incite a populist revolt against Hezekiah.

The Theological Claim: God as an Assyrian Ally
Rhapsakes makes the bold claim that he is acting βουλήσει θεοῦ (by the will of God). He points to the recent destruction of the Northern Kingdom of Israel as empirical "proof" that the God of the Hebrews has switched sides. This was a devastating argument because, from a purely historical perspective, it appeared to be true. Hezekiah’s recent religious reforms are framed by the Assyrian as an insult to God, rather than an act of piety.

The Taunt of the Two Thousand Horses
The offer of two thousand horses is the ultimate military insult. Rhapsakes is mocking the Judeans for their lack of a professional cavalry. By saying "you cannot provide what you do not have," he highlights the technological and numerical disparity between the two nations. In ancient warfare, a city without cavalry was a city that could not break a siege.

"Hezekiah’s Fear"
Josephus adds a psychological touch by stating Hezekiah did not come out ὑπὸ δειλίας (out of fear/cowardice). While the biblical text is more neutral, Josephus emphasizes the king’s human vulnerability at this moment. This sets up a stronger character arc for Hezekiah: he begins in terror but will end in a state of miraculous confidence after consulting the prophet Isaiah.

The Rhetoric of "Safety" vs. "Calamity"
The speech concludes with a classic "carrot and stick" approach. Rhapsakes frames surrender as ἀσφαλὲς (safe/secure) and resistance as ἐπικίνδυνον (dangerous). He is attempting to portray the Assyrian conquest as an inevitability, arguing that it is more rational to submit to a "superior" power than to suffer for a "lost cause."

¹¹ Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ὅ τε δῆμος καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν λέγοντος ἀπήγγειλαν Ἐζεκίᾳ. ὁ δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν‎ βασιλικὴν ἀποδὺς ἐσθῆτα, ἀμφιασάμενος δὲ σάκκους καὶ σχῆμα ταπεινὸν ἀναλαβὼν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ πεσὼν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευε καὶ βοηθῆσαι τῷ μηδεμίαν ἄλλην ἐλπίδα ἔχοντι σωτηρίας ἠντιβόλει.

¹¹ "When the people and the ambassadors heard these things from the commander of the Assyrians, they reported them to Hezekiah. In response, he took off his royal robes, clothed himself in sackcloth, and, assuming a humble posture according to the ancestral custom, he fell upon his face and entreated God, imploring Him to bring aid to one who had no other hope of safety.

¹¹ When the people, as well as the ambassadors, heard what the Assyrian commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his royal apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of a mourner, and, after the manner of his country, he fell upon his face, and besought God, and entreated him to assist them, now they had no other hope of relief.

¹¹ When both the people and the envoys heard what the Assyrian commander said, they reported it to Ezekias, who put off his royal robes and dressed in sackcloth and in the garb of a mourner, as ancestral custom required, and fell on his face and begged God to help them now when they had no other hope of being saved.

¹² πέμψας δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων τινὰς καὶ τῶν ἱερέων πρὸς τὸν προφήτην ἠξίου δεηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ θυσίας ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς σωτηρίας παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν νεμεσῆσαι μὲν ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἐλπίσιν, ἐλεῆσαι δὲ τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ λαόν.

¹² He also sent some of his friends and the priests to the prophet Isaiah (Hēsaian), requesting him to pray to God and, by performing sacrifices for the common safety, to beseech Him to bring retribution upon the hopes of the enemy and to show mercy to His own people.

¹² He also sent some of his friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put up supplications to him, that he would have indignation at the expectations of their enemies, and have mercy upon his people.

¹² He sent some of his friends and some priests to the prophet Isaias, asking him to pray to God and offer sacrifices to save their community, and to beg him to dash the hopes of their enemies and have mercy upon his people.

¹³ ὁ δὲ προφήτης ταῦτα ποιήσας χρηματίσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ παρεθάρρυνεν αὐτόν τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους προλέγων ἀμαχητὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἡττηθέντας ἀναχωρήσειν αἰσχρῶς καὶ οὐχὶ μεθ᾽ οἵου νῦν εἰσι θράσους·

¹³ When the prophet had done this and God had communicated with him, he encouraged the king and the friends around him. He foretold that the enemy would be defeated without a fight and would withdraw in shame, and not with the sort of boldness they currently possess;

¹³ And when the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends that were about him; and foretold that their enemies should be beaten without fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner, and not with that insolence which they now show,

¹³ When the prophet did so, a word came to him from God to encourage the king and his friends. He foretold that their enemies would be defeated without fighting and would depart in shame, unlike the insolence they now displayed,

¹⁴ τὸν γὰρ θεὸν προνοεῖν ὅπως διαφθαρῶσι· καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σεναχείριμον διαμαρτόντα τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πραγμάτων καὶ ἐπανερχόμενον εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἀπολεῖσθαι σιδήρῳ προύλεγεν.

¹⁴ for God was taking care that they should be destroyed. He further predicted that Sennacherib (Senacheirimos), the King of the Assyrians himself, having failed in his affairs against Egypt, would return to his own land and perish by the sword."

¹⁴ for that God would take care that they should be destroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he came home he should perish by the sword.

¹⁴ for God would see to their destruction. He also foretold that Sennacherim, king of the Assyrians, would fail in his campaign against Egypt and that when he came home he would die by the sword.

The Rhetoric of "No Other Hope"
Josephus emphasizes Hezekiah’s total psychological collapse regarding worldly solutions. The phrase μηδεμίαν ἄλλην ἐλπίδα ἔχοντι (having no other hope) is crucial. In Josephus’s theology, God’s intervention often waits for the moment when human agency is completely exhausted. By stripping his βασιλικὴν ἐσθῆτα (royal clothing), Hezekiah signals that his identity as a monarch is secondary to his identity as a supplicant.

The Priest-Prophet-King Triad
Hezekiah does not just send politicians to Isaiah; he sends τῶν ἱερέων (the priests). This reflects Hezekiah’s earlier reforms where he reunited the various branches of Judean leadership. The call for θυσίας ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς σωτηρίας (sacrifices for the common safety) suggests a national day of atonement, turning the military crisis into a liturgical event.

"Without a Fight" (Amachēti)
The most striking part of Isaiah’s prophecy is the word ἀμαχητὶ. This is a bold military claim. Isaiah isn't promising a strategic victory or a successful counter-siege; he is promising that the enemy will be defeated without the Judean army even drawing a sword. For a city surrounded by the greatest infantry in the world, this sounded like madness, yet it set the stage for the miraculous "Angel of the Lord" event.

The Moral Reversal: Boldness to Shame
Josephus contrasts the current θράσους (boldness/audacity) of the Assyrians with their future αἰσχρῶς (shameful) retreat. In Greco-Roman ethics, thrasos often bordered on hubris. By mocking God, the Rabshakeh had overstepped the bounds of human arrogance, necessitating a divine "correction" that would not just defeat them, but humiliate them.

Geopolitical Specificity: The Egyptian Failure
Josephus adds a historical detail to the prophecy: Sennacherib would fail in his ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον πραγμάτων (affairs against Egypt). This aligns with the "official" Judean view of the campaign. While Sennacherib’s own annals claim victory, Herodotus and Josephus record a disastrous check on Assyrian power at the Egyptian border (involving a plague of mice eating their bowstrings), which forced the retreat.

The "Sword" Prophecy
Isaiah’s prediction that Sennacherib would perish σιδήρῳ (by the sword) in his own land is a direct reference to his eventual assassination by his own sons (Adrammelech and Sharezer) while worshipping in the temple of Nisroch. Josephus uses this to prove the "long-range" accuracy of Hebrew prophecy—it wasn't just about the immediate siege, but about the ultimate fate of the tyrant.

¹⁵ Ἔτυχε δ᾽ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ γεγραφὼς τῷ Ἐζεκίᾳ ὁ Ἀσσύριος ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ἀνόητον μὲν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν ὑπολαμβάνοντα τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ διαφεύξεσθαι δουλείαν ἔθνη πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα κεχειρωμένῳ, ἠπείλει δὲ πανωλεθρίᾳ διαφθερεῖν αὐτὸν παραλαβών, εἰ μὴ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξας ἑκὼν αὐτοῦ‎ δέξεται τὴν‎ στρατιὰν εἰς τὰ .

¹⁵ "At that same time, the Assyrian [Sennacherib] wrote letters to Hezekiah, in which he called him a fool for imagining he could escape the slavery imposed by one who had already subdued many great nations; he threatened to destroy him utterly with total destruction if he did not willingly open the gates and admit his army into Jerusalem.

¹⁵ About the same time also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man, in supposing that he should escape from being his servant, since he had already brought under many and great nations; and he threatened, that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, unless he now opened the gates, and willingly received his army into Jerusalem.

¹⁵ About the same time, the Assyrian wrote a letter to Ezekias, calling him a foolish man for thinking he could escape from serving him, since he had already subdued many great nations, and threatening that when he took him he would utterly destroy him, unless he now opened the gates and welcomed his army into Jerusalem.

¹⁶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀναγνοὺς καταφρονεῖ διὰ τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πεποίθησιν, τὰς δ᾽ ἐπιστολὰς πτύξας εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἔσω κατέθετο. πάλιν δὲ τῷ θεῷ τὰς εὐχὰς αὐτοῦ‎ ποιησαμένου περὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῆς ἁπάντων σωτηρίας ὁ προφήτης ἐπήκοον αὐτὸν ἔφασκε γεγονέναι καὶ κατὰ τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν μὴ πολιορκηθήσεσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ Σύρου, μέλλοντι πάντων τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γενομένων γεωργήσειν μετ᾽ εἰρήνης καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπιμελήσεσθαι κτημάτων οὐδὲν φοβουμένους.

¹⁶ Upon reading this, Hezekiah felt only contempt because of his trust in God; he folded the letters and laid them inside the Temple. When he again offered prayers to God for the city and the safety of all, the prophet Isaiah declared that God had heard him, and that for the present time, they would not be besieged by the Syrian [Assyrian]. He foretold that they would soon be free from all fear of him, and would farm in peace and tend to their own possessions without dread.

¹⁶ When he read this epistle, he despised it, on account of the trust that he had in God; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid it up within the temple. And as he made his further prayers to God for the city, and for the preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah said that God had heard his prayer, and that he should not be besieged at this time by the king of Assyria that for the future he might be secure of not being at all disturbed by him; and that the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other affairs.

¹⁶ When he read this letter, he scorned it, putting his trust in God, but he rolled up the letter and laid it up within the temple. As he continued to pray God for the city and the safety of all the people, the prophet Isaias said God had heard his prayer and that he would not be besieged at this time by the king of Assyria. In future too, he would not need to fear him, and that the people could go on with their farming and other affairs in peace and without fear.

¹⁷ ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου διελθόντος καὶ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς διαμαρτὼν τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐπιβολῆς ἄπρακτος ἀνεχώρησεν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην· πολὺς αὐτῷ χρόνος ἐτρίβετο πρὸς τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, καὶ τῶν χωμάτων ἤδη μετεώρων ὄντων, ἃ πρὸς τοῖς τείχεσιν ἤγειρε, καὶ ὅσον οὔπω μέλλοντος προσβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς, ἀκούει τὸν τῶν βασιλέα Θαρσικὴν πολλὴν ἄγοντα δύναμιν ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ τοῖς ἥκειν διεγνωκότα ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ πορείαν διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου καὶ ἐξαίφνης εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν ἐμβαλεῖν.

¹⁷ A short time later, the King of the Assyrians, having failed in his scheme against the Egyptians, returned home empty-handed for the following reason: he had spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium, and when the earthworks he had raised against the walls were already high and he was just about to assault them, he heard that Tirhakah (Tharsikēn), the King of the Ethiopians, was coming with a great force to ally with the Egyptians, having decided to march through the desert and suddenly invade the Assyrian territory.

¹⁷ But after a little while the king of Assyria, when he had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, returned home without success, on the following occasion: He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium; and when the banks that he had raised over against the walls were of a great height, and when he was ready to make an immediate assault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved to march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the Assyrians,

¹⁷ A little later the king of Assyria, having failed in his campaign against the Egyptians, returned home without success in this way. He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium, and when the walls that he had raised opposite the walls were very high and he was about to attack them, he heard that Tharsikes, king of the Ethiopians, was coming with a great force to aid the Egyptians and was about to march through the desert and suddenly fall on the Assyrians.

¹⁸ ταραχθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς Σεναχείριμος ἐπὶ τὸν ἱερέα τὸν Ἡφαίστου στρατεῦσαι ἔλεγεν ὡς Οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν βασιλέα ἱερέα ὄντα τοῦ Ἡφαίστου, πολιορκῶν δὲ τὸ ἔλυσε τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· ηὔξατο ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν τῷ θεῷ, ᾧ γενόμενος ἐπήκοος ὁ θεὸς πληγὴν ἐνσκήπτει τῷ ·

¹⁸ Troubled by these reports, Sennacherib—who was said [by others] to have campaigned against the priest of Hephaestus, since this Egyptian king was a priest of Hephaestus—abandoned the siege of Pelusium for the following reason: the King of the Egyptians prayed to God, and God, hearing him, sent a plague upon the Arab.

¹⁸ this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I said before, left Pelusium, and returned back without success. Now concerning this Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the second book of his histories, how "this king came against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and that as he was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following occasion: This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king."

¹⁸ Upset by this, king Sennacherim, as I said before, left Pelusium and returned without success. About this Sennacherim, Herodotus also says, in the second book of his histories, how "this king marched against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Hephaestus, and as he was besieging Pelusium, broke up the siege as follows: The Egyptian king prayed to God, who heard his prayer and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king."

¹⁹ πλανᾶται γὰρ κἀν τούτῳ οὐκ λέγων τὸν βασιλέα ἀλλ᾽ · μυῶν γὰρ πλῆθός φησι μιᾷ νυκτὶ τὰ τόξα καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ὅπλα διαφαγεῖν τῶν , καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μὴ ἔχοντα τόξα τὸν βασιλέα τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἀπάγειν ἀπὸ τοῦ .

¹⁹ For Herodotus is mistaken in this, calling him the King of the Arabs rather than the Assyrians; for he says a multitude of mice in a single night gnawed through the bows and the rest of the weapons of the Assyrians, and because of this, the king, having no bows, led his army away from Pelusium.

¹⁹ But in this Herodotus was mistaken, when he called this king not king of the Assyrians, but of the Arabians; for he saith that "a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one night both the bows and the rest of the armor of the Assyrians, and that it was on that account that the king, when he had no bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium."

¹⁹ In this he was mistaken, by calling him king not of the Assyrians but of the Arabians, for he says, "A crowd of mice in one night gnawed to pieces the bows and other weapons of the Assyrians and so the king, lacking the bows, withdrew his army from Pelusium."

²⁰ καὶ μὲν οὕτως ἱστορεῖ, δὲ ὁ τὰ Χαλδαικὰ συγγραψάμενος μνημονεύει τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦ Σεναχειρίμου, καὶ ὅτι τῶν ἦρχε καὶ ὅτι πάσῃ‎ ἐπεστρατεύσατο τῇ [καὶ τῇ ] λέγων οὕτως·

²⁰ And while Herodotus relates it thus, Berosus, who wrote the Chaldean history, mentions King Sennacherib, stating that he ruled the Assyrians and campaigned against all Asia and Egypt, speaking as follows:"

²⁰ And Herodotus does indeed give us this history; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assyrians, and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and says thus:

²⁰ Herodotus tells it that way, and Berosus, who wrote of matters in Chaldea, also mentions this king Sennacherim and how he ruled the Assyrians and marched on all of Asia and Egypt. He says,

The Ritual of the Letter
Josephus highlights Hezekiah’s response to Sennacherib’s psychological warfare. By taking the physical letters and "laying them inside the Temple," Hezekiah performs a legalistic act of "turning the case over to a higher court." He treats the written threats as evidence of the Assyrian’s hubris, forcing God to act as the defender of His own honor.

Geopolitical Diversion: The Ethiopian Threat
Josephus provides a strategic reason for the Assyrian distraction: the approach of Tirhakah (Tharsikēn). Tirhakah was the Pharaoh of the 25th (Nubian/Ethiopian) Dynasty. This aligns with modern archaeological records, showing that the "Nubian threat" was a constant thorn in Sennacherib’s side, forcing him to keep a large portion of his army near the Egyptian border at Pelusium instead of concentrating everything on Jerusalem.

Josephus as a Fact-Checker: The "Mice" Story
Josephus cites Herodotus (Book 2, 141) but corrects him. Herodotus recorded a legend that a swarm of field mice ate the Assyrian bowstrings, rendering them defenseless. Josephus correctly deduces that this is a "folk-version" of a real catastrophe. In ancient symbolism, mice were often associated with the plague (specifically the bubonic plague, carried by rodents). By debunking the "Arabs" label and clarifying the "Assyrian" identity, Josephus tries to harmonize Greek legend with Hebrew history.

The Earthworks of Pelusium
Josephus describes the Assyrian siege tactics: raising χωμάτων (earthworks/ramps) to the height of the walls. This was the pinnacle of Neo-Assyrian engineering, as seen in the famous reliefs of the siege of Lachish. The mention of these ramps being "already high" emphasizes how close the Egyptians were to total defeat before the "miracle" occurred.

Berosus and the Chaldean Perspective
By introducing Berosus, a Babylonian priest of the 3rd century BC, Josephus adds a "Chaldean" layer of authority. Berosus confirms that Sennacherib ruled "all Asia and Egypt," which acknowledges the Assyrian Empire as a world-dominating superpower. This makes the Judean survival even more impressive—it wasn't just a victory over a local king, but a survival against a "World Conqueror."

The "Priest-King" of Egypt
The mention of the "priest of Hephaestus" refers to the Egyptian King Sethos (as described by Herodotus). Josephus uses this detail to show that even in pagan accounts, the defeat of Sennacherib was attributed to divine prayer rather than military might. It bolsters his main argument: Sennacherib’s hubris made him an enemy of all divinity, leading to his ruin.

²¹ Ὑποστρέψας δ᾽ ὁ Σεναχείριμος ἀπὸ τῶν πολέμων εἰς τὰ , καταλαβὼν ἐκεῖ τὴν‎ ὑπὸ τῷ στρατηγῷ Ῥαψάκῃ δύναμιν Τοῦ θεοῦ λοιμικὴν ἐνσκήψαντος αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ στρατῷ νόσον κατὰ τὴν‎ πρώτην νύκτα τῆς πολιορκίας διαφθείρονται μυριάδες ὀκτωκαίδεκα καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι σὺν ἡγεμόσι καὶ ταξιάρχαις.

²¹ "When Sennacherib (Senacheirimos) returned from the Egyptian wars to Jerusalem, he found there the force under the commander Rhapsakes; but as God had sent a pestilential disease upon his army, during the first night of the siege, one hundred and eighty-five thousand men were destroyed, together with their leaders and captains.

²¹ "Now when Sennacherib was returning from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in danger [by a plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper upon his army; and on the very first night of the siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with their captains and generals, were destroyed.

²¹ "When Sennacherim was returning to Jerusalem from his Egyptian war, he found the army under his general Rabshakeh in danger from a plague which God had sent upon his army, and on the first night of the siege, a hundred and eighty-five thousand men, with their officers and generals, were destroyed.

²² ὑπὸ ταύτης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς εἰς φόβον καὶ δεινὴν ἀγωνίαν καταστὰς καὶ δείσας περὶ τῷ στρατῷ παντὶ φεύγει μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν‎ αὑτοῦ βασιλείαν τὴν‎ Νίνου προσαγορευθεῖσαν.	²² Being reduced to fear and terrible agony by this calamity, and fearing for his entire army, he fled with his remaining force to his own kingdom, to the city called Nineveh (Ninou).
²² So the king was in a great dread and in a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great fear for his whole army, he fled with the rest of his forces to his own kingdom, and to his city Nineveh;	²² In dread and terrible agony at this disaster, and fearing for his whole army, the king fled with the rest of his forces to his own kingdom and his city Nineveh.

²³ καὶ διατρίψας ἐν αὐτῇ ὀλίγον χρόνον δολοφονηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων παίδων Ἀνδρομάχου καὶ Σελευκάρου τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον καὶ ἀνετέθη τῷ ἰδίῳ ναῷ Ἀράσκῃ λεγομένῳ. Καὶ οἱ μὲν φυγαδευθέντες ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπῆραν, διαδέχεται δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τῶν μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς καταφρονῶν τοῦ Σεναχειρίμου Ἀσαραχόδδας. Καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς στρατείας τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς τέλος τοιοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι.

²³ And having stayed there a short time, he ended his life, being treacherously murdered by his elder sons, Adrammelech (Andromachou) and Sharezer (Seleukarou); he perished in his own temple called Araske [Nisroch]. Those who had been exiled for the murder of their father departed for Armenia, being driven out by the citizens; and Esarhaddon (Asarachoddas) succeeded to the kingdom. Such was the end that befell the Assyrian expedition against the Jerusalemites."

²³ and when he had abode there a little while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his elder sons, Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in his own temple, which was called Araske. Now these sons of his were driven away on account of the murder of their father by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennacherib." And this proved to be the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem.

²³ Having stayed a little while there, he was attacked treacherously and died at the hands of his elder sons, Adrammelech and Seraser, killed in his own temple, named Araske. For murdering their father these sons were hunted out by the citizens and went to Armenia, and Assarachoddas took over the realm of Sennacherim." This proved to be the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem.

The "First Night" Fatality
Josephus emphasizes that the destruction occurred κατὰ τὴν πρώτην νύκτα (during the first night). This timing is crucial to his theological narrative: it suggests that as soon as the full Assyrian force was concentrated and ready to strike the heart of Judah, God intervened instantly. It mirrors the Passover in Egypt, where a single night of divine action changed the course of history.

Numerical Devastation: 185,000
Josephus retains the biblical number of μυριάδες ὀκτωκαίδεκα καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι (185,000). To put this in perspective for a Roman reader, this would be equivalent to the destruction of roughly 30 full Roman legions in a single night. Josephus notes that the death toll included ἡγεμόσι καὶ ταξιάρχαις (leaders and captains), indicating a total decapitation of the Assyrian military command structure.

Pestilence as a Divine Weapon
The use of λοιμικὴν... νόσον (pestilential disease) aligns with Josephus’s earlier attempt to harmonize the "mice" story of Herodotus with the "Angel of the Lord" in the Bible. In the ancient world, sudden and massive outbreaks of disease in military camps—often triggered by poor sanitation or heat—were viewed as direct "blows" from the heavens.

The Murder in the Temple of "Araske"
The assassination of Sennacherib is heavy with irony. He survived the "wrath of the Hebrew God" in the field, only to be killed in the house of his own god, Ἀράσκῃ (Nisroch). Josephus follows the biblical and historical tradition that he was murdered by his own sons. This reinforces the theme of the "unstable tyrant": a man who cannot even secure his own household or temple is a man whose power was an illusion.

Hellenized Names: Adrammelech and Sharezer
Josephus transliterates the names of the sons into Greek as Ἀνδρομάχου (Andromachus) and Σελευκάρου (Seleukarus). These are "Classical" renderings intended to make the Near Eastern names sound more familiar and "historical" to his Greek-speaking audience, standardizing the Oriental history into the Greco-Roman literary tradition.

The Rise of Esarhaddon
The transition to Ἀσαραχόδδας (Esarhaddon) marks the beginning of the final phase of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. While Esarhaddon was a powerful king who eventually conquered Egypt, Josephus mentions him here primarily to close the book on Sennacherib’s legacy. The flight of the assassins to Ἀρμενίαν (Armenia/Ararat) is also historically attested in the Assyrian Royal Annals, providing yet another point of archaeological corroboration.

Chapter 2
[024-035]
Through Isaias, King Ezekias miraculously recovers
and has extra years of life

☜ ☞

²⁴ δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς παραδόξως ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῶν φόβων χαριστηρίους σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ λαῷ θυσίας ἐπετέλεσε τῷ θεῷ, μηδεμιᾶς ἄλλης αἰτίας τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς μὲν διαφθειράσης τοὺς δὲ φόβῳ τῆς τελευτῆς ἀπαλλαξάσης ἀπὸ τῶν ἢ τῆς συμμαχίας τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ.

²⁴ "King Hezekiah, having been paradoxically delivered from his fears, performed sacrifices of thanksgiving to God along with all the people; for no other cause had destroyed some of the enemy and driven others away from the Jerusalemites in fear of a similar end than the alliance provided by God.

²⁴ Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after a surprising manner, from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with all his people, because nothing else had destroyed some of their enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate that they departed from Jerusalem, but that divine assistance.

²⁴ When king Ezekias was released from his fears so unexpectedly he offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to God with all his people, because what killed some of the enemy and made the rest withdraw from Jerusalem for fear of the same fate, was none other than God on his side.

²⁵ πάσῃ‎ δὲ χρησάμενος σπουδῇ καὶ φιλοτιμίαι περὶ τὸν θεὸν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ νόσῳ χαλεπῇ περιπεσὼν ἀπέγνωστο μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν, χρηστὸν δὲ περὶ αὑτοῦ οὐδὲν προσδοκῶν, οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ φίλοι. τῇ δὲ νόσῳ προσετίθετο καὶ ἀθυμία δεινὴ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀπαιδίαν λογιζομένου, καὶ ὅτι μέλλοι τελευτᾶν ἔρημον καταλιπὼν τὸν οἶκον καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν γνησίας διαδοχῆς.

²⁵ Though he devoted himself to God with all earnestness and zeal, not long afterward he fell into a grievous illness and was given up by his physicians. He himself expected nothing good regarding his condition, nor indeed did his friends. To the illness was added a terrible despondency, as the king reflected on his childlessness and the fact that he was about to die leaving his house and his kingdom destitute of a legitimate successor.

²⁵ Yet, while he was very zealous and diligent about the worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe distemper, insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and expected no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and besides the distemper itself, there was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered the king, which was the consideration that he was childless, and was going to die, and leave his house and his government without a successor of his own body;

²⁵ Yet, though he was very zealous and diligent toward God, he fell severely ill soon afterward, so that the physicians despaired of him and expected no recovery and neither did his friends. Apart from the illness itself, the king grieved to think that he was childless and would die and leave his family and realm without a successor of his own seed.

²⁶ κάμνων οὖν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἐννοίας μάλιστα καὶ ὀδυρόμενος ἱκέτευε τὸν θεὸν αὐτῷ ζωῆς ὀλίγον χρόνον προσεπιδοῦναι μέχρι τέκνων γονῆς, καὶ μὴ πρότερον ἢ πατὴρ γένηται τὴν‎ ψυχὴν αὐτὸν ἐᾶσαι καταλιπεῖν.	²⁶ Being distressed most of all by this thought and lamenting, he entreated God to grant him a little more time of life until the birth of children, and not to let him leave his soul behind until he had become a father.
²⁶ so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of God that he would prolong his life for a little while till he had some children, and not suffer him to depart this life before he was become a father.	²⁶ Troubled by this thought, he implored God in tears to prolong his life for a little while until he had children and not let him depart this life before becoming a father.

²⁷ ἐλεήσας δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς καὶ τῆς αἰτήσεως ἀποδεξάμενος, ὅτι μὴ διὰ τὸ μέλλειν στέρεσθαι τῶν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας ἀγαθῶν ὠδύρετο τὴν‎ ὑπονοηθεῖσαν τελευτὴν ἔτι τε χρόνον ζωῆς αὐτῷ δεηθείη παρασχεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ παῖδας αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τοὺς ὑποδεξομένους τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ἐκείνου, πέμψας τὸν προφήτην ἐκέλευσε δηλοῦν αὐτῷ, ὅτι καὶ διαφεύξεται τὴν‎ νόσον μετὰ τρίτην ἡμέραν καὶ βιώσεται μετ᾽ αὐτὴν ἔτη πεντεκαίδεκα καὶ παῖδες αὐτῷ γενήσονται.

²⁷ God, having pitied him and accepted his petition—because he did not lament his impending death due to the loss of the pleasures of kingship, but rather prayed for a time of life so that children might be born to him to succeed to his leadership—sent the prophet Isaiah and commanded him to declare that he would escape the disease after the third day, live for fifteen years beyond that, and that children would be born to him.

²⁷ Hereupon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of his supplication, because the trouble he was under at his supposed death was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom, nor did he on that account pray that he might have a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons, that might receive the government after him. And God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah, that within three days' time he should get clear of his distemper, and should survive it fifteen years, and that he should have children also.

²⁷ God showed mercy to him and heard his prayer, because his distress at his impending death and his prayer for a longer life were not because he was soon to leave the good life he enjoyed as king, but in order to have children to take up the leadership after him. And God sent Isaias the prophet to tell Ezekias that within three days he would be rid of his illness and live another fifteen years and also that children would be born to him.

²⁸ ταῦτα τοῦ προφήτου φήσαντος κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς νόσου καὶ τὸ παράδοξον τῶν ἀπηγγελμένων ἀπιστῶν σημεῖόν τι καὶ τεράστιον ἠξίου ποιῆσαι τὸν , ἵνα αὐτῷ πιστεύσῃ λέγοντι ταῦτα ἥκοντι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ· τὰ γὰρ παράλογα καὶ μείζω τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῖς ὁμοίοις πιστοῦται πράγμασιν.

²⁸ When the prophet had said these things by the command of God, Hezekiah, because of the extremity of the illness and the paradoxical nature of the message, found it hard to believe; he requested Isaiah to perform some sign or wonder so that he might believe him as one coming from God. For things that are beyond reason and greater than hope are confirmed by similar [miraculous] events.

²⁸ Now, upon the prophet’s saying this, as God had commanded him, he could hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was under, which was very sore, and by reason of the surprising nature of what was told him; so he desired that Isaiah would give him some sign or wonder, that he might believe him in what he had said, and be sensible that he came from God; for things that are beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes, are made credible by actions of the like nature.

²⁸ When the prophet told him this at God’s command, he could hardly believe it, as his illness was very severe and because what had been told him was so surprising he wanted Isaias to give him some sign or miracle so that he could believe in his words and know they came from God, for strange things beyond our hopes are made credible by actions of a similar sort.

²⁹ ἐρωτήσαντος δ᾽ αὐτὸν τί βούλεται σημεῖον γενέσθαι, τὸν ἥλιον ἠξίωσεν, ἐπειδὴ σκιὰν ἐπὶ δέκα βαθμοὺς ἀποκλίνας ἤδη πεποίηκεν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ, ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀναστρέψαι τόπον ποιήσας αὐτὴν πάλιν παρασχεῖν. τοῦ δὲ προφήτου τὸν θεὸν παρακαλέσαντος, ὥστε τὸ σημεῖον τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιδεῖξαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἰδὼν ὅπερ ἤθελεν εὐθὺς λυθεὶς τῆς νόσου ἄνεισιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τῷ θεῷ προσκυνήσας εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο.

²⁹ When Isaiah asked him what sign he wished to occur, Hezekiah requested that the sun—since it had already declined and cast a shadow of ten degrees in his house—should return to the same place and make the shadow appear there again. When the prophet besought God to show this sign to the king, Hezekiah saw exactly what he desired; immediately released from the disease, he went up to the Temple and, having worshipped God, offered his prayers."

²⁹ And when Isaiah had asked him what sign he desired to be exhibited, he desired that he would make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to return again to the same place, and to make it as it was before. And when the prophet prayed to God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what he desired to see, and was freed from his distemper, and went up to the temple, where he worshipped God, and made vows to him.

²⁹ When asked what sign he wished to be shown, he wanted him to make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to descend ten degrees in his house, to return to the same place it was before. When the prophet prayed to God to show the king this sign, he saw what he wanted to see and was freed from his illness and went up to the temple, where he worshipped God and made vows to him.

The Survival of the Davidic Line
For Josephus, the gravity of Hezekiah’s illness is political as much as personal. The term ἀπαιδίαν (childlessness) is the keyword. In the 1st-century context, a dynasty without a "legitimate successor" (γνησίας διαδοχῆς) invited civil war and the end of God’s promise to David. Josephus frames God’s mercy as a response to Hezekiah’s selflessness; the king wasn't clinging to life for "pleasure," but for the continuity of the state.

The Limits of Ancient Medicine
Josephus notes that Hezekiah was ἀπέγνωστο μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν (given up by the physicians). By emphasizing the failure of medical science, Josephus heightens the "paradoxical" nature of the recovery. This is a common motif in his writing: when the best human efforts (physicians or armies) fail, the divine "alliance" (συμμαχίας) becomes visible.

The Science of the Sign: The Steps of Ahaz
The "sign" involves a sophisticated observation of shadows. Josephus describes the shadow moving back δέκα βαθμοὺς (ten degrees/steps). While the Bible refers to the "dial of Ahaz," Josephus describes the shadow within the οἰκίᾳ (house/palace), suggesting perhaps a monumental staircase or an internal solar chronometer used by the Judean court.

Empirical Faith
Hezekiah’s request for a sign is treated by Josephus not as a lack of faith, but as a rational response to a παράλογα (irrational/beyond reason) promise. Josephus defends this logic by stating that hopes "greater than hope" require a corresponding weight of evidence. This reflects Josephus’s own role as a historian: providing "proofs" (signs) to make the ancient narrative believable to a Greco-Roman audience.

The "Third Day" Motif
The promise of recovery μετὰ τρίτην ἡμέραν (after the third day) carries significant weight in biblical and Josephan literature, often signifying a complete transformation from a state of death or despair to one of life and restoration. It serves as a narrative marker for a "total" miracle.

The Temple as the First Destination
Hezekiah’s immediate action upon being λυθεὶς τῆς νόσου (released from the disease) is to go to the Temple. This reinforces his character as the "Pious King." His recovery isn't just a biological event; it is a liturgical one. He returns to the very place where he had previously laid out Sennacherib’s letters, completing the cycle of petition and praise.

³⁰ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ συνέβη τὴν‎ τῶν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ καταλυθῆναι· δηλώσω δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐν ἑτέροις. ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς ὄνομα πέμψας πρὸς τὸν πρέσβεις δῶρα κομίζοντας σύμμαχόν τε αὐτὸν εἶναι παρεκάλει καὶ φίλον.

³⁰ "At this time, it happened that the empire of the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes (though I shall speak of these things elsewhere). And the King of the Babylonians, named Baladas [Merodach-Baladan], sent ambassadors to Hezekiah carrying gifts, and invited him to be his ally and friend.

³⁰ At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes; but of these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose name was Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired he would be his ally and his friend.

³⁰ Meanwhile the power of the Assyrians was brought down by the Medes, of which I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, named Baladan, sent envoys to Ezekias with gifts and asked him to become his ally and friend.

³¹ ὁ δὲ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἡδέως ἀποδεξάμενος ἑστιασάμενός τε καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ὅπλων παρασκευὴν καὶ τὴν‎ ἄλλην πολυτέλειαν, ὅσην ἐν λίθοις εἶχε καὶ χρυσῷ, δῶρά τε δοὺς κομίζειν τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπέλυσεν.

³¹ Hezekiah received the ambassadors gladly, feasted them, and displayed to them his treasuries, his preparation of weapons, and all his other magnificence in precious stones and gold; then, giving them gifts to carry to Baladas, he dismissed them to return to him.

³¹ So he received the ambassadors gladly, and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his armory, and the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious stones and in gold, and gave them presents to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back to him.

³¹ He gladly welcomed the envoys and made them a feast and showed them his treasures and armoury and his other wealth in precious stones and gold, and giving them gifts for Baladan he sent them back to him.

³² Ἡσαίου δὲ τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ πυνθανομένου πόθεν εἶεν οἱ παρόντες, ἐκ ἔλεγε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐλθεῖν αὐτούς· ἐπιδεῖξαι δὲ πάντ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ὅπως ἰδόντες τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐκ τούτου στοχαζόμενοι σημαίνειν ἔχωσι τῷ βασιλεῖ.

³² When the prophet Isaiah (Hēsaiou) came to him and inquired from where those present had come, he said they had come from Babylon as a gift from God; and that he had shown them everything, so that having seen his wealth and power, they might be able to report an estimate of it to their king.

³² Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and inquired of him whence those ambassadors came; to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from the king; and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of his riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and be able to inform the king of it.

³² When the prophet Isaias came and asked him where those envoys had come from he said they were from Babylon, from the king, and that he had showed them all his possessions so that the sight of his riches and his forces would amaze him, and let him report it to the king.

³³ ὁ δὲ προφήτης ὑποτυχών " ἴσθι, φησίν, οὐ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον εἰς σου τοῦτον μετατεθησόμενον τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ τοὺς ἐκγόνους εὐνουχισθησομένους καὶ ἀπολέσαντας τὸ ἄνδρας εἶναι τῷ δουλεύσοντας βασιλεῖ· ταῦτα γὰρ προλέγειν τὸν .

³³ But the prophet, interrupting, said: 'Know that in not a long time, this wealth of yours shall be transported to Babylon, and your descendants shall be made eunuchs, and having lost their manhood, they shall serve as slaves to the Babylonian king; for God foretells these things.'

³³ But the prophet rejoined, and said, "Know thou, that, after a little while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that God foretold such things would come to pass."

³³ The prophet retorted, "Listen! In a short while this wealth of yours shall be carried away to Babylon and your descendants shall be made eunuchs there and lose their manhood and be slaves to the king of Babylon," for God foretold that this would happen.

³⁴ ὁ δ᾽ λυπηθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἔφη μὲν οὐκ ἂν βούλεσθαι τοιαύταις συμφοραῖς τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοῦ‎ περιπεσεῖν, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐκ εἶναι δυνατὸν τὰ τῷ θεῷ δεδογμένα μεταβαλεῖν, ηὔχετο μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ ζωῆς εἰρήνην ὑπάρξαι. μνημονεύει δὲ τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως .

³⁴ Hezekiah, grieved at these words, said that he would not wish for his nation to fall into such calamities; but since it was not possible to change what God had decreed, he prayed that there might be peace for the duration of his own life. Berosus also mentions this Babylonian king, Baladas.

³⁴ Upon which words Hezekiah was troubled, and said that he was himself unwilling that his nation should fall into such calamities; yet since it is not possible to alter what God had determined, he prayed that there might be peace while he lived. Berosus also makes mention of this Baladan, king of Babylon.

³⁴ At these words Ezekias was troubled and said that he would never wish his nation to fall into a disaster but since it is not possible to change what God had decided, he prayed that there might be peace as long as he lived. Berosus also mentions this Baladan, king of Babylon.

³⁵ ὢν δ᾽ οὗτος ὁ προφήτης θεῖος ὁμολογουμένως καὶ θαυμάσιος τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, πεποιθὼς τῷ μηδὲν ὅλως ψευδὲς εἰπεῖν ἅπανθ᾽ ὅσα προεφήτευσεν ἐγγράψας βίβλοις κατέλιπεν ἐκ τοῦ τέλους γνωρισθησόμενα τοῖς αὖθις ἀνθρώποις. Καὶ οὐχ οὗτος μόνος ὁ προφήτης, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλοι δώδεκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποίησαν, καὶ πᾶν εἴ τι φαῦλον γίνεται παρ᾽ ἡμῖν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἀποβαίνει προφητείαν. ἀλλὰ τούτων μὲν αὖθις ἐξαγγελοῦμεν ἕκαστον.

³⁵ Now this prophet [Isaiah] was confessedly divine and wonderful in his truthfulness; being confident that he never spoke anything false, he wrote down all that he prophesied and left it in books, so that it might be recognized by the events as true by men of later times. And not he alone, but twelve other prophets in number did the same; and everything, even the evil that happens among us, comes to pass according to their prophecies. We shall report each of these matters in due course."

³⁵ Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, Whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these we shall speak hereafter.

³⁵ And this prophet was acknowledged by all to be a divine and wonderful man in speaking the truth, and knowing that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies and left them recorded in books, so that their descendants might judge their fulfilment from the facts. And this prophet was not the only one to do so but the others, twelve in number, did likewise. And whatever happens among us, good or bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies, but of each of these we shall speak later.

The Fall of Assyria: A Global Context
Josephus begins with a vital historical note: the Assyrian empire was being dismantled by the Medes. Historically, the Medes and Babylonians formed a coalition that eventually sacked Nineveh in 612 BC. By mentioning this, Josephus explains why Babylon (previously an Assyrian province) was suddenly reaching out for "allies" (σύμμαχόν). Hezekiah, having survived Sennacherib, was now seen as a high-value strategic partner in the anti-Assyrian resistance.

The Psychology of Display
Hezekiah describes the visit as a "gift from God" (παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ). However, his action—displaying his θησαυροὺς (treasuries) and ὅπλων (weapons)—suggests a shift from the humble sackcloth of the previous chapter to royal vanity. Josephus implies that by showing off his strength to human ambassadors, Hezekiah was inadvertently inviting the very plundering that Isaiah would later predict.

The "Eunuch" Prophecy
Isaiah’s prophecy is chillingly specific. He does not just predict the loss of gold, but the loss of τὸ ἄνδρας εἶναι (manhood/virility) for the royal line. This refers to the practice in the Babylonian court of making captives into eunuchs to serve in the palace—a fate that would later befall figures like Daniel and his companions. For a king who had just begged God for children to preserve his line, this was a devastating irony.

Hezekiah’s "Practical" Resignation
Hezekiah’s response—ηὔχετο μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ ζωῆς εἰρήνην (he prayed for peace during his own life)—has often been criticized as selfish. However, Josephus frames it as an acceptance of divine sovereignty (τὰ τῷ θεῷ δεδογμένα). Hezekiah recognizes that he cannot change the cosmic decree, so he asks for the grace of a peaceful end to his own era.

Josephus’s "Canon" of Prophets
Josephus provides an interesting glimpse into the 1st-century Jewish view of scripture. He mentions Isaiah and the "twelve others" (the Minor Prophets). He argues that the "truthfulness" (ἀλήθειαν) of the prophets is mathematically proven by the "end" (τέλους) or fulfillment of their words. To Josephus, history is simply prophecy in the past tense.

Berosus and Secular Corroboration
Once again, Josephus cites Berosus (the Babylonian historian) to confirm the existence of King Baladas (Merodach-Baladan II). This reinforces his ongoing mission to prove to his Greek and Roman readers that Jewish history is not a set of isolated myths, but is fully integrated with the verified records of the great eastern empires.

Chapter 3
[036-046]
Wicked king Manasses is converted in captivity.
Succeeded by his son, Amon

☜ ☞

³⁶ Ἐπιβιοὺς δ᾽ ὃν προειρήκαμεν χρόνον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἘζεκίαςHezekiah καὶ πάντα τοῦτον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διαγαγὼν τελευτᾷ πεντηκοστὸν μὲν καὶ τέταρτον ἔτος τῆς ζωῆς διανύσας, εἴκοσι δὲ βασιλεύσας καὶ ἐννέα.	³⁶ "Having lived out the time we previously mentioned, King Hezekiah, having passed all that time in peace, died at the age of fifty-four, after reigning for twenty-nine years.
³⁶ When king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already mentioned, and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine.	³⁶ When king Ezekias had lived on in perfect peace for the period we have said, he died at the end of his fifty-fourth year, after reigning for twenty-nine years.

³⁷ διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐκ μητρὸς μὲν Ἐχίβας τοὔνομα πολίτιδος γεγονώς, ἀπέρρηξεν ἑαυτὸν τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ τὴν‎ πᾶν εἶδος πονηρίας ἐπιδειξάμενος ἐν τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ μηδὲν ἀσεβὲς παραλιπών, ἀλλὰ μιμούμενος τὰς τῶν παρανομίας, οἳ εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἁμαρτόντες ἀπώλοντο· μιᾶναι δὲ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐτόλμησε τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν.

³⁷ His son, Manasseh (Manassēs), whose mother was a citizen named Hephzibah (Echiba), succeeded to the kingdom. He broke himself away from his father’s practices and turned in the opposite direction, exhibiting every kind of wickedness in his conduct and omitting no impious act. Instead, he imitated the lawlessness of the Israelites, who had perished because of their sins against God; he even dared to defile the temple of God, as well as the city and the entire country.

³⁷ But when his son Manasseh, whose mother’s name was Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he departed from the conduct of his father, and fell into a course of life quite contrary thereto, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in all respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the commission of which against God they had been destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple of God, and the city, and the whole country;

³⁷ His son Manasses, whose mother was Hephzibah from Jerusalem, did succeed him but abandoned his father’s conduct and adopted a varied lifestyle, engaging in all sorts of wrongdoing and leaving no impiety untried, in imitation of the faults of the Israelites, those sins against God for which they were destroyed. Brazenly, he defiled the temple of God, the city and the whole land.

³⁸ ἀπὸ γὰρ τῆς εἰς τὸν θεὸν καταφρονήσεως ὁρμώμενος πάντας τοὺς δικαίους τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀπέκτεινεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν προφητῶν ἔσχε φειδὼ καὶ τούτων δέ τινας καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπέσφαζεν, ὥστε αἵματι ῥεῖσθαι τὰ .

³⁸ For, starting from his contempt for God, he went on to slaughter all the righteous men among the Hebrews; nor did he spare the prophets, some of whom he executed daily, so that Jerusalem was drenched in flowing blood.

³⁸ for, by setting out from a contempt of God, he barbarously slew all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews; nor would he spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was overflown with blood.

³⁸ Scornful of God he cruelly killed all the righteous people among the Hebrews, not even sparing the prophets, for every day he killed some of them, until Jerusalem was flowing with blood.

³⁹ λαβὼν οὖν ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ θεὸς πέμπει προφήτας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος, δι᾽ ὧν αὐτοῖς ἠπείλησε τὰς αὐτὰς συμφοράς, αἷς συνέβη περιπεσεῖν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐξυβρίζοντας. οἱ δὲ τοῖς μὲν λόγοις οὐκ ἐπίστευον, παρ᾽ ὧν ἠδύναντο κερδῆσαι τὸ μηδενὸς πειραθῆναι κακοῦ, τοῖς δ᾽ ἔργοις ἔμαθον ἀληθῆ τὰ παρὰ τῶν προφητῶν.

³⁹ God, therefore, being filled with anger at these deeds, sent prophets to the king and the people, through whom He threatened them with the same calamities that had befallen their brothers, the Israelites, for their insolence toward Him. But they did not believe these words, through which they might have gained the benefit of experiencing no evil; instead, they learned through actual events that the words of the prophets were true."

³⁹ So God was angry at these proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by whom he threatened the very same calamities to them which their brethren the Israelites, upon the like affronts offered to God, were now under. But these men would not believe their words, by which belief they might have reaped the advantage of escaping all those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn that what the prophets had told them was true.

³⁹ Angry with this, God sent prophets to the king and the people, threatening them with the same troubles as befell their Israelite brethren for similar affronts to God. These would not believe their words, however, a belief which might have won them a reprieve from all those woes, but they did learn in earnest that what the prophets told them was true.

The Rhetoric of Rupture
Josephus uses the strong verb ἀπέρρηξεν (to break off or tear away) to describe Manasseh’s relationship with his father’s legacy. This suggests that Manasseh’s wickedness was not a gradual slide, but a conscious, violent rejection of Hezekiah’s reforms. By turning in the ἐναντίαν (opposite) direction, Manasseh is portrayed as the ultimate "Anti-Hezekiah."

The "Northernizing" of Judah
A key historical observation Josephus makes is that Manasseh imitated the Israelites (μιμούμενος τὰς τῶν Ἰσραηλιτῶν). Since the Northern Kingdom had been destroyed only a few decades prior, Josephus is highlighting the sheer madness of Manasseh’s policy: he was adopting the exact cultural and religious behaviors that had just led to the utter annihilation of his neighbors.

State-Sponsored Martyrdom
While the biblical account mentions that Manasseh shed "much innocent blood," Josephus is more specific and graphic. He claims the king slaughtered the δικαίους (righteous) and the προφητῶν (prophets) καθʼ ἡμέραν (daily). Tradition (outside of Josephus, in the Martyrdom of Isaiah) suggests that Isaiah himself was sawn in two during this purge. Josephus uses the image of the city "flowing with blood" to show that religious apostasy in Judah was inextricably linked to political tyranny.

The Epistemology of Judgment
Josephus draws a philosophical distinction between learning through λόγοις (words) and learning through ἔργοις (deeds/events). He argues that prophecy is a "mercy" because it allows a nation to avoid evil through the intellect alone. By refusing to believe the warning, the people forced God to switch from "auditory" teaching to "experiential" teaching—i.e., the trauma of invasion and exile.

The Desecration of the Temple
The mention that he dared to μιᾶναι (defile) the Temple is the ultimate "point of no return." Under Hezekiah, the Temple was the engine of national survival; under Manasseh, it became the site of idolatrous provocation. For Josephus, the physical state of the Temple always reflects the spiritual health of the king.

The Silence of the "Fifteen Years"
There is a tragic irony here: Manasseh was the son Hezekiah prayed for during his extra fifteen years of life. This narrative placement serves as a "theodicy" or a warning—that even a miraculously granted life (Hezekiah’s extension) can produce a legacy of disaster if the subsequent generation rejects the covenant.

⁴⁰ ὡς γὰρ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπέμενον, πόλεμον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκίνει παρά τε τοῦ τῶν καὶ βασιλέως, ὃς στρατιὰν πέμψας εἰς τὴν‎ τήν τε χώραν αὐτῶν ἐλεηλάτησε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα δόλῳ ληφθέντα καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν πρὸς ἣν ἠβούλετο τιμωρίαν εἶχεν ὑποχείριον.

⁴⁰ "For as they persisted in these same practices, God stirred up war against them by the King of the Babylonians and Chaldeans, who, having sent an army into Judea, plundered their country and, having captured King Manasseh by treachery and brought him to himself, held him in his power for whatever punishment he desired.

⁴⁰ And when they persevered in the same course of life, God raised up war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the country; and caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him to be brought to him, and had him under his power to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him.

⁴⁰ As they persisted in this lifestyle, God raised up war against them via the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army into Judea and ravaged the land, and had king Manasses treacherously caught and brought to him so that he could inflict on him any punishment he pleased.

⁴¹ ὁ δὲ τότε συνεὶς ἐν οἵοις κακοῖς ἐστι καὶ πάντων ἑαυτὸν αἴτιον νομίζων ἐδεῖτο τοῦ θεοῦ παρέχειν αὐτῷ φιλάνθρωπον καὶ ἐλεήμονα τὸν πολέμιον. χαρίζεται τοῦτο τῆς ἱκεσίας ἐπακούσας ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ὁ ἀπολυθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως ἀνασώζεται.

⁴¹ Then Manasseh, understanding in what evils he was and considering himself the cause of them all, entreated God to make his enemy humane and merciful toward him. God, having heard his supplication, granted this to him; and Manasseh, being released by the King of the Babylonians, was restored to his own land.

⁴¹ But then it was that Manasseh perceived what a miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself the cause of all, he besought God to render his enemy humane and merciful to him. Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what he prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in;

⁴¹ Aware of his wretchedness and knowing himself to be the cause of it, Manasses begged God to make his enemy humane and merciful to him. God heard his petition so that Manasses got home again, released by the king of Babylon and set free from danger.

⁴² γενόμενος δ᾽ εἰς τὰ τῶν μὲν προτέρων ἁμαρτημάτων περὶ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὴν‎ μνήμην ἐσπούδαζεν, εἰ δυνατὸν αὐτῷ γένοιτο, τῆς ψυχῆς ἐκβαλεῖν, ὧν ἐπιβουλεύειν ὥρμησε καὶ πάσῃ‎ χρῆσθαι περὶ αὐτὸν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ· καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἥγνισε καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐκάθηρε καὶ πρὸς μόνῳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἦν τῷ χάριν τε τῆς σωτηρίας ἐκτείνειν τῷ θεῷ καὶ διατηρεῖν αὐτὸν εὐμενῆ παρ᾽ ὅλον τὸν βίον.

⁴² Upon arriving in Jerusalem, he took great care to cast out from his soul, if it were possible, the memory of his former sins against God and the schemes he had set in motion, and instead to practice every form of devotion toward Him. He purified the Temple and cleansed the city, and for the rest of his life, he was devoted to one thing: showing gratitude to God for his salvation and keeping Him favorable throughout his whole life.

⁴² and when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavored, if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a very religious life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder of his days he was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for his deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his life long.

⁴² When he arrived in Jerusalem, he did what he could to expel from mind his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a devout life. He sanctified the temple and purged the city and for the rest of his days was intent only on thanking God for being spared and on staying favourable to him all his life.

⁴³ τὰ δὲ αὐτὰ πράττειν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐδίδασκε μεμαθηκώς, οἵᾳ παρὰ μικρὸν ἐχρήσατο συμφορᾷ διὰ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν. ἐπισκευάσας δὲ καὶ τὸν βωμὸν τὰς νομίμους θυσίας ἐπετέλει, καθὼς διέταξε .

⁴³ He also taught the multitude to do the same, having learned what sort of calamity he had nearly experienced because of his contrary way of life. Having repaired the altar, he performed the customary sacrifices as Moses had commanded.

⁴³ He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having very nearly experienced what a calamity he was fallen into by a contrary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded.

⁴³ He also taught the populace to do likewise, seeing what a disaster had nearly befallen him by the opposite conduct; and he rebuilt the altar and offered lawful sacrifices, as Moses commanded.

⁴⁴ διοικησάμενος δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ὃν δεῖ τρόπον καὶ τῆς τῶν ἀσφαλείας προενόησεν, ὥστε τὰ παλαιὰ τείχη μετὰ πολλῆς ἐπισκευάσας σπουδῆς καὶ ἕτερον αὐτοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν, ἀναστῆσαί τε καὶ πύργους ὑψηλοτάτους τά τε πρὸ τῆς πόλεως φρούρια τοῖς τ᾽ ἄλλοις καὶ δὴ καὶ σιτίων πάντων τῶν εἰς αὐτὰ χρησίμων ὀχυρώτερα ποιῆσαι.

⁴⁴ Having arranged matters concerning religion in the proper way, he also took forethought for the security of Jerusalem; he repaired the old walls with great diligence and added another wall to them, and he erected very high towers and made the forts in front of the city more secure, providing them with all necessary provisions.

⁴⁴ And when he had re-established what concerned the divine worship, as it ought to be, he took care of the security of Jerusalem: he did not only repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall to the former. He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned places before the city he strengthened, not only in other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that they wanted.

⁴⁴ When he had re-established the divine worship in its proper form, he devoted his attention to the security of Jerusalem. Not only did he carefully repair the old walls, but he also added an extra wall to them. Furthermore, he built very high towers and strengthened the forts just outside the city, besides furnishing them with all the foodstuffs they needed.

⁴⁵ ἀμέλει δὲ τῇ πρὸς ταῦτα μεταβολῇ χρησάμενος οὕτω τὸν μεταξὺ διῆγε βίον, ὡς μακαριστὸς εἶναι καὶ ζηλωτὸς ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου λογιζομένου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβεῖν ἤρξατο.	⁴⁵ Indeed, having employed such a change in these matters, he spent the rest of his life in such a way that he was considered blessed and enviable from the time he began to be pious toward God.
⁴⁵ And indeed, when he had changed his former course, he so led his life for the time to come, that from the time of his return to piety towards God he was deemed a happy man, and a pattern for imitation.	⁴⁵ Indeed, such was his change of heart that his future life, from the time of his return to worshipping God, was reckoned a blessed and a model to be imitated.

⁴⁶ ζήσας οὖν ἔτη ἑξήκοντα ἑπτὰ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον βασιλεύσας ἔτη πέντε καὶ πεντήκοντα. Καὶ θάπτεται μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ παραδείσοις, ἡ βασιλεία δὲ εἰς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ παραγίνεται Ἀμμῶνα μητρὸς Ἐμασέλμης μὲν ὄνομα τετυχηκότα, ἐκ δὲ πόλεως Ἰαζαβάτης ὑπαρχούσης.

⁴⁶ So, having lived sixty-seven years, he ended his life, having reigned fifty-five years. He was buried in his own gardens, and the kingdom passed to his son Amon, whose mother was named Meshullemeth (Emaselmē), coming from the city of Jotbah (Iazabatēs)."

⁴⁶ When therefore he had lived sixty-seven years, he departed this life, having reigned fifty-five years, and was buried in his own garden; and the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother’s name was Meshulemeth, of the city of Jotbath.

⁴⁶ At the age of sixty-seven years he departed this life, having ruled for fifty-five years and was buried in his own garden, and the kingship passed to his son Amon, whose mother, named Meshulemeth, came from the city of Jazabata.

The Captivity as a "Mirror of the Soul"
Josephus notes that Manasseh’s epiphany came when he found himself ὑποχείριον (under the hand/in the power) of the enemy. The theological pivot is the phrase ἑαυτὸν αἴτιον νομίζων (considering himself the cause). In Josephus’s moral universe, true repentance begins with the cessation of blaming external factors (like politics or bad advisors) and accepting personal moral culpability.

The Babylon/Assyria Convergence
Historically, the King of the "Babylonians and Chaldeans" mentioned here likely refers to the Assyrian King Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal, who controlled Babylon at the time. The biblical account (2 Chronicles 33) notes he was taken to Babylon in hooks/chains. Josephus frames the enemy’s sudden φιλάνθρωπον (humanity) not as a political whim, but as a direct result of God’s "tuning" of the captor’s heart in response to prayer.

Military Urbanism: The "Second Wall"
Josephus provides specific archaeological details about Manasseh’s late-reign construction. He mentions the repair of old walls and the addition of a ἕτερον (second/outer) wall. This aligns with modern excavations in Jerusalem (the "Ophel" wall), suggesting that after his return, Manasseh implemented a "defense-in-depth" strategy, likely in anticipation of further Mesopotamian aggression.

The Longest Reign in Judah
Manasseh reigned for πέντε καὶ πεντήκοντα (55 years). For the biblical writers and Josephus, this presented a theological problem: why did the most wicked king have the longest life? Josephus solves this by focusing on the "latter half" of his life. He argues that he was μακαριστὸς (blessed) specifically from the moment he began his μεταβολῇ (change/transformation). The length of his reign becomes a testimony to God’s patience rather than an endorsement of his early sins.

The Mosaic Standard
Josephus emphasizes that Manasseh restored sacrifices καθὼς διέταξε Μωυσῆς (as Moses commanded). This is a recurring theme: true reform is never "innovation" but always "restoration." By returning to the Mosaic Law, Manasseh was undoing the "modernizations" of his early idolatry.

Burial in the "Garden"
The fact that he was buried ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ παραδείσοις (in his own gardens) rather than the royal tombs of David and Solomon is a subtle hint that, despite his repentance, the "stain" of his early reign remained. He was forgiven, but his legacy was still separate from the "Holy Kings."

Chapter 4
[047-073]
Amon is followed by the righteous king Josias.
Josiah’s Reform, guided by the prophetess Huldah

☜ ☞

⁴⁷ Οὗτος μιμησάμενος τὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔργα, ἃ νέος ὢν ἐκεῖνος ἐτόλμησεν, ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν ἀπέθανεν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας τῆς αὑτοῦ βιώσας ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ εἴκοσι, βασιλεύσας δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν δύο.	⁴⁷ "This man [Amon], having imitated the deeds of his father—specifically those which he dared to do while he was young—died at the hands of his own servants, who conspired against him in his own house. He lived twenty-four years and reigned two of them.
⁴⁷ This Amon imitated those works of his father which he insolently did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made against him by his own servants, and was slain in his own house, when he had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned two.	⁴⁷ This young man brashly imitated the deeds of his father, but was killed in his own house by a conspiracy of his own servants, at the age of twenty-four and after a reign of two years.

⁴⁸ μετῆλθε δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ πλῆθος τοὺς φονεῖς καὶ τῷ πατρὶ συνθάπτουσι τὸν Ἀμμῶνα, τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ Ἰωσίᾳ παραδιδοῦσιν ὀκταετεῖ τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ὄντι, ᾧ μήτηρ ἐκ πόλεως μὲν ἦν , δὲ τοὔνομα.

⁴⁸ The multitude, however, punished the murderers and buried Amon with his father; they delivered the kingdom to his son Josiah (Iosia), who was eight years of age. His mother was from the city of Bozkath (Bosketh), and her name was Jedidah (Iedis).

⁴⁸ But the multitude punished those that slew Amon, and buried him with his father, and gave the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath, and her name was Jedidah.

⁴⁸ But the people punished his murderers, and buried him with his father and gave the kingship to his son Josias, who was eight years old; his mother was from the city of Bosceth and her name was Jedis.

⁴⁹ τὴν‎ δὲ φύσιν αὐτὸς ἄριστος ὑπῆρχε καὶ πρὸς ἀρετὴν εὖ γεγονὼς ΔαυίδουDavid τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ σκοπῷ καὶ κανόνι τῆς ὅλης περὶ τὸν βίον ἐπιτηδεύσεως ἐκείνῳ κεχρημένος.	⁴⁹ In his nature, he was excellent and well-disposed toward virtue; he adopted the practices of King David as the aim and rule for his entire manner of life.
⁴⁹ He was of a most excellent disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a pattern and a rule to him in the whole conduct of his life.	⁴⁹ He was of a fine character inclined to virtue, who followed the example of king David as his pattern and guide in the whole conduct of his life.

⁵⁰ γενόμενος δὲ ἐτῶν δυοκαίδεκα τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν‎ δικαιοσύνην ἐπεδείξατο· τὸν γὰρ λαὸν ἐσωφρόνιζε καὶ παρῄνει τῆς περὶ τῶν εἰδώλων δόξης ὡς οὐχὶ θεῶν ὄντων ἀποστάντας σέβειν τὸν πάτριον , τά τε τῶν προγόνων ἐπισκοπῶν ἔργα τὰ μὲν ἁμαρτηθέντα διώρθου συνετῶς ὡς ἂν πρεσβύτατος καὶ νοῆσαι τὸ δέον ἱκανώτατος, ὅσα δ᾽ εὕρισκεν εὖ γεγονότα κατὰ χώραν ἐφύλαττέ τε καὶ ἐμιμεῖτο.

⁵⁰ When he reached the age of twelve, he gave proof of his piety and justice. He brought the people to a sober mind and exhorted them to depart from their opinion concerning idols—as they were not gods—and to worship the ancestral God. Examining the works of his ancestors, he prudently corrected the errors as if he were an elder of great age and most capable of perceiving what was necessary; whatever he found to have been done well, he preserved and imitated in its place.

⁵⁰ And when he was twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his religious and righteous behavior; for he brought the people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave off the opinion they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but to worship their own God. And by reflecting on the actions of his progenitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a very elderly man, and like one abundantly able to understand what was fit to be done; and what he found they had well done, he observed all the country over, and imitated the same.

⁵⁰ When he was twelve he showed his piety and righteousness, for he brought the people to a sober way of living and urged them to give up honouring idols that were not gods, and worship their ancestral God. By reviewing the actions of their ancestors, he prudently corrected their faults, like a very old man, well able to understand what should be done, and whatever good practices he found, he kept in place and imitated.

⁵¹ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔπραττε σοφίᾳ καὶ ἐπινοίᾳ τῆς φύσεως χρώμενος καὶ τῇ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων πειθόμενος συμβουλίᾳ καὶ παραδόσει· τοῖς γὰρ νόμοις κατακολουθῶν ὡς περὶ τὴν‎ τάξιν τῆς πόλεως καὶ περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείας εὐοδεῖν τε συνέβαινε διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν πρώτων παρανομίαν μὴ τυγχάνειν ἀλλ᾽ ἐξηφανίσθαι·

⁵¹ He did these things by employing wisdom and the ingenuity of his nature, and by obeying the advice and tradition of the elders. For by following the laws, it happened that he succeeded concerning the order of the city and piety toward the Divine, though these things had vanished through the lawlessness of his predecessors.

⁵¹ And thus he acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and in compliance with the advice and instruction of the elders; for by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the order of his government, and in piety with regard to the divine worship. And this happened because the transgressions of the former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away;

⁵¹ He did this, following his own wisdom and prudence and with the advice and tradition of the elders. Observing the laws, he succeeded very well in administering the city and in dutifully promoting the worship of God, and the faults of the former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away.

⁵² Περιιὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν τά τε ἄλση τὰ τοῖς ξενικοῖς ἀνειμένα θεοῖς ἐξέκοψε καὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῶν κατέσκαψεν, εἴ τι δ᾽ ἀνάθημα τούτοις ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων ἀνέκειτο περιυβρίζων κατέσπα.

⁵² For the king, traveling through the city and the entire country, cut down the groves dedicated to foreign gods and tore down their altars; if any votive offering had been dedicated to them by his ancestors, he pulled it down with contempt.

⁵² for the king went about the city, and the whole country, and cut down the groves which were devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their altars; and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by his forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them down;

⁵² The king went around the city and the whole region cutting down the groves devoted to foreign gods and destroying their altars, pulling down any gifts dedicated to them by his ancestors.

⁵³ καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ αὐτοὺς δόξης εἰς τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείαν ἐπέστρεψε καὶ τὰς συνήθεις ἐπέφερε θυσίας αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ βωμῷ καὶ τὰς ὁλοκαυτώσεις. ἀπέδειξε δέ τινας κριτὰς καὶ , ὡς ἂν διοικοῖεν τὰ παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις πράγματα περὶ παντὸς τὸ δίκαιον ποιούμενοι καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς οὐκ ἔλασσον αὐτὸ περιέποντες.

⁵³ In this manner, he turned the people back from their opinion concerning idols to the worship of God, and brought the customary sacrifices and burnt offerings to His altar. He appointed certain judges and overseers so that they might manage local affairs, making justice of paramount importance and cherishing it no less than their own souls.

⁵³ and by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that they might order the matters to them severally belonging, and have regard to justice above all things, and distribute it with the same concern they would have about their own soul.

⁵³ In this way he brought back the people from honouring them to worshipping God, and offered the accustomed sacrifices and holocausts upon the altar. He ordained some judges and overseers to care for particular areas and to set justice above all things and administer it with the same concern they had for their own soul.

⁵⁴ διαπέμψας δὲ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ χώραν χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον τοὺς βουλομένους ἐκέλευε κομίζειν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τοῦ ναοῦ, ὅσον τις ἢ προαιρέσεως ἢ δυνάμεως ἔχει.	⁵⁴ Having sent word throughout the entire country, he commanded those who were willing to bring gold and silver for the repair of the Temple, according to each person’s will or ability.
⁵⁴ He also sent over all the country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, according to every one’s inclinations and abilities.	⁵⁴ He sent around all the region commanding those who could to bring gold and silver for the repair of the temple, according to each one’s inclinations and abilities.

⁵⁵ κομισθέντων δὲ τῶν χρημάτων τῆς ἐπιμελείας τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο δαπάνης προύστησε τόν τ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸν γραμματέα Σαφᾶν καὶ τὸν γραφέα τῶν ὑπομνημάτων Ἰωάτην καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα Ἐλιακίαν,

⁵⁵ When the money was brought, he placed in charge of the Temple’s care and the expenditure for it: Amasias, the governor of the city; Shaphan (Saphan) the secretary; Joah (Ioaten) the recorder; and Eliakim (Eliakian) the High Priest.

⁵⁵ And when the money was brought in, he made one Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joab the recorder, and Eliakim the high priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges contributed thereto;

⁵⁵ When the money was brought in, he gave charge of the temple and of the taxes contributed to it to Maaseias the ruler of the city and Shaphan the scribe and Joab the recorder and Eliakim the high priest.

⁵⁶ οἳ μηδὲν ὑπερθέσει μηδὲ ἀναβολῇ δόντες καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐπισκευὴν χρήσιμα παρασκευάσαντες εἴχοντο τῶν ἔργων. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ναὸς οὕτως ἐπισκευασθεὶς τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως εὐσέβειαν φανερὰν ἐποίησεν.

⁵⁶ These men, allowing no delay or procrastination, provided architects and everything useful for the repair, and applied themselves to the works. The Temple, being thus repaired, made the king’s piety manifest to all."

⁵⁶ who made no delay, nor put the work off at all, but prepared architects, and whatsoever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about the work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a public demonstration of the king’s piety.

⁵⁶ These made no delay in getting started, but appointed architects and whatever was needed for the repairs and set about the work. So the temple was repaired and became a visible proof of the king’s piety.

The Twelve-Year-Old Reformer
Josephus highlights the age of twelve (δυοκαίδεκα) as the moment Josiah took active control. In the Jewish tradition, this is the threshold of adulthood (near the age of Bar Mitzvah). Josephus marvels at the "paradox" of a child acting with the prudence of a πρεσβύτατος (an elder of great age). This reinforces a recurring theme in Josephus: virtue is an innate quality of the soul (φύσιν) rather than merely a product of age.

David as the "Canon" of Kingship
Josephus notes that Josiah used David’s life as his κανόνι (canon/rule). By this point in the narrative, David has become a semi-divine archetype. For Josiah to skip over his father and grandfather to reach back to David is a literary way of saying he "reset" the Judean monarchy to its original, perfect settings.

The Infrastructure of Justice
Unlike Manasseh, who focused on "hard" infrastructure (walls and towers), Josiah’s first act of building is "soft" infrastructure: κριτὰς καὶ ἐπισκόπους (judges and overseers). Josephus emphasizes that these men cherished justice οὐκ ἔλασσον (no less) than their own souls. This suggests that the religious reformation was accompanied by a civil service reform to protect the common person.

Voluntary Taxation
The funding for the Temple repair was based on προαιρέσεως (free will/choice) and δυνάμεως (ability). Josephus portrays this as a populist movement. By making the restoration of the Temple a "crowdfunded" project rather than a royal decree, Josiah ensured that the people felt a personal stake in the return to the ancestral religion.

Contempt for Idols
Josephus describes Josiah’s destruction of idols as περιυβρίζων (pulling down with contempt/insult). This wasn't just a clinical removal of objects; it was a public shaming of the foreign gods. By humiliating the idols, Josiah broke the psychological "spell" they held over the Judean populace who had feared them since the days of Manasseh.

The Administrative Quartet
Josephus lists four specific officials who managed the project. The mention of Σαφᾶν (Shaphan) and Ἐλιακίαν (Hilkiah/Eliakim) is historically significant, as their names have been found on bullae (seal impressions) from this era in archaeological excavations in Jerusalem. This lends a high degree of "secular" credibility to Josephus’s account of the Judean bureaucracy.

⁵⁷ Ὄγδοον δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ δέκατον τῆς βασιλείας ἔτος ἔχων πέμπει πρὸς Ἐλιακίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα κελεύων τὸ περισσὸν χωνεύσαντα ποιῆσαι κρατῆρας καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ φιάλας εἰς τὴν‎ διακονίαν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἂν ᾖ χρυσὸς ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς καὶ ἄργυρος καὶ τοῦτον προκομίσαντας εἰς τοὺς κρατῆρας ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα σκεύη δαπανῆσαι.

⁵⁷ "When he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to the High Priest Eliakim (Eliakian), commanding him to melt down the surplus [money] and make bowls, cups, and vials for the service; and furthermore, that they should bring forth all the gold and silver that was in the treasuries and spend it similarly on bowls and such vessels.

⁵⁷ But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high priest, and gave order, that out of what money was overplus, he should cast cups, and dishes, and vials, for ministration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should bring all the gold or silver which was among the treasures, and expend that also in making cups and the like vessels.

⁵⁷ In the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high priest with orders that from the surplus, he should cast cups and dishes and vessels for temple ministry. Also, they were to bring all the gold or silver in the treasury and use that too for making cups and similar vessels.

⁵⁸ προκομίζων δὲ τὸν χρυσὸν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἐλιακίας ἐντυγχάνει ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις ταῖς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κειμέναις καὶ προκομίσας δίδωσι τῷ γραμματεῖ Σαφᾷ. ὁ δὲ ἀναγνοὺς παραγίνεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πάντα ὅσα κελεύει γενέσθαι τέλος ἔχοντα ἐδήλου, παρανέγνω δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς βίβλους [αὐτῶν].

⁵⁸ But as the High Priest Eliakim was bringing out the gold, he happened upon the sacred books of Moses that were lying in the Temple; and bringing them forth, he gave them to the secretary Shaphan (Saphan). After reading them, Shaphan went to the king and made it known that all the things he had commanded to be done were completed; he also read the books to him.

⁵⁸ But as the high priest was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the holy books of Moses that were laid up in the temple; and when he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to the king, and informed him that all was finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the books to him,

⁵⁸ In bringing out the gold, the high priest also found the holy books of Moses that were stored in the temple, and brought them out and he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to the king to tell him that all that he had ordered was completed, and read the books to him.

⁵⁹ ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ περιρρηξάμενος τὴν‎ ἐσθῆτα τὸν ἀρχιερέα καλέσας Ἐλιακίαν καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν γραμματέα καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων φίλων τινὰς ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὴν‎ προφῆτιν Ὀολδά, γυναῖκα δὲ Σαλλούμου τῶν ἐν δόξῃ τινὸς καὶ δι᾽ εὐγένειαν ἐπιφανοῦς, καὶ προσελθόντας ἐκέλευε λέγειν ἱλάσκεσθαι τὸν θεὸν καὶ πειρᾶσθαι ποιεῖν εὐμενῆ· δέος γὰρ εἶναι, μὴ παραβάντων τοὺς νόμους τῶν προγόνων αὐτῶν κινδυνεύσωσιν ἀνάστατοι γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἐκπεσόντες ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας ἔρημοι πάντων καταστρέψωσιν οἰκτρῶς τὸν βίον.

⁵⁹ When the king heard them, he rent his clothes and called for the High Priest Eliakim and the secretary himself, as well as some of his closest friends, and sent them to the prophetess Huldah (Oolda), the wife of Shallum (Salloumou), a man of distinction and famous for his nobility. He commanded them to go to her and say that they should appease God and try to make Him favorable; for he feared that because their ancestors had transgressed the laws of Moses, they were in danger of being uprooted, cast out of their own land into a foreign one, and—destitute of all things—wretchedly end their lives.

⁵⁹ who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment, and called for Eliakim the high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for certain [other] of his most particular friends, and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent family,) and bid them go to her, and say that [he desired] she would appease God, and endeavor to render him propitious to them, for that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the transgression of the laws of Moses by their forefathers, they should be in peril of going into captivity, and of being cast out of their own country; lest they should be in want of all things, and so end their days miserably.

⁵⁹ When he heard them, he rent his robe and called for Eliakim the high priest and for the scribe himself, and some of his most closest friends and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of the honoured aristocrat Salloum. They were to go to her and say that she should appease God and gain his favour for them, for there was great danger that, for their ancestors' sins against the laws of Moses, they could be taken into captivity and expelled from their own region and deprived of all things, so as to end their days in misery.

⁶⁰ Ἀκούσασα δ᾽ ἡ προφῆτις παρὰ τῶν πεμφθέντων ταῦτα δι᾽ αὐτῶν ὧν ἐπέστειλεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα λέγειν, ὅτι τὸ μὲν θεῖον ἤδη κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ψῆφον ἤνεγκεν, ἣν οὐχ ἱκεσίαις ἄν τις ἄκυρον ποιήσειεν, ἀπολέσαι τὸν λαὸν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἐκβαλεῖν καὶ πάντων ἀφελέσθαι τῶν νῦν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν παραβάντας τοὺς νόμους καὶ τοσούτῳ μεταξὺ χρόνῳ μὴ μετανοήσαντας, τῶν τε προφητῶν τοῦτο παραινούντων σωφρονεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀσεβήμασι τιμωρίαν προλεγόντων·

⁶⁰ When the prophetess heard these things from the messengers, she commanded them to go back to the king and say that the Divine had already passed a sentence against them—which no one could make void by supplications—to destroy the people, cast them out of the country, and deprive them of all their present goods, because they had transgressed the laws and had not repented in so long a time, despite the prophets exhorting them to be sober-minded and foretelling the punishment for their impieties.

⁶⁰ When the prophetess had heard this from the messengers that were sent to her by the king, she bid them go back to the king, and say that "God had already given sentence against them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and deprive them of all the happiness they enjoyed;" which sentence none could set aside by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on account of their transgressions of the laws, and of their not having repented in so long a time, while the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishment that would ensue on their impious practices; which

⁶⁰ When the prophetess heard this from the messengers sent to her by the king, she sent them back to the king to say, "God has already sentenced them, to destroy the people and drive them from their region and take away all the prosperity they enjoyed. This sentence could not be offset by any prayers one might make, for it was passed against their transgressions of the laws and for not having repented over so long a time, though the prophets had urged them to amend and had foretold the penalty of their crimes.

⁶¹ ἥν, ἵνα πεισθῶσιν, ὅτι θεός ἐστι καὶ οὐδὲν ἐψεύδετο τούτων ὧν αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν προφητῶν κατήγγειλε, πάντως αὐτοῖς ποιήσειν. δι᾽ αὐτὸν μέντοι δίκαιον γενόμενον ἐφέξειν ἔτι τὰς συμφοράς, μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τελευτὴν τὰ κατεψηφισμένα πάθη τοῖς ὄχλοις ἐπιπέμψειν.

⁶¹ She added that, in order for them to be convinced that He is God and had lied in nothing that He announced to them through the prophets, He would certainly bring these things upon them. However, on account of his [Josiah's] having become righteous, He would hold back the calamities for a while; but after his death, He would send the decreed sufferings upon the multitudes."

⁶¹ threatening God would certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded that he is God, and had not deceived them in any respect as to what he had denounced by his prophets; that yet, because Josiah was a righteous man, he would at present delay those calamities, but that after his death he would send on the multitude what miseries he had determined for them.

⁶¹ God would certainly carry it out, so that they might learn that he is God and had not at all lied in what he had announced by his prophets. However, because Josias was a righteous man, he would postpone them for the present but that after his death he would send on the people the woes he had decided for them."

The "Hidden" Torah
Josephus describes the High Priest "happening upon" (ἐντυγχάνει) the books. Scholars often debate whether this was a genuine discovery of a forgotten scroll (likely a form of Deuteronomy) hidden during the persecutions of Manasseh, or a "pious fraud" to justify Josiah’s centralized reforms. Josephus, however, presents it as a providential moment. The books were κειμέναις (lying/situated) in the Temple, suggesting they had been neglected like the building itself.

The King’s Immediate Terror
Josiah’s reaction—περιρρηξάμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα (rending his clothes)—is a visceral display of grief. In Josephus’s telling, Josiah realizes that piety isn't just about repairing walls or making κρατῆρας (bowls); it’s about a legal covenant. He perceives that the nation has been operating "out of contract" with God for generations, and the "legal penalties" (the curses of the Law) are now due.

The Authority of Huldah
It is significant that the King sends his top officials to Ὀολδά (Huldah). Despite the presence of male prophets like Jeremiah or Zephaniah during this period, the High Priest and the Secretary seek out a woman. Josephus notes her status through her husband’s εὐγένειαν (nobility), grounding her in the Judean social elite, which perhaps made her a more accessible or trusted voice for the royal court’s administrative "inner circle."

The "Irrevocable" Decree
Josephus uses the legal term ψῆφον (vote/sentence) to describe God’s judgment. Unlike the story of Manasseh, where repentance led to a reversal of fortune, Huldah’s message is terrifyingly final: the sentence οὐχ ἱκεσίαις ἄν τις ἄκυρον ποιήσειεν (no one could make void by supplications). The "mercy" shown to Josiah is merely a delay (ἐφέξειν), not a cancellation. This creates a tragic tension: Josiah is the best king Judah has had since David, but he is fundamentally a "funeral director" for a dying nation.

Prophecy as Empirical Proof
Huldah explains that the disaster must happen so that the people will be πεισθῶσιν, ὅτι θεός ἐστι (convinced that He is God). For Josephus, writing after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, this logic is paramount: the fulfillment of "bad" prophecies is the ultimate proof of God’s existence and the reliability of His word.

The Shift from Metal to Text
The passage begins with Josiah focusing on χρυσὸς (gold) and ἄργυρος (silver) to beautify the Temple. By the end, the gold is forgotten; the focus has shifted entirely to the βίβλους (books). Josephus illustrates a transition in Judean religion from a focus on the aesthetic and ritual toward the textual and ethical.

⁶² Οἱ μὲν οὖν τῆς γυναικὸς προφητευσάσης ἐλθόντες ἀπήγγειλαν τῷ βασιλεῖ. ὁ δὲ περιπέμψας πανταχοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἐκέλευε συνελθεῖν εἰς τούς θ᾽ ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς , πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν παρεῖναι προστάξας.

⁶² "So, those who had gone to the woman [Huldah] returned and reported her prophecy to the king. He then sent word everywhere and commanded the people to assemble in Jerusalem, ordering both the priests and the Levites, and people of every age, to be present.

⁶² So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people every where, and ordered that the priests and the Levites should come together to Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age should be present also.

⁶² They went and told the king what the woman prophesied. Then he sent around to all the people, ordering the priests and the Levites to assemble in Jerusalem, and that people of all ages should also be present.

⁶³ ἀθροισθέντων δὲ αὐτῶν πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς ἀνέγνω τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους, ἔπειτα στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐν μέσῳ τῷ πλήθει ὅρκους ποιήσασθαι καὶ πίστεις ἠνάγκασεν, ἦ μὴν θρησκεύσειν τὸν θεὸν καὶ φυλάξειν τοὺς νόμους.

⁶³ When they had gathered, he first read the sacred books to them; then, standing upon the dais (bēmatos) in the midst of the multitude, he compelled them to make oaths and pledges that they would truly worship God and observe the laws of Moses.

⁶³ And when they had gathered together, he first read to them the holy books; after which he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant, with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep the laws of Moses.

⁶³ When they had assembled he first read to them the holy books, and then stood on a pulpit, in the middle of the crowd, and got them to pledge under oath, to worship God and keep the laws of Moses.

⁶⁴ οἱ δὲ προθύμως τ᾽ ἐπῄνεσαν καὶ τὰ παραινεθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ποιήσειν ὑπέστησαν θύοντές τε παραχρῆμα καὶ καλλιεροῦντες ἤδη τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον εὐμενῆ καὶ ἵλεων αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν.	⁶⁴ They readily acclaimed this and undertook to do what the king had exhorted; and by sacrificing immediately and obtaining favorable omens, they entreated God to be gracious and merciful toward them.
⁶⁴ Accordingly, they gave their assent willingly, and undertook to do what the king had recommended to them. So they immediately offered sacrifices, and that after an acceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious and merciful to them.	⁶⁴ They willingly assented and undertook to do as the king had recommended, and immediately offered acceptable sacrifices and begged God to be gracious and merciful to them.

⁶⁵ τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα προσέταξεν εἴ τι περισσὸν ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων σκεῦος τοῖς εἰδώλοις καὶ ξενικοῖς θεοῖς κατασταθὲν ἦν ἐν τῷ ναῷ, τοῦτο ἐκβαλεῖν. συναθροισθέντων δὲ πολλῶν καταπρήσας αὐτὰ τὴν‎ σποδὸν αὐτῶν διέσπειρν καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῶν εἰδώλων οὐκ ὄντας ἐκ τοῦ γένους ἀπέκτεινε.

⁶⁵ Furthermore, he commanded the High Priest that if any vessel remained in the Temple which had been set up for idols and foreign gods by his ancestors, he should cast it out. After many such items were gathered, he burned them and scattered their ashes, and he executed the priests of the idols who were not of the lineage of Aaron."

⁶⁵ He also enjoined the high priest, that if there remained in the temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast it out. So when a great number of such vessels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the priests of the idols that were not of the family of Aaron.

⁶⁵ He ordered the high priest to rid the temple of any remaining vessel dedicated to idols or foreign gods. When many such were gathered, he burned them and scattered their ashes and killed the priests of the idols who were not of the family of Aaron.

The "Bēma" and the Politics of Public Reading
Josephus uses the term βήματος (dais/platform) to describe where Josiah stood. This reflects a Greco-Roman architectural sensibility where the leader addresses the ecclesia (assembly) from a raised position. By reading the books himself before demanding an oath, Josiah ensures that the covenant is based on informed consent. The written word of Moses becomes the constitution of the state, mediated directly from the King to the people.

Radical Inclusion: "Every Age"
The mention of πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν (every age) is significant. Josiah understands that for a reformation to survive his own death, it must be intergenerational. By involving children and the elderly, he attempts to overwrite the "muscle memory" of the decades of idolatry under Manasseh and Amon.

"Kallierountes": The Hunt for Omens
Josephus uses the technical term καλλιεροῦντες, which refers to the act of sacrificing until favorable omens are received. In the shadow of Huldah’s prophecy of doom, the atmosphere was likely one of desperate religious anxiety. The people weren't just performing a ritual; they were looking for a tangible sign—a "good liver" or a steady flame—that God might still be willing to change His mind.

The Purge of the Non-Aaronites
A detail Josephus emphasizes, which stems from his own priestly interests, is the execution of priests οὐκ ὄντας ἐκ τοῦ Ἀαρῶνος γένους (not being of the lineage of Aaron). This wasn't just a religious execution; it was a restoration of the hereditary monopoly on the priesthood. Idolatry was seen as a dual sin: worshipping the wrong god, and doing so through "unauthorized" personnel who lacked the proper genealogy.

Systematic Obliteration: Burning and Scattering
The process of burning the vessels and διέσπειρε (scattering) the ashes follows a pattern of total "de-consecration." In ancient Near Eastern thought, to scatter the ashes of a cultic object was to ensure it could never be reconstituted or localized again. It is the spiritual equivalent of "salting the earth."

Ancestral Rupture
Josiah’s target is explicitly the περισσὸν... ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων (the surplus left by his ancestors). This highlights the difficulty of his position: to be "pious," he has to be "un-filial." He is literally cleaning out his grandfather’s closet to save his children’s future.

⁶⁶ Ταῦτα δὲ ἐν τοῖς διαπραξάμενος ἧκεν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ τὰ κατασκευασθέντα ἐν αὐτῇ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τιμὴν τῶν ξενικῶν θεῶν ἠφάνισε καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ τῶν ψευδοπροφητῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ, ὃν κατεσκεύασε πρῶτος Ἱερόβαμος, κατέκαυσε.

⁶⁶ "Having accomplished these things in Jerusalem, he went into the countryside. He utterly destroyed the things constructed there by King Jeroboam in honor of foreign gods; he also burned the bones of the false prophets upon the altar which Jeroboam had first constructed.

⁶⁶ And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he came into the country, and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam, in honor of strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam first built;

⁶⁶ After doing this in Jerusalem, he went through the region, destroying any buildings raised in it by king Jeroboam in honour of foreign gods, and burning the bones of the false prophets upon the first altar Jeroboam had built.

⁶⁷ ταῦτα δὲ προφήτην κατελθόντα πρὸς Ἱερόβαμον θυσιάζοντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ παντὸς ἀκούοντος τοῦ λαοῦ προκαταγγεῖλαι τὰ γενησόμενα, ὅτι τις ἐκ τοῦ γένους Ἰωσίας τοὔνομα ποιήσει τὰ προειρημένα. συνέβη δὲ ταῦτα λαβεῖν τέλος μετὰ ἔτη τριακόσια καὶ ἑξηκονταέν.

⁶⁷ Now, a prophet who had come to Jeroboam while he was sacrificing had foretold these things in the hearing of all the people: that one of the lineage of David, Josiah by name, would do these previously mentioned things. It happened that these matters reached their fulfillment after three hundred and sixty-one years.

⁶⁷ and, as the prophet [Jadon], who came to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and when all the people heard him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here mentioned. And it happened that those predictions took effect after three hundred and sixty-one years.

⁶⁷ This was what the prophet foretold, when came to Jeroboam as he was offering sacrifice, and all the people heard him say that a man named Josias, of the house of David, would do the above-named things; and these took place three hundred and sixty-one years later.

⁶⁸ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἰωσίας πορευθεὶς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τῶν , ὅσοι τὴν‎ αἰχμαλωσίαν καὶ τὴν‎ δουλείαν τὴν‎ ὑπὸ τῶν διέφυγον, ἀφεῖναι μὲν τὰς ἀσεβεῖς πράξεις καὶ τὰς τιμὰς τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους θεοὺς ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἔπεισε, τὸν δὲ πάτριον καὶ μέγιστον θεὸν εὐσεβεῖν καὶ τούτῳ ·

⁶⁸ After this, King Josiah, having also gone to the rest of the Israelites—those who had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians—persuaded them to abandon their impious practices and to forsake the honors given to foreign gods, and instead to be pious toward the ancestral and greatest God and to cling to Him.

⁶⁸ After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and persuaded them to desist from their impious practices, and to leave off the honors they paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him.

⁶⁸ Afterward, Josias also went to those of the Israelites who had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, to persuade them to desist from impiety and cease paying honour to foreign gods, but to worship their own Almighty God and adhere to him.

⁶⁹ τὰς οἰκίας τε καὶ τὰς κώμας ἠρεύνησε καὶ τὰς πόλεις, μή τις ἔνδον ἔχοι τι τῶν εἰδώλων ὑπονοῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τοῖς βασιλευομένοις ἐφεστῶτα ἅρματα, ἃ κατεσκεύασαν οἱ πρόγονοι, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο τοιοῦτον ἦν ᾧ προσεκύνουν ὡς θεῷ ἐβάστασε·

⁶⁹ He searched through their houses, villages, and cities, suspecting that someone might have an idol within. Furthermore, he carried away the chariots set over the royal entrances, which his ancestors had constructed, and anything else of that sort which they worshipped as a god.

⁶⁹ He also searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities, out of a suspicion that somebody might have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of the sun] that were set up in his royal palace, which his predecessors had framed, and what thing soever there was besides which they worshipped as a god.

⁶⁹ He searched the houses and the villages and the cities, in case any might have hidden some idol or other, and removed the chariots that were set up "to future kings" made by his predecessors, and any other thing they worshipped as a god.

⁷⁰ καὶ καθαρίσας οὕτω τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν εἰς τὸν λαὸν συνεκάλεσε κἀκεῖ τὴν‎ ἀζύμων ἑορτὴν καὶ τὴν‎ πάσχα λεγομένην ἤγαγεν· ἐδωρήσατό τε τῷ λαῷ τὸ πάσχα νεογνοὺς ἐρίφους καὶ ἄρνας δισμυρίους, βοῦς δ᾽ εἰς ὁλοκαυτώματα τρισχιλίους.

⁷⁰ Having thus purified the entire land, he summoned the people to Jerusalem, and there he celebrated the festival of Unleavened Bread and that which is called the Passover. He gifted the people for the Passover twenty thousand young kids and lambs, and three thousand bulls for burnt offerings.

⁷⁰ And when he had thus purged all the country, he called the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of unleavened bread, and that called the passover. He also gave the people for paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thousand oxen for burnt-offerings.

⁷⁰ After cleansing the whole region in this way, he called the people to Jerusalem and there celebrated the feast of unleavened bread that is called the Passover. As paschal sacrifices, he gave the people thirty thousand young kid goats and lambs, and three thousand oxen for holocausts.

⁷¹ παρεῖχον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων οἱ πρῶτοι διὰ τὸ πάσχα τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἄρνας δισχιλίους ἑξακοσίους καὶ τοῖς ΛευίταιςLevites πεντακισχιλίους ἄρνας ἔδοσαν οἱ προεστῶτες αὐτῶν, βοῦς δὲ πεντακοσίους.	⁷¹ The leading priests also provided for the Passover two thousand six hundred lambs for the [other] priests; and the leaders of the Levites gave five thousand lambs and five hundred bulls to the Levites.
⁷¹ The principal of the priests also gave to the priests against the passover two thousand and six hundred lambs; the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs, and five hundred oxen,	⁷¹ For the Passover the chief priests also gave to the priests two thousand, six hundred lambs, and their officers also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs and five hundred oxen.

⁷² καὶ γενομένης οὕτως ἀφθόνου τῆς τῶν ἱερείων εὐπορίας τὰς θυσίας ἐπετέλουν τοῖς νόμοις, ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἱερέων ἐξηγουμένων καὶ διακονουμένων τοῖς ὄχλοις, καὶ τοῦ μηδεμίαν ἄλλην οὕτως ἀχθῆναι τοῖς ἑορτὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τοῦ προφήτου χρόνων αἴτιον ἦν τὸ πάντα κατὰ νόμους καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχαίαν παρατήρησιν τῆς πατρίου συνηθείας ἐπιτελεσθῆναι.

⁷² When there was thus an abundant supply of sacrificial victims, they performed the sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, with each of the priests leading and ministering to the multitudes. The reason that no other festival had been so celebrated by the Hebrews since the times of Samuel the prophet was that everything was performed according to the laws and according to the ancient observance of ancestral custom.

⁷² by which means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while every priest explained the matter, and ministered to the multitude. And indeed there had been no other festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacrifices now was the occasion that all things were performed according to the laws, and according to the custom of their forefathers.

⁷² Amid this great plenty, they offered the sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while every priest explained the matter and ministered to the people. No other festival had been so celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel the prophet, and all things were performed according to the laws and the ancient custom of their ancestors.

⁷³ ζήσας δ᾽ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Ἰωσίας ἔτι δὲ καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ τῇ παρὰ πᾶσιν εὐδοξίᾳ κατέστρεψε τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τὸν βίον·	⁷³ Having lived in peace after these things, and moreover in wealth and with a good reputation among all men, Josiah ended his life in this manner:"
⁷³ So when Josiah had after this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also, among all men, he ended his life in the manner following.	⁷³ When after this Josias had lived in peace and prosperity and well reputed by all, he ended his life as I shall now describe.

The 361-Year Prophecy
Josephus is meticulous about chronology, noting that Josiah fulfilled a prophecy made 361 years earlier. This refers to the "Man of God" from Judah who stood before Jeroboam I at Bethel (1 Kings 13). By emphasizing this specific duration, Josephus proves to his Roman audience that the Jewish God operates on a grand, predictable scale of history, where even the name of a king is known centuries before his birth.

Hunting the "Hidden" Idols
The mention that Josiah ἠρεύνησε (searched/scrutinized) houses and villages suggests a high level of state intrusion. It wasn't enough to destroy public temples; Josiah launched what we might call a "cultural revolution," root out private, domestic idolatry. This illustrates the transition from a pluralistic religious landscape back to a strict, centralized monotheism.

Solar Chariots and Royal Entrances
Josephus mentions the removal of ἅρματα (chariots) that the ancestors had dedicated. These were likely "Sun Chariots" (related to the cult of Shamash or Apollo-like deities). Placing them at the entrances of the palace or Temple was a common Near Eastern practice to symbolize the king’s alignment with cosmic power. Josiah’s removal of these signifies the total rejection of syncretism—the blending of Yahwism with solar worship.

The Economics of the Passover
The numbers provided—20,000 lambs/kids and 3,000 bulls from the King alone—are staggering. Josephus uses these statistics to demonstrate Josiah’s πλούτῳ (wealth) and his generosity. By "crowdfunding" the sacrifice for the poor, the King ensured that the poorest citizen could participate in the national covenant as an equal.

Why Samuel?
Josephus (following the biblical text) compares this Passover to those from the time of Samuel. This bypasses the era of David and Solomon. The reason is likely that Samuel represented a time of pristine adherence to the Law before the monarchy introduced foreign wives and pagan diplomatic compromises. Josiah isn't just a "Great King"; he is a "Restorer of the Original Order."

The "Aristocratic" Priests
Josephus notes that the πρῶτοι (the first/chiefs) of the priests and Levites provided for their subordinates. This reflects Josephus’s own interest in priestly hierarchy and class. Even in a moment of national unity, the social structure of the priesthood is maintained, with the elite supporting the rank-and-file to ensure the liturgy is conducted κατὰ τὴν ἀρχαίαν παρατήρησιν (according to ancient observance).

Chapter 5
[074-083]
Josiah’s war with Egypt, and Exile of his Son.
Ministry of Jeremias and Ezekiel

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⁷⁴ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ἐγείρας στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ἤλασε ποταμὸν πολεμήσων καὶ τοὺς , οἳ τὴν‎ κατέλυσαν ἀρχήν· τῆς γὰρ βασιλεῦσαι πόθον εἶχε.

⁷⁴ "Necho (Nechaus), the King of the Egyptians, having raised an army, marched toward the river Euphrates to make war upon the Medes and the Babylonians, who had overthrown the empire of the Assyrians; for he had a desire to rule over Asia.

⁷⁴ Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had overthrown the dominion of the Assyrians, for he had a desire to reign over Asia.

⁷⁴ Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army and marched to the river Euphrates to fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had destroyed the dominion of the Assyrians, for he had a desire to reign over Asia.

⁷⁵ γενομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατὰ πόλιν, ἦν δ᾽ αὕτη τῆς βασιλείας, μετὰ δυνάμεως εἶργεν αὐτὸν διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ποιεῖσθαι χώρας τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔλασιν. πέμψας δὲ κήρυκα πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατεύειν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν ὡρμηκέναι· μὴ παροξύνειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευεν, ὥστε πολεμεῖν αὐτῷ κωλύοντι βαδίζειν ἐφ᾽ οὗ διέγνωκεν.

⁷⁵ When he arrived at the city of Mende [Megiddo], which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, the king blocked him with a force to prevent him from making his march against the Medes through his own territory. Necho sent a herald to him, saying that he was not campaigning against him, but had set out for the Euphrates; he urged Josiah not to provoke him so as to make war upon him for hindering his march to the place he had decided upon.

⁷⁵ Now when he was come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him from passing through his own country, in his expedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a herald to Josiah, and told him that he did not make this expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and desired that he would not provoke him to fight against him, because he obstructed his march to the place whither he had resolved to go.

⁷⁵ When they arrived at the city of Mendes, which belonged to Josiah’s realm, he brought an army to stop them from passing through his region, on their way against the Medes. Neco sent a herald to Josias to say that this expedition was not against him, but was making for the Euphrates. He should not provoke him to a fight by blocking his march to the place where he intended to go.

⁷⁶ Ἰωσίας δὲ οὐ προσίετο τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Νεχαῦ, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως εἶχεν ὡς μὴ συγχωρεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν διέρχεσθαι, τῆς πεπρωμένης οἶμαι εἰς τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν παρορμησάσης, ἵνα λάβῃ πρόφασιν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎.	⁷⁶ Josiah, however, did not admit the words from Necho, but was determined not to allow him to pass through his own land—destiny (peprōmenēs), I believe, having urged him to this very end, so that it might find a pretext against him.
⁷⁶ But Josiah did not admit of this advice of Neco, but put himself into a posture to hinder him from his intended march. I suppose it was fate that pushed him on this conduct, that it might take an occasion against him;	⁷⁶ But Josias did not take Neco’s advice, but, impelled by fate which meant him to fall, tried to hinder him from his intended march.

⁷⁷ διατάσσοντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ δύναμιν καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος ἀπὸ κέρως ἐπὶ κέρας ὀχουμένου τις αὐτὸν τῶν ἔπαυσε τῆς πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην σπουδῆς· τῷ τραύματι γὰρ περιαλγὴς ὢν ἐκέλευσεν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὰ . τελευτᾷ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἐκεῖ τὸν βίον καὶ κηδεύεται ἐν ταῖς πατρῴαις θήκαις μεγαλοπρεπῶς βιώσας μὲν ἔτη τριακονταεννέα, βασιλεύσας δὲ τούτων ἓν καὶ τριάκοντα.

⁷⁷ For as he was drawing up his force and riding in a chariot from one wing to the other, an Egyptian archer shot him and put an end to his eagerness for the battle. Being in great pain from the wound, he commanded the army to sound a retreat and returned to Jerusalem. He ended his life there from the wound and was buried magnificently in the ancestral tombs, having lived thirty-nine years and reigned thirty-one of them.

⁷⁷ for as he was setting his army in array, and rode about in his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his eagerness of fighting; for being sorely wounded, he commanded a retreat to be sounded for his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of that wound; and was magnificently buried in the sepulcher of his fathers, when he had lived thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one.

⁷⁷ As he was arranging his army and riding around in his chariot from one wing to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him and put an end to his eagerness for battle. Badly wounded, he ordered his army to retreat and returned to Jerusalem, where he died of the wound. He was magnificently buried in the ancestral burial vault, after a life of thirty-nine years, of which he had ruled thirty-one.

⁷⁸ πένθος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἤχθη πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὀδυρομένου καὶ κατηφοῦντος· ἹερεμίαςJeremias δὲ ὁ προφήτης ἐπικήδειον αὐτοῦ‎ συνέταξε μέλος [θρηνητικόν], ὃ καὶ μέχρι νῦν διαμένει.	⁷⁸ Great mourning was observed for him by all the people, who lamented and were downcast for many days. Jeremiah the prophet composed a funeral dirge for him—a lamenting song—which remains even until now.
⁷⁸ But all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him, which is extant till this time also.	⁷⁸ All the people mourned him greatly, lamenting and grieving for him over many days, and Jeremias the prophet composed his funeral elegy, which lasts to the present day.

⁷⁹ οὗτος ὁ προφήτης καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα τῇ πόλει δεινὰ προεκήρυξεν ἐν γράμμασι καταλιπὼν καὶ τὴν‎ νῦν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν γενομένην ἅλωσιν τήν τε αἵρεσιν. οὐ μόνον δὲ οὗτος προεθέσπισε ταῦτα τοῖς ὄχλοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ προφήτης Ἰεζεκίηλος, ὃς πρῶτος περὶ τούτων δύο βίβλους γράψας κατέλιπεν.

⁷⁹ This prophet also foretold in writing the terrible things coming to the city, leaving behind accounts of the capture which has occurred in our own time, as well as the taking of Babylon. Not only did he foretell these things to the multitudes, but so did the prophet Ezekiel (Iezekiēlos), who was the first to leave behind two books written about these matters.

⁷⁹ Moreover, this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in writing a description of that destruction of our nation which has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and left behind him in writing two books concerning these events.

⁷⁹ This prophet foretold the terrible fate coming upon the city. He also described in writing the destruction of our nation as it recently happened in our days and in the Babylonian captivity. Nor was he the only one to predict this to the people, for so also did Ezekiel before him, who left us two books about these things.

⁸⁰ ἦσαν δὲ οἱ δύο τῷ γένει ἱερεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐν διῆγεν ἀπὸ τρισκαιδεκάτου ἔτους τῆς βασιλείας ἕως οὗ κατεσκάφη ἡ πόλις καὶ ὁ ναός. τὰ μέντοι γε συμβάντα περὶ τοῦτον τὸν προφήτην κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν.

⁸⁰ Both of them were by birth priests; but Jeremiah lived in Jerusalem from the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign until the city and the Temple were razed to the ground. However, we shall describe the events concerning this prophet in their proper place."

⁸⁰ Now these two prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place.

⁸⁰ While both were priests by birth, Jeremias lived in Jerusalem from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josias, until the city and temple were utterly destroyed. But we will relate the fate of this prophet in its proper place.

The Geopolitical Pivot
Josephus clarifies Necho’s strategic goal: he was marching to help the dying Assyrian cause at the Euphrates to check the rising power of the Medes and Babylonians. This was the famous Battle of Carchemish era. Josiah’s intervention was likely a strategic alliance with Babylon; by blocking Egypt, he was ensuring the Assyrians (Judah’s old enemies) would not receive reinforcements.

The Role of Destiny (Pepromenē)
Josephus uses the term πεπρωμένης (destiny/fate) to explain Josiah’s uncharacteristic stubbornness. In Greek historiography, when a virtuous leader makes a fatal error in judgment, it is often attributed to a divine "nudging" toward a preordained end. Because God had already decreed the destruction of Jerusalem, Josiah had to die so that the "bulwark" protecting the city would be removed.

The Archer at Megiddo
The description of Josiah riding ἀπὸ κέρως ἐπὶ κέρας (from wing to wing) shows him as a brave, hands-on general. His death by a random Egyptian archer mirrors the death of King Ahab in the Northern Kingdom. It highlights the vulnerability of the monarch in the age of chariot warfare.

The "Lost" Lament of Jeremiah
Josephus mentions a θρηνητικόν (mourning song) composed by Jeremiah for Josiah that "remains even until now." This likely refers to a tradition within the biblical Lamentations or a separate liturgical work. It underscores the profound personal and national bond between the last righteous king and the "Weeping Prophet."

Ezekiel’s "Two Books"
A curious detail in Josephus is the claim that Ezekiel left behind δύο βίβλους (two books). Scholars debate what Josephus meant—perhaps he viewed the earlier part of Ezekiel (judgments on Judah) and the later part (visions of the new Temple) as distinct volumes, or he was aware of an apocryphal second book that has since been lost.

The Priestly Prophets
Josephus takes special care to note that both Jeremiah and Ezekiel were ἱερεῖς (priests) by birth. As a priest himself, Josephus views the prophetic office through the lens of the Temple hierarchy. For him, these weren't just "holy men" but members of the educated, aristocratic class whose words carried the weight of both divine inspiration and ancestral authority.

The 13th Year of Josiah
Josephus dates the beginning of Jeremiah’s ministry to the thirteenth year of Josiah’s reign (approx. 627 BC). This aligns with the biblical record and marks the beginning of the forty-year countdown to the destruction of Jerusalem. It positions Jeremiah as the primary witness to the decline and fall of the Davidic monarchy.

⁸¹ τελευτήσαντος δὲ , καθὼς προειρήκαμεν, τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ διαδέχεται Ἰώαζος τοὔνομα τρίτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἤδη ἔτος γεγονώς. Καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἐν ἐβασίλευσε μητρὸς καὶ πόλεως ἀσεβὴς δὲ καὶ μιαρὸς τὸν τρόπον·

⁸¹ "After Josiah had died, as we previously said, his son, named Jehoahaz (Ioazos), succeeded to the kingdom, being already twenty-three years old. He reigned in Jerusalem—his mother being Hamutal (Amitalē) of the city of Libnah (Tomanē)—but he was impious and polluted in his way of life.

⁸¹ Upon the death of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-three years old. He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hamutal, of the city Libhah. He was an impious man, and impure in his course of life;

⁸¹ At the death of Josias, then, his son Joazos took over the kingdom, at the age of about twenty-three. He ruled in Jerusalem, and his mother was Hamutal, of the city of Tomane. He was an evil man of impure lifestyle.

⁸² ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς ὑποστρέψας ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης Μεταπέμπεται τὸν Ἰώαζον πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰς Ἀμαθὰ καλουμένην πόλιν, ἥτις ἐστὶ τῆς , καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐλθόντα ἔδησε, τῷ δὲ πρεσβυτέρῳ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀδελφῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ὄντι Ἐλιακείμῳ τοὔνομα τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραδίδωσι μετονομάσας αὐτὸν Ἰωάκειμον· τῇ δὲ χώρᾳ ἐπέταξεν ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα, ἓν δὲ χρυσίου.

⁸² Now the King of the Egyptians [Necho], returning from the battle, summoned Jehoahaz to him at the city called Hamath (Amatha) in Syria. When he arrived, Necho bound him and delivered the kingdom to his elder brother (by the same father), named Eliakim (Eliakeimō), changing his name to Jehoiakim (Iōakeimon). He imposed a tribute on the land of one hundred talents of silver and one talent of gold.

⁸² but as the king of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him, to the city called Hamath which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put him in bands, and delivered the kingdom to a brother of his, by the father’s side, whose name was Eliakim, and changed his name to Jehoiakim and laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold;

⁸² As the king of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Joazos to come to him, to the city of Hamath in Syria, and when he arrived, he put him in chains and gave the kingdom to his brother on the father’s side, named Eliakim, whose name he changed to Jehoiakim, and laid a tax upon the land of a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold.

⁸³ καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐτέλει ὁ Ἰωάκειμος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων, τὸν δὲ Ἰώαζον ἀπήγαγεν εἰς , ὃς καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεύσας μῆνας τρεῖς ἡμέρας δέκα. ἡ δὲ τοῦ Ἰωακείμου μήτηρ ἐκαλεῖτο Ζαβουδᾶ, ἐκ πόλεως δ᾽ ἦν Ἀβουμᾶς. ἐτύγχανε δ᾽ ὢν τὴν‎ φύσιν ἄδικος καὶ κακοῦργος καὶ μήτε πρὸς θεὸν ὅσιος μήτε πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἐπιεικής.

⁸³ Jehoiakim paid this sum of money, and Necho led Jehoahaz away into Egypt, where he died, having reigned three months and ten days. The mother of Jehoiakim was called Zebudah (Zabouda), and she was from the city of Rumah (Aboumas). He happened to be by nature unjust and a doer of evil, being neither holy toward God nor equitable toward men."

⁸³ and this sum of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute; but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he had reigned three months and ten days. Now Jehoiakim’s mother was called Zebudah, of the city Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief; nor was he either religions towards God, or good-natured towards men.

⁸³ This money Jehoiakim paid by way of tax, but Neco brought Joazos into Egypt, where he died, after reigning for three months and ten days. Jehoiakim’s mother was called Zebudah, of the city of Rumah. He was of a wicked temper and a mischief-maker, being neither devout toward God nor fair toward men.

The Erasure of Sovereignty
The speed with which Pharaoh Necho asserts control is striking. By summoning the king to Hamath (a strategic city in Syria) and binding him, Necho signals that Judah is no longer an independent state but a vassal of the Egyptian Empire. The change of the king’s name from Eliakim to Jehoiakim is a classic ancient Near Eastern "power move"; the right to name a ruler was the ultimate sign of ownership and authority.

A Tale of Two Mothers
Josephus provides specific details about the kings' mothers. Interestingly, Jehoahaz and Jehoiakim are half-brothers (ὁμοπατρίῳ). Their different maternal lineages (Hamutal vs. Zebudah) highlight the factions within the royal court. By noting their cities of origin, Josephus anchors these figures in the local geography of Judean noble families, suggesting that the political shifts also involved domestic power struggles between different Judean clans.

The Short Reign of Jehoahaz
The reign of Jehoahaz lasted only three months and ten days. Josephus characterizes him as μιαρὸς (polluted/defiled). While the Bible implies he returned to idolatry, Josephus uses language that suggests a more general moral corruption. His fate—dying in exile in Egypt—fulfilled the chilling prophecy of Jeremiah: "Weep not for the dead... but weep bitterly for him who goes away, for he shall return no more" (Jeremiah 22:10).

Economic Exploitation: The Tribute
The tribute of 100 talents of silver and 1 talent of gold was a heavy burden on a nation already depleted by war. Josephus notes that Jehoiakim "paid this sum," but the biblical account clarifies that he did so by taxing the common people heavily. This reinforces Josephus’s description of Jehoiakim as ἄδικος (unjust), as he squeezed his subjects to satisfy his foreign master.

"Neither Holy nor Equitable"
Josephus provides a double-sided indictment of Jehoiakim. He was not ὅσιος (holy/pious) toward God, nor was he ἐπιεικής (equitable/kind) toward men. This reflects Josephus’s overarching theme: vertical piety toward the Divine and horizontal justice toward humanity are inseparable. A king who fails one will inevitably fail the other.

The "Nature" of the King
Josephus describes Jehoiakim as being τὴν φύσιν (by nature) a doer of evil. This suggests that, unlike Manasseh who was led astray and later repented, Jehoiakim’s character was fundamentally flawed from the start. This "natural" inclination toward evil makes him the perfect foil to his father, Josiah, and sets the stage for the final Babylonian tragedy.

Chapter 6
[084-098]
Nabuchodonosor invades Judea.
He exiles the nobles to Babylon

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⁸⁴ Ἔτος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς βασιλείας τέταρτον ἤδη ἔχοντος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παραλαμβάνει ὄνομα, ὃς ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν μετὰ μεγάλης παρασκευῆς ἐπὶ Καρχάμισσαν ἀναβαίνει πόλιν, ἔστι δ᾽ αὕτη πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ, διεγνωκὼς πολεμεῖν τῷ τῶν Νεχαῦ· ὑπὸ τούτῳ γὰρ ἦν ἅπασα ἡ .

⁸⁴ "Now, while he [Jehoiakim] was already in the fourth year of his reign, a man named Nebuchadnezzar (Nabouchodonosoros) took over the empire of the Babylonians. At that same time, with a great military preparation, he marched up against the city of Carchemish (Karchamissan), which is by the river Euphrates, having determined to make war upon Necho, the King of the Egyptians; for all of Syria was under Necho’s control.

⁸⁴ Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians, who at the same time went up with a great army to the city Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken to fight with Neco king of Egypt, under whom all Syria then was.

⁸⁴ In the fourth year of his reign a man named Nabuchodonosor became leader of the Babylonians, and at this time went up with a large army to Carchemish, a city on the Euphrates, intending to fight with Neco king of Egypt, who then ruled all Syria.

⁸⁵ μαθὼν δὲ τὴν‎ τοῦ ΒαβυλωνίουBabylon προαίρεσιν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατείαν ὁ ΝεχαῦςNeco οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὠλιγώρησεν, ἀλλὰ σὺν πολλῇ χειρὶ τὸν Ναβουχοδονόσορον ἀμυνούμενος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates.	⁸⁵ When Necho learned of the Babylonian’s purpose and the expedition against him, he did not neglect it either, but set out for the Euphrates with a large force to repel Nebuchadnezzar.
⁸⁵ And when Neco understood the intention of the king of Babylon, and that this expedition was made against him, he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men to Euphrates to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar;	⁸⁵ When Neco learned the king of Babylon’s plan and this expedition against him, he did not despise the danger, but hurried to the Euphrates with a large army to resist Nabuchodonosor.

⁸⁶ συμβολῆς δὲ γενομένης ἡττήθη καὶ πολλὰς ἀπέβαλε μυριάδας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ὁ ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian τὴν‎ ἄχρι ΠηλουσίουPelusium παραλαμβάνει ΣυρίανSyria πάρεξ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea.	⁸⁶ When the engagement took place, Necho was defeated and lost many tens of thousands in the battle. Having crossed the Euphrates, the Babylonian took possession of Syria as far as Pelusium, with the exception of Judea.
⁸⁶ and when they had joined battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Babylon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea.	⁸⁶ In the battle, he was defeated and lost many thousands of men, and the king of Babylon crossed the Euphrates and took all Syria, as far as Pelusium, except Judea.

⁸⁷ τέσσαρα δ᾽ ἔτη βασιλεύοντος ἤδη τοῦ ὄγδοον ἦν τῷ Ἰωακείμῳ τῷ τῶν ἔχοντι τὴν‎ ἀρχήν, καὶ στρατεύει μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁ φόρους αἰτῶν τὸν Ἰωάκειμον ἢ πολεμήσειν ἀπειλῶν. ὁ δὲ δείσας τὴν‎ ἀπειλὴν καὶ τὴν‎ εἰρήνην ἀντικαταλλαξάμενος τῶν χρημάτων ἤνεγκεν αὐτῷ φόρους οὓς ἔταξεν ἐπὶ ἔτη τρία.

⁸⁷ When Nebuchadnezzar had been reigning for four years, it was the eighth year of Jehoiakim’s rule over the Hebrews; and the Babylonian campaigned against the Jews with a great force, demanding tribute from Jehoiakim or threatening war. He, fearing the threat and purchasing peace in exchange for money, brought him the tribute he had imposed for three years."

⁸⁷ But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reigned four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim’s government over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened upon his refusal to make war against him. He was affrighted at his threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for three years.

⁸⁷ When Nabuchodonosor had been king for four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim’s reign over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon set out with a mighty force against the Jews and demanded tax of Jehoiakim and threatened war on him if he refused. He feared this threat and bought his peace with money and for three years paid the tax as he was ordered.

The Battle of Carchemish (605 BC)
Josephus correctly identifies Carchemish as the site of one of history’s most decisive battles. This clash was the "Super Bowl" of the ancient Near East. By defeating Pharaoh Necho II, Nebuchadnezzar effectively inherited the Egyptian empire in Asia. Josephus notes that Syria had been "under" Necho, meaning the Judeans had merely swapped an Egyptian master for a Babylonian one.

The Exception of Judea
Josephus makes an interesting comment that Nebuchadnezzar took Syria as far as Pelusium "except for Judea" (πάρεξ τῆς Ἰουδαίας). This suggests that in the immediate aftermath of Carchemish, the Babylonians focused on securing the main international highways and coastal regions, leaving the mountainous interior of Judah for a slightly later expedition. It highlights Judah’s brief, anxious status as a "buffer state."

Chronological Precision
Josephus synchronizes the reigns: the 4th year of Nebuchadnezzar equals the 8th year of Jehoiakim. This reflects the historiographical transition from local Judean records to the broader "World History" of the Babylonian Empire. For Josephus’s readers, this provided a clear timeline that reconciled the Bible with Babylonian chronicles (such as those of Berosus).

The Price of "Peace"
The word ἀντικαταλλαξάμενος (exchanging/purchasing) is key. Jehoiakim did not choose peace out of wisdom, but bought it out of δείσας (fear). This creates a portrait of a king who is financially and morally bankrupt. He taxes a nation already impoverished by Egyptian tribute to pay Babylonian tribute, effectively hollow-ing out the state’s resources before the final siege even begins.

The "Three-Year" Cycle
Josephus notes the tribute was paid for three years. In the biblical and historical context, this period of submission was followed by a rebellion when Jehoiakim thought Egypt might rise again to help him. Josephus uses this detail to set up the tragedy to come: Jehoiakim’s failure to keep his word would eventually lead to Nebuchadnezzar’s personal vengeance against Jerusalem.

⁸⁸ Τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ στρατεύειν τοὺς ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians ἀκούσας ἐπὶ τὸν ΒαβυλώνιονBabylonian καὶ τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ μὴ δοὺς διεψεύσθη τῆς ἐλπίδος·	⁸⁸ "In the third year [of his submission], having heard that the Egyptians were campaigning against the Babylonian, Jehoiakim failed to give him the tribute and was deceived in his hope;
⁸⁸ But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute; yet was he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this time.	⁸⁸ But on the third year, hearing how the king of the Babylonians was going to war against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tax, but his hopes were in vain.

⁸⁹ οἱ γὰρ ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ στρατείαν οὐκ ἐθάρρησαν. ταῦτα δὲ ὁ προφήτης κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν προύλεγεν, ὡς μάτην ταῖς παρὰ τῶν ἐλπίσι προσανέχουσι, καὶ ὡς δεῖ τὴν‎ πόλιν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνάστατον γενέσθαι, καὶ Ἰωακείμῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ χειρωθῆναι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎.

⁸⁹ for the Egyptians did not dare to make the campaign. The prophet Jeremiah foretold these things every day: that they were clinging in vain to their hopes from the Egyptians, and that it was necessary for the city to be uprooted by the King of the Babylonians and for King Jehoiakim to be subdued by him.

⁸⁹ And indeed the prophet Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim the king would be subdued by him.

⁸⁹ For the Egyptians did not dare to fight at this time; and indeed, the prophet Jeremias was constantly foretelling how useless it was to rely on Egypt and how the city would be brought down by the king of Babylon and that king Jehoiakim would be humbled by him.

⁹⁰ ἀλλὰ ταῦτ᾽ οὐδὲν χρήσιμον οὐκ ὄντων τῶν σωθησομένων ἐλέγετο· καὶ γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες ἀκούοντες παρημέλουν, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν λαμβάνοντες τὰ λεγόμενα ὡς οἰωνιζομένου κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦ προφήτου τὸν ᾐτιῶντο, καὶ ὑπάγοντες δίκῃ καταψηφισθῆναι πρὸς τιμωρίαν ἠξίουν.

⁹⁰ But these things were said to no avail, as those who were to be saved did not exist; for the multitude and the rulers, hearing him, neglected his words. Taking the things said with anger, as if the prophet were omens against the king, they accused Jeremiah and, bringing him to trial, demanded that he be condemned to punishment.

⁹⁰ But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, because there were none that should escape; for both the multitude and the rulers, when they heard him, had no concern about what they heard; but being displeased at what was said, as if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they accused Jeremiah, and bringing him before the court, they required that a sentence and a punishment might be given against him.

⁹⁰ But his words did not help, for none were to escape, because although they heard him, neither the people nor the officers heeded what they heard, but were angered by his words, as though the prophet were prophesying against the king, they accused Jeremias and brought him to court, wanting to have him executed.

⁹¹ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἤνεγκαν τὰς ψήφους κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ οἳ καὶ ἀπέγνωσαν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, οἱ δὲ σοφῆς ὄντες διανοίας ἀπέλυσαν τὸν προφήτην ἀπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συνεβούλευσαν μηδὲν διαθεῖναι κακὸν τὸν .

⁹¹ And all the others brought their votes against him, including those who despaired among the elders; but some, being of wise mindset, released the prophet from the court and advised the others to inflict no evil upon Jeremiah.

⁹¹ Now all the rest gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who prudently sent away the prophet from the court of [the prison], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah no harm;

⁹¹ While all others voted to condemn him, the elders refused, wisely dismissing the prophet from the court and persuading the others to do Jeremias no harm.

⁹² ἔλεγον γὰρ οὐ μόνον τοῦτον προλέγειν τῇ πόλει τὰ μέλλοντα, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μιχαίαν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ ταῦτα κατηγγελκέναι καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους, ὧν οὐδεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τότε βασιλέων οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς προφήτης τοῦ θεοῦ τιμῆς Ἔτυχε.

⁹² For they said that not only he foretold the future of the city, but that Micah before him had announced these same things, as had many others, none of whom suffered anything at the hands of the kings of those times, but instead received honor as prophets of God.

⁹² for they said that he was not the only person who foretold what would come to the city, but that Micah signified the same before him, as well as many others, none of which suffered any thing of the kings that then reigned, but were honored as the prophets of God.

⁹² They said he was not the only one to foretell the coming fate of the city, since before him Micah and many others had pointed to the same, none of whom were punished by the kings of the day, but were honoured as prophets of God.

⁹³ τούτοις καταπραύναντες τὸ πλῆθος τοῖς λόγοις ἐρρύσαντο τῆς κατεψηφισμένης αὐτοῦ‎ κολάσεως τὸν , ὃς ἁπάσας αὑτοῦ τὰς προφητείας συγγραψάμενος νηστεύοντος τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐκκλησιάζοντος ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ μηνὶ ἐνάτῳ τοῦ πέμπτου ἔτους τῆς Ἰωακείμου βασιλείας ἀνέγνω τὴν‎ βίβλον, ἣν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων συμβήσεσθαι τῇ πόλει καὶ τῷ ναῷ καὶ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἦν συντεταχώς.

⁹³ By calming the multitude with these words, they rescued Jeremiah from the decreed punishment. He, having written down all his prophecies, read the book to the people while they were fasting and assembling in the Temple, in the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim’s reign—a book he had composed concerning what was about to happen to the city, the Temple, and the multitudes.

⁹³ So they mollified the multitude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah from the punishment to which he was condemned. Now when this prophet had written all his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had composed of his predictions of what was to befall the city, and the temple, and the multitude.

⁹³ With these words they got the people to relent and saved Jeremias from condemnation. When he had written all his prophecies and the people were assembled, fasting, in the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had written, his predictions of what would happen to the city and the temple and the people.

⁹⁴ ἀκούσαντες δ᾽ οἱ ἡγεμόνες λαμβάνουσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ βιβλίον καὶ κελεύουσιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν γραμματέα ἐκποδὼν αὑτοὺς ποιῆσαι, μή τισι δῆλοι γένωνται, τὸ δὲ βιβλίον αὐτοὶ φέροντες τῷ βασιλεῖ διδόασιν. ὁ δὲ παρόντων αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων ἐκέλευσε τὸν αὑτοῦ γραμματέα λαβόντα ἀναγνῶναι.

⁹⁴ When the leaders heard it, they took the book from him and commanded both him and the secretary Baruch to put themselves out of the way, so that they might not be visible to anyone; they themselves carried the book and gave it to the king. In the presence of his friends, the king commanded his secretary to take and read it.

⁹⁴ And when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they carried the book, and gave it to the king; so he gave order, in the presence of his friends, that his scribe should take it, and read it.

⁹⁴ After hearing it, the officers took the book from him and told him and Baruch the scribe to go away and let no one see them; but they brought the book and gave it to the king in the presence of his friends, at his orders, for his scribe to take and read it.

⁹⁵ ἀκούσας δὲ τῶν ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ καὶ ὀργισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς διέρρηξέ τε καὶ βαλὼν εἰς πῦρ ἠφάνισε, ζητηθέντας δὲ τόν τε καὶ τὸν γραμματέα ἐκέλευσεν ἀχθῆναι πρὸς αὐτὸν κολασθησομένους. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν διαφεύγουσιν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ὀργήν.

⁹⁵ But when he heard the contents of the book, the king became enraged; he tore it up and, throwing it into the fire, destroyed it. He then commanded that Jeremiah and the secretary Baruch be sought and brought to him to be punished. They, however, escaped his wrath."

⁹⁵ When the king heard what it contained, he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was consumed. He also commanded that they should seek for Jeremiah, and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished. However, they escaped his anger.

⁹⁵ When the king heard its contents, he was angry and tore it and threw it into the fire, where it disappeared. He also ordered them to find Jeremias and Baruch the scribe and bring them to him to be punished; but they fled from his anger.

The Egyptian "No-Show"
Josephus highlights the geopolitical blunder that doomed the Judean monarchy. Jehoiakim gambled his kingdom on Egyptian military support that never materialized. The phrase οὐκ ἐθάρρησαν (they did not dare) suggests that Egypt had been sufficiently intimidated by Nebuchadnezzar at Carchemish to abandon their Judean ally, leaving Jehoiakim "deceived in his hope."

Prophet as "Bad Omen"
The people and rulers viewed Jeremiah’s warnings as οἰωνιζομένου (acting as an omen) against the king. In the ancient world, speech was often thought to have a "performative" quality; to predict a king’s fall was seen as an attempt to cause it. Josephus frames this as a fatal psychological flaw: the Judeans treated the messenger as the source of the calamity rather than the warning of it.

The Judicial Split
Josephus provides a unique glimpse into the Judean legal system. Jeremiah is subjected to a formal trial (δίκῃ). The "wise elders" who saved him used legal precedent, citing the prophet Micah. This confirms that the elite were divided between "Hawks" (who wanted war and silence for Jeremiah) and "Doves" (who respected the prophetic tradition).

The Role of Baruch
Josephus introduces Baruch as the secretary (γραμματέα). This reflects the shift toward a "literary" prophecy. Jeremiah does not just shout in the streets; he produces a formal βίβλον (book/scroll). This document was intended to be a permanent legal record of God’s warning, which is why the king’s destruction of it was such a profound act of defiance.

The Ritual Burning
The king’s act of tearing and burning the scroll was an attempt to physically "delete" the predicted future. By throwing it into the πῦρ (fire), Jehoiakim was symbolically attempting to burn the decree of God. Josephus emphasizes that the king’s friends were present, making this a public rejection of divine sovereignty.

The Fifth Year Transition
Josephus notes this happened in the fifth year of Jehoiakim. Chronologically, this is just after the Babylonians had consolidated their power in the region. The "fast" mentioned suggests the city was already in a state of high anxiety, sensing that the Egyptian alliance had failed and that the Babylonian "Whirlwind" was approaching.

⁹⁶ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον στρατευόμενον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν βασιλέα δέχεται κατὰ δέος τῶν προειρημένων ὑπὸ τοῦ προφήτου τούτου, οὐδὲν νομίζων πείσεσθαι δεινὸν μηδὲ ἀποκλείσας μηδὲ πολεμήσας,

⁹⁶ "Not long afterward, when the King of the Babylonians campaigned against him, Jehoiakim received him out of fear of the things predicted by this prophet [Jeremiah]; he did not expect to suffer anything terrible, as he neither shut him out [of the city] nor offered battle.

⁹⁶ Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he received [into the city], and this out of fear of the foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing he should suffer nothing that was terrible, because he neither shut the gates, nor fought against him;

⁹⁶ A little later, when the king of Babylon went to war on him, he made him welcome, fearing the above-named predictions of this prophet, and expecting nothing terrible to happen, as he had neither shut the gates nor fought him.

⁹⁷ ἀπελθὼν δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὸν ὁ οὐκ ἐφύλαξε τὰς πίστεις, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντας τῶν ἀπέκτεινε μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἰωακείμου, ὃν ἄταφον ἐκέλευσε ῥιφῆναι πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν· τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ Ἰωάκειμον κατέστησε βασιλέα τῆς χώρας καὶ τῆς πόλεως.

⁹⁷ But the Babylonian, once he had entered to him, did not keep his pledges. Instead, he slaughtered the most vigorous and exceptionally beautiful of the Jerusalemites along with King Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown unburied before the walls. He then appointed Jehoiakim’s son, also named Jehoiakim [Jehoiachin], as king of the land and the city.

⁹⁷ yet when he was come into the city, he did not observe the covenants he had made, but he slew such as were in the flower of their age, and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their king Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls, without any burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the country, and of the city:

⁹⁷ But when he arrived in the city, he did not keep his word but killed all in the flower of their youth and those of highest dignity, including their king Jehoiakim, whom he ordered to be thrown outside the walls without burial, and made his son Joachim king of the region and of the city.

⁹⁸ τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἀξιώματι τρισχιλίους ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν αὐτοῦ‎ αἰχμαλώτους λαβὼν ἀπήγαγεν εἰς τὴν‎ · ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἦν καὶ ὁ προφήτης Ἰεζεκίηλος παῖς ὤν. Καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον Ἰωάκειμον τὸν βασιλέα κατέσχε βιώσαντας μὲν ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα δὲ τούτων ἕνδεκα, ὁ δὲ διαδεξάμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν Ἰωάκειμος, ἐκ μητρὸς μὲν Νοόστης ὄνομα πολίτιδος δέ, ἐβασίλευσε μῆνας τρεῖς ἡμέρας δέκα.

⁹⁸ Taking the men of rank—numbering three thousand—as captives, he led them away to Babylon; among these was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then a boy. Such was the end that overtook King Jehoiakim, having lived thirty-six years and reigned eleven of them. His successor in the kingdom, Jehoiakim [Jehoiachin], whose mother was a citizen named Nehushta (Noostē), reigned for three months and ten days."

⁹⁸ he also took the principal persons in dignity for captives, three thousand in number, and led them away to Babylon; among which was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then but young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mother’s name was Nehushta; she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten days.

⁹⁸ He took three thousand of the most distinguished people as prisoners, and led them off to Babylon, among them the prophet Ezekiel, who was still a boy. This was the end of king Jehoiakim, after he had lived thirty-six years and ruled for eleven. Joachim, whose mother’s name was Nehushta, a citizen of Jerusalem, succeeded him as king, and ruled for three months and ten days.

The Strategy of Non-Resistance
Josephus portrays Jehoiakim’s surrender as a result of psychological collapse. Having spent years mocking Jeremiah, the sight of the Babylonian army finally made the prophecies "real." By not ἀποκλείσας (shutting the gates) or πολεμήσας (fighting), Jehoiakim hoped for a lenient vassal status. Josephus frames this as a "fatal hope," as Nebuchadnezzar had no interest in mercy for a king who had previously broken his oath.

The Violation of "Pistis"
The term πίστεις (pledges/faith) is central here. In the Greco-Roman world of Josephus, the violation of a surrender agreement was the mark of a "barbarian" or an exceptionally wrathful tyrant. By emphasizing that Nebuchadnezzar "did not keep his pledges," Josephus warns his readers that the "Sentence of God" often arrives through the hands of men who recognize no law but their own.

The Humiliation of the Body
The command to throw the king’s body ἄταφον (unburied) before the walls was the ultimate ancient disgrace. For a king to be denied a place in the "ancestral tombs" was a sign of total exclusion from the community. This specific detail fulfills Jeremiah 22:19: "He shall be buried with the burial of a donkey, dragged and cast out beyond the gates of Jerusalem."

The Selective Deportation
Nebuchadnezzar did not just kill; he "harvested" the city. He targeted the ἀκμαιοτάτους (most vigorous) and the κάλλει διαφέροντας (exceptionally beautiful). This was a deliberate policy of "brain drain" and "beauty drain," stripping Judah of its future leadership, military potential, and royal prestige to adorn the court in Babylon.

Ezekiel as a "Boy" Captive
Josephus provides a fascinating chronological anchor by mentioning that Ezekiel was among the 3,000 captives and was παῖς ὤν (being a boy/child). This creates a bridge between the Judean narrative and the upcoming Babylonian narrative. It positions Ezekiel as a first-hand witness to the trauma of the first deportation, explaining the visceral nature of his later prophecies.

The Naming Confusion
Josephus (and the Greek tradition) often uses the name "Jehoiakim" for both the father (Jehoiakim) and the son (Jehoiachin). This can be confusing for modern readers. However, Josephus distinguishes them by their mothers: the son’s mother is Nehushta, a "citizen" (πολίτιδος). This second "Jehoiakim" (Jehoiachin) starts his reign under a dark cloud, essentially as a hostage-king for a city that has just been plundered.

Chapter 7
[099-130]
Nabuchodonosor hardens his attitude against Jerusalem.
Jeremias predicts disaster

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⁹⁹ Τὸν δὲ τῶν βασιλέα δόντα τὴν‎ βασιλείαν Ἰωακείμῳ παραχρῆμα ἔλαβε δέος· ἔδεισε γάρ, μὴ μνησικακήσας αὐτῷ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀναιρέσεως ἀποστήσῃ τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτοῦ‎· πέμψας τοιγαροῦν δύναμιν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν Ἰωάκειμον ἐν τοῖς .

⁹⁹ "Immediately after the King of the Babylonians had given the kingdom to Jehoiakim [Jehoiachin], fear seized him. For he was afraid that the king, harboring a grudge against him for the execution of his father, might cause the country to revolt. Therefore, having sent a force, he besieged Jehoiakim in Jerusalem.

⁹⁹ But a terror seized on the king of Babylon, who had given the kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that immediately; he was afraid that he should bear him a grudge, because of his killing his father, and thereupon should make the country revolt from him; wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin in Jerusalem;

⁹⁹ But the king of Babylon, who had given the kingdom to Joachim, was gripped by a sudden fear. He was afraid that he might hold the murder of his father against him, and would make the land revolt from him, so he sent a force and besieged Joachim in Jerusalem.

¹⁰⁰ ὁ δὲ φύσει χρηστὸς ὢν καὶ δίκαιος οὐκ ἠξίου τὴν‎ πόλιν κινδυνεύουσαν δι᾽ αὐτὸν περιορᾶν, ἀλλ᾽ τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς παραδίδωσι τοῖς πεμφθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῖς ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτῶν λαβὼν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν μήτ᾽ αὐτοὺς παθεῖν μήτε τὴν‎ πόλιν.

¹⁰⁰ But he [Jehoiachin], being by nature good and just, did not think it right to look on while the city was in danger on his account; instead, taking his mother and his kinsmen, he surrendered to the generals sent by the Babylonian, having received oaths from them that neither they nor the city would suffer any harm.

¹⁰⁰ but because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did not desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his mother and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that neither should they suffer any harm, nor the city;

¹⁰⁰ But he, being gentle and just by nature, did not want the city endangered for his sake, so he surrendered his mother and relatives to the officers sent by the king of Babylon and accepted their oaths that neither they nor the city would be harmed.

¹⁰¹ οἷς οὐδ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἡ πίστις ἔμεινεν· οὐ γὰρ ἐφύλαξεν αὐτὴν ὁ τῶν βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει λαβόντας αἰχμαλώτους νέους τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν καὶ τεχνίτας δεδεμένους ἄγειν πρὸς αὑτόν, ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι πάντες εἰς μυρίους ὀκτακοσίους τριακονταδύο, καὶ τὸν Ἰωάκειμον μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων.

¹⁰¹ This pledge did not remain valid for even a year. For the King of the Babylonians did not keep it, but commanded his generals to take captive all those in the city who were young in age and the craftsmen, and to bring them bound to him—there were ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two of these in all—along with Jehoiakim, his mother, and his friends.

¹⁰¹ which agreement they did not observe for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all that were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring them bound to him; their number was ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends.

¹⁰¹ But their pledge did not even last a year for the king of Babylon did not keep it but ordered his generals to take all the youth and the craftsmen in the city as prisoners, and bring them to him in Babylon. There were ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two of them, along, and Joachim, his mother and his friends.

¹⁰² τούτους δὴ κομισθέντας πρὸς αὑτὸν εἶχεν ἐν φυλακῇ· τὸν δὲ θεῖον τοῦ Ἰωακείμου Σαχχίαν ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λαβών, ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν μηδὲ τοῖς εὐνοήσειν.

¹⁰² When these were brought to him, he kept them in prison. He then appointed Jehoiakim’s uncle, Zedekiah (Sachchian), as king, having taken oaths from him that he would truly guard the country for him, and would neither start a revolution nor favor the Egyptians."

¹⁰² And when these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin’s uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of friendship with the Egyptians.

¹⁰² Once these were brought to him, he kept them in custody and set up Joachim’s uncle, Sacchias, as king, and made him take an oath to guard the kingdom for him and make no revolt or any pact of friendship with the Egyptians.

The Psychology of the Tyrant
Josephus notes that Nebuchadnezzar’s fear (δέος) drove the second siege. This provides a window into ancient Near Eastern realpolitik: a son was naturally expected to seek μνησικακήσας (vengeance for a past grievance). Nebuchadnezzar realized his strategic error in placing the son of the man he had just executed on the throne, viewing Jehoiachin’s potential for resentment as a security risk.

Jehoiachin: The Sacrificial King
Unlike the biblical account which is largely neutral toward Jehoiachin’s character, Josephus describes him as φύσει χρηστὸς ὢν καὶ δίκαιος (by nature good and just). He portrays the surrender not as a defeat, but as a deliberate act of self-sacrifice to save the city from destruction. By surrendering his person, his mother, and his family, he attempted to fulfill the role of a "Good Shepherd" protecting his flock.

The Great Deportation (597 BCE)
Josephus highlights the systematic stripping of Jerusalem’s "human capital." He notes that the Babylonians took the νέους τὴν ἡλικίαν (the young) and the τεχνίτας (craftsmen). This was a deliberate tactic to ensure that Judea could not rebuild its defenses or weapons. By taking the youth and the skilled laborers, Nebuchadnezzar effectively paralyzed the nation for a generation.

Precise Statistics
Josephus provides a remarkably specific number for the captives: 10,832. While the Bible gives rounded numbers (like 10,000 in 2 Kings), Josephus likely had access to Hellenistic-period records or priestly traditions that preserved more granular figures. This specificity serves to emphasize the scale of the tragedy—every single individual counted was a loss to the Judean state.

The "Puppet" King Zedekiah
The appointment of Zedekiah (whom Josephus calls Σαχχίαν) was conditional upon a strict oath of vassalage. Josephus explicitly mentions the prohibition against τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εὐνοήσειν (favoring the Egyptians). This reveals the core of Babylonian foreign policy: Judea’s only value was as a loyal buffer against Egypt.

The Breaking of Oaths
A recurring theme in Josephus is the violation of πίστις (faith/pledge). He points out that the Babylonian king’s oath lasted less than a year. For Josephus, writing for a Roman audience that valued Fides (trust/oaths), the portrayal of Nebuchadnezzar as a serial oath-breaker makes the eventual fall of Babylon seem like a necessary moral consequence.

¹⁰³ Σαχχίας δ᾽ ἦν ἐτῶν μὲν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑνός, ὅτε τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παρέλαβεν, ὁμομήτριος μὲν Ἰωακείμου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎, τῶν δὲ δικαίων καὶ τοῦ δέοντος ὑπερόπτης· καὶ γὰρ τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ἦσαν ἀσεβεῖς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ὁ πᾶς ὄχλος ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ὕβριζεν ἃ ἤθελεν·

¹⁰³ "Zedekiah (Sachchias) was twenty-one years old when he took over the government. He was the brother of Jehoiakim by the same mother, but he was a contemner of justice and of duty. Indeed, those of his own age around him were impious, and the whole multitude committed whatever outrages they desired with impunity.

¹⁰³ Now Zedekiah was twentyandone year’s old when he took the government; and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a despiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of the same age with him were wicked about him, and the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent things they pleased;

¹⁰³ Sacchias was twenty-one years old when he took up the leadership and was born of the same mother as his brother Jehoiakim, but he scorned justice and duty, for he mixed with wicked contemporaries and their whole company could commit any outrages they pleased.

¹⁰⁴ διὸ καὶ ὁ προφήτης πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθὼν πολλάκις ἐμαρτύρατο κελεύων τὰς μὲν ἄλλας καὶ παρανομίας καταλιπεῖν, προνοεῖν δὲ τοῦ δικαίου, καὶ μήτε τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῷ εἶναι ἐν αὐτοῖς πονηροὺς μήτε τοῖς ψευδοπροφήταις ἀπατῶσιν αὐτὸν πεπιστευκέναι, ὡς οὐκέτι πολεμήσει τὴν‎ πόλιν ὁ καὶ ὡς στρατεύσουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ νικήσουσι· ταῦτα γὰρ οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγειν οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ὀφείλοντα γενέσθαι.

¹⁰⁴ On this account, the prophet Jeremiah came to him frequently and protested, urging him to abandon his other impieties and lawless acts and to take forethought for justice; he exhorted him neither to rely on the leaders, because there were wicked men among them, nor to trust the false prophets who were deceiving him by saying that the Babylonian would no longer make war on the city and that the Egyptians would campaign against him and conquer. For he said these things they spoke were not true, nor were they bound to happen in that way.

¹⁰⁴ for which reason the prophet Jeremiah came often to him, and protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his impieties and transgressions, and take care of what was right, and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom were wicked men,) nor give credit to their false prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Babylon would make no more war against them, and as if the Egyptians would make war against him, and conquer him, since what they said was not true, and the events would not prove such [as they expected].

¹⁰⁴ The prophet Jeremias came to him often, to protest, insisting that he must set aside his impieties and transgressions and attend to what was right and not heed the officers, as there were bad men among them, nor trust in the claims of the false prophets that the king of Babylon would make no more war on the city and that the Egyptians would attack and defeat him, for their words were not true and things would turn out differently.

¹⁰⁵ ὁ δὲ Σαχχίας ἐφ᾽ ὅσον μὲν ἤκουσε τοῦ προφήτου ταῦτα λέγοντος ἐπείθετο αὐτῷ καὶ συνῄδει πᾶσιν ὡς ἀληθεύουσι καὶ συμφέρον αὐτῷ πεπιστευκέναι· διέφθειρον δὲ πάλιν αὐτὸν οἱ φίλοι καὶ διῆγον ἀπὸ τῶν τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς ἅπερ ἤθελον.

¹⁰⁵ Now, as long as Zedekiah heard the prophet saying these things, he was persuaded by him and agreed that all he said was true and that it was to his advantage to believe it; but his friends corrupted him again and led him away from the prophet’s words toward whatever they themselves desired.

¹⁰⁵ Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard the prophet speak, he believed him, and agreed to every thing as true, and supposed it was for his advantage; but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him to do what they pleased.

¹⁰⁵ As Sacchias listened to the prophet speaking, he believed him and took it all as true and for his advantage, but then his friends again led him astray and dissuaded him from the prophet’s advice and obliged him to do what they wanted.

¹⁰⁶ προεφήτευσε δὲ καὶ Ἰεζεκίηλος ἐν τὰς μελλούσας τῷ λαῷ συμφορὰς καὶ γράψας ταῦτα ἔπεμψεν εἰς . ταῖς δὲ προφητείαις αὐτῶν Σαχχίας ἠπίστησεν ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας· τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα συμφωνοῦντα εἰπεῖν συνέβη, ὡς ἥ τε πόλις ἁλώσεται καὶ Σαχχίας αὐτὸς αἰχμάλωτος ἔσται‎, διεφώνησε δὲ Ἰεζεκίηλος εἰπὼν οὐκ ὄψεσθαι τὸν Σαχχίαν τοῦ Ἱερεμίου φάσκοντος αὐτῷ, ὅτι δεδεμένον αὐτὸν ὁ ἄξει βασιλεύς.

¹⁰⁶ Moreover, Ezekiel also prophesied in Babylon concerning the calamities about to befall the people, and having written these things down, he sent them to Jerusalem. But Zedekiah disbelieved their prophecies for the following reason: while it happened that they spoke in agreement on all other points—saying that the city would be captured and Zedekiah himself would be a prisoner—Ezekiel differed by saying that Zedekiah would not see Babylon, whereas Jeremiah asserted to him that the Babylonian king would lead him there in bonds.

¹⁰⁶ Ezekiel also foretold in Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people, which when he heard, he sent accounts of them unto Jerusalem. But Zedekiah did not believe their prophecies, for the reason following: It happened that the two prophets agreed with one another in what they said as in all other things, that the city should be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said that Zedekiah should not see Babylon, while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds.

¹⁰⁶ As well, Ezekiel foretold in Babylon the woes that were coming upon the people, and wrote to Jerusalem about them. But Sacchias did not believe their prophecies, for this reason: The two prophets agreed with each other in what they said as in all other things, that the city should be taken and Sacchias himself should be taken prisoner, but Ezekiel disagreed with him and said that Sacchias would not see Babylon, while Jeremias told him that the king of Babylon would bring him away there in chains.

¹⁰⁷ καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ταὐτὸν αὐτοὺς ἑκατέρους λέγειν καὶ περὶ ὧν συμφωνεῖν ἐδόκουν ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνα ἀληθῆ λέγουσι καταγνούς· καίτοι πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὰς προφητείας ἀπήντησεν, ἅπερ εὐκαιρότερον δηλώσομεν.	¹⁰⁷ And because they did not both say the same thing, he concluded that even those points on which they seemed to agree were not true. Nevertheless, everything happened to him exactly according to the prophecies, as we shall explain at the proper time."
¹⁰⁷ And because they did not both say the same thing as to this circumstance, he disbelieved what they both appeared to agree in, and condemned them as not speaking truth therein, although all the things foretold him did come to pass according to their prophecies, as we shall show upon a fitter opportunity.	¹⁰⁷ As they did not agree on this, he mistrusted them even where they seemed to agree and did not think it true, but everything foretold did happen according to their prophecies, as we shall show at a better time.

The "Impunity" of the Multitude
Josephus notes that under Zedekiah, the πᾶς ὄχλος (whole multitude) acted ἐπʼ ἐξουσίας (with authority/impunity). This suggests a total breakdown of the rule of law. While Josiah’s reign was defined by strict adherence to the Torah, Zedekiah’s reign is characterized by social anarchy. Josephus implies that religious apostasy and civil lawlessness are two sides of the same coin.

The King’s Internal Conflict
Josephus paints Zedekiah not as a villain, but as a vacillator. He συνῄδει (was conscious/agreed) that Jeremiah spoke the truth, but he lacked the moral courage to withstand his φίλοι (friends/advisors). In Josephus’s view, a king who cannot master his own court cannot master his kingdom. Zedekiah is a tragic figure whose "good intentions" were constantly διέφθειρον (corrupted) by peer pressure.

The Prophetic "Contradiction"
One of the most brilliant parts of this narrative is the "apparent" contradiction between the two prophets:

1) Jeremiah: Predicted the king would be led to Babylon in chains.

2) Ezekiel: Predicted the king would never see Babylon.

Zedekiah used this discrepancy as an excuse to dismiss both men as frauds. However, the resolution was gruesome: Nebuchadnezzar would capture Zedekiah, put out his eyes at Riblah, and then take him to Babylon. He was indeed in Babylon, but he never "saw" it. Josephus uses this to show that divine word is precise, even when it seems illogical to the human mind.

Ezekiel’s Literary Mission
Josephus mentions that Ezekiel was prophesying ἐν Βαβυλῶνι (in Babylon) and sending his writings back to Jerusalem. This highlights the "global" nature of the prophetic warning. Even though the leaders were separated by hundreds of miles, their message was unified. The "mailing" of prophecies across the empire shows how the Jewish community remained intellectually connected even during the initial stages of exile.

Contempt for Justice (ὑπερόπτης)
Josephus describes Zedekiah as a ὑπερόπτης (one who looks down upon/despises) justice. This Greco-Roman term for "arrogance" or "contempt" frames the king’s failure in terms familiar to Josephus’s audience. To Josephus, the fall of Jerusalem wasn't just a military defeat; it was a judicial consequence for a king who ignored his δέοντος (duty/what is required).

The False Hope of Egypt
The ψευδοπροφήταις (false prophets) were using "modern" geopolitics to tickle the king’s ears, promising that the Egyptians would νικήσουσι (conquer) the Babylonians. Josephus warns that political optimism, when it ignores moral reality, is a form of deception. The "realist" was the prophet Jeremiah, who saw that Judah had no path to victory through military alliances.

¹⁰⁸ τὴν‎ συμμαχίαν δὲ τὴν‎ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἔτη ὀκτὼ κατασχὼν διέλυσε τὰς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πίστεις καὶ τοῖς προστίθεται καταλύσειν τοὺς , αἳ μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐγένοντο.

¹⁰⁸ "Having maintained the alliance with the Babylonians for eight years, Zedekiah broke his pledges toward them and went over to the Egyptians, hoping they would overthrow the Babylonians—hopes which proved to be in vain.

¹⁰⁸ Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of overcoming the Babylonians.

¹⁰⁸ After keeping for eight years the alliance he had made with the Babylonians, he then broke it and took the side of the Egyptians, hoping by their help to overthrow the Babylonians.

¹⁰⁹ μαθὼν δὲ τοῦτο ὁ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν κακώσας αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὰ φρούρια λαβὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἧκε τὴν‎ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πόλιν πολιορκήσων αὐτήν.	¹⁰⁹ When the King of the Babylonians learned of this, he marched against him, ravaged his country, took his fortresses, and came against the city of the Jerusalemites to besiege it.
¹⁰⁹ When the king of Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city Jerusalem itself to besiege it.	¹⁰⁹ When the Babylonian king learned this, he made war on him laid waste his land and took his fortified towns and came to the city of Jerusalem itself to besiege it.

¹¹⁰ ὁ δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἐν οἷς ἐστιν ὁ αὐτοῦ‎ Σαχχίας ἀναλαβὼν πολλὴν δύναμιν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν‎ ὡς λύσων τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν. ὁ δὲ ἀφίσταται τῶν , ἀπαντήσας δὲ τοῖς καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς τῇ μάχῃ νικᾷ καὶ τρεψάμενος αὐτοὺς εἰς φυγὴν ἐξ ὅλης διώκει τῆς .

¹¹⁰ But when the Egyptian heard the situation of his ally Zedekiah, he took a great force and entered Judea as if to raise the siege. The Babylonian then withdrew from Jerusalem and, having met the Egyptians and engaged them in battle, he conquered them, put them to flight, and pursued them out of the whole of Syria.

¹¹⁰ But when the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege; upon which the king of Babylon departed from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle with them, and beat them; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove them out of all Syria.

¹¹⁰ When the king of Egypt heard of the plight of his ally Sacchias, he brought a large army into Judea, to break up the siege. But the Babylonian left Jerusalem and met, fought and defeated the Egyptians, and putting them to flight, pursued and drove them from the whole of Syria.

¹¹¹ ὡς δ᾽ ἀνεχώρησεν ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ἀπὸ τῶν , ἐξηπάτησαν οἱ ψευδοπροφῆται τὸν Σαχχίαν λέγοντες οὔτε τὸν ἔτι αὐτὸν πολεμήσειν καὶ τοὺς ὁμοφύλους, οὓς ἀναστήσειεν ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας εἰς τὴν‎ , μετὰ πάντων ἀνήξειν τῶν τοῦ ναοῦ σκευῶν, ὧν ἐσύλησεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τοῦ νεώ.

¹¹¹ When the King of the Babylonians had withdrawn from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, saying that the Babylonian would no longer make war on him, and that he would bring back his fellow countrymen whom he had removed from their homes to Babylon, along with all the vessels of the Temple which the king had plundered from the sanctuary.

¹¹¹ Now as soon as the king of Babylon was departed from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that the king of Babylon would not any more make war against him or his people, nor remove them out of their own country into Babylon; and that those then in captivity would return, with all those vessels of the temple of which the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple.

¹¹¹ As the Babylonian king went away from Jerusalem, the false prophets misled Sacchias and said that the Babylonian would no more make war against him or his people, nor move them from their own land into Babylon, and that the people in captivity would return, with all the vessels the king had taken from the temple.

¹¹² τἀναντία δὲ τούτων καὶ ἀληθῆ προελθὼν προεφήτευσεν, ὡς ποιοῦσι μὲν κακῶς καὶ ἐξαπατῶσι τὸν βασιλέα, παρὰ δὲ τῶν οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ὄφελος, ἀλλὰ νικήσας αὐτοὺς ὁ ἐπιστρατεύσειν εἰς τὰ μέλλει, καὶ πολιορκήσει τε καὶ τῷ λιμῷ διαφθερεῖ τὸν δῆμον, καὶ τοὺς περιλειφθέντας αἰχμαλώτους ἄξει, καὶ τὰς οὐσίας διαρπάσει, καὶ τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πλοῦτον ἐκφορήσας ἔτι καὶ αὐτὸν ἐμπρήσει καὶ κατασκάψει τὴν‎ πόλιν, καὶ δουλεύσομεν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπ᾽ ἔτη ἑβδομήκοντα.

¹¹² But Jeremiah came forward and prophesied the opposite of these things—and the truth: that they were doing evil and deceiving the king; that there was no help for them from the Egyptians, but that the Babylonian, having conquered them, was destined to march against Jerusalem again. He would besiege it, destroy the people by famine, lead away the survivors as captives, plunder their property, carry off the wealth in the Temple, and then burn it and raze the city to the ground; and we would serve him and his descendants for seventy years.

¹¹² But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied what contradicted those predictions, and what proved to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; that the Egyptians would be of no advantage to them, but that the king of Babylon would renew the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and would destroy the people by famine, and carry away those that remained into captivity, and would take away what they had as spoils, and would carry off those riches that were in the temple; nay, that, besides this, he would burn it, and utterly overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his posterity seventy years;

¹¹² But Jeremias came prophesying to the contrary, and it turned out to be true, that they were doing wrong and misleading the king, and that the Egyptians would be no good for them. Instead, the Babylonian king would renew the war on Jerusalem and besiege it again and destroy the people by famine and carry off into captivity those who remained and would ransack their possessions and take away the riches in the temple. Then he would burn it and destroy the city and for seventy years they would be slaves to him and his descendants.

¹¹³ παύσουσι δ᾽ ἡμᾶς τότε τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δουλείας ΠέρσαιPersians τε καὶ ΜῆδοιMedes καταλύσαντες ΒαβυλωνίουςBabylonians, ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς τήνδε ἀπολυθέντες οἰκοδομήσομεν τὸν ναὸν πάλιν καὶ τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καταστήσομεν.	¹¹³ He said that the Persians and Medes would then end our slavery under them by overthrowing the Babylonians, from whom we, being released, would rebuild the Temple again and restore Jerusalem.
¹¹³ that then the Persians and the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and overthrow the Babylonians; "and that we shall be dismissed, and return to this land, and rebuild the temple, and restore Jerusalem."	¹¹³ Then, he said, the Persians and the Medes would end their slavery and destroy the Babylonians "and we shall be set free to return to this land and rebuild the temple and restore Jerusalem."

¹¹⁴ ταῦτα λέγων ὁ ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν πλειόνων ἐπιστεύετο, οἱ δὲ ἡγεμόνες καὶ οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ὡς ἐξεστηκότα τῶν φρενῶν αὐτὸν οὕτως ἐξεφαύλιζον. δόξαν δὲ αὐτῷ που καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ πατρίδα παραγενέσθαι λεγομένην σταδίους δ᾽ ἀπέχουσαν τῶν εἴκοσι, κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν τῶν ἀρχόντων τις συλλαβὼν κατέσχε συκοφαντῶν ὡς πρὸς τοὺς αὐτομολοῦντα.

¹¹⁴ While Jeremiah was believed by the majority when saying these things, the leaders and the impious mocked him as if he were out of his mind. When he decided to go to his birthplace, called Anathoth—situated twenty stadia from Jerusalem—one of the officials, meeting him on the road, seized him and held him, falsely accusing him of deserting to the Babylonians.

¹¹⁴ When Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him; but the rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to go elsewhere, to his own country, which was called Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; and as he was going, one of the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and accused him falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians;

¹¹⁴ When Jeremias said this, most believed him, but the officers and the wicked scorned him as mad in the head. He had resolved to go to his own region of Anathoth, twenty furlongs from Jerusalem, and as he was going one of the officers met him and took hold of him, falsely accusing him of being a deserter to the Babylonians.

¹¹⁵ ὁ δὲ ψευδῆ μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἔλεγεν αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ, βαδίζειν δ᾽ αὑτὸν ἔφασκεν εἰς τὴν‎ πατρίδα. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ πεισθεὶς ἀλλὰ λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἤγαγεν εἰς δίκην πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πᾶσαν αἰκίαν καὶ βασάνους ὑπομείνας ἐφυλάττετο πρὸς τιμωρίαν. Καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα διῆγεν οὕτως ἀδίκως πάσχων τὰ προειρημένα.

¹¹⁵ Jeremiah said the man was bringing a false charge against him and stated he was going to his birthplace. But the official, not being persuaded, took him and led him to trial before the rulers, under whom he endured every kind of outrage and torture and was kept for punishment. For some time, he continued in this way, suffering these previously mentioned things unjustly."

¹¹⁵ but Jeremiah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was only going to his own country; but the other would not believe him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, and was reserved to be punished; and this was the condition he was in for some time, while he suffered what I have already described unjustly.

¹¹⁵ He said that was a lie as he was only going to his native place, but the other would not believe him and led him off to accuse him to the officers, from whom he endured much pain and torment and was held for execution; and he suffered unjustly like this for some time.

The Trap of the "Relieved Siege"
Josephus captures the psychological "cruelty" of this historical moment. When Nebuchadnezzar withdrew to fight the Egyptians, it looked like a miracle to the Judeans. This brief reprieve provided the "oxygen" for the ψευδοπροφῆται (false prophets) to thrive. Their message wasn't just about safety, but about the restoration of the σκεύων (vessels) from the Temple—a populist, nationalistic hope that made Jeremiah’s grim reality seem like treason.

The Seventy-Year Sentence
Josephus has Jeremiah explicitly predict the ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη (seventy years) of servitude. Crucially, Josephus includes the specific mention of Πέρσαι τε καὶ Μῆδοι (Persas and Medes) as the future liberators. For Josephus’s Roman audience, this served to legitimize the Jewish prophetic tradition by showing that their prophets could accurately name the rising and falling of world empires centuries in advance.

Anathoth: A Short Walk to Danger
Josephus notes that Anathoth was εἴκοσι (twenty) stadia from Jerusalem (roughly 2.3 miles). This proximity emphasizes how claustrophobic the atmosphere in Jerusalem had become. Jeremiah couldn't even walk a few miles to his family home without being suspected of αὐτομολοῦντα (deserting/defecting). In a city under siege, the line between "dissent" and "treason" vanishes.

Out of His Mind (ἐξεστηκότα)
The leaders mocked Jeremiah as being "out of his mind." This is a common trope in Josephus: the "madness" of the prophet is actually the only sanity in a city gripped by collective delusion. The tragedy is that the rulers used Jeremiah’s perceived "insanity" as a legal pretext for βασάνους (tortures/judicial examinations).

The Architecture of Plunder
Jeremiah’s prophecy lists a specific sequence of destruction:

1) Famine (λιμῷ)

2) Captivity (αἰχμαλώτους)

3) Plunder of Property (οὐσίας)

4) Desecration of Temple Wealth (πλοῦτον)

5) Arson (ἐμπρήσει)

6) Total Demolition (κατασκάψει)

By detailing these steps, Josephus prepares the reader for the visceral horror of the actual fall of the city, which he will describe in the coming chapters as the ultimate "de-creation" of the Jewish state.

The "Slander" (συκοφαντῶν)
The official who seized Jeremiah is described as a "slanderer." This highlights a theme in Josephus’s work regarding the corruption of the Judean aristocracy. They weren't just making a mistake; they were actively using the machinery of the law (δίκην) to destroy the one man who could have saved the city through surrender.

¹¹⁶ Ἔτει δ᾽ ἐνάτῳ τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας καὶ ἡμέρᾳ δεκάτῃ τοῦ δεκάτου μηνὸς στρατεύει τὸ δεύτερον ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰ καὶ προσκαθίσας αὐτῇ μῆνας ὀκτωκαίδεκα μετὰ πάσης πολιορκεῖ φιλοτιμίας. συνεπέθετο δὲ εἰς ταὐτὸ πολιορκουμένοις τοῖς δύο τὰ μέγιστα τῶν παθῶν, λιμὸς καὶ φθορὰ λοιμικὴ ἐνσκήψαντα σφοδρῶς.

¹¹⁶ "In the ninth year of Zedekiah’s (Sachchias) reign, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the King of the Babylonians campaigned a second time against Jerusalem; and having sat down before it for eighteen months, he besieged it with every bit of ambition. Two of the greatest sufferings—famine and a pestilential plague—fell upon the besieged Jerusalemites at the same time, attacking them with great severity.

¹¹⁶ Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second expedition against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months, and besieged it with the utmost application. There came upon them also two of the greatest calamities at the same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential distemper, and made great havoc of them.

¹¹⁶ In the ninth year of the reign of Sacchias, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the Babylonian king invaded again and intensively besieged Jerusalem for eighteen months. Two major woes afflicted them during the siege of Jerusalem, famine and a plague that wrought havoc among them.

¹¹⁷ ἐν δὲ τῇ εἱρκτῇ τυγχάνων ὁ προφήτης οὐχ ἡσύχαζεν, ἀλλ᾽ καὶ ἐκήρυσσε παραινῶν τῷ πλήθει δέξασθαι τὸν ἀνοίξαντας τὰς πύλας· σωθήσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς πανοικὶ τοῦτο πράξαντας, εἰ δὲ μή, διαφθαρήσεσθαι.

¹¹⁷ Now the prophet Jeremiah, though he happened to be in prison, did not remain silent, but cried out and proclaimed, exhorting the multitude to receive the Babylonian by opening the gates; for he said that by doing this, they would be saved with their entire households, but if not, they would be utterly destroyed.

¹¹⁷ And though the prophet Jeremiah was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the multitude to open their gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that if they did so, they should be preserved, and their whole families; but if they did not so, they should be destroyed;

¹¹⁷ While in prison, the prophet Jeremias did not stay silent but shouted out, urging the people to open their gates and let in the Babylonian. If they did so, they and their families would be saved, but if not they would be destroyed.

¹¹⁸ προύλεγεν δ᾽ ὡς εἰ μὲν ἐπιμένοι τις ἐν τῇ πόλει πάντως ἀπολεῖται θατέρῳ ἢ λιμῷ δαπανηθεὶς ἢ σιδήρῳ τῷ τῶν πολεμίων, εἰ δὲ φύγοι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, διαδράσεται τὸν θάνατον.	¹¹⁸ He foretold that if anyone remained in the city, he would surely perish by one of two things: either consumed by famine or by the sword of the enemy; but if he fled to the enemy, he would escape death.
¹¹⁸ and he foretold, that if any one staid in the city, he should certainly perish by one of these ways,—either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy’s sword; but that if he would flee to the enemy, he should escape death.	¹¹⁸ He also foretold that whoever remained in the city would certainly die by one of two ways, either wasted with hunger or killed by the enemy’s sword, but that if he fled to the enemy, he would escape death.

¹¹⁹ οὐδὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ ὄντες τοῖς δεινοῖς ἐπίστευον οἱ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούοντες τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ὀργῆς ἀπήγγελλον ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ κατηγοροῦντες κατῃτιῶντο κτεῖναι τὸν προφήτην ὡς μεμηνότα καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν προκατακλῶντα καὶ ταῖς τῶν χειρόνων καταγγελίαις τὸ πρόθυμον ἐκλύοντα τοῦ πλήθους· ἕτοιμον γὰρ εἶναι αὐτὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς πατρίδος κινδυνεῦσαι, ὁ δὲ παρῄνει πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους φεύγειν ἁλώσεσθαι λέγων τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ πάντας ἀπολεῖσθαι.

¹¹⁹ But the leaders who heard these things did not believe, even though they were in the midst of such terrors; instead, they went to the king with rage and brought accusations against the prophet, demanding he be put to death as a madman who was breaking their spirits and weakening the resolve of the multitude by his announcements of worse things to come. For they said the people were ready to face danger for him [the king] and the fatherland, while he [Jeremiah] was exhorting them to flee to the enemy, saying the city would be captured and all would perish."

¹¹⁹ Yet did not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they were in the midst of their sore calamities; but they came to the king, and in their anger informed him what Jeremiah had said, and accused him, and complained of the prophet as of a madman, and one that disheartened their minds, and by the denunciation of miseries weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for their country, while he, in a way of threatening, warned them to fly to the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly be taken, and be utterly destroyed.

¹¹⁹ Even in their dire straits the officers who heard did not believe him, but went to the king and angrily told him what Jeremias had said and accusing the prophet with the complaint that he was a madman who by proclaiming such woes lowered the spirits and weakened the people’s enthusiasm. Apart from him they were willing to face dangers to defend their land, while he, with his threats, warned them to flee to the enemy, saying that the city would be taken and all would be destroyed.

The "Ambition" of the Siege (φιλοτιμίας)
Josephus uses the word φιλοτιμίας (ambition/zeal/love of honor) to describe Nebuchadnezzar’s siege. This suggests that for the Babylonian king, the conquest was personal. Having been betrayed by Zedekiah’s broken oath, Nebuchadnezzar was determined to make an example of Jerusalem. The eighteen-month duration reflects a high-intensity blockade designed to starve the city into submission.

The Unholy Trinity of Suffering
Josephus identifies three distinct forces destroying the population:

1) The Sword: The external Babylonian army.

2) Famine (λιμός): The result of the long blockade.

3) Plague (λοιμική): The inevitable consequence of overcrowding and lack of sanitation within a besieged city.

By naming these, Josephus echoes the "tripartite" judgment frequently mentioned in the biblical Book of Jeremiah (Sword, Famine, and Pestilence).

Jeremiah’s "Defeatist" Theology
From a modern military perspective, Jeremiah’s advice would be considered high treason. He was advocating for surrender (δέξασθαι τὸν Βαβυλώνιον) as a religious and practical necessity. Josephus frames this not as cowardice, but as a "theology of survival." Jeremiah realized that the "Sentence of God" was final; therefore, the only remaining moral duty was the preservation of life (πανοικί - with the whole household).

Psychological Warfare and "Spirit-Breaking"
The leaders accused Jeremiah of τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν προκατακλῶντα (breaking/shattering their souls). This is an insightful observation of the psychological state of a besieged people. The ruling elite relied on high morale and "zeal" (πρόθυμον) to keep the defense going. Jeremiah’s message was a direct threat to this wartime propaganda, making him a "security risk" in the eyes of the generals.

The "Madman" Label (μεμηνότα)
The rulers dismissed Jeremiah as a μεμηνότα (madman/maniac). In Josephus’s history, this is a recurring irony: the only person truly sane—the one seeing reality as it is—is branded as insane by those who are hallucinating about an Egyptian rescue or a miraculous victory.

Precise Chronology
Josephus provides the exact date: 9th year, 10th month, 10th day. This date remains significant in the Jewish tradition (the fast of the 10th of Tevet). By providing the exact day, Josephus underscores the historical weight of the event; this was the day the "Noose" was officially placed around the neck of the Judean state.

¹²⁰ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ χρηστότητος καὶ δικαιοσύνης οὐδὲν ἰδίᾳ παρωξύνθη, ἵνα δὲ μὴ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἀπεχθάνηται παρὰ τοιοῦτον καιρὸν ἀντιπράττων αὐτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει, τὸν προφήτην ἐφῆκεν αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν ὅτι ἂν θέλωσιν.

¹²⁰ "The king himself, on account of his goodness and justice, was not personally provoked [by Jeremiah]; however, lest he become hated by the leaders by opposing their will during such a crisis, he permitted them to do to the prophet whatever they wished.

¹²⁰ But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he might not be engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, by opposing what they intended, he let them do with the prophet whatsoever they would;

¹²⁰ Knowing Jeremias' gentle and righteous disposition, the king himself was not personally angry with him but in order to avoid conflict with the officers at such a time, by opposing their intentions, he let them do with the prophet as they wished.

¹²¹ ὡς δὲ τοῦτο ἐφέντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν‎ εἱρκτὴν εἰσελθόντες καὶ παραλαβόντες αὐτὸν εἴς τινα λάκκον βορβόρου πλήρη καθίμησαν, ὅπως ἰδίῳ θανάτῳ πνιγεὶς ἀποθάνῃ. ὁ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ αὐχένος ὑπὸ τοῦ πηλοῦ περισχεθεὶς ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

¹²¹ When the king had granted them this permission, they immediately entered the prison, seized him, and let him down into a certain pit full of mire, so that he might die by a peculiar death, being suffocated. He was thus held fast by the mud up to his neck.

¹²¹ whereupon, when the king had granted them such a permission, they presently came into the prison, and took him, and let him down with a cord into a pit full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So he stood up to the neck in the mire which was all about him, and so continued;

¹²¹ Once the king gave permission, they immediately went to the prison and took him and let him down with a rope into a cistern full of mire, to suffocate and die there; and so he remained standing up to his neck in the mire.

¹²² τῶν δ᾽ οἰκετῶν τις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν τιμῇ τυγχάνων τὸ γένος τὸ περὶ τὸν προφήτην πάθος ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ φάσκων οὐκ ὀρθῶς ταῦτα τοὺς φίλους καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῦ‎ πεποιηκέναι καταποντίσαντας εἰς βόρβορον τὸν προφήτην καὶ τοῦ διὰ τῶν δεσμῶν θανάτου πικρότερον οὕτως ἐσόμενον ἐπινοήσαντας κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎.

¹²² But one of the king’s servants, who happened to be held in honor and was an Ethiopian by birth, reported the suffering of the prophet to the king. He stated that his friends and leaders had not acted rightly in plunging the prophet into the mire, and in devising a death for him more bitter than that of simple bonds.

¹²² but there was one of the king’s servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only.

¹²² But one of the king’s most respected servants, an Ethiopian by race, told the king of the prophet’s state and how his friends and officers had done wrong in setting the prophet in the mire and so contriving a more bitter death for him than that by his chains alone.

¹²³ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ μετανοήσας ἐν τῷ παραδοῦναι τὸν προφήτην τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐκέλευσε τὸν τριάκοντα τῶν βασιλικῶν παραλαβόντα καὶ σχοίνους καὶ πᾶν ὃ πρὸς τὴν‎ τοῦ προφήτου σωτηρίαν ἐπινοεῖν χρήσιμον μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀνελκύσαι τὸν . ὁ δ᾽ παραλαβὼν οὓς ἐπετάγη ἀνέσπασεν ἐκ τοῦ βορβόρου τὸν προφήτην καὶ διαφῆκεν ἀφύλακτον.

¹²³ Having heard this, the king—repenting of having delivered the prophet to the leaders—commanded the Ethiopian to take thirty of the royal men and ropes, and everything useful he could devise for the prophet’s safety, and to pull Jeremiah up with haste. The Ethiopian, taking those he was ordered, drew the prophet out of the mire and let him go unguarded."

¹²³ When the king heard this, he repented of his having delivered up the prophet to the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king’s guards, and cords with them, and whatsoever else they understood to be necessary for the prophet’s preservation, and to draw him up immediately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was ordered to take, and drew up the prophet out of the mire, and left him at liberty [in the prison].

¹²³ When the king heard this, he regretted having given the prophet over to the officers and had the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king’s guards along with ropes and whatever else he thought necessary to save the prophet and to draw him up without delay. So the Ethiopian took the men as ordered and drew up the prophet from the mire and set him free.

The Paradox of "Useless Goodness"
Josephus describes Zedekiah as having χρηστότητος καὶ δικαιοσύνης (goodness and justice). Yet, in the very next breath, he shows the king abandoning a righteous man to a horrific death to avoid being ἀπεχθάνηται (hated) by his generals. For Josephus, Zedekiah serves as a cautionary tale: virtue without the courage to act is indistinguishable from vice in a time of crisis. The king’s "goodness" provides no protection to the prophet.

The Mechanics of a "Peculiar Death"
The leaders chose to let Jeremiah down into a λάκκον βορβόρου (pit of mire/mud). Josephus specifies that this was intended to be an ἰδίῳ θανάτῳ (peculiar/private death). By using suffocation in mud rather than a public execution, the leaders hoped to avoid the political fallout of "spilling the blood" of a recognized prophet while still silencing him forever. Josephus’s detail that the mud was πρὸ τοῦ αὐχένος (up to his neck) emphasizes the slow, claustrophobic terror of the ordeal.

The Ethiopian Outsider: Ebed-Melech
Josephus highlights that the savior of the prophet was an Αἰθίοψ (Ethiopian). In the literary structure of the narrative, the foreigner shows more "Jewish" virtue and "fear of God" than the native Judean leaders. While the king’s "friends" devise a πικρότερον (more bitter) death, the servant speaks truth to power, telling the king directly that the leaders have οὐκ ὀρθῶς (not rightly) acted.

The Repentance of the Weak
The king’s μετανοήσας (repenting) is a recurring theme for Zedekiah. He is a "pendulum" character, swinging between the influence of his wicked advisors and his own conscience. His command to take τριάκοντα (thirty) men suggests he feared the leaders might try to interfere with the rescue. The inclusion of σχοίνους (ropes) and "everything useful" shows a sudden, frantic burst of royal energy to undo a mistake he never should have permitted.

"Let Him Go Unguarded" (ἀφύλακτον)
Josephus ends the scene with the intriguing detail that Jeremiah was released ἀφύλακτον (unguarded/free). This suggests that for a brief moment, the king’s authority overrode the generals, or perhaps the miraculous nature of the rescue (and the dire state of the siege) left the leaders momentarily stunned. It provides a small "grace note" of freedom before the final, crushing fall of the city.

The Psychological Horror of the Siege
This episode illustrates the breakdown of civil society within the walls. When a government begins throwing its critics into pits of slime while an enemy is at the gates, the "moral walls" of the city have already fallen long before the physical ones. Josephus uses this scene to justify the coming Babylonian destruction as a divine cleansing of a corrupted leadership.

¹²⁴ Μεταπεμψαμένου δ᾽ αὐτὸν κρύφα τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τί δύναται φράζειν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα σημαίνειν ἐρομένου, ἔχειν μὲν ἔλεγεν, οὐ πιστευθήσεσθαι δ᾽ εἰπὼν οὐδὲ παραινέσας ἀκουσθήσεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς δὴ μέγα κακόν τι εἰργασμένον ἀπολέσαι διέγνωσαν οἱ σοὶ φίλοι, φησί, καὶ ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οἱ τὸν οὐκέθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐπιστρατεύσειν φάσκοντες καὶ ἀπατῶντες ὑμᾶς; εὐλαβοῦμαι δὲ νῦν γε τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν, μή με κατακρίνῃς θανάτῳ. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ὅρκους αὐτῷ δόντος,

¹²⁴ "The king sent for him secretly and asked what he could tell him from God and what he could signify concerning the present situation. Jeremiah replied that he did have word, but said he would not be believed, nor would his advice be heard; 'Instead,' he said, 'your friends have decided to destroy me as if I had done some great evil. And where are they now—those who said the Babylonian would no longer campaign against us and who deceived you? I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest you condemn me to death.'

¹²⁴ But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired what he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his present circumstances, and desired him to inform him of it, Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat to say; but he said withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; "for," said he, "thy friends have determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some wickedness; and where are now those men who deceived us, and said that the king of Babylon would not come and fight against us any more? but I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me to die."

¹²⁴ The king sent to call him secretly and asked if he had anything to say to him from God regarding the situation. He said, Yes, he had something to say, but it would not be believed, nor would he be heeded if he warned them. "For," he said, "your friends have decided to destroy me, as though I had committed some crime and now where are the men who misled you and said that the Babylonian king would come against us no more? I am now afraid to speak the truth in case you condemn me to die."

¹²⁵ ὡς οὔτε αὐτὸς αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσει οὔτε τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐκδώσει, θαρσήσας τῇ δεδομένῃ πίστει συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ παραδοῦναι τὴν‎ πόλιν τοῖς ΒαβυλωνίοιςBabylonians·	¹²⁵ But when the king gave him oaths that he would neither kill him himself nor hand him over to the leaders, Jeremiah, encouraged by the pledge given to him, advised the king to surrender the city to the Babylonians.
¹²⁵ And when the king had assured him upon oath, that he would neither himself put him to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance that was given him, and gave him this advice: That he should deliver the city up to the Babylonians;	¹²⁵ When the king swore to him that he would neither put him to death nor hand him over to the officers, with that assurance he spoke out and advised him to surrender the city to the Babylonians.

¹²⁶ ταῦτα δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προφητεύειν ἔλεγεν, εἴ γε βούλεται σώζεσθαι καὶ τὸν ἐφεστῶτα κίνδυνον διαφυγεῖν καὶ μήτε τὴν‎ πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος πεσεῖν, μήτε τὸν ναὸν ἐμπρησθέντα γὰρ αὐτὸν τούτων παραίτιον ἔσεσθαι τῶν κακῶν τοῖς πολίταις καὶ αὑτῷ πανοικὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς.

¹²⁶ He said that God prophesied these things through him: that if he wished to be saved and escape the imminent danger, and neither the city to fall to the ground nor the Temple to be burned, he must do this; for otherwise, he himself would be the cause of these evils for the citizens and for his own household in the calamity.

¹²⁶ and he said that it was God who prophesied this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be preserved, and escape out of the danger he was in, and that then neither should the city fall to the ground, nor should the temple be burned; but that [if he disobeyed] he would be the cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens, and of the calamity that would befall his whole house.

¹²⁶ It was God, he said, who prophesied this through him, if he wanted to be saved and escape from the present danger. Then neither would the city fall to the ground, nor would the temple be burned, and he would not be the cause of these woes coming on the citizens and bring disaster to his whole house.

¹²⁷ ὁ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας βούλεσθαι μὲν αὐτὸς ἔφη ποιεῖν ἃ παραινεῖ καὶ λέγει συνοίσειν αὐτῷ γινόμενα, δεδιέναι δὲ τοὺς αὐτομολήσαντας τῶν πρὸς τοὺς , μὴ διαβληθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ κολασθῇ.

¹²⁷ When the king heard this, he said he himself wished to do as he advised and believed it would be to his advantage, but he feared those of his fellow countrymen who had already deserted to the Babylonians, lest he be slandered by them to the [Babylonian] king and punished.

¹²⁷ When the king heard this, he said that he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, and what he declared would be to his advantage, but that he was afraid of those of his own country that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be punished.

¹²⁷ Hearing this, the other said that he would follow his advice, but feared that his fellow countrymen who had deserted to the Babylonians would accuse him to the king and have him punished.

¹²⁸ παρεθάρσυνε δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ προφήτης καὶ μάτην ὑπονοεῖν τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν ἔλεγεν· οὐδενὸς γὰρ κακοῦ πειραθήσεσθαι παραδόντα τοῖς οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸν οὔτε τὰ τέκνα οὔτε τὰς γυναῖκας, μενεῖν δὲ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἀπαθῆ.

¹²⁸ But the prophet encouraged him and said he suspected punishment in vain; for he would experience no evil by surrendering to the Babylonians—neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives—and the Temple would remain unharmed.

¹²⁸ But the prophet encouraged him, and said he had no cause to fear such punishment, for that he should not have the experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the Babylonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives, and that the temple should then continue unhurt.

¹²⁸ But the prophet encouraged him and said he need not fear such punishment and that he, his children and his wives would suffer no evil if he surrendered all to the Babylonians, and the temple would be unharmed.

¹²⁹ καὶ τὸν μὲν ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπέλυσεν προστάξας αὐτῷ πρὸς μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν τὰ δόξαντ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, εἰ μαθόντες αὐτὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μετάπεμπτον γεγονέναι πυνθάνονται τί κληθεὶς εἴποι πρὸς αὐτόν, φράζειν τι τούτων, ἀλλὰ σκήπτεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, ὅτι δεηθείη μὴ ἐν δεσμῷ τυγχάνειν καὶ φυλακῇ.

¹²⁹ After Jeremiah said these things, the king dismissed him, charging him to disclose what they had decided to none of the citizens, nor even to the leaders. If they learned he had been sent for and asked what he said when called, he was not to tell any of these things, but to pretend to them that he had petitioned not to be kept in bonds and prison.

¹²⁹ So when Jeremiah had said this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray what they had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they should have learned that he had been sent for, and should inquire of him what it was that he was sent for, and what he had said to him; but to pretend to them that he besought him that he might not be kept in bonds and in prison.

¹²⁹ When Jeremias had said this, the king let him go, telling him not to speak what they had discussed to any of the citizens, not even to the officers, should they learn that he had been sent for and want to know why and what was said to him, but to pretend to them that he had begged not to be kept chained in prison.

¹³⁰ καὶ δὴ τοῦτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν· ἐπυνθάνοντο γὰρ ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν προφήτην, τί περὶ αὐτῶν ἀφίκοιτοto reach πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα σκήπτεσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἐλέχθη.	¹³⁰ And indeed, he said this to them; for they came to the prophet and asked what he had gone to say to the king. In this manner, these things were spoken."
¹³⁰ And indeed he said so to them; for they came to the prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came to give the king relating to them. And thus I have finished what concerns this matter.	¹³⁰ That is what the prophet said, when they came asking him what he had said to the king. But that was what happened.

The "Secret" Sovereignty
The fact that Zedekiah must meet Jeremiah κρύφα (secretly) reveals that the king is no longer the master of his own palace. He is effectively a prisoner of the "Hawks" in his administration. Josephus portrays a tragic inversion of power: the king seeks divine truth in the dark because he fears the political consequences of the light.

The Logic of the False Prophets
Jeremiah’s rhetorical question—"Where are they now?"—exposes the bankruptcy of the nationalistic party. The false prophets had built their platform on the idea that the Babylonians were gone for good. Now that the city is surrounded, their "policy" is proven false, yet they remain in power through violence and the suppression of dissent.

The King’s Real Fear: Social Shame
A fascinating detail Josephus includes is Zedekiah’s specific fear of the αὐτομολήσαντας (deserters). He isn't just afraid of Nebuchadnezzar; he is afraid of being mocked or slandered by his own subjects who gave up before he did. This "face-saving" mentality is what ultimately prevents him from saving the Temple. He chooses the destruction of a nation over personal social humiliation.

The Last Offer of the Temple
This is the final moment in history where the First Temple could have been saved. Jeremiah is explicit: surrender preserves the ναὸν (Temple). In Josephus’s theology, God is not seeking the destruction of His house; He is seeking the obedience of His people. The burning of the Temple is presented not as an inevitable fate, but as a direct result of Zedekiah’s personal indecision.

The "White Lie" of the Prophet
The scene ends with a touch of political espionage. The King instructs Jeremiah to lie to the generals, and Jeremiah complies. Josephus shows that even a prophet must navigate the "realpolitik" of a corrupt court. By pretending the meeting was about his own prison conditions (δεσμῷ καὶ φυλακῇ), Jeremiah protects the King from a coup, even though the King refuses to protect the city by surrendering.

The "Household" as Stakes
Jeremiah warns that the king will be the cause of calamity for his πανοικὶ (whole household). This is a haunting foreshadowing of the tragedy at Jericho, where Zedekiah’s sons will be slaughtered before his very eyes before he is blinded. Josephus emphasizes that the King’s refusal to act doesn't just affect "the state"—it destroys his family.

Chapter 8
[131-154]
Jerusalem is captured and the Temple destroyed.
Jews brought to Babylon, as foretold by Jeremias and Ezekiel

☜ ☞

¹³¹ Τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας τῶν ὁ ἐντεταμένως σφόδρα καὶ προθύμως εἴχετο· πύργους τε γὰρ μεγάλων οἰκοδομήσας χωμάτων ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνεῖργε τοὺς τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐφεστῶτας, καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τὸν κύκλον ὅλον ἤγειρε χώματα τοῖς τείχεσι τὸ ὕψος ἴσα.

¹³¹ "The Babylonian applied himself to the siege of Jerusalem with extreme intensity and zeal; for having constructed towers upon great mounds, he kept back those stationed on the walls, and he raised many mounds around the entire circuit equal in height to the walls.

¹³¹ Now the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem; and he erected towers upon great banks of earth, and from them repelled those that stood upon the walls; he also made a great number of such banks round about the whole city, whose height was equal to those walls.

¹³¹ The king of Babylon was very engrossed in the siege of Jerusalem and built towers upon high earthworks, from which to repel the men stationed on the walls and the many such earthworks he raised around the city were as high as the walls themselves.

¹³² καρτερῶς δὲ καὶ προθύμως ἔφερον οἱ ἐντὸς τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν· ἔκαμνον γὰρ οὔτε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν οὔτε πρὸς τὴν‎ νόσον τὴν‎ λοιμικήν, ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἔνδον ὑπὸ τούτων ἐλαυνόμενοι τῶν παθῶν τὰς ψυχὰς ἔρρωντο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, μήτε πρὸς τὰς ἐπινοίας τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα καταπληττόμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιμηχανήματα πρὸς πάντα τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἀντεπινοοῦντες·

¹³² Yet those within bore the siege with fortitude and zeal; for they yielded neither to the famine nor to the pestilential disease, but even though they were driven by these sufferings from within, they kept their spirits strong for the war. They were not even terrified by the inventions of the enemy or their siege engines, but devised counter-engines against everything the others thought up.

¹³² However, those that were within bore the siege with courage and alacrity, for they were not discouraged, either by the famine, or by the pestilential distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prosecution of the war, although those miseries within oppressed them also, and they did not suffer themselves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of the enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived still different engines to oppose all the other withal,

¹³² Still, those inside bore the siege with courage and commitment, undaunted either by the hunger or by the infectious illness, and despite their hardships their fighting morale was good and they did not let themselves be worried by the plans of the enemy or by their war-machines, but devised other machines in response to all of them.

¹³³ ὡς εἶναι τὸν ὅλον ἀγῶνα καὶ τοῖς καὶ τοῖς τῆς ὀξύτητος καὶ συνέσεως, τῶν μὲν πλέον ἐν ταύτῃ δυνηθῆναι τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν οἰομένων εἶναι τῆς πόλεως, τῶν δὲ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν ἐν οὐκ ἄλλῳ τιθεμένων ἢ ἐν τῷ μὴ καμεῖν μηδ᾽ ἀπειπεῖν ἀντεφευρίσκοντας οἷς μάταια τὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπελεγχθήσεται μηχανήματα.

¹³³ Thus, the entire struggle between both the Babylonians and the Jerusalemites became a contest of quick-wittedness and intelligence; the former believed their superiority in this would lead to the destruction of the city, while the latter placed their safety in nothing else than in not growing weary or giving up as they invented counter-devices by which the engines of the enemy would be proved useless.

¹³³ till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, which had the greater sagacity and skill; the former party supposing they should be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the enemy’s engines were useless to them.

¹³³ The whole outcome between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem depended on which had more ingenuity and skill. The former expected to overcome and destroy the city; the latter relied on devising ways to make their enemy’s machines ineffective.

¹³⁴ καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑπέμειναν ἐπὶ μῆνας ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἕως οὗ διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν βελῶν, ἅπερ ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων εἰς αὐτοὺς ἠκόντιζον οἱ πολέμιοι.	¹³⁴ And they endured these things for eighteen months, until they were wasted away by the famine and the missiles which the enemy hurled at them from the towers."
¹³⁴ And this siege they endured for eighteen months, until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which the enemy threw at them from the towers.	¹³⁴ And so it went on for eighteen months, until they were destroyed by hunger and by the spears hurled at them from the towers by their opponents.

The Engineering of the Heights
Josephus describes the Babylonian strategy of building χωμάτων (mounds/ramps) and πύργους (towers) to match or exceed the height of Jerusalem’s fortifications. This "vertical warfare" was designed to negate the advantage of the city’s high walls, allowing Babylonian archers and light artillery to shoot down at the defenders.

The Contest of Intelligence (συνέσεως)
Josephus frames the siege as a high-stakes chess match. The Babylonians brought μηχανήματα (siege engines/machines), but the Judeans responded with ἀντιμηχανήματα (counter-engines). This suggests the Judeans were using sophisticated mechanical defense—likely cranes to snag battering rams, padding to soften impact, or specialized catapults. For Josephus, the fall of the city wasn't due to a lack of Judean "brain power," but to the physical exhaustion of the "brain."

Psychosomatic Resilience
The phrase τὰς ψυχὰς ἔρρωντο (their souls/spirits were strong) is powerful. Josephus observes that while their bodies were being "driven" or "hunted" (ἐλαυνόμενοι) by hunger and plague, their mental state remained aggressive. This highlights a recurring theme in Jewish history: the ability of the national spirit to remain "un-terrified" (καταπληττόμενοι) even when the physical biological reality is hopeless.

The Geometry of the Siege
By stating the mounds were τοῖς τείχεσι τὸ ὕψος ἴσα (equal in height to the walls), Josephus emphasizes the claustrophobia of the late-stage siege. The city was no longer a fortress looking down on an enemy; it had become a bowl, with the enemy staring in from every side.

The Fatal Attrition
Ultimately, the Judeans did not lose because their "counter-inventions" failed; they lost because they διεφθάρησαν (were destroyed/wasted away). Josephus identifies the two ultimate killers: λιμοῦ (famine) and βελῶν (missiles). Attrition is the great equalizer; eventually, there were no more healthy men left to operate the "counter-machines."

Hellenistic Historiography
Josephus writes this for a Roman audience familiar with the famous sieges of Alexander the Great or Titus. By emphasizing the "intelligence" (συνέσεως) and "quick-wittedness" (ὀξύτητος) of the Jewish defenders, he is telling his Roman readers: "Do not think these people were primitive; they were masters of military science."

¹³⁵ Ἡιρέθη δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας τοῦ τετάρτου μηνὸς τῇ ἐνάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ. εἷλον δ᾽ οὖν οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῶν , οἷς ἐπίστευσε τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ὁ · αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐν διέτριβε πόλει. τὰ δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ὀνόματα, εἴ τις ἐπιζητήσειε γνῶναι, οἵτινες τὰ πορθήσαντες ὑπέταξαν, ἦν Ῥεγάλσαρος, Ἀρέμαντος, Σεμέγαρος, Ναβώσαρις, Ἀχαράμψαρις.

¹³⁵ "The city was taken in the eleventh year of Zedekiah’s reign, on the ninth day of the fourth month. The commanders of the Babylonians, to whom Nebuchadnezzar had entrusted the siege, took it—for he himself was staying in the city of Riblah (Arabatha). The names of the commanders, should anyone seek to know them, who stormed and subdued Jerusalem, were Regalsaros, Aremantos, Semegaros, Nabosaris, and Acharampsaris.

¹³⁵ Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care of the siege, for he abode himself in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one desire to know them, were these: Nergal Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sorsechim, and Rabmag.

¹³⁵ The city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Sacchias. It was captured by the Babylonian generals to whom Nabuchodonosor entrusted the care of the siege, while he remained in the city of Arabatha. If one wishes to know them, the names of the generals who took and subdued Jerusalem, were Regalsaros, Aremantos, Semegaros, Nabosaris and Acharamsaris.

¹³⁶ ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως περὶ μέσην νύκτα καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τῶν πολεμίων εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν γνοὺς ὁ Σαχχίας ὁ βασιλεύς, παραλαβὼν τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τοὺς φίλους φεύγει μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως διὰ τῆς καρτερᾶς φάραγγος καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου.

¹³⁶ When the city was captured around midnight and the commanders of the enemy had entered the Temple, King Zedekiah realized it. Taking his wives, children, commanders, and friends, he fled with them from the city through the fortified ravine and through the wilderness.

¹³⁶ And when the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy’s generals were entered into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his wives, and his children, and his captains, and his friends, and with them fled out of the city, through the fortified ditch, and through the desert;

¹³⁶ When the city was taken about midnight and the enemy generals had entered the temple and Sacchias learned of it, he took his wives and children and his officers and friends and fled with them from the city, out through the fortified gully and through the desert.

¹³⁷ φρασάντων δὲ τοῦτό τινων αὐτομόλων τοῖς ὑπὸ τὸν ὄρθρον ὥρμησαν διώκειν αὐτόν, καταλαβόντες δὲ οὐκ ἄπωθεν ἐκυκλώσαντο αὐτόν· οἱ δὲ φίλοι καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες οἱ συμφυγόντες τῷ Σαχχίᾳ ἐπεὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγὺς ὄντας εἶδον, καταλιπόντες αὐτὸν διεσπάρησαν ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ καὶ σώζειν ἑαυτὸν ἕκαστος ἔγνω.

¹³⁷ But when some deserters reported this to the Babylonians toward dawn, they set out to pursue him; having overtaken him not far from Jericho, they surrounded him. The friends and commanders who had fled with Zedekiah, when they saw the enemy near, abandoned him and scattered here and there, each deciding to save himself.

¹³⁷ and when certain of the deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at break of day, they made haste to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city with him, when they saw their enemies near them, they left him, and dispersed themselves, some one way, and some another, and every one resolved to save himself;

¹³⁷ When some deserters told this to the Babylonians, at daybreak they hurried in pursuit of Sacchias and caught up with him and surrounded him not far from Jericho. The friends and officers who had fled with Sacchias from the city, seeing the enemies so near, left him and scattered in all directions, each trying to save himself.

¹³⁸ περιλειφθέντα τε αὐτὸν σὺν ὀλίγοις ζωγρήσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι μετὰ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ἤγαγον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. παραγενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Ναβουχοδονόσαρος ἀσεβῆ καὶ παράσπονδον ἀποκαλεῖν ἤρξατο καὶ ἀμνήμονα τῶν πρόσω λόγων, οὓς ἐποιήσατο σώζειν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ χώραν ὑποσχόμενος.

¹³⁸ When he was left with only a few, the enemy took him alive, along with his children and wives, and brought them to the king [Nebuchadnezzar]. When he arrived, Nebuchadnezzar began to call him impious and a covenant-breaker, unmindful of his former words, in which he had promised to preserve the country for him.

¹³⁸ so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with his children and his wives, and brought him to the king. When he was come, Nebuchadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten his former words, when he promised to keep the country for him.

¹³⁸ Thus, left with only a few, Sacchias and his children and wives were taken alive by the enemy and brought to the king. When he arrived, Nabuchodonosor began to call him a wicked wretch and a breaker of oaths who had forgotten his former promise to hold the land for him.

¹³⁹ ὠνείδιζε δὲ καὶ ἀχαριστίαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μὲν λαβόντι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν, Ἰωακείμου γὰρ αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἀφελόμενον ἐκείνῳ δοῦναι, χρησαμένῳ δὲ τῇ δυνάμει κατὰ τοῦ παρασχόντος· " ἀλλὰ μέγας, εἶπεν, ὁ θεός, ὃς μισήσας σου τὸν τρόπον ὑποχείριον ἡμῖν ἔθηκε.

¹³⁹ He also upbraided him for ingratitude, since he had received the kingship from him—for Nebuchadnezzar had taken it from Jehoiachin and given it to him—yet he had used his power against the one who provided it. 'But great is God,' he said, 'who, hating your character, has placed you in our hands.'

¹³⁹ He also reproached him for his ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and given it to him, he had made use of the power he gave him against him that gave it; "but," said he, "God is great, who hated that conduct of thine, and hath brought thee under us."

¹³⁹ He rebuked him for his ingratitude, that after receiving the kingdom from him, who had passed it to him after taking it from Joachim, he had used his power against the one who gave it to him. "But great is God" he said, "who hated your ways and has brought you under us."

¹⁴⁰ χρησάμενος δὲ τούτοις πρὸς Σαχχίαν τοῖς λόγοις τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀνελεῖν καὶ τοὺς φίλους παραχρῆμα αὐτοῦ‎ τε Σαχχίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αἰχμαλώτων βλεπόντων, ἔπειτα τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐκκόψας τοῦ Σαχχίου δήσας ἤγαγεν εἰς .

¹⁴⁰ After speaking these words to Zedekiah, he commanded that his sons and friends be slaughtered immediately, while Zedekiah himself and the other captives looked on; then, having gouged out the eyes of Zedekiah, he bound him and led him to Babylon.

¹⁴⁰ And when he had used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons and his friends to be slain, while Zedekiah and the rest of the captains looked on; after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him, and carried him to Babylon.

¹⁴⁰ When he had said this to Sacchias, he ordered his sons and his friends to be killed, while Sacchias and the rest of the captives looked on. After this he put out the eyes of Sacchias and took him to Babylon in chains.

¹⁴¹ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ συνέβη, ἃ τε καὶ Ἰεζεκίηλος προεφήτευσαν αὐτῷ, ὅτι ἀχθήσεται πρὸς τὸν καὶ λαλήσει αὐτῷ κατὰ στόμα καὶ ὄψεται τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ‎. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν εἶπε, τυφλωθεὶς δὲ καὶ ἀχθεὶς εἰς ταύτην οὐκ εἶδε καθὼς Ἰεζεκίηλος προεῖπε.

¹⁴¹ Thus happened to him what both Jeremiah and Ezekiel had prophesied: that being captured, he would be led to the Babylonian, would speak to him mouth to mouth, and would see his eyes with his own eyes. Jeremiah spoke these things; but having been blinded and led to Babylon, he did not see the city, exactly as Ezekiel had foretold."

¹⁴¹ And these things happened to him, as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah prophesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel.

¹⁴¹ Just as Jeremias and Ezekiel had foretold, he was caught and brought before the Babylonian king and spoke to him face to face and looked him in the eye, as Jeremias said. But he was also blinded and brought to Babylon without seeing it, as Ezekiel had predicted.

The midnight Breach and the "Fortified Ravine"
The fall of Jerusalem happens περὶ μέσην νύκτα (around midnight), adding a layer of terror and confusion to the collapse. Zedekiah’s escape route through a "fortified ravine" likely refers to the Kidron Valley or a hidden postern gate near the King’s Garden. This was the only topographical exit not fully sealed by the Babylonian mounds, leading toward the Judean desert.

The List of Names: Historical "Texture"
Josephus provides a list of Babylonian names (Regalsaros, Nabosaris, etc.). These are Hellenized versions of Akkadian names found in the biblical account (Jeremiah 39:3), such as Nergal-sharezer and Nebushazban. By including these names, Josephus moves the narrative from mythic tragedy to historical record, inviting his readers to verify the "who’s who" of the conquest.

The Desert Betrayal
A recurring theme in Josephus is the fragility of human loyalty. As soon as the Babylonian cavalry appears on the plains of Jericho, the king’s "friends and commanders" (φίλοι καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες) scatter. The imagery of the king left alone in the barren desert with only his family is a stark contrast to the "ambitious" defense of the city walls described earlier.

The Charge of "Ingratitude" (ἀχαριστίαν)
Nebuchadnezzar’s speech is not just a rant; it is a legal indictment. In the ancient world, ἀχαριστία (ingratitude) toward a benefactor was a grave moral failing. Nebuchadnezzar reminds Zedekiah that his very crown was a gift from Babylon. By framing the conquest as God "hating" Zedekiah’s character, Nebuchadnezzar presents himself as the instrument of divine justice rather than a mere foreign invader.

The Brutal Paradox: Blindness and Sight
Josephus masterfully resolves the "contradictory" prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel that had caused Zedekiah to doubt:

1) Jeremiah’s Accuracy: Zedekiah saw Nebuchadnezzar "eye to eye" at Riblah.

2) Ezekiel’s Accuracy: Because his eyes were gouged out immediately after, he arrived in Babylon but "did not see it."

The slaughter of his sons as the last thing he ever saw was a calculated psychological cruelty intended to leave that image burned into his mind for the rest of his sightless life.

The "Covenant-Breaker" (παράσπονδον)
Nebuchadnezzar calls him παράσπονδον—one who violates a treaty or truce. For Josephus’s Roman readers, this was the ultimate sin. Rome’s own legal system (ius fetiale) was built on the sanctity of international treaties. By highlighting Zedekiah’s broken oath, Josephus explains to the Romans why God allowed the "Holy City" to fall: it wasn't because the Babylonian gods were stronger, but because the Judean king was legally and morally in the wrong.

¹⁴² Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἱκανῶς ἐμφανίσαι δυνάμενα τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν εἰρήκαμεν, ὅτι ποικίλη τέ ἐστι καὶ πολύτροπος καὶ καθ᾽ ὥραν ἀπαντᾷ τεταγμένως, ἅ τε δεῖ γενέσθαι προλέγει, τήν τε τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄγνοιαν καὶ ἀπιστίαν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς οὐδὲν προιδεῖν εἰάθησαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, ἀφύλακτοι δὲ ταῖς συμφοραῖς παρεδόθησαν, ὡς ἀμήχανον αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὴν‎ ἐξ αὐτῶν πεῖραν διαφυγεῖν.

¹⁴² "Now then, we have said these things because they are sufficient to manifest the nature of God to those who are ignorant of it: that it is diverse and many-sided, and that it meets us in an orderly fashion according to the appointed time; He foretells what must happen, as well as the ignorance and disbelief of men, by which they were permitted to foresee none of the things about to come to pass, but were delivered unprotected to their calamities, so that it was impossible for them to escape the experience of them.

¹⁴² We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many different ways, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their proper season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid the experience of those calamities.

¹⁴² We have said this to clearly manifest the nature of God to people unaware of it, that it is various and acts in many different ways and yet all happens in its proper season and that He foretells what must happen. It also shows the ignorance and incredulity of men, by which they are not allowed to foresee the future and are exposed to disasters unguarded, so that it is impossible for them to avoid experiencing them.

¹⁴³ Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐκ τοῦ γένους βασιλεύσαντες οὕτως κατέστρεψαν τὸν βίον, εἴκοσι μὲν καὶ εἷς γενόμενοι μέχρι τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως, ἔτη δὲ πάντες βασιλεύσαντες πεντακόσια καὶ δεκατέσσαρα καὶ μῆνας ἓξ καὶ ἡμέρας δέκα, ἐξ ὧν εἴκοσι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν κατέσχεν ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν βασιλεὺς οὐκ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς φυλῆς ὑπάρχων.

¹⁴³ In this way, those of the lineage of David who reigned ended their lives, there being twenty-one of them down to the last king. All together they reigned for five hundred and fourteen years, six months, and ten days—among whom the first to hold the government was Saul, who reigned for twenty years, though he did not belong to the same tribe."

¹⁴³ And after this manner have the kings of David’s race ended their lives, being in number twenty-one, until the last king, who all together reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first king, retained the government twenty years, though he was not of the same tribe with the rest.

¹⁴³ That is how the kings of David’s line came to an end, who numbered twenty-one up to the last king, and all together they had ruled for five hundred and fourteen years and six months and ten days. Of these, Saul, their first king, ruled for twenty years, though he was not of that same tribe.

The "Many-Sided" Nature of God
Josephus uses the evocative terms ποικίλη (diverse/intricate) and πολύτροπος (many-sided/versatile) to describe God’s nature. For a Greek or Roman reader used to capricious gods, Josephus argues that the Jewish God is complex but τεταγμένως (orderly). The irony he highlights is that God’s "order" includes the "ignorance" of men; the prophecy is clear, but the human heart is programmed by its own disbelief to ignore the exit ramps.

The Paradox of Foreknowledge
Josephus makes a chilling observation about the human condition: men are ἀφύλακτοι (unprotected/off-guard) precisely because of their ἀπιστίαν (disbelief). He suggests that the "calamity" isn't just the Babylonian army; the calamity is the psychological blindness that prevents a leader like Zedekiah from acting on the warnings he was given. Once the prophecy is uttered and ignored, the experience (πεῖραν) becomes inescapable (ἀμήχανον).

Chronological Precision: 514 Years
Josephus is famous for his obsession with numbers. He calculates the duration of the monarchy at 514 years, 6 months, and 10 days. This extreme precision is a hallmark of Hellenistic historiography, intended to give his work the weight of an official state record. It signals the end of the "First Temple Period" not as a vague legend, but as a documented historical span.

The "Saul" Problem
Josephus includes Saul in his count of the monarchy but explicitly notes he was οὐκ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς φυλῆς (not of the same tribe). Saul was a Benjaminite, while the "eternal" dynasty belonged to Judah (David). By starting the count with Saul but distinguishing him from the Davidic line, Josephus acknowledges the transition from a charismatic judgeship-style kingship to a settled, hereditary dynasty.

The "Ignorance" of the Audience
Josephus writes for those ἀγνοοῦσιν (ignorant/unaware) of God’s nature. This is a subtle dig at the Greco-Roman world. He is essentially saying: "You think our God failed because our city was burned? No, our God succeeded because he told us exactly how and why it would burn, and we were too foolish to listen." This turns a national tragedy into a theological triumph.

The End of the Line
The mention of εἴκοσι μὲν καὶ εἷς (twenty-one) kings underscores the exhaustion of a lineage. For Josephus, the number 21 marks a complete cycle. The Davidic "life" (βίον) has reached its κατέστρεψαν (turning point/end), moving the narrative of the Jewish people from the age of Kings to the age of Priests and Prophets in exile.

¹⁴⁴ Ὁ δὲ πέμπει τὸν αὑτοῦ στρατηγὸν εἰς συλήσοντα τὸν ναόν, προστάξας ἅμα καὶ καταπρῆσαι αὐτόν τε καὶ τὰ βασίλεια τήν τε πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος καθελεῖν καὶ τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὴν‎ μεταστῆσαι.

¹⁴⁴ "Now the Babylonian [king] sent his general, Nebuzaradan (Nabouzardanēn), to Jerusalem to plunder the Temple, having commanded him also to burn both it and the royal palaces, to raze the city to the ground, and to deport the people to Babylonia.

¹⁴⁴ And now it was that the king of Babylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, who had it also in command to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay the city even with the ground, and to transplant the people into Babylon.

¹⁴⁴ The Babylonian king sent Nabuzardanes, the general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, with the command to burn it and the royal palace and to flatten the city to the ground and deport the people into Babylon.

¹⁴⁵ ὃς γενόμενος ἐν τοῖς ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας συλᾷ τε τὸν ναὸν καὶ βαστάζει τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λουτῆρα, ὃν ἀνέθηκαν, ἔτι γε μὴν τοὺς στύλους τοὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν τάς τε χρυσᾶς τραπέζας καὶ τὰς λυχνίας.

¹⁴⁵ Having arrived in Jerusalem in the eleventh year of Zedekiah’s (Sachchias) reign, he plundered the Temple and carried off the vessels of God, both gold and silver, and especially the great laver which Solomon had dedicated, as well as the bronze pillars and their capitals, and the golden tables and the lampstands.

¹⁴⁵ Accordingly, he came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried out the vessels of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that large laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden tables and the candlesticks;

¹⁴⁵ He came to Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Sacchias and pillaged the temple and carried off the gold and silver vessels of God, including the large laver set up by Solomon, and the pillars of brass and their capitals, with the golden tables and the candlesticks.

¹⁴⁶ βαστάσας δὴ ταῦτα ἀνῆψε τὸν ναὸν μηνὶ πέμπτῳ τῇ νουμηνίᾳ ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς Σαχχίου βασιλείας, ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς ΝαβουχοδονοσόρουNabuchodonosor· ἐνέπρησε δὲ καὶ τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν κατέστρεψεν.	¹⁴⁶ After carrying these things off, he set fire to the Temple on the first day of the fifth month, in the eleventh year of Zedekiah’s reign and the eighteenth of Nebuchadnezzar’s. He also burned the royal palaces and destroyed the city.
¹⁴⁶ and when he had carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar: he also burnt the palace, and overthrew the city.	¹⁴⁶ After removing these, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Sacchias and the eighteenth year of Nabuchodonosor, and also burned the palace and destroyed the city.

¹⁴⁷ ἐνεπρήσθη δὲ ὁ ναὸς μετὰ τετρακόσια ἔτη καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ μῆνας ἓξ καὶ δέκα ἡμέρας, ἀφ᾽ οὗ κατεσκευάσθη· τῇ δ᾽ ἐξ μεταναστάσει τοῦ λαοῦ τότε ἦν ἔτη χίλια μῆνες ἓξ ἡμέρᾳ δέκα· τῷ δὲ κατακλυσμῷ μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ πορθήσεως χρόνος ἦν ὁ πᾶς ἐτῶν χιλίων ἐνακοσίων πεντηκονταεπτὰ μηνῶν ἓξ ἡμερῶν δέκα·

¹⁴⁷ The Temple was burned four hundred and seventy years, six months, and ten days after it was built. From the departure of the people out of Egypt, it was then one thousand sixty-two years, six months, and ten days. From the Flood until the destruction of the Temple, the entire time was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days.

¹⁴⁷ Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six months, and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty-two years, six months, and ten days from the departure out of Egypt; and from the deluge to the destruction of the temple, the whole interval was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days;

¹⁴⁷ The temple was burned four hundred and seventy years, six months and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty-two years, six months and ten days since the exodus from Egypt, and the whole period from the flood to the destruction of the temple was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months and ten days.

¹⁴⁸ ἐξ οὗ δ᾽ ἐγεννήθη ὁ μέχρι τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν συμβάντων ἔτη ἐστὶ τετρακισχίλια πεντακόσια δεκατρία μῆνες ἓξ ἡμέρᾳ δέκα. τοσοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸ τούτων τῶν ἐτῶν πλῆθος· ὅσα γε μὴν ἐπράχθη καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν συμβεβηκότων δεδηλώκαμεν.

¹⁴⁸ And from the birth of Adam until the events concerning the Temple, there are four thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days. Such, then, is the number of these years; and we have set forth the things done in each of these occurrences.

¹⁴⁸ but from the generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days; so great was the number of years hereto belonging. And what actions were done during these years we have particularly related.

¹⁴⁸ The period from the generation of Adam until the ruin of the temple was three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months and ten days. We have reported in some detail what was done during that time.

¹⁴⁹ ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τοῦ βασιλέως κατασκάψας τὰ καὶ τὸν λαὸν μεταναστήσας ἔλαβεν αἰχμαλώτους τὸν ἀρχιερέα Σεβαῖον καὶ τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱερέα Σεφενίαν καὶ τοὺς φυλάσσοντας τὸ ἱερὸν ἡγεμόνας, τρεῖς δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι, καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν εὐνοῦχον καὶ τοὺς φίλους τοῦ Σαχχίου ἑπτὰ καὶ τὸν γραμματέα αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας ἑξήκοντα, οὓς ἅπαντας μεθ᾽ ὧν ἐσύλησε σκευῶν ἐκόμισε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα εἰς Σαλάβαθα πόλιν τῆς .

¹⁴⁹ The general of the Babylonian king, having razed Jerusalem and deported the people, took as captives the High Priest Seraiah (Sebaios) and the priest next after him, Zephaniah (Sephenian), and the leaders who guarded the Temple—there were three of these—along with the eunuch over the men-at-arms, seven of Zedekiah’s friends, his secretary, and sixty other leaders. All these, together with the vessels he had plundered, he brought to the king at Riblah (Salabatha), a city of Syria.

¹⁴⁹ But the general of the Babylonian king now overthrew the city to the very foundations, and removed all the people, and took for prisoners the high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch who was over the armed men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers; all which, together with the vessels which they had pillaged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria.

¹⁴⁹ The general of the Babylonian king now destroyed the city to its foundations and deported all the people and took prisoner the high priest Sebaios and with him Sephenias the priest and the officers who guarded the temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch in charge of the warriors and seven friends of Sacchias and his scribe and sixty other officers; all these, with the vessels he had pillaged, he brought to the Babylonian king at Salabatha, a city of Syria.

¹⁵⁰ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῦ μὲν ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐκέλευσεν ἐκεῖ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποτεμεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ πάντας τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὸν Σαχχίαν εἰς δέσμιον ἐπήγετο καὶ Ἰωσάδακον τὸν ἀρχιερέα ὄντα υἱὸν Σαραία τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ὃν ἀπέκτεινεν ὁ ἐν Ἀριβαθᾶ πόλει τῆς , ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.

¹⁵⁰ The king commanded that the heads of the High Priest and the leaders be cut off there. He himself then led all the captives and Zedekiah in bonds to Babylon, along with Jozadak (Iosadakon), who was the High Priest and the son of Seraiah, the High Priest whom the Babylonian had killed in Riblah, a city of Syria, as has been set forth by us before."

¹⁵⁰ So the king commanded the heads of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off there; but he himself led all the captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we just now related.

¹⁵⁰ The king had the high priest and the officers beheaded there, but he led all the prisoners and Sacchias to Babylon. He also led away bound the priest Josadak, the son of the high priest Saraias, whom the Babylonian king had killed in the city of Aribatha in Syria, as we reported earlier.

The Anatomy of Plunder
Josephus highlights specific architectural and liturgical items: the λουτῆρα (the "Brazen Sea"), the στύλους (the pillars Jachin and Boaz), and the λυχνίας (the Menorahs). By naming these, Josephus emphasizes that the Babylonians didn't just take "treasure"; they dismantled the very symbols of cosmic order established by Solomon.

The Chronological "Anchor"
Josephus’s obsession with precise dates (down to the day) is his way of proving the reliability of Jewish records to a skeptical Roman audience. He places the Temple’s life at 470 years. More importantly, he connects this event to a universal timeline:

1) The Exodus: ~1,062 years prior.

2) The Flood: ~1,957 years prior.

3) Adam: ~4,513 years prior.

By doing this, he argues that the fall of Jerusalem is not a local tribal setback, but a pivotal moment in the history of the entire human race.

The Execution at Riblah
Riblah (which Josephus calls Salabatha or Aribatha) served as Nebuchadnezzar’s mobile headquarters. The execution of the High Priest Seraiah and the "friends" of the king was a calculated political act. By beheading the religious and administrative elite, Nebuchadnezzar ensured that the remaining Judean "remnant" would be leaderless and incapable of organized revolt.

The Survival of the Priesthood
Despite the execution of High Priest Seraiah, Josephus notes that his son Jozadak was spared and taken to Babylon. This is a crucial detail for Josephus, who was a priest himself. It demonstrates that while the Temple was destroyed and the King blinded, the High Priestly line survived. This "thread of continuity" would eventually lead to the rebuilding of the Temple under Cyrus.

A Tale of Two Kings' Years
Josephus synchronizes the 11th year of the Judean king with the 18th year of the Babylonian king. This dual-dating system was the ancient equivalent of a "cross-reference," allowing readers from different parts of the Empire to verify the date in their own regional chronicles.

The "Total" Destruction (καταπρῆσαι / καθελεῖν)
The Greek verbs used—to "burn down" and "tear down to the ground"—describe a scorched-earth policy. Nebuchadnezzar wasn't just conquering a city; he was attempting to delete a capital from the map. Josephus wants his readers to feel the absolute silence that followed the departure of Nebuzaradan’s army.

¹⁵¹ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ γένος διεξήλθομεν τὸ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τίνες ἦσαν δεδηλώκαμεν καὶ τοὺς χρόνους αὐτῶν, ἀναγκαῖον καὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων εἰπεῖν τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ τίνες ἦσαν οἱ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην καταδείξαντες ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι.

¹⁵¹ "Since we have gone through the lineage of the kings and have shown who they were and their chronologies, I deemed it necessary to also mention the names of the high priests, and who those were that held the high priesthood under the kings.

¹⁵¹ And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the kings, and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set down the names of the high priests, and who they were that succeeded one another in the high priesthood under the Kings.

¹⁵¹ Since we have numbered the succession of the kings and who they were and how long they ruled, I think it necessary to set down the names of the high priests and who succeeded each other in the high priesthood under the Kings.

¹⁵² πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ἀρχιερεὺς ἐγένετο τοῦ ναοῦ, ὃν ᾠκοδόμησε· μετ᾽ αὐτὸν δ᾽ ὁ υἱὸς διαδέχεται τὴν‎ τιμὴν καὶ μετὰ , τούτου δὲ , τοῦ δὲ Ἴως, μετ᾽ αὐτὸν δὲ Ἀξιώραμος,

¹⁵² First, then, Zadok (Sadokos) became the high priest of the Temple which Solomon built. After him, his son Ahimaaz (Achimas) succeeded to the honor; and after Ahimaaz, Azariah (Azarias); after him, Joram (Iōramos); after Joram, Jos (Iōs); after him, Axioram (Axioramos);

¹⁵² The first high priest then at the temple which Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity; after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram’s son was Isus; after him was Axioramus;

¹⁵² The first high priest of the temple which Solomon built was Sadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity and after Achimas came Azarias; his son was Joram and Joram’s son was Jos and after him was Axioramus.

¹⁵³ τοῦ δὲ Ἀξιωράμου Φιδέας, τοῦ δὲ Φιδέα Σουδαίας, τοῦ δὲ Σουδαία Ἰουῆλος, τοῦ δὲ , δὲ , δὲ Νηρίας, Νηρία δὲ Ὠδαίας, τοῦ δὲ Σαλοῦμος, Σαλούμου δὲ Ἐλκίας, Ἐλκία δ᾽ Ἄζαρος, τοῦ δὲ Ἰωσάδακος ὁ αἰχμαλωτισθεὶς εἰς . οὗτοι πάντες παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς διεδέξαντο τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην.

¹⁵³ after Axioram, Phideas (Phideas); after Phideas, Sudeas (Soudais); after Sudeas, Juhil (Iouēlos); after him, Jotham (Iōthamos); after Jotham, Urias (Ourias); after Urias, Nerias (Nērias); after Nerias, Odais (Ōdais); after him, Shallum (Saloumos); after Shallum, Hilkiah (Elkias); after Hilkiah, Azaros (Azaros); and after him, Jozadak (Iosadakos), who was led captive to Babylon. All these succeeded to the high priesthood from father to son.

¹⁵³ his son was Phidens, and Phideas’s son was Sudeas, and Sudeas’s son was Juelus, and Juelus’s son was Jotham, and Jotham’s son was Urias, and Urias’s son was Nerias, and Nerias’s son was Odeas, and his son was Sallumus, and Sallumus’s son was Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive to Babylon. All these received the high priesthood by succession, the sons from their father.

¹⁵³ The son of Axioramus was Phideas and he had Sudeas, and Sudeas had Juelus whose son was Jotham. Jotham’s son was Urias and Urias had Nerias and Nerias had Odeas whose son was Sallumus. Sallumus had Elkias and Elkias had Azaros, whose son was Josadak, who was taken captive to Babylon. All these held the high priesthood in succession, from father to son.

¹⁵⁴ Παραγενόμενος δ᾽ εἰς ὁ βασιλεὺς Σαχχίαν μὲν εἶχεν ἄχρις οὗ καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν εἱρκτῇ, θάψας δ᾽ αὐτὸν βασιλικῶς τὰ σκεύη τὰ ἐκ τοῦ συληθέντα ναοῦ ἀνέθηκε τοῖς ἰδίοις θεοῖς, τὸν δὲ λαὸν κατῴκισεν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἀπέλυσε τῶν δεσμῶν.

¹⁵⁴ Now when the king [Nebuchadnezzar] arrived in Babylon, he kept Zedekiah (Sachchian) in prison until he died; but having given him a royal burial, he dedicated the vessels plundered from the Temple of Jerusalem to his own gods. He settled the people in the region of Babylonia and released the high priest [Jozadak] from his bonds."

¹⁵⁴ When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the people in the country of Babylon, but freed the high priest from his bonds.

¹⁵⁴ When the king came to Babylon, he kept Sacchias in prison until he died and gave him royal burial. He dedicated the vessels he had pillaged from the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods and settled the people in the region of Babylon, but set the high priest free from his chains.

The Stability of the Priesthood
Josephus emphasizes that the high priesthood passed παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς (from father to son). In his view, while the monarchy was often unstable and plagued by coups or half-brothers vying for power, the Zadokite priesthood represented an unbroken chain of biological and spiritual continuity. For Josephus’s readers, this list proves that the Jewish "constitution" survived the fires of 586 BCE through the bloodline of the priests.

The Zadokite Identity
The list begins with Zadok, the priest who famously remained loyal to Solomon. By naming this specific line, Josephus distinguishes the "legitimate" high priests of the First Temple from the more politically volatile priesthoods of his own day (the Herodian and Roman periods). This was a matter of professional pride and historical legitimacy for Josephus.

Zedekiah’s "Royal Burial"
Josephus adds a detail not found in the primary biblical narrative: Nebuchadnezzar buried Zedekiah βασιλικῶς (royally). This suggests that despite the blinding and the execution of his sons, the Babylonian king eventually acknowledged Zedekiah’s status as a fellow monarch. In the ancient world, a royal burial was a significant act of "post-mortem" reconciliation, restoring a shred of dignity to the last King of Judah.

The Transference of the Sacred
Nebuchadnezzar dedicated the Jewish Temple vessels τοῖς ἰδίοις θεοῖς (to his own gods). This was a standard practice in ancient Near Eastern "theological warfare." By placing the gold of Yahweh in the temple of Marduk (Bel), Nebuchadnezzar was signaling the total victory of the Babylonian gods. However, for Josephus’s readers, this also explains how the vessels were preserved so that they could eventually be returned by Cyrus the Great decades later.

Jozadak’s Freedom
The passage ends on a note of cautious hope: the high priest Jozadak was ἀπέλυσε τῶν δεσμῶν (released from bonds). While the King died in prison, the High Priest was free. This marks the moment when the high priest becomes the primary representative and "head" of the Jewish people in exile—a role the priesthood would maintain until the Hasmonean era.

The "Babylonitis" Settlement
Josephus uses the term Βαβυλωνίτιδι χώρᾳ to describe the region of settlement. This aligns with historical records showing that the Judean exiles were settled in productive agricultural areas near Nippur and the Chebar canal. It was not a "prison camp" but a forced relocation where the Judeans were able to maintain their identity and, as Jeremiah had advised, "build houses and plant gardens."

Chapter 9
[155-185]
Ruler Gadalias is killed.
Reprisals against the Jews who had fled to Egypt.

☜ ☞

¹⁵⁵ Ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς Ναβουζαρδάνης αἰχμαλωτίσας τὸν τῶν λαὸν τοὺς πένητας καὶ αὐτομόλους ἐκεῖ κατέλιπεν ἀποδείξας αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνα ὄνομ᾽ Ἀικάμου παῖδα τῶν εὖ γεγονότων ἐπιεικῆ καὶ δίκαιον, ἐπέταξε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ χώραν ἐργαζομένοις τῷ βασιλεῖ τελεῖν φόρον ὡρισμένον.

¹⁵⁵ "Now the general Nebuzaradan (Nabouzardanēs), having taken the Hebrew people captive, left behind the poor and the deserters there, appointing as their governor a man named Gedaliah (Gadalian), the son of Ahikam (Aikamou), who was of noble birth, equitable, and just; he commanded them to work the land and pay a fixed tribute to the king.

¹⁵⁵ Now the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, when he had carried the people of the Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted, in the country, and made one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle and righteous disposition.

¹⁵⁵ General Nabuzardanes, brought the Hebrew people into captivity, leaving behind the poor and the deserters, and appointed as their ruler Gadalias, son of Ahikam, of a noble family. Gentle and just by nature, he directed them to cultivate the land and pay an appointed tax to the king.

¹⁵⁶ δὲ τὸν προφήτην λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἔπειθεν εἰς σὺν αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι· κεκελεῦσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ χορηγεῖν· εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ βούλεται, δηλοῦν αὐτῷ ποῦ μένειν διέγνωκεν, ἵνα τοῦτο ἐπισταλῇ τῷ βασιλεῖ.

¹⁵⁶ Having taken the prophet Jeremiah out of prison, the general tried to persuade him to go with him to Babylon, saying he had been ordered by the king to supply him with everything; but if he did not wish this, he should tell him where he had decided to stay, so that this might be reported to the king.

¹⁵⁶ He also commanded them that they should cultivate the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon, for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; and if he did not like to do so, he desired him to inform him where he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same to the king.

¹⁵⁶ He also let Jeremias the prophet out of prison and tried to persuade him to go with him to Babylon, as he had been ordered by the king to provide him with whatever he wanted; but if he did not wish to do so, he could just say where he wished to live and he would pass the message to the king.

¹⁵⁷ ὁ δὲ προφήτης οὔθ᾽ ἕπεσθαι ἤθελεν οὔτ᾽ ἀλλαχόσε που μένειν, ἡδέως δ᾽ εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐρειπίοις τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τοῖς ταλαιπώροις αὐτῆς διαζῆσαι λειψάνοις. γνοὺς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν ὁ στρατηγός, τῷ Γαδαλίᾳ προστάξας, ὃν κατέλιπεν, αὐτίκα πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ‎ ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν καὶ χορηγίαν ὅσων ἂν δέηται δωρησάμενός τε αὐτὸν δωρεαῖς πολυτελέσιν ἀπέλυσεν.

¹⁵⁷ But the prophet neither wished to follow him nor to stay anywhere else; rather, he was content to live out his life upon the ruins of his fatherland and among its miserable remains. When the general learned of his choice, he commanded Gedaliah, whom he had left behind, to immediately take every care for him and provide whatever he might need; and having honored him with costly gifts, he released him.

¹⁵⁷ But the prophet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell any where else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable remains of it. When the general understood what his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he left behind, to take all possible care of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he wanted. So when he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him.

¹⁵⁷ But the prophet had no wish to follow him, or to live anywhere else, but preferred to live in the ruins of his land and in its pitiful remains. When the general learned his intention, he ordered Gadalias, whom he had left behind, to take all possible care of him and supply him with whatever he wanted; and after giving him rich gifts, he dismissed him.

¹⁵⁸ καὶ μὲν κατέμεινεν [εἰς ] ἐν πόλει τῆς χώρας καλουμένῃ παρακαλέσας τὸν , ἵν᾽ αὐτῷ συναπολύσῃ τὸν μαθητὴν δὲ παῖδα ἐξ ἐπισήμου σφόδρα οἰκίας ὄντα καὶ τῇ πατρίῳ γλώττῃ διαφερόντως πεπαιδευμένον.

¹⁵⁸ So Jeremiah remained in a city of that region called Mizpah (Mosphotha) at Dana, having also petitioned Nebuzaradan to release with him his disciple Baruch (Barouchon), the son of Neriah (Nērou), who was from a very distinguished house and was exceptionally educated in the native language."

¹⁵⁸ Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, which was called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his disciple Baruch, the son of Neriah, one of a very eminent family, and exceeding skillful in the language of his country.

¹⁵⁸ So Jeremias lived on in the land in a city called Mosphotha, and asked Nabuzardanes to set free his disciple Baruch, son of Neros, a man of eminent family who was very skilled in his native language.

The "Agrarian" Remnant
Nebuzaradan’s policy was one of practical exploitation. By leaving the πένητας (poor) and the αὐτομόλους (deserters), the Babylonians ensured the land would not go to waste. This created a new social class in Judea: a peasantry without an aristocracy. Josephus notes they were to pay a φόρον ὥρισμένον (fixed tribute), turning the "Holy Land" into a state-run Babylonian farm.

Gedaliah: The Noble Governor
Josephus goes out of his way to describe Gedaliah as ἐπιεικῆ καὶ δίκαιον (equitable and just). By noting he was τῶν εὖ γεγονότων (of noble birth), Josephus suggests that the Babylonians wanted someone with natural authority to keep the peace. Gedaliah’s family (the house of Ahikam) had a long history of protecting Jeremiah, making him the perfect bridge between the conquerors and the local survivors.

Jeremiah: The "Prophet of the Ruins"
The most moving part of this passage is Jeremiah’s refusal of Babylonian luxury. He prefers the ἐρειπίοις (ruins) of his home to the palaces of the victors. This choice reinforces his integrity; he was never a "Babylonian agent" as his enemies claimed, but a man whose heart was physically tied to the soil of Judah, even when that soil was soaked in blood.

The Diplomatic "Care" of the Prophet
Nebuzaradan’s treatment of Jeremiah is remarkably respectful. He offers him χορηγεῖν (full provision) and gives him δωρεαῖς πολυτελέσιν (costly gifts). This reflects a common ancient Near Eastern belief: that the prophets of a defeated nation were powerful spiritual figures who should be appeased to avoid divine "bad luck" for the victors.

Baruch: The Intellectual Elite
Josephus introduces Baruch not just as a scribe, but as a man διαφερόντως πεπαιδευμένον (exceptionally educated) in the "native language" (Hebrew). This highlights the importance of the literate class in preserving Jewish identity. Baruch represents the preservation of the Word while the Temple is gone. His "distinguished house" indicates that even among the survivors, some of the intellectual aristocracy remained to document the catastrophe.

Mizpah: The New Capital
With Jerusalem a smoldering wreck, the administrative center shifts to Mizpah (which Josephus calls Mosphotha). Located just a few miles north of Jerusalem, Mizpah had been a sacred site since the days of the Judges. Josephus places Jeremiah and Gedaliah there, marking it as the "interim capital" where the heartbeat of the Jewish people would continue to throb, however faintly.

¹⁵⁹ Ναβουζαρδάνης δὲ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὥρμησεν εἰς . οἱ δὲ πολιορκουμένων φυγόντες διασκεδασθέντες κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ἤκουσαν ἀνακεχωρηκότας καὶ λείψανά τινα καταλελοιπότας ἐν τῇ τῶν γῇ [καὶ] τοὺς ταύτην ἐργασομένους, συλλεχθέντες πανταχόθεν ἧκον πρὸς τὸν εἰς Μασαφθά.

¹⁵⁹ "When Nebuzaradan (Nabouzardanēs) had accomplished these things, he set out for Babylon. But those who had fled and been scattered throughout the country while Jerusalem was being besieged, when they heard that the Babylonians had withdrawn and had left behind some remnants in the land of the Jerusalemites along with those who were to work it, they gathered from all sides and came to Gedaliah (Gadalian) at Mizpah (Masaphtha).

¹⁵⁹ When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon. But as to those that fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scattered over the country, when they heard that the Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were to cultivate the same, they came together from all parts to Gedaliah to Mispah.

¹⁵⁹ Nabuzardanes did this and hurried to Babylon. But those who fled during the siege of Jerusalem and were scattered throughout the land when they heard that the Babylonians had gone off and left a remnant in the area near Jerusalem and people to cultivate it, they came together from all parts to Gadalias to Masaphtha.

¹⁶⁰ ἡγεμόνες δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν αὐτοῖς Ἰωάδης υἱὸς Καρίου καὶ Σερέας καὶ Ἰωαζανίας καὶ ἕτεροι πρὸς τούτοις, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους ἦν τις Ἰσμάηλος πονηρὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δολιώτατος, ὃς πολιορκουμένων τῶν ἔφυγε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ συνδιήγαγεν αὐτῷ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον.

¹⁶⁰ Among them were leaders such as Johanan (Iōadēs), the son of Kareah, and Seraiah (Sereas), and Jezaniah (Iōazanias), and others besides these. Among them also was one of the royal lineage named Ishmael (Ismaēlos), a wicked and most crafty man, who, while Jerusalem was being besieged, had fled to Baalis (Baaleim), the king of the Ammonites, and had spent that time with him.

¹⁶⁰ Now the rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah, and Jezaniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of the royal family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, and abode with him during that time;

¹⁶⁰ Their leaders were Joades, son of Karias and Sereas and Joazanias and some others. But there was also a man named Ishmael, a crafty rogue of royal lineage, who during the siege of Jerusalem had fled to Baaleim, the king of the Ammanites and stayed with him during that time.

¹⁶¹ τούτους τοίνυν γενομένους αὐτοῦ‎ Γαδαλίας ἔπεισε μένειν αὐτίκα μηδὲν δεδιότας τοὺς · γεωργοῦντας γὰρ τὴν‎ χώραν οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινόν. ταῦτα ὀμνὺς αὐτοῖς διεβεβαιοῦτο καὶ προστάτην αὐτὸν ἔχειν λέγων, ὥστε εἴ τις ἐνοχλοίη τεύξεσθαι τῆς προθυμίας·

¹⁶¹ Now that these men had come to him, Gedaliah persuaded them to remain there immediately, fearing nothing from the Babylonians; for he said that by farming the land, they would suffer nothing terrible. He confirmed these things to them with oaths, saying they should have him as their protector, so that if anyone should trouble them, they would find him ready to help.

¹⁶¹ and Gedaliah persuaded them, now they were there, to stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready to defend them.

¹⁶¹ Gadalias persuaded them, as things were, to stay put and have no fear of the Babylonians, for if they cultivated the land they would suffer no harm. He assured them of this by oath, and said that he would be their patron and if any disturbance arose, he was ready to defend them.

¹⁶² καὶ συνεβούλευε κατοικεῖν [εἰς] ἣν ἕκαστος βούλεται πόλιν ἀποστέλλοντα μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων καὶ ἀνακτίζειν τὰ ἐδάφη καὶ κατοικεῖν· προεῖπέ τε παρασκευάζεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἕως ἔτι καιρός ἐστι σῖτον καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον, ὅπως ἔχωσι διὰ τοῦ χειμῶνος τρέφεσθαι. ταῦτα διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσε [διὰ] τῆς χώρας εἰς ὃν ἕκαστος ἐβούλετο τόπον.

¹⁶² He also advised them to settle in whatever city each wished, sending for their own people to rebuild the foundations and dwell there. He further told them to prepare themselves—while the season still permitted—with grain, wine, and oil, so that they might have nourishment through the winter. Having spoken these things to them, he dismissed them throughout the country to whatever place each desired."

¹⁶² He also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one of them pleased; and that they would send men along with his own servants, and rebuild their houses upon the old foundations, and dwell there; and he admonished them beforehand, that they should make preparation, while the season lasted, of corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed during the winter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them, that every one might dwell in what place of the country he pleased.

¹⁶² He urged them to live in whatever city each one pleased, and to send men along with his own servants to rebuild their houses on their old foundations and live there, and said that while the season lasted they should prepare corn and wine and oil, to have food for the winter. With these words he dismissed them, that each might live in the land wherever he wished.

The "Centripetal" Gathering
Josephus uses the term συλλεχθέντες πανταχόθεν (gathered from everywhere) to describe the refugees. Mizpah becomes a magnetic pole for the survivors. This shows that even after the total destruction of the capital and the Temple, the social fabric of the Judeans sought a center of gravity. Gedaliah’s presence provided the necessary legitimacy for a "New Judea" to begin forming in the hills north of Jerusalem.

The Contrast of the Leaders
Josephus creates a sharp character contrast between the loyal military captains (Johanan and the others) and the royal scion Ishmael. While the soldiers are looking for stability, Ishmael is described as πονηρὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δολιώτατος (a wicked and most crafty man). His prior flight to the Ammonites is a massive red flag; in Josephus’s world, a Judean prince who seeks refuge with an ancestral enemy usually returns with an agenda of chaos.

Agriculture as Political Resistance
Gedaliah’s advice to γεωργοῦντας τὴν χώραν (farm the land) was more than just survival advice; it was a political strategy. By becoming a productive, tax-paying agrarian province, Judea would cease to be a "rebel state" in the eyes of Babylon. Gedaliah uses ὅρκους (oaths) to reassure them, acting as a προστάτην (protector/patron)—a term that would resonate with Josephus’s Roman readers as the role of a strong legal advocate.

Rebuilding the "Foundations" (ἐδάφη)
The command to ἀνακτίζειν τὰ ἐδάφη (rebuild the foundations/ground-floors) suggests that the refugees weren't building new cities, but repairing the ruins. This "bottom-up" reconstruction of the rural towns was the first step toward the eventual restoration of the province. It captures a moment of quiet industry: people returning to their family plots to fix walls and clear fields.

The "Golden Hour" of the Harvest
Gedaliah urges them to gather σῖτον καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον (grain, wine, and oil). This triad represents the "Mediterranean Triad" of staples. The fact that they could still gather these things suggests the Babylonians had not totally "salted the earth," but had left the orchards and vineyards intact for future tax revenue. This provides a rare glimpse of life continuing amidst the scars of war.

The Shadow of Winter
Gedaliah’s warning to prepare for the χειμῶνος (winter) adds a sense of urgency. In the Judean hills, winter can be harsh. This detail highlights Gedaliah’s practical, paternalistic care for the people. He is not a "war-king," but a "care-taker" (Governor), a role the Jewish people would have to get used to for the next few centuries under various empires.

¹⁶³ Διαδραμούσης δὲ φήμης εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἔθνη, ὅτι τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας Γαδαλίας ἐδέξατο φιλανθρώπως καὶ τὴν‎ γῆν αὐτοῖς γεωργοῦσι κατοικεῖν ἐφῆκεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τελεῖν φόρον τῷ , συνέδραμον αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὸν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν κατῴκησαν.

¹⁶³ "When the rumor spread among the nations around Judea that Gedaliah (Gadalias) had kindly received those who came to him from their flight and had permitted them to dwell there and farm the land on the condition that they pay tribute to the Babylonian, they themselves flocked to Gedaliah and settled the country.

¹⁶³ Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him, after they had fled away, upon this [only] condition, that they should pay tribute to the king of Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the country.

¹⁶³ When news spread among the nations bordering on Judea that Gadalias kindly entertained the refugees who came to him, as long as they paid tax to the Babylonian king, they too willingly came to Gadalias and populated the land.

¹⁶⁴ κατανοήσαντες δὲ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ χρηστότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἡγεμόνες ὑπερηγάπησαν αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν τῶν βασιλέα ἔλεγον πέμψαι ἀποκτενοῦντα αὐτὸν δόλῳ κρυφίως, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ τῶν · εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ γένους τοῦ βασιλικοῦ.

¹⁶⁴ Now Johanan (Iōannēs) and the leaders with him, having observed the country and the goodness and humanity of Gedaliah, came to love him exceedingly. They told him that Baalis (Baalimon), the king of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael (Ismaēlon) to kill him secretly by treachery, so that he [Ishmael] might rule the Israelites himself—for he was of the royal lineage.

¹⁶⁴ And when Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, observed the country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secretly, that he might have the dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal family;

¹⁶⁴ When Joannes and his companions saw the land and noted the goodwill of Gadalias, they liked him a lot and told him that Baalis, king of the Ammanites, had sent Ishmael to kill him secretly by treachery in order to rule the Israelites, for he was of the kingly line.

¹⁶⁵ ῥύσεσθαί γε μὴν ἔλεγον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐφῇ κτεῖναι τὸν , ὡς οὐδενὸς γνωσομένου· δεδιέναι γὰρ , μὴ φονευθεὶς αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου παντελὴς ἀπώλεια γένηται τῶν ὑπολελειμμένων τῆς τῶν ἰσχύος.

¹⁶⁵ Furthermore, they said they would rescue him from the plot if he would permit them to kill Ishmael, as no one would know of it. For they said they feared that if he were murdered by that man, it would result in the total destruction of what was left of the Israelites' strength.

¹⁶⁵ and they said that he might deliver himself from this treacherous design, if he would give them leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for they told him they were afraid that, when he was killed by the other, the entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would ensue.

¹⁶⁵ They said he could avoid this plot if he would let them kill Ishmael and no one need know. Their fear was that if the latter killed him, it would destroy the remaining strength of the Israelites.

¹⁶⁶ ὁ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὡμολόγει κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς εὖ πεπονθότος ἐπιβουλὴν τοιαύτην ἐμφανίσασιν· οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς εἶναι παρὰ τηλικαύτην ἐρημίαν ὧν ἔχρῃζε μὴ διαμαρτόντα οὕτως πονηρὸν εἰς τὸν εὐεργετήσαντα καὶ εὑρεθῆναι, ὡς τῷ μὲν τὸ ἀδίκημα τὸ μὴ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἐπιβουλευόμενον σῶσαι, σπουδάζειν δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτόχειρα ζητεῖν αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι.

¹⁶⁶ But he confessed that he disbelieved them regarding such a plot reported against a man who had been well-treated. For he said it was not likely that, amidst such desolation—not having failed to obtain the things he needed—anyone would be found so wicked and unholy toward his benefactor; he argued that it was improbable for one who had been saved from the plots of others by his [Gedaliah's] justice to now strive to become his own murderer.

¹⁶⁶ But he professed that he did not believe what they said, when they told him of such a treacherous design, in a man that had been well treated by him; because it was not probable that one who, under such a want of all things, had failed of nothing that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an instance of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted by others, to endeavor, and that earnestly, to kill him with his own hands:

¹⁶⁶ But when they told him of the plot against him he would not believe it of a man who had been well treated by him. It seemed improbable that one who once had nothing and then had been given all that he needed, could be so wicked and ungrateful toward his benefactor. And if it would be wrong not to save him if he were treacherously attacked by others, it would be worse to positively seek to kill him.

¹⁶⁷ οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀληθῆ δεῖ δοκεῖν, ἄμεινον ἔφασκεν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου μᾶλλον, ἢ καταφυγόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ πιστεύσαντα τὴν‎ ἰδίαν σωτηρίαν καὶ παρακαταθέμενον αὐτῷ διαφθεῖραι.

¹⁶⁷ Moreover, he said that even if these things must be thought true, it was better for him to die at that man’s hand than to destroy a man who had fled to him, trusted him with his own safety, and placed himself in his charge."

¹⁶⁷ that, however, if he ought to suppose this information to be true, it was better for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy a man who fled to him for refuge, and intrusted his own safety to him, and committed himself to his disposal.

¹⁶⁷ But if their information were true, it would be better for himself to be killed than to kill a man who had fled to him for refuge and entrusted his safety to him and had left himself in his hands.

The Fragile "Pax Babylonica"
Gedaliah’s success was his death warrant. By welcoming back refugees and creating an economically viable province (φόρον τῷ Βαβυλωνίῳ), he stabilized the region. However, this stability threatened the neighboring Ammonites. King Baalis saw a recovered Judea as a rival, preferring a chaotic vacuum to a prosperous Babylonian puppet-state.

The Weaponization of Royal Blood (γένους τοῦ βασιλικοῦ)
Josephus emphasizes that Ishmael’s claim to power was based on his lineage. This highlights a recurring theme: the "legitimate" royal line (Ishmael) becomes a source of destruction, while the "appointed" commoner (Gedaliah) represents preservation. Ishmael’s sense of entitlement allowed him to justify the murder of a man who was actually saving the people.

The Ethical Trap: Trust vs. Survival
Gedaliah’s response is a masterpiece of high-minded irony. He uses logic to debunk the plot: why would someone who has "well-treated" (εὖ πεπονθότος) kill their benefactor? He fails to realize that to a man like Ishmael, being "well-treated" by a social inferior is an insult, not a reason for gratitude.

The Martyr Complex
The most striking part of the passage is Gedaliah’s final stance: ἄμεινον ἀποθανεῖν (it is better to die). He chooses a "suicidal" moral consistency over a "necessary" pre-emptive strike. For Josephus’s Roman audience, this would be seen as a display of virtus, but also as a fatal lack of prudentia. Gedaliah refuses to violate the sacred law of hospitality (παρακαταθέμενον - the act of entrusting oneself to another), even to save the state.

The "Remnant of Strength" (ἰσχύος)
Johanan’s warning contains a profound truth: the death of the leader would lead to the παντελὴς ἀπώλεια (total destruction) of the survivors. He recognizes that the community is too fragile to survive another shock. When the "keystone" (Gedaliah) is removed, the entire arch of the post-exilic remnant will collapse, leading to the final flight to Egypt.

Josephus’s Linguistic Detail
Josephus uses the word φιλανθρώπως (humanely/kindly) twice. This is a deliberate choice for a Greek-speaking audience. He wants to show that even in the midst of "desolation" (ἐρημίαν), the Jewish leadership was capable of Hellenistic-style civic virtue.

¹⁶⁸ Καὶ ὁ μὲν καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν ἡγεμόνων μὴ δυνηθέντες πεῖσαι τὸν ἀπῆλθον. χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα παραγίνεται πρὸς εἰς Μασφαθὰ πόλιν Ἰσμάηλος μετ᾽ ἀνδρῶν δέκα, οὓς λαμπρᾷ τραπέζῃ καὶ ξενίοις ὑποδεξάμενος εἰς μέθην προήχθη φιλοφρονούμενος τὸν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ.

¹⁶⁸ "And so Johanan (Iōannēs) and the leaders with him, being unable to persuade Gedaliah, departed. But after a period of thirty days had passed, Ishmael (Ismaēlos) arrived at the city of Mizpah (Masphatha) to see Gedaliah with ten men. Having received them with a magnificent table and guest-gifts, Gedaliah was led into a state of drunkenness while showing hospitality to Ishmael and his companions.

¹⁶⁸ So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away. But after the interval of thirty days was over, Ishmael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with him; and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those that were with him, in a splendid manner at his table, and had given them presents, he became disordered in drink, while he endeavored to be very merry with them;

¹⁶⁸ Unable to persuade Gadalias, Joannes and his friends went away. But after thirty days Ishmael and ten men again came to the city of Masphatha, and when Gadalias had given a splendid feast for Ishmael and his companions and given them gifts, he became drunk, while trying to be pleasant with them.

¹⁶⁹ θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα καὶ βεβαπτισμένον εἰς ἀναισθησίαν καὶ ὕπνον ὑπὸ τῆς μέθης ὁ Ἰσμάηλος ἀναπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν δέκα φίλων ἀποσφάττει τὸν καὶ τοὺς κατακειμένους σὺν αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ. Καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ τούτων ἀναίρεσιν ἐξελθὼν νυκτὸς ἅπαντας φονεύει τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν καταλειφθέντας ἐν αὐτῇ τῶν στρατιωτῶν.

¹⁶⁹ Seeing him in this condition, plunged into insensibility and sleep by the wine, Ishmael leaped up with his ten friends and slaughtered Gedaliah and those reclining with him at the banquet. After this slaughter, he went out at night and murdered all the Jews in the city and the soldiers left there by the Babylonians.

¹⁶⁹ and when Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups to the degree of insensibility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sudden, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah, and those that were with him at the feast; and when he had slain them, he went out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in the city, and those soldiers also which were left therein by the Babylonians.

¹⁶⁹ Seeing him in that state, utterly drunk and asleep, Ishmael rose up suddenly with his ten friends and killed Gadalias and his companions at the feast. After killing them, he went out by night and killed all the Jews in the city and the soldiers whom the Babylonians had left in it.

¹⁷⁰ τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ μετὰ δώρων ἧκον πρὸς τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ὀγδοήκοντα μηδενὸς τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγνωκότος. ἰδὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς Ἰσμάηλος εἴσω τε αὐτοὺς καλεῖ ὡς πρὸς , καὶ παρελθόντων ἀποκλείσας τὴν‎ αὔλειον ἐφόνευσε καὶ τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν εἰς λάκκον τινὰ βαθύν, ὡς ἂν ἀφανῆ γένοιτο, κατεπόντισε.

¹⁷⁰ On the following day, eighty men from the country arrived with gifts for Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had happened to him. When Ishmael saw them, he invited them inside as if to see Gedaliah; but once they had entered, he shut the outer gate and murdered them, plunging their bodies into a certain deep pit so that they might be hidden.

¹⁷⁰ But the next day fourscore men came out of the country with presents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might not be seen;

¹⁷⁰ The following day eighty men came from the country with gifts for Gadalias, not knowing what had happened to him, and when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in and shut up the court and killed them and threw their corpses into a deep pit, out of sight.

¹⁷¹ διεσώθησαν δὲ τῶν ὀγδοήκοντα τούτων ἀνδρῶν οἳ μὴ πρότερον ἀναιρεθῆναι παρεκάλεσαν πρὶν ἢ τὰ κεκρυμμένα ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς αὐτῷ παραδῶσιν ἔπιπλά τε καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ σῖτον. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἐφείσατο τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων Ἰσμάηλος·

¹⁷¹ Of these eighty men, some were saved who pleaded not to be killed before they could deliver to him furniture, clothing, and grain hidden in the fields. Hearing this, Ishmael spared these men.

¹⁷¹ but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that entreated him not to kill them, till they had delivered up to him what riches they had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furniture, and garments, and corn:

¹⁷¹ Of these eighty men he spared those who implored him not to kill them until they had surrendered to him the riches they had hidden in the fields, consisting of their furniture and clothing and corn. Hearing this, Ishmael spared those men.

¹⁷² τὸν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Μασφάθῃ λαὸν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ νηπίοις ᾐχμαλώτισεν, ἐν οἷς καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως Σαχχίου θυγατέρας, ἃς Ναβουζαρδάνης ὁ τῶν στρατηγὸς παρὰ Γαδαλίᾳ καταλελοίπει. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

¹⁷² He then took captive the people in Mizpah, along with women and infants, among whom were the daughters of King Zedekiah (Sachchias), whom Nebuzaradan, the Babylonian general, had left with Gedaliah. Having accomplished these things, he departed toward the King of the Ammonites."

¹⁷² but he took captive the people that were in Mispah, with their wives and children; among whom were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah. And when he had done this, he came to the king of the Ammonites.

¹⁷² But he took prisoner the people who were in Masphatha, with their wives and children. Among them were the daughters of king Sacchias whom Nebuzardanes, the general of the Babylonians, had left with Gadalias. When he had done this, he came to the king of the Ammanites.

The Perversion of the Symposium
Josephus uses the term συμποσίῳ (banquet/symposium) to describe the setting. In the Greco-Roman world, the laws of hospitality were divine. By killing a man who provided a λαμπρᾷ τραπέζῃ (magnificent table), Ishmael committed a crime that Josephus’s readers would find more "unholy" than even a political rebellion. The detail that Gedaliah was βεβαπτισμένον (plunged/baptized) in wine suggests a total loss of guard—his "goodness" made him physically vulnerable.

The Strategic Slaughter
Ishmael’s primary target was Gedaliah, but he also killed the στρατιωτῶν (soldiers) left by the Babylonians. This was a fatal move; by killing Babylonian troops, he ensured that the High King in Babylon would view the entire Judean remnant as a nest of insurgents, forcing the innocent survivors to flee for their lives later on.

The Massacre of the Pilgrims
The eighty men from the country were likely pilgrims coming to offer sacrifices at the site of the ruined Temple (as implied in the parallel passage in Jeremiah 41). Ishmael’s trick—inviting them in ὡς πρὸς Γαδαλίαν (as if to see Gedaliah)—shows a cold, calculated sociopathy. He didn't just want to rule; he wanted to eliminate any witnesses or potential loyalists to the previous administration.

The "Deep Pit" (λάκκον τινὰ βαθύν)
The disposal of the bodies in a pit was a technique to hide the evidence and maintain the illusion that the government was still functioning. Archaeologists at Tell en-Nasbeh (Mizpah) have found numerous large, bell-shaped cisterns that match this description. Using a water source as a mass grave was the ultimate desecration of the local infrastructure.

Greed over Blood
Ishmael’s decision to spare those who had κεκρυμμένα (hidden things) in the fields reveals his true character. He wasn't a nationalist hero; he was a brigand-prince. The promise of σῖτον (grain) and ἐσθῆτα (clothing) was enough to halt his blade. This highlights the desperate economic state of the land where basic commodities were more valuable than human lives.

The Royal Daughters
The mention of Zedekiah’s daughters is a tragic detail. They had survived the siege, the fall of the city, and the execution of their brothers, only to be kidnapped by a relative (Ishmael) and sold into the service of a foreign king (Baalis of Ammon). For Josephus, this represents the total degradation of the Davidic house—from palaces in Jerusalem to being bartered by a "crafty" assassin in the wilderness.

¹⁷³ ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνες [τὰ ἐν τῇ ] τὰ πεπραγμένα ὑπὸ καὶ τὸν θάνατον ἠγανάκτησαν, καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους ἕκαστος παραλαβὼν ὥρμησαν πολεμήσοντες τὸν καὶ καταλαμβάνουσιν αὐτὸν πρὸς τῇ πηγῇ ἐν Ἰβρῶνι.

¹⁷³ "When Johanan (Iōannēs) and the leaders with him heard what had been perpetrated by Ishmael at Mizpah (Masphathē) and of the death of Gedaliah (Gadaliou), they were filled with indignation. Each taking his own men-at-arms, they set out to make war on Ishmael, and they overtook him at the spring in Hebron (Ibrōni).

¹⁷³ But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at it, and every one of them took his own armed men, and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron.

¹⁷³ Joannes and his officers were angry when they heard of what Ishmael had done at Masphatha and of the death of Gadalias so each of them quickly took his warriors and came to fight Ishmael and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron.

¹⁷⁴ οἱ δὲ αἰχμαλωτισθέντες ὑπὸ τὸν ἰδόντες καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας εὐθύμως διετέθησαν βοήθειαν αὑτοῖς ἥκειν ὑπολαμβάνοντες, καὶ καταλιπόντες τὸν αἰχμαλωτίσαντα πρὸς ἀνεχώρησαν. Ἰσμάηλος μὲν οὖν μετ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ὀκτὼ φεύγει πρὸς τὸν τῶν βασιλέα.

¹⁷⁴ Now the captives taken by Ishmael, seeing Johanan and the leaders, were filled with cheer, perceiving that help had come to them; and abandoning the one who had taken them captive, they went over to Johanan. Ishmael, however, fled with eight men to the King of the Ammonites.

¹⁷⁴ And when those that were carried away captives by Ishmael saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad, and looked upon them as coming to their assistance; so they left him that had carried them captives, and came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the Ammonites;

¹⁷⁴ Ishmael’s captives were glad to see Joannes and the officers, seeing them as their rescuers, so they left the one who had imprisoned them and came over to Joannes, and Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the Ammanites.

¹⁷⁵ ὁ δὲ παραλαβὼν οὓς ἀνέσωσεν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν καὶ τοὺς εὐνούχους καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ νήπια εἴς τινα τόπον Μάνδρα λεγόμενον παραγίνεται. Καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἐπέμεινεν αὐτόθι, διεγνώκεισαν δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἄραντες εἰς ἐλθεῖν φοβούμενοι, μὴ κτείνωσιν αὐτοὺς οἱ μείναντας ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ὑπὲρ Γαδαλία τοῦ κατασταθέντος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνος ὀργισθέντες πεφονευμένου.

¹⁷⁵ Johanan, having taken those he rescued from Ishmael’s hands—including the eunuchs, the women, and the infants—came to a certain place called Mandra (Mandra). He remained there for that day, but they had decided to set out from there and go to Egypt, fearing that the Babylonians might kill them if they remained in the country, being enraged over the murder of Gedaliah, the governor appointed by them."

¹⁷⁵ but Johanan took those whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and children, and came to a certain place called Mandra, and there they abode that day, for they had determined to remove from thence and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Babylonians should slay them, in case they continued in the country, and that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for governor.

¹⁷⁵ Joannes took those he had rescued from Ishmael, and the eunuchs and the wives and children, and came to a place called Mandra where they stayed that day, for they had decided to move from there into Egypt, for fear that the Babylonians should kill them if they stayed on in the land, in reprisal for the assassination of Gadalias, whom they had set over it as ruler.

The Rescue at the Spring
Josephus places the confrontation at a spring in Hebron (the biblical account in Jeremiah 41:12 places it at the "great waters in Gibeon"). Regardless of the specific pool, the symbolism of water is potent: the "waters of life" become the site where the captive remnant is reclaimed. The immediate defection of the captives to Johanan shows that Ishmael had no popular support; he was a tyrant without a base, ruling only by the terror of his ten-man cell.

Ishmael’s Diminished Flight
Ishmael arrived at Mizpah with ten men; he fled to Ammon with eight. Two were lost in the skirmish or deserted. This detail emphasizes the total failure of his "royal" coup. He succeeded only in destroying the last hope of Judean stability before vanishing into the shadows of history as a mercenary for a foreign king.

The Terror of Collective Responsibility
The survivors’ decision to flee is driven by a specific fear: collective punishment. They believed the Babylonians would not bother to distinguish between Ishmael’s guilty faction and the innocent remnant. In the eyes of an empire, the murder of a high-ranking official like Gedaliah was an act of provincial rebellion that required a brutal, sweeping response.

Mandra: The Last Stop
The place called Mandra (likely Geruth Chimham near Bethlehem) served as a caravanserai or a staging ground for travelers heading south. It represents the "waiting room" of the exile. Josephus depicts the people at a literal and figurative crossroads: one road leads back to the ruins of their homes, and the other leads to the ancient "house of bondage," Egypt.

The Tragic Reversion to Egypt
For Josephus’s readers, the irony was profound. The history of the Jewish people began with a miraculous exit from Egypt; now, due to internal treachery and fear, it was ending with a voluntary return to Egypt. They were undoing the Exodus. Josephus underscores that this choice was born of ὀργισθέντες (rage/fear)—a state of mind that often leads to spiritual and national disaster.

The "Missing" Prophet
While not explicitly mentioned in this specific paragraph, the prophet Jeremiah was among this group. Josephus (and the biblical record) notes elsewhere that Jeremiah begged them not to go. By highlighting the people’s "decision" (διεγνώκεισαν), Josephus sets the stage for the final conflict between human political "logic" and the divine word that Jeremiah would soon deliver at Mandra.

¹⁷⁶ Ὄντων δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς βουλῆς προσίασιν τῷ προφήτῃ ὁ τοῦ Καρίου καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρακαλοῦντες δεηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅπως ἀμηχανοῦσιν αὐτοῖς περὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑποδείξῃ, ὀμόσαντες ποιήσειν ὅ τι ἂν αὐτοῖς εἴπῃ.

¹⁷⁶ "While they were of this mind, Johanan (Iōannēs), the son of Kareah, and the leaders with him approached the prophet Jeremiah, entreating him to pray to God, so that He might show them what they ought to do in their state of helplessness; and they swore to do whatever Jeremiah should tell them.

¹⁷⁶ Now while they were under this deliberation, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and desired that he would pray to God, that because they were at an utter loss about what they ought to do, he would discover it to them, and they sware that they would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to them.

¹⁷⁶ Being uncertain what to do, Joannes, son of Karias, and his officers went to the prophet Jeremias, asking him to pray to God to show them what they ought to do and they swore to do whatever Jeremias told them.

¹⁷⁷ δὲ τοῦ προφήτου διακονήσειν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν συνέβη μετὰ δέκα ἡμέρας αὐτῷ φανέντα τὸν θεὸν εἰπεῖν δηλῶσαι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσι καὶ τῷ λαῷ παντί, ὅτι μένουσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ παρέσται καὶ πρόνοιαν ἕξει καὶ τηρήσει παρὰ τῶν οὓς δεδίασιν ἀπαθεῖς, πορευομένους δὲ εἰς ἀπολείψει καὶ ταὐτὰ διαθήσει ὀργισθείς, ἃ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὑτῶν ἔμπροσθεν οἴδατε

¹⁷⁷ When the prophet promised to minister to them before God, it happened that after ten days, God appeared to him and told him to declare to Johanan, the other leaders, and all the people, that if they remained in that country, He would be with them, take forethought for them, and keep them unharmed by the Babylonians whom they feared. However, if they marched into Egypt, He would abandon them and, in His anger, would inflict the same sufferings upon them that you know their brothers endured before.

¹⁷⁷ And when the prophet said he would be their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that after ten days God appeared to him, and said that he should inform Johanan, and the other rulers, and all the people, that he would be with them while they continued in that country, and take care of them, and keep them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of whom they were afraid; but that he would desert them if they went into Egypt, and, out of this wrath against them, would inflict the same punishments upon them which they knew their brethren had already endured.

¹⁷⁷ The prophet said he would intercede with God for them, and ten days later God appeared to him and told him to tell Joannes and the other leaders and the whole people that if they stayed on in the land he would be with them and look after them and keep them from being harmed by the Babylonians whom they feared, but that he would desert them if they went into Egypt, and, from this anger would inflict the same punishments on them which they knew their brothers had already suffered.

¹⁷⁸ πεπονθότας. ταῦτα εἰπὼν τῷ καὶ τῷ λαῷ τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς προλέγειν ὁ προφήτης οὐκ ἐπιστεύετο, ὡς κατὰ ἐντολὴν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου μένειν αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κελεύει, χαριζόμενον δὲ τῷ ἰδίῳ μαθητῇ καταψεύδεσθαι μὲν τοῦ θεοῦ, πείθειν δὲ μένειν αὐτόθι, ὡς ἂν ὑπὸ τῶν διαφθαρῶσι.

¹⁷⁸ Though the prophet told Johanan and the people that God foretold these things to them, he was not believed. They claimed he was not commanding them to remain in the country according to His [God's] instruction, but that out of favor for his own disciple, Baruch, he was falsely ascribing these things to God, persuading them to stay there so that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians.

¹⁷⁸ So when the prophet had informed Johanan and the people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed, when he said that God commanded them to continue in the country; but they imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and belied God, and that he persuaded them to stay there, that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians.

¹⁷⁸ The prophet was not believed, when he told Joannes and the people what God predicted, and directed them to continue in the land, for they thought he was saying it to please his own disciple Baruch, and was misinterpreting God and was urging them to stay on so as to be killed by the Babylonians.

¹⁷⁹ παρακούσας οὖν ὅ τε λαὸς καὶ ἸωάννηςJohn τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ συμβουλίας, ἣν αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦ προφήτου παρῄνεσεν, ἀπῆρεν εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἄγων καὶ τὸν ἹερεμίανJeremiah καὶ τὸν ΒαροῦχονBaruch.	¹⁷⁹ Therefore, both the people and Johanan, having disregarded the counsel of God which He had urged upon them through the prophet, set out for Egypt, taking along both Jeremiah and Baruch."
¹⁷⁹ Accordingly, both the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of God, which he gave them by the prophet, and removed into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Barnch along with him.	¹⁷⁹ So the people and Joannes ignored what God advised them through the prophet and went off to Egypt bringing Jeremias and Baruch with him.

The "Ten-Day" Silence
Josephus notes that Jeremiah waited δέκα ἡμέρας (ten days) for the divine response. This delay is significant. It tested the people’s patience and provided a "cooling off" period for their panic. By the time the answer came, however, their fear had likely calcified into a firm decision, making the divine word an unwelcome interruption to their escape plans.

The Theology of "Forethought" (πρόνοιαν)
God’s promise is centered on πρόνοια (providence/forethought). This is a favorite term of Josephus, often used to bridge the gap between Jewish theology and Greek philosophy. He argues that God’s protection is not magic, but a proactive "governing care." If the people stay, God will "manage" the Babylonians; if they leave, they move outside the sphere of His protective "management."

The Scapegoating of Baruch
The accusation against Baruch is a fascinating psychological projection. The leaders couldn't imagine Jeremiah wanting them to stay in a dangerous place unless he was being "corrupted" by a third party. By claiming Jeremiah was χαριζόμενον (doing a favor/showing bias) for Baruch, they effectively stripped the prophet of his divine authority and turned him into a mere political pawn.

The Fear of the "Brother’s Fate"
God warns that they will suffer what their ἀδελφοὺς (brothers) endured. This refers to the horrific siege and fall of Jerusalem just months prior. Josephus emphasizes the irony: the people are fleeing to Egypt to avoid the "sword," but God promises that the "sword" is exactly what will meet them there.

Disbelief as a National Sickness
Josephus uses the word οὐκ ἐπιστεύετο (he was not believed). Throughout his history, Josephus portrays the Judean elite as consistently suffering from a fatal lack of trust in the prophetic word. Even after witnessing the literal fulfillment of every single one of Jeremiah’s "doomsday" prophecies regarding the city, they still find a reason to doubt him.

The Forced Migration of the Prophet
The text ends with Johanan ἄγων (leading/taking) Jeremiah and Baruch. This implies that the prophet and his scribe were likely taken against their will—effectively kidnapped as "spiritual talismans" or simply to keep them quiet. The man who wept for Jerusalem is now forced to leave its soil, a final indignity in his long career of suffering.

¹⁸⁰ Γενομένων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκεῖ σημαίνει τὸ θεῖον τῷ προφήτῃ μέλλοντα στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν , καὶ προειπεῖν ἐκέλευε τῷ λαῷ τήν τε ἅλωσιν τῆς , καὶ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀποκτενεῖ, τοὺς δὲ αἰχμαλώτους λαβὼν εἰς ἄξει.

¹⁸⁰ "Once they were there [in Egypt], the Divine Voice revealed to the prophet that the King of the Babylonians was destined to campaign against the Egyptians. He commanded him to foretell to the people the capture of Egypt—that the king would kill some of them and lead others as captives to Babylon.

¹⁸⁰ And when they were there, God signified to the prophet that the king of Babylon was about making an expedition against the Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt should be taken, and the king of Babylon should slay some of them and, should take others captive, and bring them to Babylon;

¹⁸⁰ When they were there, God let the prophet know that the Babylonian king was about to invade the Egyptians and told him to foretell to the people that Egypt would be taken and that some of them would be killed and the others be taken prisoner to Babylon.

¹⁸¹ καὶ ταῦτα συνέβη· τῷ γὰρ πέμπτῳ τῆς πορθήσεως ἔτει, ὅ ἐστι τρίτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν τῆς βασιλείας, στρατεύει ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κοίλην , καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐπολέμησε καὶ καὶ .

¹⁸¹ And these things came to pass: in the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which is the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar’s (Nabouchodonosorou) reign, Nebuchadnezzar campaigned against Coele-Syria; having seized it, he also made war on the Moabites and Ammonites.

¹⁸¹ which things came to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition against Celesyria; and when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the Ammonites and Moabites;

¹⁸¹ And this did take place. For on the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, in the twenty-third year of his reign, Nabuchodonosor marched into Coele-Syria. And when he had taken it, he made war on the Ammanites and Moabites.

¹⁸² ποιησάμενος δὲ ὑπήκοα ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν‎ καταστρεψόμενος αὐτήν, καὶ τὸν μὲν τότε βασιλέα κτείνει, καταστήσας δὲ ἕτερον τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ πάλιν αἰχμαλωτίσας ἤγαγεν εἰς .

¹⁸² After bringing these nations into subjection, he invaded Egypt to subdue it. He killed the king then reigning and, having appointed another, he once again took captive the Jews who were in that land and led them to Babylon.

¹⁸² and when he had brought all these nations under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew the king that then reigned and set up another; and he took those Jews that were there captives, and led them away to Babylon.

¹⁸² After subjecting all these nations he attacked Egypt with a view to ravaging it, and he killed the ruling king and set up another, and imprisoned the Jews who were there and led them away to Babylon.

¹⁸³ καὶ τὸ μὲν γένος ἐν τοιούτῳ τέλει γενόμενον παρειλήφαμεν δὶς ἐλθὸν πέραν · ὑπὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐξέπεσεν ὁ τῶν δέκα φυλῶν λαὸς ἀπὸ βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν Ὠσήου, ἔπειτα τῶν δύο φυλῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως καὶ τῶν ὃς ὑπελείφθη τῶν ἁλόντων.

¹⁸³ Thus we have received the account of the Hebrew race meeting such an end, having twice gone beyond the Euphrates. First, the people of the ten tribes were cast out from Samaria by the Assyrians while Hoshea (Ōsēou) was their king; then the two tribes were removed by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of the Babylonians and the Chaldeans, who remained after Jerusalem was taken.

¹⁸³ And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea.

¹⁸³ This was the end of the Hebrew nation, as it has been given down to us, after being twice brought beyond the Euphrates, for the people of the ten tribes were deported from Samaria by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hosea; later Nabuchodonosor, king of the Babylonians and Chaldeans deported the people of the two remaining tribes after the taking of Jerusalem.

¹⁸⁴ Σαλμανάσσης μὲν οὖν ἀναστήσας τοὺς κατῴκισεν ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ τῶν ἔθνος, οἳ πρότερον τῆς καὶ τῆς ἦσαν, τότε μέντοι ἐκλήθησαν τὴν‎ τῆς χώρας εἰς ἣν κατῳκίσθησαν προσηγορίαν ἀναλαβόντες· ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς τὰς δύο φυλὰς ἐξαγαγὼν οὐδὲν ἔθνος εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν κατῴκισε καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔρημος ἡ πᾶσα καὶ καὶ ὁ ναὸς διέμεινεν ἔτεσιν ἑβδομήκοντα.

¹⁸⁴ Now Shalmaneser (Salmanassēs), having removed the Israelites, settled in their place the nation of the Cutheans (Chouthaiōn), who previously lived in the interior of Persia and Media; at that time, however, they were called Samaritans, taking the name of the region into which they were settled. But the King of the Babylonians, after leading out the two tribes, settled no other nation in their land; for this reason, all Judea, Jerusalem, and the Temple remained a desert for seventy years.

¹⁸⁴ Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites out of their country, and placed therein the nation of the Cutheans, who had formerly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then called Samaritans, by taking the name of the country to which they were removed; but the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes, placed no other nation in their country, by which means all Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to be a desert for seventy years;

¹⁸⁴ Then having removed the Israelites Salmanassar replaced them with the Cuthean nation, who had formerly lived in the inner districts of Persia and Media, but now were named Samaritans, after the region to which they were moved. But after taking out the two tribes, the Babylonian king placed no other nation in their region, so that the whole of Judea and Jerusalem and the temple remained deserted for seventy years.

¹⁸⁵ τὸν δὲ σύμπαντα χρόνον, ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ἸσραηλιτῶνIsrael, Israelites αἰχμαλωσίας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἀνάστασιν ἐληλύθει, ἑκατὸν ἔτη καὶ τριάκοντα καὶ μῆνας ἓξ καὶ δέκα ἡμέρας συνέβη γενέσθαι.	¹⁸⁵ The entire time that had elapsed from the captivity of the Israelites until the removal of the two tribes happened to be one hundred and thirty years, six months, and ten days."
¹⁸⁵ but the entire interval of time which passed from the captivity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty years, six months, and ten days.	¹⁸⁵ The entire time from the captivity of the Israelites to the removal of the two tribes was a hundred and thirty years, six months and ten days.

The Geopolitical Domino Effect
Josephus describes Nebuchadnezzar’s 582/581 BCE campaign as a systematic clearing of "side quests" before the main prize: Egypt. By subduing Moab and Ammon (the very nations that had fueled the internal Judean conspiracies), the Babylonians secured their rear flank for the invasion of Africa. This highlights the futility of the Judean flight to Egypt; they were simply moving toward the center of the next target.

The Theological "End" (τέλει)
Josephus uses the word τέλει (end/conclusion) to describe the state of the Hebrew race. To his Roman audience, this sounded like the permanent extinction of a nation. However, Josephus subtly frames this "end" as a fulfillment of prophecy, implying that if the destruction was predicted and accurate, the restoration (the seventy years) must also be credible.

The "Two Dispersions" Contrast
Josephus makes a crucial distinction between the Assyrian and Babylonian policies:

1) The Assyrians (722 BC): Practiced population exchange. They removed the Ten Tribes and brought in the Cutheans (Samaritans).

2) The Babylonians (586 BC): Practiced population depletion. They removed the Jews but left the land ἔρημος (deserted).

This distinction is vital for Josephus’s defense of Jewish land claims. He argues that the land of Judah remained "empty" and waiting for its original owners, whereas Samaria was "occupied" by foreigners.

The Origin of the Samaritans
Josephus identifies the Samaritans as Χουθαίων (Cutheans) from Persia and Media. This reflects the deep-seated Judean polemic of Josephus’s own time, asserting that the Samaritans were not "real" Israelites but merely foreigners who adopted the name of the land. By placing this origin story here, he justifies the later tensions during the rebuilding of the Temple.

Mathematical Historiography
Once again, Josephus provides an exact figure: 130 years, 6 months, and 10 days between the fall of Samaria and the final fall of Jerusalem. This precision serves to bridge the gap between sacred scripture and the "scientific" history practiced in the Greco-Roman world. It transforms the Bible from a collection of stories into a structured, chronological record of an empire’s rise and fall.

The Seventy-Year Sabbath
The detail that the land remained empty for ἑβδομήκοντα (seventy) years is a theological nod to the "Sabbath of the Land." Josephus portrays the land as having a rest that it was denied during the monarchy. The desolation is not just a punishment; it is a "pause" in history.

Chapter 10
[186-218]
Daniel and Nabuchodonosor’s Dream:
God’s fidelity to His people, in the exile

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¹⁸⁶ Ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους λαβὼν τῶν παῖδας καὶ τοὺς Σαχχίου τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν συγγενεῖς, οἳ καὶ ταῖς ἀκμαῖς τῶν σωμάτων καὶ ταῖς εὐμορφίαις τῶν ὄψεων ἦσαν περίβλεπτοι, παιδαγωγοῖς καὶ τῇ δι᾽ αὐτῶν θεραπείᾳ παραδίδωσι ποιήσας τινὰς αὐτῶν ἐκτομίας·

¹⁸⁶ "Now Nebuchadnezzar, the King of the Babylonians, having taken the most noble children of the Jews and the relatives of their king, Zedekiah—who were conspicuous both for the vigor of their bodies and the beauty of their countenances—delivered them to tutors and to the care provided by them, having made some of them eunuchs.

¹⁸⁶ But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, took some of the most noble of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the comeliness of their countenances, and delivered them into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to be made by them. He also made some of them to be eunuchs;

¹⁸⁶ Then Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, took some of the noblest of the Jews who were children or relatives of their king Sacchias and were remarkable for their physical grace and handsome appearance, and gave them into the hands of tutors, for their improvement; and some of them he had made into eunuchs.

¹⁸⁷ τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ὅσα κατεστρέψατο ληφθέντας ἐν ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡλικίας διαθεὶς ἐχορήγει μὲν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς τραπέζης αὐτοῦ‎ εἰς δίαιταν, ἐπαίδευε δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπιχώρια καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐξεδίδασκε γράμματα· ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι σοφίαν ἱκανοὶ περὶ ἣν ἐκέλευε διατρίβειν.

¹⁸⁷ He did the same to those taken from other nations as many as he had subdued in the prime of their youth; he provided for them from his own table for their diet, and he educated them in the local customs and thoroughly taught them the literature of the Chaldeans. These [Chaldeans] were proficient in wisdom, in which he commanded them to spend their time.

¹⁸⁷ which course he took also with those of other nations whom he had taken in the flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from his own table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now exercised themselves sufficiently in that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply themselves to.

¹⁸⁷ This he also did with those of other nations whom he had taken in the bloom of their youth, and provided their food from his own table and had them taught the ancestral laws and the learning of the Chaldeans, so that they were advanced in the wisdom which he ordered them to study.

¹⁸⁸ ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐν τούτοις τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Σαχχίου γένους τέσσαρες καλοί τε καὶ ἀγαθοὶ τὰς φύσεις, ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο, ὁ δὲ , ὁ δὲ Μισάηλος, ὁ δὲ τέταρτος . τούτους ὁ μετωνόμασε καὶ χρῆσθαι προσέταξεν ἑτέροις ὀνόμασι.

¹⁸⁸ Among these were four of the lineage of Zedekiah, noble and good in their natures: one was called Daniel, the second Hananiah, the third Mishael, and the fourth Azariah. The Babylonian changed their names and commanded them to use other names.

¹⁸⁸ Now among these there were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias; and the king of Babylon changed their names, and commanded that they should make use of other names.

¹⁸⁸ Among them were four of the family of Sacchias, of most excellent dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called Ananias, another Misael and the fourth Azarias, and the Babylonian king changed their names to others that he gave them:

¹⁸⁹ καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐκάλουν , τὸν δ᾽ , δὲ , τὸν δ᾽ . τούτους ὁ βασιλεὺς δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εὐφυίας καὶ σπουδῆς τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ παίδευσιν καὶ σοφίας ἐν προκοπῇ γενομένους εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ καὶ στέργων διετέλει.

¹⁸⁹ And Daniel they called Belteshazzar (Baltasaron); Hananiah, Shadrach (Sedrachēn); Mishael, Meshach (Misachēn); and Azariah, Abednego (Abdenagō). Because of their extraordinary natural talent and their diligence regarding their education and wisdom, the king held them in advancement and continued to honor and love them."

¹⁸⁹ Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their application to learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom.

¹⁸⁹ Daniel they called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach, and Azarias, Abednego. The king esteemed and loved them, because of their excellent temperament and their devotion to learning and their quest for wisdom.

The Strategy of "Brain Drain"
Josephus emphasizes that Nebuchadnezzar targeted the εὐγενεστάτους (most noble) and the συγγενεῖς (relatives) of the king. This was a classic imperial tactic: by co-opting the next generation of Judean leadership, the Babylonians ensured that any future restoration of the Jewish state would be led by men trained in Babylonian thought and loyal to the Babylonian throne.

Physicality and the "Eunuch" Question
Josephus notes their ἀκμαῖς τῶν σωμάτων (vigor of bodies) and εὐμορφίαις (beauty/form). In the ancient world, physical beauty was often seen as an external sign of internal virtue. However, Josephus adds a stark detail: the king made some of them ἐκτομίας (eunuchs). This was a standard practice for palace officials in the Near East to ensure absolute loyalty to the monarch, but it also served to physically terminate the "royal bloodline" of the conquered nation.

The Chaldean Curriculum
The youth were taught the Χαλδαίων γράμματα (Chaldean literature/letters). This involved more than just reading; it included the study of astronomy, mathematics, and the "wisdom" (σοφίαν) of divination and omens for which the Chaldeans were world-renowned. Josephus presents this not as a corruption of their faith, but as a rigorous intellectual challenge that the Jewish youths mastered.

The Erasure of Identity: Renaming
The change of names was the final step in the Babylonian integration process. The original names all contained a reference to the God of Israel (-el or -yah). The new names were honors to Babylonian deities (e.g., Abednego—"Servant of Nego/Nabu"). Josephus records these names accurately, showing how the state attempted to overwrite their religious identity with a civic one.

Hebrew Name	Meaning	Babylonian Name	Babylonian Association
Daniel	God is my judge	Belteshazzar	Protect the life of the King
Hananiah	Yah has been gracious	Shadrach	Command of aku (Moon God)
Mishael	Who is what God is?	Meshach	Who is what Aku is?
Azariah	Yah has helped	Abednego	Servant of Nego/Nabu

"Noble and Good" (καλοί τε καὶ ἀγαθοί)
Josephus uses a quintessential Greek phrase, kalos kagathos, to describe the youths. This term designated the ideal gentleman in Greek society—one who possessed both physical beauty and moral excellence. By applying this to Daniel and his friends, Josephus tells his Roman and Greek readers: "These were not primitive barbarians; they were the highest examples of classical virtue."

The "Love" of the Conqueror (στέργων)
The passage ends with the king "loving" (στέργων) them. This suggests that the Jewish youths were so successful in their προκοπῇ (advancement) that they moved from being "captives" to "favorites." Josephus sets the stage for the tension that follows: can one be a beloved high official of a pagan empire while remaining a faithful servant of the God of Israel?

¹⁹⁰ Δόξαν δὲ μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν σκληραγωγεῖν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς τραπέζης ἐδεσμάτων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ καθόλου πάντων τῶν ἐμψύχων, προσελθὼν Ἀσχάνῃ τῷ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτῶν ἐμπεπιστευμένῳ εὐνούχῳ τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτοῖς κομιζόμενα παρεκάλεσεν αὐτὸν ἀναλίσκειν λαμβάνοντα, παρέχειν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄσπρια καὶ Φοίνικας εἰς διατροφὴν καὶ εἴ τι τῶν ἀψύχων ἕτερον βούλοιτο· πρὸς γὰρ τὴν‎ τοιαύτην δίαιταν αὐτοὺς κεκινῆσθαι, τῆς δ᾽ ἑτέρας περιφρονεῖν.

¹⁹⁰ "Daniel, having decided along with his relatives to discipline himself and to abstain from the foods of the royal table and altogether from all living creatures, approached Ashpenaz (Aschanē), the eunuch entrusted with their care. He urged him to take and consume for himself the things brought to them from the king, but to provide them instead with legumes and dates for their nourishment, and whatever other inanimate things he might wish; for he said they were moved toward such a diet and held the other in contempt.

¹⁹⁰ Now Daniel and his kinsmen had resolved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the king’s table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all living creatures. So he came to Ashpenaz, who was that eunuch to whom the care of them was committed, and desired him to take and spend what was brought for them from the king, but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides the flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for that their inclinations were to that sort of food, and that they despised the other.

¹⁹⁰ Daniel and his relatives wished to follow an austere diet and abstain from the kinds of food which came from the king’s table and to entirely refrain from eating any living creature. He went to Aschanes, the eunuch in charge of their welfare, with the request to take and use whatever was brought from the king for them, but to give them pulses and dates as their food, with anything else he pleased apart from the flesh of living creatures, since that was the sort of food they were drawn to and they scorned the other.

¹⁹¹ ὁ δ᾽ εἶναι μὲν ἔλεγεν ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῶν τῇ προαιρέσει, ὑφορᾶσθαι δέ, μὴ κατάδηλοι τῷ βασιλεῖ γενηθέντες ἐκ τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἰσχνότητος καὶ τῆς τροπῆς τῶν χαρακτήρων, συμμεταβάλλειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκη τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰς χρόας ἅμα τῇ διαίτῃ, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἄλλων παίδων εὐπαθούντων ἐλεγχθέντες αἴτιοι κινδύνου καὶ τιμωρίας αὐτῷ καταστῶσιν.

¹⁹¹ Ashpenaz replied that he was ready to serve their choice, but he was suspicious lest they become noticeable to the king by the thinness of their bodies and the change in their features—for it was inevitable that their bodies and complexions would change along with their diet. He feared that especially when compared to the other youths who were living well, he might be held responsible and face danger and punishment.

¹⁹¹ He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what they desired, but he suspected that they would be discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies, and the alteration of their countenances, because it could not be avoided but their bodies and colors must be changed with their diet, especially while they would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other children, who would fare better, and thus they should bring him into danger, and occasion him to be punished;

¹⁹¹ He said he was ready to serve them as they wanted, but suspected that the king would find out, from their meagre bodies and changed appearance. Their physique and complexions would have to change with their diet, and especially they would be shown up by the healthy appearance of the other children, and would put him in danger and cause him to be punished.

¹⁹² ἔχοντα τοίνυν πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ εὐλαβῶς τὸν Ἀσχάνην πείθουσιν ἐπὶ δέκα ἡμέρας ταῦτα παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς πείρας ἕνεκα καὶ μὴ μεταβαλούσης μὲν αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἕξεως τοῖς αὐτοῖς, ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι εἰς αὐτὴν βλαβησομένων, εἰ δὲ μειωθέντας ἴδοι καὶ κάκιον τῶν ἄλλων ἔχοντας, ἐπὶ τὴν‎ προτέραν αὐτοὺς δίαιταν ἄγειν.

¹⁹² Since Ashpenaz was cautious regarding this, they persuaded him to provide these things for ten days as a trial; if the condition of their bodies did not change, they would continue with the same, as they would suffer no further harm from it. But if he saw them diminished and in worse condition than the others, he should lead them back to their former diet.

¹⁹² yet did they persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful, to give them what food they desired for ten days, by way of trial; and in case the habit of their bodies were not altered, to go on in the same way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should reduce them to their former diet.

¹⁹² But despite his fears, they persuaded Aschanes to give them for ten days the food they wanted, by way of a test, and if their physical appearance was not changed, to continue in the same way, expecting that it would not do them any harm later; and if he saw them looking thin and worse than the others, he should put them back on their previous diet.

¹⁹³ ὡς δὲ οὐ μόνον οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ἐλύπει τὴν‎ τροφὴν ἐκείνην προσφερομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εὐτραφέστεροι τὰ σώματα καὶ μείζονες ἐγίνοντο, ὡς τοὺς μὲν ἐνδεεστέρους ὑπολαμβάνειν οἷς τὴν‎ βασιλικὴν συνέβαινεν εἶναι χορηγίαν, τοὺς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ δοκεῖν ἐν ἀφθονίᾳ καὶ τρυφῇ τῇ πάσῃ‎ βιοῦν, μετ᾽ ἀδείας ὁ Ἀσχάνης ἃ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ δείπνου καθ᾽ ἡμέραν συνήθως ἔπεμπε τοῖς παισὶν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἐλάμβανεν, ἐχορήγει δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ προειρημένα.

¹⁹³ Now, not only did it not distress them to partake of that food, but their bodies became better nourished and larger than the others, so that those who received the royal provision were thought to be in greater want, while those with Daniel seemed to live in the greatest abundance and luxury. From then on, Ashpenaz without fear took for himself what the king usually sent daily for the boys' dinner, and provided them with the previously mentioned things.

¹⁹³ Now when it appeared that they were so far from becoming worse by the use of this food, that they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came from the king’s table seemed less plump and full, while those that were with Daniel looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury. Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the king sent every day from his supper, according to custom, to the children, but gave them the forementioned diet,

¹⁹³ In fact, by using this food, so far were they from becoming worse that they grew plumper and more full-bodied than the others, so that those who fed on what came from the king’s table seemed to him less plump and full, while Daniel’s companions looked as if they lived in plenty and luxury. From then on, Aschanes felt safe in taking for himself whatever the king was accustomed to send every day from his supper, to the children, and gave them the aforesaid diet.

¹⁹⁴ οἱ δὲ ὡς καὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτοῖς διὰ τοῦτο καθαρῶν καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ παιδείαν ἀκραιφνῶν γεγενημένων καὶ τῶν σωμάτων πρὸς φιλοπονίαν εὐτονωτέρων, οὔτε γὰρ ἐκείνας ἐφείλκοντο καὶ βαρείας εἶχον ὑπὸ τροφῆς ποικίλης οὔτε ταῦτα μαλακώτερα διὰ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν αἰτίαν, πᾶσαν ἑτοίμως ἐξέμαθον παιδείαν ἥτις ἦν παρὰ τοῖς καὶ τοῖς . μάλιστα δὲ ἱκανῶς ἤδη σοφίας ἐμπείρως ἔχων περὶ κρίσεις ὀνείρων ἐσπουδάκει, καὶ τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ φανερὸν ἐγίνετο.

¹⁹⁴ Because of this, their souls became pure and unalloyed for learning, and their bodies more vigorous for hard work; for their souls were not dragged down or made heavy by a variety of foods, nor were their bodies made softer for the same reason. They readily mastered all the learning found among both the Hebrews and the Chaldeans. But Daniel especially, being already sufficiently experienced in wisdom, applied himself to the interpretation of dreams, and the Divine began to be manifested to him."

¹⁹⁴ while they had their souls in some measure more pure, and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had their bodies in better tune for hard labor; for they neither had the former oppressed and heavy with variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on the same account; so they readily understood all the learning that was among the Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being already sufficiently skillful in wisdom, was very busy about the interpretation of dreams; and God manifested himself to him.

¹⁹⁴ In this way their souls were in some way purer, less burdened and so fitter for learning, and their bodies were in better shape for hard labour. Their souls were not stuffed and heavy with the variety of foods, nor were their bodies made delicate by it, so they quickly grasped all the learning of the Hebrews and the Chaldeans, and especially Daniel who, already quite skilled in wisdom, was very involved in the interpreting dreams, and divine things became clear to him.

Asceticism as Intellectual Strategy
Josephus adds a fascinating psychological layer to the biblical account. He argues that a simple diet kept the soul ἀκραιφνῶν (unalloyed/pure) and prevented it from being βαρείας (heavy). In the Greco-Roman world, "luxury" (tryphē) was often blamed for moral and intellectual decay. By rejecting the king’s "variety of foods" (τροφῆς ποικίλης), Daniel is presented as a philosopher-athlete who maintains mental clarity through dietary austerity.

The Physical "Abundance" of Dates and Legumes
Josephus specifies ὄσπρια καὶ φοίνικας (legumes and dates). While the biblical text mentions "pulse" (vegetables/seeds), Josephus adds "dates," a high-energy staple of the ancient Near East. This makes the physical "buffness" of the youths more medically plausible to his readers: they weren't just eating greens; they were eating nutrient-dense proteins and natural sugars.

The Corruption of Ashpenaz
Josephus includes a pragmatic detail: the eunuch Ashpenaz is happy to go along with the plan because he gets to keep and eat the king’s expensive meat and wine (ἀναλίσκειν λαμβάνοντα) for himself. This turns the palace official into a co-conspirator who benefits materially from Daniel’s piety. It is a classic Josephan touch showing how Jewish virtue can navigate and even utilize the corruption of a foreign court.

The Complexion of Health (χρόας)
The eunuch’s fear centered on the χρόας (color/complexion) and χαρακτήρων (features) of the youths. In ancient physiognomy, a "shining" or healthy skin tone was evidence of divine favor and good health. The fact that the youths became εὐτραφέστεροι (better nourished) on a "poverty" diet was, for Josephus, a miracle of biology that proved God’s laws were in harmony with nature.

Mastery of Two Worlds
Josephus notes they mastered the learning of both the Ἑβραίων (Hebrews) and the Χαλδαίων (Chaldeans). This "dual-citizenship" of the mind is central to Daniel’s character. He remains perfectly Jewish in his soul while becoming the most proficient academic in the Babylonian empire. Josephus uses this to model how Jews in the Roman Diaspora should behave: stay faithful to the Law, but master the culture of the Empire.

The Science of Dreams (κρίσεις ὀνείρων)
Josephus elevates Daniel’s prophetic ability to a form of σοφίας (wisdom). By using the term κρίσεις (judgments/interpretations), he frames Daniel’s talent in a way that would remind his readers of the highly respected Greek "Oneirocritica" (the science of dream analysis). It suggests that Daniel’s gift was not just a random trance, but a disciplined, divinely-backed expertise.

¹⁹⁵ μετὰ δ᾽ ἔτος δεύτερον τῆς πορθήσεως ὁ βασιλεὺς ὄναρ ἰδὼν θαυμαστόν, οὗ τὴν‎ ἔκβασιν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτὸς αὐτῷ ἐδήλωσεν ὁ θεός, τούτου μὲν ἐπιλανθάνεται διαναστὰς ἐκ τῆς κοίτης, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς καὶ τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς μάντεις, ὡς εἴη τι ὄναρ ἑωρακὼς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς περὶ τὴν‎ λήθην ὧν εἶδε μηνύων ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς λέγειν, ὅτι τε ἦν τὸ ὄναρ καὶ [τί] τὸ σημεῖον.

¹⁹⁵ "In the second year after the destruction of Egypt, King Nebuchadnezzar (Nabouchodonosoros) saw a marvelous dream, the outcome of which God Himself revealed to him during his sleep; but upon rising from his bed, he forgot it. Having sent for the Chaldeans, the Magi, and the seers, he told them he had seen a dream and, informing them of the fact that he had forgotten what he saw, he commanded them to tell him both what the dream was and what its sign signified.

¹⁹⁵ Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment. So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he had seen a dream, and informed them that he had forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what the dream was, and what was its signification;

¹⁹⁵ Two years after destroying Egypt, king Nabuchodonosor saw a strange dream, whose ending God showed him in his sleep, but when he rose from his bed, he forgot the ending. So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians and prophets and told them he had seen a dream and that he had forgotten the ending of what he had seen. When he ordered them to tell him both the content of dream and what it meant, they said that this was an impossible thing for people to find out, but promised him that if only he would report the dream he had seen, they would explain to him its meaning.

¹⁹⁶ τῶν δὲ ἀδύνατον εἶναι λεγόντων ἀνθρώποις τοῦτο εὑρεῖν, εἰ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐκθοῖτο τὴν‎ ὄψιν τοῦ ἐνυπνίου φράσειν τὸ σημεῖον ὑποσχομένων, θάνατον ἠπείλησεν αὐτοῖς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ὄναρ εἴποιεν, προσέταξε τε πάντας αὐτοὺς ἀναιρεθῆναι ποιῆσαι τὸ κελευσθὲν ὁμολογήσαντας μὴ δύνασθαι.

¹⁹⁶ When they said it was impossible for men to discover such a thing—though promising that if he set forth the vision of the dream to them, they would explain the sign—he threatened them with death if they did not tell him the dream. He ordered them all to be executed since they confessed they were unable to perform what was commanded.

¹⁹⁶ and they said that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream; and he gave command to have them all put to death, since they confessed they could not do what they were commanded to do.

¹⁹⁶ He threatened to execute them unless they told him his dream, and when they confessed they could not do as they were ordered, he said they must all be put to death.

¹⁹⁷ δ᾽ ἀκούσας, ὅτι προσέταξε πάντας τοὺς σοφοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποθανεῖν, ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν κινδυνεύειν, πρόσεισιν Ἀριόχῃ τῷ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀρχὴν πεπιστευμένῳ.

¹⁹⁷ When Daniel heard that the king had ordered all the wise men to die, and that he himself was in danger among them along with his kinsmen, he approached Arioch (Ariochē), who was entrusted with the command over the king’s bodyguards.

¹⁹⁷ Now when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all the wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was captain of the king’s guards,

¹⁹⁷ When Daniel heard that the king had ordered the execution of all the scholars, and that among them he and his three relatives were in danger, he went to Arioch, the trusted officer of the king’s guards,

¹⁹⁸ δεηθεὶς δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν μαθεῖν, δι᾽ ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς πάντας εἴη προστεταχὼς ἀναιρεθῆναι τοὺς σοφοὺς καὶ καὶ μάγους, καὶ μαθὼν τὸ περὶ τὸ ἐνύπνιον καὶ ὅτι κελευσθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ δηλοῦν ἐπιλελησμένῳ φήσαντες μὴ δύνασθαι παρώξυναν αὐτόν, παρεκάλεσε τὸν Ἀριόχην εἰσελθόντα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μίαν αἰτήσασθαι νύκτα τοῖς μάγοις [καὶ ταύτῃ] τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν ἐπισχεῖν· ἐλπίζειν γὰρ δι᾽ αὐτῆς δεηθεὶς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώσεσθαι τὸ ἐνύπνιον.

¹⁹⁸ Having asked to learn from him the reason why the king had ordered all the wise men, Chaldeans, and Magi to be executed, and having learned about the dream—and how they had provoked the king by saying they were unable to declare it to him after he had forgotten it—he urged Arioch to go in to the king and request one night for the Magi and to suspend the execution for that time; for he hoped that by entreating God during that night, he would come to know the dream.

¹⁹⁸ and desired to know of him what was the reason why the king had given command that all the wise men, and Chaldeans, and magicians should be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream.

¹⁹⁸ and asked him why the king had ordered all the scholars and Chaldeans and magicians to be killed. When he heard about the king’s forgotten dream and and how when ordered to explain it to him, they had said they could not do it and had thereby provoked his rage, he asked Arioch to go in to the king and beg a reprieve for the magicians and postpone their death for one night, as he hoped, by prayer to God, to understand the dream within that time.

¹⁹⁹ ὁ δὲ Ἀριόχης ταῦτ᾽ ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀξιοῦν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν κελεύει τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν ἐπισχεῖν τῶν μάγων ἕως γνῷ τὴν‎ ὑπόσχεσιν τὴν‎ · ὁ δὲ παῖς μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν ὑποχωρήσας πρὸς ἑαυτὸν δι᾽ ὅλης ἱκετεύει τὸν θεὸν τῆς νυκτὸς γνωρίσαι καὶ τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς , οἷς δεῖ καὶ αὐτοὺς συναπολέσθαι, ῥύσασθαι δὲ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργῆς ἐμφανίσαντα τὴν‎ ὄψιν αὐτῷ καὶ ποιήσαντα δήλην, ἧς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπελέληστο διὰ τῆς παρελθούσης νυκτὸς ἰδὼν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους.

¹⁹⁹ Arioch reported to the king that Daniel made this request. The king ordered the execution of the Magi to be suspended until he knew the outcome of Daniel’s promise. The youth, having withdrawn to his own quarters with his kinsmen, throughout the entire night supplicated God to deliver both the Magi and the Chaldeans—with whom they themselves were destined to perish—from the king’s wrath, by manifesting the vision to him and making clear that which the king had seen in his sleep during the previous night but had forgotten.

¹⁹⁹ Accordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired. So the king bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel’s promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the king’s anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it.

¹⁹⁹ Arioch told the king what Daniel wanted, so the king ordered them to postpone the death of the magicians until he knew what Daniel’s promise would come to. The young man retired to his own house, with his relatives, and all that night begged God to reveal the dream and thereby save from the king’s anger the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they themselves were to die, and enable him to declare his vision and show what the king had seen in his sleep the night before, but had forgotten.

²⁰⁰ ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἅμα τούς τε κινδυνεύοντας ἐλεήσας καὶ τὸν ΔανίηλονDaniēl τῆς σοφίας ἀγασάμενος τό τε ὄναρ αὐτῷ γνώριμον ἐποίησε καὶ τὴν‎ κρίσιν, ὡς ἂν καὶ τὸ σημαινόμενον ὁ βασιλεὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μάθοι.	²⁰⁰ God, pitying those in danger and admiring Daniel for his wisdom, made both the dream and its interpretation known to him, so that the king might learn the meaning from him.
²⁰⁰ Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand by him its signification also.	²⁰⁰ In his mercy for those in danger and admiring the wisdom of Daniel, God made known to him the dream and its meaning, that the king could learn it through him.

²⁰¹ δὲ γνοὺς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτα περιχαρὴς ἀνίσταται καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς δηλώσας τοὺς μὲν ἀπεγνωκότας ἤδη τοῦ ζῆν καὶ πρὸς τῷ τεθνάναι τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἔχοντας εἰς εὐθυμίαν καὶ τὰς περὶ τοῦ βίου διήγειρεν ἐλπίδας,

²⁰¹ Daniel, having learned these things from God, arose overjoyed. By revealing this to his brothers, who had already despaired of living and had their minds set on death, he stirred them to cheerfulness and to hopes regarding their lives.

²⁰¹ When Daniel had obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told it to his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying.

²⁰¹ When God let Daniel know this, he joyfully got up and told his brothers and gave them the glad hope that their lives would now be spared, where before they had despaired and thought of nothing but death.

²⁰² εὐχαριστήσας δὲ τῷ θεῷ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔλεον λαβόντι τῆς ἡλικίας αὐτῶν γενομένης ἡμέρας παραγίνεται πρὸς Ἀριόχην καὶ ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἠξίου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα· δηλῶσαι γὰρ αὐτῷ βούλεσθαι τὸ ἐνύπνιον, ὅ φησιν ἰδεῖν πρὸ τῆς παρελθούσης νυκτός.

²⁰² Having given thanks to God along with them for having taken pity on their youth, when day came, he went to Arioch and requested that he lead him to the king; for he said he wished to declare to him the dream which he said he had seen before the previous night."

²⁰² So when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had seen the night before.

²⁰² After thanking God with them for taking pity on their youth, he came to Arioch at break of day, asking him to take him to the king, to explain the dream he had seen the night before.

The Psychology of the "Forgotten Dream"
Josephus highlights a detail that makes Nebuchadnezzar’s demand even more terrifying: the king knows he saw something θαυμαστόν (marvelous/wonder-filled), but the details have vanished (λήθην). This creates a vacuum of anxiety. For the king, the "Wise Men" are exposed as frauds; if they truly have access to the divine, a missing memory should be no obstacle.

Arioch: The Professional Soldier
Josephus introduces Ἀριόχῃ as the commander of the σωματοφυλάκων (bodyguards). In the Roman world, this position (the Praetorian Prefect) was one of immense power. By having Daniel negotiate directly with the head of the guard, Josephus portrays Daniel not as a cowering slave, but as a sophisticated courtier who understands the chain of command.

The Collective Death Sentence
The order to kill πάντας τοὺς σοφούς (all the wise men) illustrates the absolute, arbitrary nature of Oriental autocracy. Daniel’s prayer is notably selfless: he asks God to save καὶ τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς Χαλδαίους (both the Magi and the Chaldeans). Even though these men were his academic rivals and practitioners of pagan arts, Daniel views their lives as intrinsically valuable.

Divine "Admiration" (ἀγασάμενος)
Josephus uses a very strong word when he says God "admired" (ἀγασάμενος) Daniel for his wisdom. In Greek literature, this word often describes a superior being’s wonder at an exceptional human quality. It suggests that Daniel’s "wisdom" wasn't just raw intelligence, but the moral courage to step into the gap and offer his life on a "promise" (ὑπόσχεσιν) to the king.

The Anatomy of Hope
The description of the brothers as having ἀπεγνωκότας ἤδη τοῦ ζῆν (already despaired of living) is a poignant touch. They had already reconciled themselves to death. Josephus emphasizes the emotional "resurrection" that occurs when Daniel brings the news. This transition from "minds set on death" to "hopes regarding life" mirrors the larger Jewish experience of the Exile.

The 23rd Year of Nebuchadnezzar
Josephus dates this event to the "second year after the destruction of Egypt" (the 23rd year of Nebuchadnezzar). This chronological precision anchors the supernatural event in the reality of the Babylonian military calendar. It suggests that just as Nebuchadnezzar reached the height of his physical conquest of the world, God sent him a vision to remind him that his empire was merely one "stage" in a much larger divine plan.

²⁰³ Εἰσελθὼν δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα παρῃτεῖτο πρῶτον μὴ σοφώτερον αὐτὸν δόξαι τῶν ἄλλων καὶ μάγων, ὅτι μηδενὸς ἐκείνων τὸ ὄναρ εὑρεῖν δυνηθέντος αὐτὸς αὐτὸ μέλλοι λέγειν· οὐ γὰρ κατ᾽ ἐμπειρίαν οὐδ᾽ ὅτι τὴν‎ διάνοιαν αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἐκπεπόνηται τοῦτο γίνεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλεήσας ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς κινδυνεύοντας ἀποθανεῖν δεηθέντι περὶ τε τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν καὶ τὸ ὄναρ καὶ τὴν‎ κρίσιν αὐτοῦ‎ φανερὰν ἐποίησεν.

²⁰³ "Having entered before the king, Daniel first requested that he not be thought wiser than the other Chaldeans and Magi simply because he was about to tell the dream which none of them had been able to discover. For he said this did not happen through any expertise of his own, nor because he had labored more intensely in his intellect than they; rather, God, having pitied us in our danger of death, made both the dream and its interpretation clear when I entreated Him regarding my own soul and those of my fellow countrymen.

²⁰³ When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, "God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof;

²⁰³ Coming into the king’s presence, Daniel first excused himself, saying that he did not claim to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, none of whom could work out his dream. It was not by his own skill, or from knowing more than the others; rather, he said, "God has pitied on us, when, in our danger of death, I prayed for my own life and those of my nation, and revealed to me both the dream and its meaning.

²⁰⁴ οὐχ ἧττον γὰρ τῆς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς καταδικασθεῖσιν ὑπὸ σοῦ μὴ ζῆν λύπης περὶ τῆς σῆς αὐτοῦ‎ δόξης ἐφρόντιζον ἀδίκως οὕτως ἄνδρας καὶ ταῦτα καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς ἀποθανεῖν κελεύσαντος, οἷς οὐδὲν μὲν ἀνθρωπίνης σοφίας ἐχόμενον προσέταξας, ὃ δ᾽ ἦν θεοῦ τοῦτο ἀπῄτεις παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.

²⁰⁴ For I was concerned no less for your own reputation than for the grief over our being condemned to death by you—since you had ordered the unjust execution of men, and noble and good men at that, from whom you demanded what was not within the grasp of human wisdom, but required of them that which belonged only to God.

²⁰⁴ for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them what was only the work of God.

²⁰⁴ I was no less concerned for your glory than for my own sadness that you had condemned us to die. For you did wrong in ordering good and excellent men to be put to death, after requiring them to do something quite beyond human wisdom and which is the work of God alone.

²⁰⁵ σοὶ τοίνυν φροντίζοντι περὶ τοῦ τίς ἄρξει τοῦ κόσμου παντὸς μετὰ σέ, κοιμηθέντι βουλόμενος δηλῶσαι πάντας ὁ θεὸς τοὺς βασιλεύσοντας ὄναρ ἔδειξε τοιοῦτον·	²⁰⁵ To you, then, as you were worrying about who would rule the whole world after you, God—wishing to show to you as you slept all those who would reign—revealed such a dream as this:
²⁰⁵ Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream:	²⁰⁵ In your sleep you were anxious about those who would succeed you in governing the world, and God wished to show you in a dream all who would reign after you.

²⁰⁶ ἔδοξας ὁρᾶν μέγαν ἑστῶτα, οὗ τὴν‎ μὲν κεφαλὴν συνέβαινεν εἶναι χρυσῆν, τοὺς δὲ ὤμους καὶ τοὺς βραχίονας ἀργυροῦς, τὴν‎ δὲ γαστέρα καὶ τοὺς μηροὺς χαλκέους, κνήμας δὲ καὶ πόδας σιδηροῦς.

²⁰⁶ You thought you saw a great statue standing, whose head happened to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of bronze, and the legs and feet of iron.

²⁰⁶ Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron;

²⁰⁶ You felt you saw a great standing figure, whose head was made of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet, of iron.

²⁰⁷ εἶτα λίθον ἐξ ὄρους ἀπορραγέντα ἐμπεσεῖν τῷ ἀνδριάντι καὶ τοῦτον καταβαλόντα συνθρύψαι καὶ μηδὲν αὐτοῦ‎ μέρος ὁλόκληρον ἀφεῖναι, ὡς τὸν μὲν χρυσὸν καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον καὶ τὸν χαλκὸν καὶ τὸν σίδηρον ἀλεύρων λεπτότερον γενέσθαι, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀνέμου πνεύσαντος σφοδροτέρου ὑπὸ τῆς βίας ἁρπαγέντα διασπαρῆναι, τὸν δὲ λίθον αὐξῆσαι τοσοῦτον, ὡς ἅπασαν δοκεῖν τὴν‎ γῆν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεπληρῶσθαι.

²⁰⁷ Then, a stone broken off from a mountain fell upon the statue, and having struck it down, shattered it and left no part of it whole, so that the gold, silver, bronze, and iron became finer than chaff; and as a more violent wind blew, they were snatched away and scattered by its force, while the stone increased so much that the entire earth seemed to be filled by it.

²⁰⁷ after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith.

²⁰⁷ Then you saw a stone breaking off from a mountain, and falling on the image and throwing it down and breaking it to pieces and leaving part of it remaining whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass and the iron was crushed like flour, which, at the blast of a violent wind, is carried away and scattered, but the stone grew so large that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled with it.

²⁰⁸ τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄναρ, ὅπερ εἶδες, τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν, ἡ δὲ κρίσις αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον· ἡ μὲν χρυσῆ κεφαλὴ σέ τε ἐδήλου καὶ τοὺς πρὸ σοῦ βασιλέας ὄντας· αἱ δὲ χεῖρες καὶ οἱ ὦμοι σημαίνουσιν ὑπὸ δύο καταλυθήσεσθαι βασιλέων τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ὑμῶν·

²⁰⁸ The dream, then, which you saw is this; and its interpretation is of this manner: The golden head indicated you and the Babylonian kings before you. The hands and shoulders signify that your sovereignty will be dissolved by two kings.

²⁰⁸ This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings;

²⁰⁸ This is the dream you saw and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold means you and the kings of Babylon before you, and the hands and shoulders mean that your kingdom shall be dissolved by two kings.

²⁰⁹ τὴν‎ δὲ ἐκείνων ἕτερός τις ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως καθαιρήσει χαλκὸν ἠμφιεσμένος, καὶ ταύτην ἄλλη παύσει τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν ὁμοία σιδήρῳ καὶ κρατήσει δὲ εἰς ἅπαντα διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ σιδήρου φύσιν· εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὴν στερροτέραν τῆς τοῦ χρυσοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀργύρου καὶ τοῦ χαλκοῦ.

²⁰⁹ Another from the West, clothed in bronze, will pull down their sovereignty; and another power, like iron, will put an end to that one’s strength, and it will prevail over all because of the nature of iron—for it is harder than that of gold, silver, or bronze.

²⁰⁹ but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass."

²⁰⁹ But another king who will come from the west, armed with brass, will destroy that kingdom. Then another kingdom like iron will put an end to the power of the former and shall rule over all the earth, just as the nature of iron is stronger than gold or silver or brass."

²¹⁰ ἐδήλωσε δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ λίθου τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ἔδοξε τοῦτο ἱστορεῖν τὰ παρελθόντα καὶ τὰ γεγενημένα συγγράφειν οὐ τὰ μέλλοντα ὀφείλοντι, εἰ δέ τις τῆς ἀκριβείας γλιχόμενος οὐ περιίσταται πολυπραγμονεῖν, ὡς καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων τί γενήσεται βούλεσθαι μαθεῖν, σπουδασάτω τὸ βιβλίον ἀναγνῶναι τὸ · εὑρήσει δὲ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς γράμμασιν.

²¹⁰ Daniel also explained to the king about the stone, but it did not seem right to me to record this, as I am obligated to write of things past and completed, not of things to come. However, if anyone, hungering for accuracy, does not hesitate to be inquisitive, wishing to learn even about the unknown things that shall be, let him take pains to read the Book of Daniel; he will find it among the sacred writings."

²¹⁰ Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings.

²¹⁰ Daniel also declared the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have undertaken to describe only things past or present, but not things that are future. However, if anyone is so keen to know the truth that he will not set aside such points of curiosity and cannot curb his desire to know the uncertainties of the future and whether things will happen or not, let him diligently read the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings.

The Rhetoric of Survival
Daniel’s opening speech is a masterclass in diplomacy. He shifts the focus from his own "expertise" (ἐμπειρίαν) to God’s mercy. Crucially, he flatters the King by claiming he was worried about the King’s δόξης (reputation/glory). By framing the execution of the Magi as an "unjust" act against "noble and good men," Daniel provides the King with a face-saving exit: the Magi failed not because they were frauds, but because the King asked for a "God-level" miracle.

The Metallic Sequence of Empires
Josephus interprets the statue through the standard four-empire model prevalent in antiquity:

1) Gold: The Babylonian Empire.

2) Silver (Arms/Shoulders): The Medo-Persians (the "two kings" or "two arms" representing the Medes and Persians).

3) Bronze (Belly/Thighs): The Greeks under Alexander (coming "from the West" and "clothed in bronze," referring to Greek hoplite armor).

4) Iron (Legs/Feet): The Roman Empire (the power that "prevails over all").

The "Bronze" Westerner
Josephus specifically identifies the Third Kingdom as being from the δύσεως (West). To a reader in the Roman Empire, this clearly pointed to Alexander the Great and the subsequent Hellenistic kingdoms. The description of being "clothed in bronze" (χαλκὸν ἠμφιεσμένος) is a vivid reference to the stereotypical Greek warrior.

The Iron Nature of Rome
Josephus describes the Fourth Kingdom (Rome) with a focus on its στερροτέραν (harder/sterner) nature. For a Jewish historian writing under the patronage of the Flavian emperors (Vespasian and Titus), describing Rome as the irresistible "Iron" power was both a historical fact and a political necessity.

The "Stone" and Josephus’s Silence
The most intriguing part of the text is Josephus’s refusal to explain the λίθον (the stone). In the biblical Daniel, the stone represents a final kingdom established by God that crushes all earthly empires.

1) Why the silence? If Josephus identified the stone as a future Jewish Messianic kingdom that would destroy Rome (the Iron), he would have been executed for treason.

2) The "Inquisitive" Reader: By telling his readers to "read the Book of Daniel" for themselves to learn about "things to come" (τὰ μέλλοντα), he drops a massive hint without saying anything that could get him arrested. It is a brilliant example of "writing between the lines."

History vs. Prophecy
Josephus defines his role as an ἱστορεῖν (historian) of "things past and completed." He draws a firm line between historical recording and prophetic interpretation. This allows him to maintain credibility as a historian in the Greco-Roman tradition while still honoring the "sacred writings" (ἱεροῖς γράμμασιν) of his own people.

²¹¹ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσαρος ἀκηκοὼς ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιγνοὺς τὸ ὄναρ ἐξεπλάγηto expel τὴν‎ τοῦ ΔανιήλουDaniel φύσιν καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον, ᾧ τρόπῳ τὸν θεὸν προσκυνοῦσι, τούτῳ τὸν ΔανίηλονDaniēl ἠσπάζετο·	²¹¹ "When King Nebuchadnezzar (Nabouchodonosoros) heard these things and recognized his dream, he was astonished at Daniel’s nature; falling upon his face, in the manner that men worship God, so did he salute Daniel.
²¹¹ When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee; and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God,	²¹¹ When Nabuchodonosor heard this and recalled his dream, he was astounded at the wisdom of Daniel and fell to his knees, and greeted him as men worship God.

²¹² καὶ θύειν δὲ ὡς θεῷ προσέταξεν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ ἰδίου θεοῦ θέμενος ἁπάσης ἐπίτροπον τῆς βασιλείας ἐποίησε καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ‎, οὓς ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ βασκανίας εἰς κίνδυνον ἐμπεσεῖν συνέβη τῷ βασιλεῖ προσκρούσαντας ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης·

²¹² He even commanded that sacrifices be offered to him as to a god; furthermore, bestowing upon him the name of his own god, he made him administrator of the entire kingdom, along with his kinsmen. These kinsmen happened to fall into danger due to envy and malice, having clashed with the king for the following reason:

²¹² and gave command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the name, of his own god upon him, [Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended the king upon the occasion following:

²¹² He had sacrifice offered to him as though he were a god, and named him after his own god, and made him and his relatives officers of his whole kingdom. But these relatives of his fell into great danger through others' envy and malice, and in this way offended the king.

²¹³ ὁ βασιλεὺς κατασκευάσας χρύσεον πηχῶν τὸ μὲν ὕψος ἑξήκοντα τὸ πλάτος δὲ ἕξ, στήσας αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ τῆς πεδίῳ καὶ μέλλων καθιεροῦν αὐτὸν συνεκάλεσεν ἐξ ἁπάσης ἧς ἦρχε γῆς τοὺς πρώτους πρῶτον αὐτοῖς προστάξας, ὅταν σημαινούσης ἀκούσωσι τῆς σάλπιγγος, τότε πεσόντας προσκυνεῖν τὸν · τοὺς δὲ μὴ ποιήσαντας ἠπείλησεν εἰς τὴν‎ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐμβληθῆναι κάμινον.

²¹³ The king, having constructed a golden statue sixty cubits in height and six in breadth, set it up in the great plain of Babylon. Intending to dedicate it, he summoned the leading men from every land over which he ruled, first commanding them that whenever they heard the trumpet sounding, they should then fall down and worship the statue; he threatened that those who did not do so would be cast into a furnace of fire.

²¹³ he made an image of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that was under his dominions, and commanded them, in the first place, that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet, they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that those who did not do so, should be cast into a fiery furnace.

²¹³ He made an image of gold, sixty feet high and six feet wide, and set it in the great plain of Babylon, and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the leaders from all his dominions throughout the world, with orders, first, when they heard the sound of the trumpet to fall down and worship the image, and he threatened that those who did not so would be thrown into a fiery furnace.

²¹⁴ πάντων οὖν μετὰ τὸ σημαινούσης ἐπακοῦσαι τῆς σάλπιγγος προσκυνούντων τὸν τοὺς συγγενεῖς οὐ ποιῆσαι τοῦτό φασι μὴ βουληθέντας παραβῆναι τοὺς πατρίους νόμους. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐλεγχθέντες εὐθὺς εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐμβληθέντες θείᾳ σώζονται προνοίᾳ καὶ παραδόξως διαφεύγουσι τὸν θάνατον.

²¹⁴ Therefore, while everyone else worshipped the statue after hearing the trumpet sound, they say that Daniel’s kinsmen did not do this, being unwilling to transgress their ancestral laws. Being convicted, they were immediately cast into the fire, yet they were saved by Divine Providence and escaped death in a manner contrary to expectation.

²¹⁴ When therefore all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped the image, they relate that Daniel’s kinsmen did not do it, because they would not transgress the laws of their country. So these men were convicted, and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a surprising manner escaped death,

²¹⁴ When everyone, on hearing the sound of the trumpet, bowed before the image, they say that Daniel’s relatives did not do it, because they would not brreak their ancestral laws. So they were convicted and thrown immediately into the fire, but were saved by divine Providence and amazingly escaped death.

²¹⁵ ἀλλὰ κατὰ λογισμὸν οἶμαι τῷ μηδὲν ἀδικήσαντας εἰς αὐτὸ βληθῆναι οὐχ ἥψατο, καίειν δ᾽ ἀσθενὲς ἦν ἐν ἑαυτῷ τοὺς παῖδας τοῦ θεοῦ κρείττονα τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν ὥστε μὴ δαπανηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς παρασκευάσαντος. τοῦτο συνέστησεν αὐτοὺς τῷ βασιλεῖ ὡς δικαίους καὶ θεοφιλεῖς, διὸ μετὰ ταῦτα πάσης ἀξιούμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τιμῆς διετέλουν.

²¹⁵ Indeed, I believe that by [God's] reasoning, the fire did not touch them because they had been cast into it having done no wrong; the fire was too weak to burn, having within itself the children of God, who had rendered their bodies superior so as not to be consumed by the flames. This established them in the king’s eyes as righteous and beloved of God, and for this reason, they continued thereafter to be thought worthy of every honor from him."

²¹⁵ for the fire did not touch them; and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore it was too weak to burn the young men when they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they continued in great esteem with him.

²¹⁵ If the fire did not touch them, I suppose it was as though aware that they were thrown into it without fault of their own, and therefore it could not burn the young men when they were in it. This was by God’s power, who made their bodies so superior to the fire, that it could not consume them. This commended them to the king as righteous men, beloved of God, and gained them his high esteem.

The Divine Honors of Daniel
Josephus notes that the King worshipped Daniel ᾧ τρόπῳ τὸν θεὸν προσκυνοῦσι (in the manner they worship God). This is a provocative detail. In the biblical account, Daniel is honored, but Josephus makes the "apotheosis" explicit. By receiving the name of a Babylonian god (Belteshazzar) and having sacrifices offered to him, Daniel is placed in the ultimate position of "Double Identity"—an imperial god-figure who remains a secret servant of Yahweh.

The Proportions of the Statue
The statue’s dimensions—sixty cubits high and six wide (approx. 90ft x 9ft)—are strikingly slender. This 10:1 ratio suggests an obelisk-like pillar or a towering, thin figure. For Josephus’s readers in Rome, who were accustomed to the Colossus of Rhodes or Nero’s Colossus, this would represent the height of hubris and the vast wealth of the Babylonian treasury.

Envy as a Political Catalyst
Josephus attributes the danger to φθόνου καὶ βασκανίας (envy and malice). He understands court politics perfectly: the "foreigners" had been promoted to rule the ἁπάσης ἐπίτροπον (entire kingdom), sparking a xenophobic backlash among the native Babylonian elite. The mandatory worship of the statue was likely a "loyalty test" designed specifically to trap the Jews.

Ancestral Laws vs. Imperial Edicts
The youths refuse to bow because of their πατρίους νόμους (ancestral laws). Josephus uses this specific terminology to resonate with Roman readers, who generally respected "ancestral customs." He frames their civil disobedience not as a rebellion against the state, but as a higher loyalty to an older constitution.

A "Rational" Miracle?
Josephus offers a fascinating philosophical explanation for their survival. He suggests the fire was ἀσθενὲς (weak/powerless) because it contained the παῖδας τοῦ θεοῦ (children of God). He argues that their bodies were κρείττονα (superior/stronger) than the chemical energy of the fire. This "physicalist" explanation of a miracle was common in Hellenistic Jewish thought—suggesting that holiness confers a literal, physical resilience.

The "Missing" Daniel
Modern readers often ask: where was Daniel during this trial? Josephus focuses on the συγγενεῖς (kinsmen/Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah). It is implied that Daniel’s status was so high—having been declared a "god" by the king earlier in the passage—that he was either exempt from the test or his enemies were too afraid to accuse him directly, choosing instead to target his subordinates.

Restoration and "Theophilous" Status
The survival of the youths proves they are θεοφιλεῖς (beloved of God). In the ancient world, survival against impossible odds was the ultimate legal "exoneration." Nebuchadnezzar, as a polytheist, recognizes the "power" of their God and restores them to honor. This pattern—Jewish virtue leading to imperial promotion—is the core message Josephus wants to send to his Roman patrons.

²¹⁶ Ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον χρόνῳ πάλιν ὁρᾷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ βασιλεὺς ὄψιν ἑτέραν, ὡς ἐκπεσὼν τῆς ἀρχῆς μετὰ θηρίων ἕξει τὴν‎ δίαιταν καὶ διαζήσας οὕτως ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ αὖθις τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀπολήψεται. τοῦτο θεασάμενος τοὖναρ πάλιν τοὺς μάγους συγκαλέσας ἀνέκρινεν αὐτοὺς περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τί σημαίνοι λέγειν ἠξίου.

²¹⁶ "A short time later, the king again saw another vision in his sleep: that he would fall from power and have his dwelling among the wild beasts; and having lived in this way in the wilderness for seven years, he would once again recover his sovereignty. Having seen this dream, he again summoned the Magi and questioned them about it, demanding they say what it signified.

²¹⁶ A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision; how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he had lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magicians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them to tell him what it signified;

²¹⁶ A little later the king again saw another vision in his sleep, about how he would fall from his realm and feed among the wild beasts, but after living for seven years in this manner in the desert, he would recover his realm again. Having seen this dream, he again gathered the magicians and questioned them on its meaning.

²¹⁷ τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐθεὶς ἠδυνήθη τὴν‎ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου διάνοιαν εὑρεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἐμφανίσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, δὲ μόνος καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔκρινε καὶ καθὼς οὗτος αὐτῷ προεῖπεν ἀπέβη. διατρίψας γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας τὸν προειρημένον χρόνον οὐδενὸς τολμήσαντος ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι παρὰ τὴν‎ ἑπταετίαν, δεηθεὶς τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀπολαβεῖν πάλιν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπανέρχεται.

²¹⁷ Now, none of the others were able to find the meaning of the dream or reveal it to the king, but Daniel alone interpreted this also, and it came to pass exactly as he had foretold. For after spending the aforementioned time in the wilderness—no one having dared to seize control of the government during that seven-year period—he entreated God to recover his kingdom and returned to it again.

²¹⁷ but when none of them could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel was the only person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it.

²¹⁷ When none of the others could find the dream’s meaning or reveal it to the king, Daniel was the only one to explain it, and as he foretold, so it happened, for after he had continued in the wilderness for that period of time, and no one dared attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God to recover his kingdom and he returned to it.

²¹⁸ ἐγκαλέσῃ δέ μοι μηδεὶς οὕτως ἕκαστα τούτων ἀπαγγέλλοντι διὰ τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἀρχαίοις εὑρίσκω βιβλίοις· καὶ γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἱστορίας πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιζητήσοντάς τι περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ μεμψομένους ἠσφαλισάμην, μόνον τε μεταφράζειν τὰς βίβλους εἰπὼν εἰς τὴν‎ γλῶτταν καὶ ταῦτα δηλώσειν μήτε προστιθεὶς τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ μήτ᾽ ἀφαιρῶν ὑπεισχημένος.

²¹⁸ But let no one find fault with me for reporting each of these things in my writing exactly as I find them in the ancient books; for at the very beginning of this history, I guarded myself against those who might inquire into or criticize anything about these matters. I stated that I intended only to translate the books of the Hebrews into the Greek tongue, promising to set these things forth without adding anything of my own to the facts, nor taking anything away."

²¹⁸ But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature, as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point, or complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own, or taking any thing away from there.

²¹⁸ Let no one blame me for writing things of this nature, as I find them in our ancient books. At the start of this history I have plainly told my critics who complain of my procedure in such matters, that I intended only to translate the Hebrew books into Greek and promised to explain those events, without adding to them anything of my own, or leaving anything out.

The Divine Humiliation of Autocracy
Josephus presents the king’s madness as a literal "falling out" of humanity. The phrase μετὰ θηρίων ἕξει τὴν δίαιταν (he will have his diet/living with beasts) serves as a cosmic irony: the man who commanded the whole world to bow to his statue is reduced to the level of the creatures over which he supposedly had dominion.

The Power Vacuum that Wasn't
One of Josephus’s most interesting historical claims is that οὐδενὸς τολμήσαντος ἐπιθέσθαι (no one dared to attack the affairs/government) during the seven years. In a world of brutal palace coups, the idea that an empire remained stable while its king lived like an animal in the woods is, for Josephus, a secondary miracle. It implies that God’s "Providence" held the Babylonian throne vacant specifically for Nebuchadnezzar’s return.

The "Translator’s Defense"
Josephus pauses the narrative to deliver a probatio—a defense of his methodology. He knows that Greek and Roman intellectuals might find the story of a grass-eating king hard to swallow. By using the word μεταφράζειν (to translate), he shifts the burden of proof from himself to the "ancient books." He presents himself as a transparent medium: a bridge between the Ἑβραίων βίβλους (Hebrew books) and the Ἑλλάδα γλῶτταν (Greek tongue).

The Law of Preservation (μήτε προστιθεὶς... μήτʼ ἀφαιρῶν)
Josephus invokes the classic "Total Integrity" formula: not adding or subtracting a single detail. This was a standard claim for ancient historians (and a religious requirement for Torah scribes). It signals to his audience that even the "weird" parts of Jewish history are being reported with archival accuracy, not adapted for entertainment.

Daniel as the Sole Authority
By noting that Δανίηλος δὲ μόνος (Daniel alone) could interpret the dream, Josephus reinforces the failure of "Chaldean wisdom" mentioned in earlier chapters. Even after decades of service, the Babylonian Magi remain spiritually blind, whereas the Jewish prophet remains the only one with the "keys" to the King’s subconscious.

The "Seventy Years" Context
While this passage focuses on the king’s seven years of madness, it fits into the broader theme of the seventy-year exile. Just as the king is restored after his period of "beastly" humiliation, Josephus implies that the Jewish people will be restored after their period of national humiliation. The king’s personal restoration serves as a "type" or a promise for the nation’s future.

Chapter 11
[219-281]
Persian rule ends the Babylonian Exile.
Daniel in the lions' den:
divine Providence

☜ ☞

²¹⁹ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔτη τρία καὶ τεσσαράκοντα βασιλεύσας τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ἀνὴρ δραστήριος καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέων εὐτυχέστερος γενόμενος. μέμνηται δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν πράξεων καὶ ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν Χαλδαικῶν ἱστοριῶν λέγων οὕτως·

²¹⁹ "Now King Nebuchadnezzar (Nabouchodonosoros), after reigning for forty-three years, departed this life, having been an energetic man and more fortunate than the kings before him. Berosus mentions his deeds in the third book of his Chaldean History, speaking thus:

²¹⁹ Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus:

²¹⁹ King Nabuchodonosor was an active man and more fortunate than the kings who were before him, but after a reign of forty-three years, his life came to an end. Berosus mentions his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says,

²²⁰ " ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ , ὅτι ὁ τεταγμένος σατράπης ἐν τῇ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ τὴν‎ κοίλην καὶ τὴν‎ τόποις ἀποστάτης αὐτοῦ‎ γέγονεν, οὐ δυνάμενος αὐτὸς κακοπαθεῖν συστήσας τῷ υἱῷ Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ ὄντι ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μέρη τινὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν.

²²⁰ 'When his father, Nabopolassar (Nabouchodonosoros), heard that the satrap appointed over Egypt and the regions around Coele-Syria and Phoenicia had become a rebel against him, being himself no longer able to endure hardships, he entrusted a portion of his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was in the prime of life, and sent him against the rebel.

²²⁰ "When his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him.

²²⁰ "When Nabuchodonosor his father heard that the ruler he had set over Egypt and the area around Coelesyria and Phoenicia had rebelled from him, being himself no longer able for hardship, he sent his young son Nabuchodonosor out against him with a part of his army.

²²¹ συμμίξας δὲ τῷ ἀποστάτῃ καὶ παραταξάμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τε ἐκράτησε καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλείαν ἐποιήσατο. τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτοῦ‎ Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ συνέβη κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἀρρωστήσαντι ἐν τῇ πόλει μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα εἴκοσι καὶ ἕν.

²²¹ Nebuchadnezzar engaged the rebel in battle and, having drawn up his forces, overcame him and brought the country from that beginning under his own kingdom. It happened that at that same time, his father Nabopolassar fell ill in the city of Babylon and departed this life after reigning twenty-one years.

²²¹ So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years;

²²¹ Nabuchodonosor made war on the rebel and defeated him and took the region from under his rule and made it a branch of his own kingdom. About that time in the city of Babylon his father Nebuchodonosor fell ill and passed from his life after reigning for twenty-one years.

²²² αἰσθόμενος δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν Ναβουχοδονοσάρου καὶ καταστήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πράγματα καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν χώραν καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους τε καὶ καὶ καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ ἐθνῶν συντάξας τισὶ τῶν φίλων μετὰ τῆς βαρυτάτης δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ὠφελείας ἀνακομίζειν εἰς τὴν‎ , αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας ὀλιγοστὸς διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου παραγίνεται εἰς .

²²² Sensing not long after the death of his father, Nebuchadnezzar settled the affairs of Egypt and the remaining country; and having arranged for certain of his friends to bring back the captives of the Jews, Phoenicians, Syrians, and the nations in Egypt to Babylonia along with the heavy army and the rest of the spoils, he himself set out with a few followers through the desert and arrived in Babylon.

²²² and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon.

²²² When shortly afterward the son learned of the death of his father Nebuchodonosor, he settled affairs in Egypt and the other countries, and dealt with the captured Jews and Phoenicians and Syrians and the nations under Egypt, and having entrusted to some of his friends to bring them to Babylon along with the rest of his army and their ammunition and provisions, he himself hurried over the desert with a few others, and came to Babylon.

²²³ παραλαβὼν δὲ τὰ πράγματα διοικούμενα ὑπὸ καὶ διατηρουμένην τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βελτίστου αὐτῶν, κυριεύσας ὁλοκλήρου τῆς πατρικῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς μὲν αἰχμαλώτοις παραγενομένοις συνέταξεν ἀποικίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῆς τόποις ἀποδεῖξαι,

²²³ Taking over the government which was being administered by the Chaldeans and the kingdom being preserved by the best among them, he became master of the entire paternal empire. To the captives who arrived, he assigned colonies in the most suitable places of Babylonia.

²²³ So he took upon him the management of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia;

²²³ So he took over the management of affairs and the kingdom of the Chaldeans, which had been kept for him by the best of them, and he ruled the entire dominions of his father and arranged to have the prisoners, when they came, distributed in colonies in the most suitable places of Babylonia.

²²⁴ αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λαφύρων τό τε τοῦ ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ κοσμήσας φιλοτίμως τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πόλιν καὶ ἕτερα καταχαρισάμενος καὶ ἀναγκάσας πρὸς τὸ μηκέτι δύνασθαι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας τὸν ποταμὸν ἀναστρέψαντας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν [κατασκευάζειν] περιεβάλετο τρεῖς μὲν τῆς ἔνδον πόλεως περιβόλους, τρεῖς δ᾽ ἔξω τούτων δὲ τῆς ὀπτῆς πλίνθου.

²²⁴ He himself, from the spoils of the war, lavishly adorned the temple of Belus and the other shrines. Having also beautified the existing city from its foundations and added others, and having diverted the river so that besiegers could no longer use it against the city, he surrounded it with three circuits of walls for the inner city and three for the outer, these latter being made of baked brick.

²²⁴ but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round about the inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he did with burnt brick.

²²⁴ With the spoils he had taken in the war he magnificently adorned the temple of Belus and the rest of the temples, and added another city to that which was there of old and rebuilt it, so that any who later might besiege it could no longer change the course of the river and thereby threaten the city itself. He built a triple wall of burned brick around both the inner city and the outer.

²²⁵ καὶ τειχίσας ἀξιολόγως τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας κοσμήσας ἱεροπρεπῶς κατεσκεύασεν ἐν τοῖς πατρικοῖς βασιλείοις ἕτερα βασίλεια ἐχόμενα αὐτῶν, ὧν τὸ μὲν ἀνάστημα καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν πολυτέλειαν περισσὸν ἴσως ἂν εἴη λέγειν, πλὴν ὅσον τὰ μεγάλα καὶ συνετελέσθη ἡμέραις πεντεκαίδεκα.

²²⁵ Having fortified the city remarkably and adorned the gates in a manner befitting a temple, he built beside his father’s palace another palace adjoining it. To speak of its height and remaining luxury might perhaps be excessive, except to say that such great and proud works were completed in fifteen days.

²²⁵ And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before his father’s palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast height and immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days.

²²⁵ After suitably fortifying the city and gloriously adorning its gates, in front of his father’s palace he built another adjoining it, whose vast height and immense riches would be too much for me to describe, but large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days.

²²⁶ [ἐν δὲ] τοῖς βασιλείοις τούτοις λίθινα ἀνῳκοδόμησε τὴν‎ ὄψιν ἀποδοὺς ὁμοιοτάτην τοῖς ὄρεσι, καταφυτεύσας δένδρεσι παντοδαποῖς ἐξειργάσατο καὶ κατεσκεύασε τὸν καλούμενον κρεμαστὸν παράδεισον διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπιθυμεῖν τῆς οἰκείας διαθέσεως ὡς τεθραμμένην ἐν τοῖς κατὰ

²²⁶ In these palaces, he built stone terraces and gave them an appearance very similar to mountains, planting them with all kinds of trees; thus he completed and constructed the so-called Hanging Garden, because his wife desired the arrangement of her homeland, having been raised in the regions of Media.'

²²⁶ He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things like her own country, she having been bred up in the palaces of Media."

²²⁶ Within the palace he also built retaining walls of stone, shaped like a mountain and planted with all sorts of trees. He also built the so-called hanging gardens, because his wife wished to have things as in her own country, for she was brought up in the palaces of Media."

²²⁷ τόποις. Καὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν μνημονεύει αὐτῶν δι᾽ ἧς ἀποφαίνειν πειρᾶται τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῶν πράξεων ὑπερβεβηκότα τὸν · καταστρέψασθαι γὰρ αὐτόν φησι τὴν‎ πολλὴν καὶ .

²²⁷ Megasthenes also mentions them in the fourth book of his Indian History, through which he tries to show that this king surpassed Heracles in bravery and the greatness of his deeds; for he says he subdued the greater part of Libya and Iberia.

²²⁷ Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavors to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in fortitude, and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia.

²²⁷ Megasthenes also, in his fourth volume about India, mentions these things and thereby tries to show that this king surpassed Hercules in bravery and in the greatness of his actions, saying that he conquered most of Libya and Iberia.

²²⁸ καὶ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν μνημονεύει τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἐν ταῖς καὶ ἱστορίαις, ὅτι οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν‎ ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ δέκα βασιλεύοντος κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τῆς . Καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων ἱστορούμενα περὶ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα ἦν.

²²⁸ Diocles also mentions this king in the second book of his Persian History, and Philostratus in his Indian and Phoenician Histories says that this king besieged Tyre for thirteen years during the reign of Ithobaal of Tyre. These, then, were the things recorded by everyone concerning this king."

²²⁸ Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both of India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this king.

²²⁸ Diocles too, in his second volume on Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his histories of India and of Phoenicia, say that this king besieged Tyre for thirteen years while Ethbaal was king of Tyre. These are all the historical accounts I have found about this king.

The Historical "Golden Chain"
Josephus quotes Berosus, a 3rd-century BCE Babylonian priest of Bel. This is a crucial move; by citing a native Babylonian source, Josephus proves to his Greek and Roman readers that the "captivities" mentioned in the Bible were standard imperial policy recorded in the royal archives of the conquerors themselves.

The Great Walls of Babylon
Berosus (via Josephus) provides a detailed look at the defense of Babylon. The baked brick (ὀπτῆς πλίνθου) mentioned was a hallmark of Nebuchadnezzar’s engineering, often held together with bitumen. This made the walls virtually waterproof and much stronger than sun-dried mud bricks.

The Hanging Gardens: A Romantic Engineering Feat
Josephus preserves the tradition that the Hanging Gardens were built for the King’s wife, Amytis of Media. Living in the flat, dusty plains of Mesopotamia, she missed the lush, tiered mountains of her home. The construction of stone terraces (ἀναλήμματα λίθινα) was a significant feat in a region where stone had to be imported from great distances.

The "Fifteen-Day" Palace
The claim that a grand palace was completed in fifteen days is likely hyperbole, intended to emphasize the King’s absolute power and the vast labor force at his disposal. In ancient rhetoric, speed of construction was a proxy for the favor of the gods and the efficiency of the monarch.

Surpassing Heracles
By quoting Megasthenes, Josephus frames Nebuchadnezzar as a figure of global mythic proportions, even claiming he reached Libya (North Africa) and Iberia (Spain). This places the "Hammer of Jerusalem" on par with the greatest heroes of Western mythology, suggesting that the God of the Hebrews had utilized a truly world-class titan to execute His judgments.

The 13-Year Siege of Tyre
Josephus includes a note from Philostratus about the siege of Tyre. This long-term military operation (585–572 BCE) is also mentioned in the Book of Ezekiel. The fact that the Tyrian king’s name (Ithobaal) matches the historical records adds a layer of archaeological "grit" to the narrative.

The Satrap Rebel
The mention of the "rebel satrap" in Egypt explains the immediate military context for the Babylonian presence in the Levant. It shows that the destruction of Jerusalem was not an isolated event, but part of a larger theater of war between the two superpowers of the day: Babylon and Egypt.

²²⁹ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαμβάνει, ὃς εὐθὺς τὸν τῶν βασιλέα τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφεὶς ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις τῶν φίλων εἶχε πολλὰς αὐτῷ δωρεὰς δοὺς καὶ ποιήσας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλέων·

²²⁹ "After the death of Nebuchadnezzar, his son Evil-Merodach (Abilmathadachos) took over the kingdom. He immediately released Jehoiachin (Iechonian), the king of Jerusalem, from his bonds and kept him among his most intimate friends, giving him many gifts and placing him above the other kings in Babylon.

²²⁹ But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents, and made him honorable above the rest of the kings that were in Babylon;

²²⁹ After Nabuchodonosor’s death, his son Evil-Merodach succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconias free and had him among his closest friends and gave him many gifts, placing him above the rest of the kings in Babylon.

²³⁰ ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ πίστιν οὐκ ἐφύλαξεν παραδόντι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων καὶ τῆς συγγενείας ὅλης ἑκουσίως αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς ἂν μὴ κατασκαφείη ληφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν.

²³⁰ For his father [Nebuchadnezzar] had not kept faith with Jehoiachin, even though he had voluntarily surrendered himself with his wives, children, and entire kindred for the sake of his country, so that it might not be razed to the ground if taken by siege, as we have said before.

²³⁰ for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before.

²³⁰ For his father had not kept his faith with Jeconias, when he freely surrendered to him, with his wives and children and his whole family, that his country might not be taken by siege and utterly destroyed, as we have earlier said.

²³¹ τελευτήσαντος δὲ μετὰ ἔτη ὀκτωκαίδεκα τῆς βασιλείας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παραλαμβάνει, καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα καταστρέφει τὸν βίον. μετὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ἀφικνεῖται τῆς βασιλείας ἡ διαδοχή, καὶ μῆνας ποιήσασα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τοὺς πάντας ἐννέα τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ μεταβαίνει πρὸς τὸν καλούμενον παρὰ τοῖς .

²³¹ When Evil-Merodach died after eighteen years of reigning, his son Neriglissar (Ēglisaros) took the government; after holding it for forty years, he ended his life. After him, the succession of the kingdom came to his son Labosordachus (Labosordachon); having held it for nine months in all, upon his death it passed to Belshazzar (Baltasarēn), who was called Nabonidus (Naboandēlon) among the Babylonians.

²³¹ When Evil-Mcrodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Niglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar, who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus;

²³¹ When, after a reign of eighteen years, Evil-Merodach died, his son Niglissar took over the leadership and held it for forty years and then died. After him his son Labosordacus succeeded to the kingship, but held it for only nine months, and when he died, it came to Baltasar, called Naboandelus by the Babylonians.

²³² ἐπὶ τοῦτον στρατεύουσι τε ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ . Καὶ πολιορκουμένων τοὺς ἐν θαυμάσιόν τι καὶ τεράστιον θέαμα συνέβη· κατέκειτο δειπνῶν καὶ πίνων ἐν οἴκῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ πρὸς ἑστιάσεις πεποιημένῳ βασιλικὰς μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων καὶ τῶν φίλων.

²³² Against him, Cyrus (Kyros), the King of the Persians, and Darius (Dareios), the King of the Medes, made war. While those in Babylon were being besieged, a wonderful and portentous sight occurred: the king was reclining at dinner, drinking in a large hall made for royal festivities, along with his concubines and his friends.

²³² against him did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had with him his concubines and his friends;

²³² It was against him that Cyrus, king of the Persians and Darius, king of the Medes, made war, and when he was besieged in Babylon, a wonderful and mighty vision took place, as he was sitting in a large room made for royal festivities, eating and drinking with his concubines and friends.

²³³ δόξαν δὲ αὐτῷ κομισθῆναι κελεύει ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου ναοῦ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ σκεύη, ἃ συλήσας ἐκ τῶν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο μέν, εἰς δὲ τὸν αὑτοῦ ναὸν κατέθηκεν. Αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπὸ θράσους προαχθείς, ὥστε αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι, μεταξὺ πίνων καὶ βλασφημῶν τὸν θεὸν ἐκ τοῦ τείχους ὁρᾷ χεῖρα προιοῦσαν καὶ τῷ τοίχῳ τινὰς συλλαβὰς ἐγγράφουσαν.

²³³ In his arrogance, he ordered the vessels of God to be brought from his own temple—vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered from Jerusalem but had not used, laying them up instead in his own temple. Belshazzar, led by such audacity as to use them, while drinking and blaspheming God, saw a hand coming out of the wall and writing certain syllables upon it.

²³³ whereupon he came to a resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own temple, should be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming against God. In the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables;

²³³ There he ordered them to bring out the vessels for the service of God which Nabuchodonosor had looted from Jerusalem and had not used, but had deposited in his own temple. But as he dared to use them, drinking from them and blaspheming against God, he saw a hand coming out from the wall and writing some syllables upon it.

²³⁴ ταραχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως συνεκάλεσε τοὺς μάγους καὶ τοὺς , πᾶν τοῦτο τὸ γένος ὅσον ἦν ἐν τοῖς τά τε σημεῖα καὶ τὰ ὀνείρατα κρίνειν δυνάμενον, ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ δηλώσωσι τὰ γεγραμμένα.

²³⁴ Disturbed by the vision, he summoned the Magi and the Chaldeans—the entire class among the Babylonians capable of judging signs and dreams—so that they might reveal the writing to him.

²³⁴ at which sight, being disturbed, he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all that sort of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him.

²³⁴ Disturbed at this sight he called the magicians and Chaldeans together and whoever among the Babylonians could interpret signs and dreams, to explain the writing to him.

²³⁵ τῶν δὲ μάγων οὐδὲν εὑρίσκειν δυναμένων οὐδὲ συνιέναι λεγόντων ὑπ᾽ ἀγωνίας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ πολλῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ λύπης κατὰ πᾶσαν ἐκήρυξε τὴν‎ χώραν τῷ τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν δηλουμένην διάνοιαν σαφῆ ποιήσαντι δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος στρεπτὸν περιαυχένιον χρύσεον καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν, ὡς οἱ τῶν βασιλεῖς, καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς.

²³⁵ When the Magi were unable to find anything and said they did not understand, the king, in great agony and distress over this paradox, made a proclamation throughout the whole country. He promised that to the one who made the letters and the meaning clear, he would give a gold chain to wear around the neck, purple clothing such as the Chaldean kings wear, and a third part of his own sovereignty.

²³⁵ But when the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind, and under great trouble at this surprising accident; so he caused it to be proclaimed through all the country, and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea, and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions.

²³⁵ When the magicians said they could find nothing, nor understand it, the king was greatly troubled in mind at this strange event, and had it proclaimed throughout the land, promising that whoever could explain the writing and clarify its meaning, would receive a golden chain for his neck and permission to wear a purple garment like the kings of Chaldea and a third part of his own dominions.

²³⁶ τούτου γενομένου τοῦ κηρύγματος ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ μάγοι συνδραμόντες καὶ φιλοτιμησάμενοι πρὸς τὴν‎ εὕρεσιν τῶν γραμμάτων οὐδὲν ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἠπόρησαν.	²³⁶ After this proclamation was made, the Magi flocked together even more, vying to discover the letters, but they were no less at a loss.
²³⁶ When this proclamation was made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of the writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before.	²³⁶ When this proclamation was made, the magicians assembled again and were very eager to find out the meaning, but were still as baffled as before.

²³⁷ ἀθυμοῦντα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ θεασαμένη τὸν βασιλέα ἡ μάμμη αὐτοῦ‎ παραθαρσύνειν ἤρξατο καὶ λέγειν, ὡς ἔστι τις ἀπὸ τῆς αἰχμάλωτος ἐκεῖθεν τὸ γένος ἀχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πορθήσαντος ὄνομα, σοφὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δεινὸς εὑρεῖν τὰ ἀμήχανα καὶ μόνῳ τῷ θεῷ γνώριμα, ὃς Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ μηδενὸς ἄλλου δυνηθέντος εἰπεῖν περὶ ὧν ἔχρῃζεν εἰς φῶς ἤγαγε τὰ ζητούμενα.

²³⁷ Seeing the king despondent over this, his grandmother (mammē) began to encourage him, saying that there was a certain captive from Judea, brought from there by Nebuchadnezzar when he destroyed Jerusalem, named Daniel. She described him as a wise man, skilled at finding impossible things known only to God, who had brought to light the things sought by King Nebuchadnezzar when no one else was able to tell him what he needed.

²³⁷ Now when the king’s grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted.

²³⁷ When the king’s grandmother saw him dejected on account of this, she began to encourage him and said that there was a certain prisoner named Daniel, from Judea, but taken away from there by Nabuchodonosor when he had destroyed Jerusalem, a wise man and great at finding out hidden things known to God alone, who brought to light for Nabuchodonosor questions that no one else could answer when they were consulted.

²³⁸ μεταπεμψάμενον οὖν αὐτὸν ἠξίου παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πυνθάνεσθαι περὶ τῶν γραμμάτων καὶ τὴν‎ ἀμαθίαν τὴν‎ τῶν οὐχ εὑρόντων αὐτὰ κατακρίνειν, κἂν σκυθρωπὸν ᾖ τὸ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ σημαινόμενον.	²³⁸ She urged him, therefore, to send for him and inquire about the letters, and thus to condemn the ignorance of those who had not found them, even if what was signified by God should be gloomy."
²³⁸ She therefore desired that he would send for him, and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness of those that could not find their meaning, and this, although what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy nature.	²³⁸ She advised him to send for him and ask him about the writing and to condemn the inability of those who could not find the meaning, even if what God thereby signified were disastrous.

The Redemption of Jehoiachin
Josephus emphasizes a rare moment of Babylonian "humanity" (philanthropia). The release of Jehoiachin was a significant event for the Jewish exiles; it signaled that the Davidic line was not extinct. Josephus frames this as a corrective to Nebuchadnezzar’s perceived "breach of faith" (τὴν πίστιν οὐκ ἐφύλαξεν), portraying Jehoiachin’s surrender as a noble, self-sacrificial act to save the city’s infrastructure.

The Identity Crisis of Belshazzar
Josephus attempts to harmonize the biblical record with secular history by identifying Belshazzar as Nabonidus (Ναβοάνδηλον). Modern archaeology clarifies that Nabonidus was the senior king, while his son Belshazzar acted as co-regent in Babylon. Josephus’s use of both names shows his effort to be "theoretically accurate" for his Greco-Roman audience who might know the Persian history version.

Blasphemy as a Political Catalyst
The turning point is the use of the σκεύη (vessels) from Jerusalem. Josephus notes that even Nebuchadnezzar "did not use them," respecting them as sacred spoils. Belshazzar’s "audacity" (θράσους) in using them for a common drinking party represents a total collapse of religious decorum, which Josephus sees as the moral justification for the fall of the empire that very night.

The "Handwriting on the Wall"
Josephus describes the writing as συλλαβὰς (syllables). This suggests a cryptic, phonetic puzzle. The terror of the king is described as arising from a παραδόξῳ (paradox/unexpected thing)—the physical impossibility of a disembodied hand. This scene serves as the ultimate "divine courtroom" moment where the empire is weighed and found wanting.

The "Grandmother" (mammē) Intervention
In the Book of Daniel, this figure is usually called the "Queen." Josephus calls her the μάμμη (grandmother), likely identifying her as Nitocris, a woman of great renown in Babylonian history. Her role is crucial: she represents the "institutional memory" of the court, remembering the greatness of Daniel when the younger generation had forgotten him in their hedonism.

The Rewards of Empire
The promised rewards—the στρεπτὸν (gold chain), πορφύραν (purple robe), and τρίτον μέρος (third part) of the kingdom—were the highest possible honors in the Persian and Babylonian systems. By offering a "third" of the kingdom, the text implicitly acknowledges the co-regency: Nabonidus was 1st, Belshazzar was 2nd, and the interpreter would be 3rd.

The "Gloomy" Truth (σκυθρωπὸν)
The grandmother’s final advice is poignant: she tells the king to seek the truth "even if it is gloomy." This highlights the difference between the "Yes-Men" (the Magi) and the Prophet. Daniel’s value lies in his willingness to speak truth to power, regardless of the consequences—a trait Josephus consistently admires as the hallmark of Jewish wisdom.

²³⁹ Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας καλεῖ τὸν ὁ καὶ διαλεχθεὶς ὡς πύθοιτο περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς σοφίας, ὅτι θεῖον αὐτῷ πνεῦμα συμπάρεστι καὶ μόνος ἐξευρεῖν ἱκανώτατος ἃ μὴ τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰς ἐπίνοιαν , φράζειν αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ τί σημαίνει μηνύειν ἠξίου·

²³⁹ "Having heard these things, Belshazzar (Baltasarēs) summoned Daniel. After speaking with him—mentioning that he had heard of him and his wisdom, and how a divine spirit was present with him, and that he alone was most capable of discovering what did not occur to the minds of others—he requested that he explain the writing and reveal what it signified.

²³⁹ When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; and when he had discoursed to him what he had learned concerning him and his wisdom, and how a Divine Spirit was with him, and that he alone was fully capable of finding out what others would never have thought of, he desired him to declare to him what this writing meant;

²³⁹ Hearing this, Balthasar called for Daniel, and said what he had learned about him and his wisdom and how a divine Spirit was with him and that he alone could find out what others could never imagine, he asked him to declare to him what this writing meant.

²⁴⁰ τοῦτο γὰρ ποιήσαντι πορφύραν δώσειν ἐνδεδύσθαι καὶ χρύσεον περὶ αὐχένα στρεπτὸν καὶ τὸ τρίτον τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ‎ μέρος τιμὴν καὶ γέρας τῆς σοφίας, ὡς ἂν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπισημότατος γένοιτο τοῖς ὁρῶσι καὶ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐφ᾽ ᾗ τούτων Ἔτυχε πυνθανομένοις.

²⁴⁰ He promised that for doing this, he would grant him the right to wear purple, a gold chain around his neck, and the third part of his sovereignty as an honor and prize for his wisdom, so that he might become most distinguished to those seeing him and inquiring into the reason for his attaining these things.

²⁴⁰ that if he did so, he would give him leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would bestow on him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw him, and who inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honors.

²⁴⁰ If he did so, he would allow him to wear purple and place a chain of gold about his neck and bestow on him the third part of his kingdom, as a reward for his wisdom, honouring him in the sight of all, who would ask the reason why he obtained such honours.

²⁴¹ δὲ τὰς μὲν δωρεὰς αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἠξίου· τὸ γὰρ σοφὸν καὶ θεῖον ἀδωροδόκητον εἶναι καὶ προῖκα τοὺς δεομένους ὠφελεῖν, μηνύσειν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα σημαίνοντα καταστροφὴν αὐτῷ τοῦ βίου, ὅτι μηδ᾽ οἷς ὁ πρόγονος αὐτοῦ‎ διὰ τὰς εἰς θεὸν ὕβρεις ἐκολάσθη τούτοις ἔμαθεν εὐσεβεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὲρ τὴν‎ ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν μηχανᾶσθαι·

²⁴¹ But Daniel requested that the king keep his gifts for himself; for he said that wisdom and the divine were not to be bribed, but rather to help those in need freely. However, he told him he would reveal the writing, which signified the destruction of his life. He explained that Belshazzar had not learned to be pious—even after observing how his ancestor was punished for his outrages against God—nor had he learned not to devise schemes beyond human nature.

²⁴¹ But Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom and of divine revelation admits of no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners freely; but that still he would explain the writing to him; which denoted that he should soon die, and this because he had not learnt to honor God, and not to admit things above human nature, by what punishments his progenitor had undergone for the injuries he had offered to God;

²⁴¹ But Daniel told him to keep his gifts, since the fruit of wisdom and divine revelation seeks no gifts and freely gives its benefits to petitioners, but that he would still explain the writing to him. It denoted that he would soon die, like his ancestor, for the wrongs he had done to God, since he had not learned to honour God and renounce things above human nature.

²⁴² ἀλλὰ καὶ μεταστάντος εἰς δίαιταν θηρίων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠσέβησε καὶ μετὰ πολλὰς ἱκεσίας καὶ δεήσεις ἐλεηθέντος ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον καὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν ὡς τὴν‎ ἅπασαν ἔχοντα δύναμιν καὶ προνοούμενον τῶν ἀνθρώπων μέχρις οὗ καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν ὑμνοῦντος, λήθην αὐτὸς ἔλαβε τούτων καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐβλασφήμησε τὸ θεῖον, τοῖς δὲ σκεύεσιν αὐτοῦ‎ μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων διηκονεῖτο.

²⁴² He reminded him that although Nebuchadnezzar had been changed to the life of wild beasts for his impieties, and after many supplications and entreaties was pitied and returned to human life and his kingdom—thereafter praising God as the one who possesses all power and provides for mankind until he died—Belshazzar himself had forgotten these things. He had blasphemed the Divine many times and had even used God’s vessels while being served alongside his concubines.

²⁴² and because he had quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was removed to feed among wild beasts for his impieties, and did not recover his former life among men and his kingdom, but upon God’s mercy to him, after many supplications and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his life, as one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God, and had made use of his vessels amongst his concubines;

²⁴² He had quite forgotten how for his impiety Nabuchodonosor was removed, to feed among wild beasts and did not recover his former life among men and his kingdom, until God showed mercy to him, after many prayers and supplications, and then praised God for the rest of his life, as one of almighty power who takes care of mankind. And now he had blasphemed against God by using his vessels among his concubines.

²⁴³ ταῦτα ὁρῶντα τὸν θεὸν ὀργισθῆναι αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τῶν γεγραμμένων προκαταγγέλλειν, εἰς οἷον αὐτὸν καταστρέψαι δεῖ τέλος. ἐδήλου δὲ τὰ γράμματα τάδε· μάνη· τούτῳ δὲ ἔλεγεν γλώσσῃ σημαίνοιτο ἂν ἀριθμός, ὥσπερ τῆς ζωῆς σου τὸν χρόνον καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἠρίθμηκεν ὁ θεὸς [καὶ] περισσεύειν ἔτι σοι βραχὺν χρόνον.

²⁴³ Seeing these things, God was enraged with him and foretold through the writing the kind of end to which he must come. The writing indicated these things: Manē—this, he said, would signify 'number' in the Greek tongue, as God has numbered the time of your life and your reign, and but a short time remains for you.

²⁴³ that therefore God saw this, and was angry with him, and declared by this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion of his life he should come to. And he explained the writing thus: "MANEH. This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a Number, because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for thy government, and that there remains but a small portion.

²⁴³ God had seen this and was angry with him and foretold by this writing to what a sad end his life whould come. He explained the writing as follows: "MANEH in the Greek language, may mean a Number, for God has counted the time for your life and rule, and little of it remains.

²⁴⁴ θέκελ· σημαίνει τοῦτο τὸν σταθμόν· στήσας οὖν σου λέγει τὸν χρόνον τῆς βασιλείας ὁ θεὸς ἤδη καταφερομένην δηλοῖ. φαρές· καὶ τοῦτο κλάσμα δηλοῖ καθ᾽ γλῶτταν· κλάσει τοιγαροῦν σου τὴν‎ βασιλείαν καὶ Μήδοις αὐτὴν καὶ διανεμεῖ.

²⁴⁴ Thekel—this signifies 'weight.' God, having weighed the time of your kingdom, shows it already sinking down. Phares—this also signifies a 'fragment' or 'division' according to the Greek tongue. He will therefore break your kingdom and distribute it to the Medes and Persians."

²⁴⁴ —THEKEL. This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already.—PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians."

²⁴⁴ THEKEL means a weight and shows that God has weighed your kingdom in a balance and finds it going down. PHARES, in the Greek tongue, means a fragment. God will therefore break your kingdom to pieces and divide it among the Medes and Persians."

The Ethics of Prophecy (ἀδωροδόκητον)
Daniel’s refusal of the gifts is a sharp rebuke to the Babylonian court culture where "wisdom" was a commodity. By stating that the divine is ἀδωροδόκητον (unable to be bribed), Daniel establishes himself as an independent moral authority. Josephus likely included this detail to emphasize the integrity of Jewish prophets to his Roman readers, who were often wary of "charlatan" eastern mystics.

The Weight of History
Daniel’s indictment is based on λήθην (forgetfulness). He argues that Belshazzar’s sin is double: he committed blasphemy, and he did so while knowing the history of Nebuchadnezzar. For Josephus, history is a didactic tool; to ignore the "archaeology" of divine judgment in one’s own family is the height of folly.

Linguistic Translation (Ἑλλάδι γλώσσῃ)
Josephus provides a fascinating "double translation." He takes the Aramaic words and translates them into Greek concepts for his readers:

1) Mene (Number): Focuses on the "expiration date" of the regime.

2) Tekel (Weight): Uses the imagery of a scale (σταθμόν) where the kingdom is "sinking" (καταφερομένην) because it lacks moral weight.

3) Peres/Phares (Division): A wordplay on the word "Persians" (Persai), which Josephus explicitly links here.

The Sinking Kingdom
The description of the kingdom "already sinking down" (καταφερομένην) suggests a visual of a scale where one side has bottomed out. This is a powerful metaphor for an empire that looks invincible on the outside (with its massive walls) but is already structurally hollowed out by its own impiety.

The Role of the "Vessels"
Josephus reiterates that the use of the Temple vessels was the specific act that triggered the "wrath" (ὀργισθῆναι) of God. In the ancient world, temple robbery (sacrilegium) was a crime even pagan emperors took seriously. By highlighting this, Josephus aligns Jewish theological concerns with universal ancient legal principles.

The "Short Time" Remaining
Daniel’s interpretation is not just a prediction of a future event, but a declaration of an immediate reality. By saying βραχὺν χρόνον (a short time) remains, he creates a sense of imminent doom. Historically, this "short time" turned out to be just a few hours, as the Persian army was already inside the city’s water system.

²⁴⁵ ΔανιήλουDaniel δὲ ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ σημαίνειν φράσαντος τὰ ἐν τῷ τοίχῳ γράμματα τὸν μὲν ΒαλτασάρηνBaltasar, οἷον εἰκὸς ἐφ᾽ οὕτω χαλεποῖς τοῖς δεδηλωμένοις, λύπη καὶ συμφορὰ κατέλαβεν·	²⁴⁵ "When Daniel had declared these things to the king—explaining the writing on the wall—Belshazzar was seized by grief and misfortune, as was natural given such harsh revelations.
²⁴⁵ When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and affliction, as was to be expected, when the interpretation was so heavy upon him.	²⁴⁵ When Daniel told the king that this was what the writing upon the wall meant, Baltasar was naturally sorrowful and grieved, since the interpretation was so hard on him.

²⁴⁶ οὐ μὴν ὡς προφήτῃ αὐτῷ κακῶν γενομένῳ τὰς δωρεὰς ἃς ὑπέσχετο δώσειν οὐ δίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ πάσας παρέσχε, τὸ μὲν ἐφ᾽ οἷς δοθήσονται λογιζόμενος ἴδιον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τοῦ προφητεύσαντος εἶναι, τὰ δὲ ὡμολογημένα κρίνων ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δικαίου, κἂν ᾖ σκυθρωπὰ τὰ μέλλοντα συμβαίνειν οὕτως ἔκρινε·

²⁴⁶ Nevertheless, he did not withhold the gifts he had promised to give, as if to a prophet of evils; rather, he provided them all. He reasoned that the circumstances for which they were given were his own concern and the result of necessity, not the fault of the one who prophesied; for he judged it the part of a good and just man to stand by what he had agreed upon, even if the things destined to happen were gloomy.

²⁴⁶ However, he did not refuse what he had promised Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon him; as reasoning thus, that what he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and a just man to give what he had promised, although the events were of a melancholy nature.

²⁴⁶ But he did not fail to give the promised gift, even though he had foretold troubles for him, but gave it all to him, reasoning that his own fate was special to himself and did not belong to the prophet, but up to a good and a just man to give what he had promised, even if the future appeared dark.

²⁴⁷ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον αὐτός τε ἐλήφθη καὶ ἡ πόλις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατεύσαντος· γάρ ἐστιν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὴν‎ αἵρεσιν τῆς συνέβη γενέσθαι, βασιλεύσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη.

²⁴⁷ Not long after, he himself was captured and the city fell, Cyrus the King of the Persians having campaigned against him. For it was under Belshazzar that the capture of Babylon occurred, in the seventeenth year of his reign.

²⁴⁷ Accordingly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years.

²⁴⁷ After a little while, he and the city were captured by Cyrus, king of Persia, who made war on him. For it was under Baltasar that Babylon was taken, after he had ruled for seventeen years.

²⁴⁸ τῶν μὲν οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγγόνων τὸ τέλος τοιοῦτον παρειλήφαμεν γενόμενον· δὲ τῷ καταλύσαντι τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν μετὰ τοῦ συγγενοῦς ἔτος ἦν ἑξηκοστὸν καὶ δεύτερον, ὅτε τὴν‎ εἷλεν, ὃς ἦν Ἀστυάγους υἱός, ἕτερον δὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἐκαλεῖτο ὄνομα·

²⁴⁸ Such, then, is the end of the descendants of King Nebuchadnezzar as we have received it. Darius—who along with his kinsman Cyrus destroyed the Babylonian sovereignty—was sixty-two years old when he took Babylon; he was the son of Astyages, though he was called by another name among the Greeks.

²⁴⁸ And this is the end of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was taken by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years old. He was the son of Astyages, and had another name among the Greeks.

²⁴⁸ This put an end to the descendants of king Nabuchodonosor, as history tells us, for he was sixty-two years old when Babylon was taken and the rule of the Babylonians was ended, by Darius and his kinsman Cyrus. He was the son of Astyages and was called another name by the Greeks,

²⁴⁹ ὃς καὶ τὸν προφήτην λαβὼν ἤγαγεν εἰς πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ πάσης αὐτῷ τιμῆς μεταδιδοὺς εἶχε σὺν αὑτῷ· τῶν τριῶν γὰρ σατραπῶν ἦν, οὓς ἐπὶ τῶν ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων σατραπειῶν κατέστησε· τοσούτους γὰρ ἐποίησε εἰς αὐτήν.

²⁴⁹ He took the prophet Daniel with him into Media and, bestowing every honor upon him, kept Daniel by his side. For he was one of the three governors whom Darius appointed over the three hundred and sixty satrapies; for Darius established that many for the empire."

²⁴⁹ Moreover, he took Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into Media, and honored him very greatly, and kept him with him; for he was one of the three presidents whom he set over his three hundred and sixty provinces, for into so many did Darius part them.

²⁴⁹ and he took Daniel the prophet and brought him into Media and greatly honoured him and kept him with him, for he was one of the three officers whom he set over his three hundred and sixty provinces, for such was the number of divisions made by Darius.

The "Stoic" Integrity of Belshazzar
Josephus offers a surprisingly nuanced view of Belshazzar. Despite the king’s earlier blasphemy, Josephus credits him with being an ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δικαίου (a good and just man) in one specific regard: he honors his contract. He does not kill the messenger of "gloomy" (σκυθρωπὰ) news. This reflects the Greco-Roman value of fides (trust/reliability)—even a doomed tyrant can display a flash of nobility by keeping his word.

The Mechanics of the Fall
Josephus dates the fall of Babylon to the seventeenth year of Belshazzar’s reign. Historically, this aligns with the Nabonidus Chronicle. The mention of Cyrus and Darius working together reflects the complex "Dual Monarchy" tradition. While Cyrus was the military mastermind, Darius the Mede is presented as the administrative head who occupies the city.

The Identity of Darius the Mede
Josephus makes a bold historical identification, stating that Darius was the son of Astyages but was called by "another name" among the Greeks (likely referring to Cyaxares II, mentioned by Xenophon). By doing this, Josephus attempts to reconcile the biblical Darius with the secular Greek histories of Herodotus and Xenophon, showing his commitment to being a "global" historian.

The Massive Bureaucracy (360 Satrapies)
Josephus notes that Darius expanded the administration to 360 satrapies (the biblical text mentions 120, but Josephus often scales numbers to reflect the vastness of the later Persian or even Roman administrative models). Placing Daniel as one of the top three governors shows that Daniel survived the "regime change" perfectly. His wisdom was so undeniable that the conquerors immediately hired the chief advisor of the conquered.

From Babylon to Media
The detail that Darius took Daniel εἰς Μηδίαν (into Media) suggests a shift in the center of gravity. Babylon remained a capital, but the heart of the empire moved toward Ecbatana and Susa. Daniel is no longer just a "wise man of Babylon"; he has become a statesman of the world’s first true superpower.

The "End" of Nebuchadnezzar’s Line
Josephus explicitly marks the τέλος (end) of the house of Nebuchadnezzar. For Josephus, this is the final proof of the "Statue" prophecy: the Head of Gold has been severed, and the Shoulders of Silver (the Medes and Persians) have taken its place.

²⁵⁰ τοίνυν ὢν ἐν τοιαύτῃ τιμῇ καὶ λαμπρᾷ σπουδῇ παρὰ τῷ καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μόνος, ὡς ἂν ἔχων τὸ θεῖον πεπιστευμένος ἐν αὑτῷ, παραλαμβανόμενος ἐφθονήθη· βασκαίνουσι γὰρ οἱ μᾶλλον αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἐν πλείονι τιμῇ παρὰ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι βλέποντες.

²⁵⁰ "Daniel, being held in such honor and brilliant favor by Darius—and being the only one consulted by him for all matters, as one believed to possess the Divine within himself—became an object of envy. For men are prone to malice when they see others held in greater honor than themselves by kings.

²⁵⁰ However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great favor with Darius, and was alone intrusted with every thing by him, a having somewhat divine in him, he was envied by the rest; for those that see others in greater honor than themselves with kings envy them;

²⁵⁰ As Daniel was held in such dignity and favour by Darius and had everything entrusted to him alone, for the divine element within him, he was envied by the rest, for those who see others more honoured by kings than themselves envy them.

²⁵¹ ζητούντων δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀφορμὴν διαβολῆς καὶ κατηγορίας τῶν ἀχθομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ εὐδοκιμοῦντι παρὰ τῷ παρεῖχεν αἰτίαν οὐδεμίαν· ὢν γὰρ καὶ χρημάτων ἐπάνω καὶ παντὸς λήμματος περιορῶν, αἴσχιστον αὐτῷ δοκεῖν κἂν ὑπὲρ ὧν δοθείη καλῶς πρὸς τὸ λαβεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ἡντιναοῦν τοῖς ζηλοτυποῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐγκλημάτων εὕρεσιν παρεῖχεν.

²⁵¹ Those who were vexed by his good reputation with Darius sought an opportunity for slander and accusation against him, yet he provided them with no cause. Being superior to money and looking down upon every kind of gain, he considered it most shameful to receive anything even for services well-performed; thus, he gave those who were jealous of him no opening whatsoever to find a charge.

²⁵¹ and when those that were grieved at the great favor Daniel was in with Darius sought for an occasion against him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above all the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it might be justly given him; he afforded those that envied him not the least handle for an accusation.

²⁵¹ But when those who resented his reputation with Darius sought some pretext against him, he gave them none, for he was above being tempted by money and scorned bribery and thought it base to take anything by way of reward, even if justly given him. He gave his enviers not the least cause for grievance.

²⁵² οἱ δ᾽ ὡς οὐδὲν εἶχον, ὃ κατειπόντες αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ζημιώσουσιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τιμὴν αἰσχύνῃ καὶ διαβολῇ, τρόπον ἄλλον ἐζήτουν καθ᾽ ὃν αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσονται. ὁρῶντες οὖν τὸν τρὶς τῆς ἡμέρας προσευχόμενον τῷ θεῷ πρόφασιν ἔγνωσαν εὑρηκέναι, δι᾽ ἧς ἀπολέσουσιν αὐτόν.

²⁵² When they found they had nothing with which to report him to the king to damage his honor through shame or slander, they sought another way to put him out of the way. Seeing that Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they realized they had found the pretext by which they would destroy him.

²⁵² So when they could find nothing for which they might calumniate him to the king, nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and thereby deprive him of the honor he was in with him, they sought for some other method whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had gotten an occasion by which they might ruin him;

²⁵² When they could find nothing shameful or reproachful for which to reproach him to the king, and thereby diminish his standing with him, they sought some other way to destroy him. So when they noted how Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had found the way to ruin him.

²⁵³ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐλθόντες ἀπήγγελλον αὐτῷ, ὡς τοῖς σατράπαις αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι δόξειεν ἐπὶ τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀνεῖναι τὸ πλῆθος, ὅπως μήτ᾽ αὐτῷ τις μήτε τοῖς θεοῖς δεόμενος αὐτῶν καὶ εὐχόμενος εἴη, τὸν μέντοι γε αὐτῶν παραβάντα ταύτην τὴν‎ γνώμην εἰς τὸν τῶν λεόντων ἔκριναν ῥῖψαι λάκκον ἀπολούμενον.

²⁵³ Coming to Darius, they reported to him that it had seemed best to his satraps and governors to restrain the multitude for thirty days, so that no one should be found making a request or offering prayer either to the king himself or to the gods; furthermore, they decided that whoever should transgress this decree should be cast into the den of lions to perish."

²⁵³ so they came to Darius and told him that the princes and governors had thought proper to allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that no one might offer a petition or prayer either to himself or to the gods, but that, "he who shall transgress this decree shall be east into the den of lions, and there perish."

²⁵³ Coming to Darius they told him that the satraps and officers wished the people to be allowed a holiday of thirty days, during which no one should offer prayer or petition either to himself or to the gods, and that anyone transgressing this decree must be thrown into the lions' den to die.

The Anatomy of Envy (βασκαίνουσι)
Josephus identifies φθόνος (envy) and βασκανία (malice/witchery of the eye) as the primary drivers of the conspiracy. In the Greco-Roman world, these were considered social poisons that specifically targeted the "Great Man." Josephus is telling his readers that Daniel didn't fall because of a mistake, but because his brilliance cast a shadow on everyone else in the Persian court.

The Incorruptible Bureaucrat
A striking detail Josephus adds is Daniel’s relationship with money. He was χρημάτων ἐπάνω (above money). While most satraps viewed their offices as opportunities for extraction and "gifts," Daniel viewed accepting payment even for legitimate services as αἴσχιστον (most shameful). To Josephus’s Roman audience—familiar with provincial governors who plundered their subjects—Daniel is presented as the "Ideal Administrator."

The "Gotcha" Legislation
The conspirators realize that Daniel’s only "weakness" is his consistency. Josephus highlights the cleverness of the trap: it wasn't a law against Judaism, but a general temporary ban on all petitions. By including "the gods" and "the king" in the ban, the satraps made the law look like an act of extreme imperial devotion, forcing Darius to sign it to prove his own status.

The Ritual of the Three Prayers
Josephus notes that Daniel prayed τρὶς τῆς ἡμέρας (three times a day). This detail roots the narrative in Judean tradition (specifically the development of the Shacharit, Mincha, and Ma'ariv prayers). For Daniel, prayer was not a private sentiment but a public, scheduled discipline. His enemies didn't have to guess if he was praying; they could set their watches by it.

The Den of Lions (λάκκον)
The choice of execution—a λάκκον (pit/cistern) of lions—was a specifically Persian form of capital punishment reserved for political enemies and rebels. Josephus emphasizes that the goal was for the victim to ἀπολούμενον (perish/be destroyed utterly). Unlike a quick beheading, this was intended to be a spectacle of imperial power over nature and man.

The Belief in the Indwelling Divine
Josephus says Darius consulted Daniel because he believed Daniel had the θεῖον... ἐν αὑτῷ (the Divine within himself). This "Indwelling Spirit" is the same quality that allowed Daniel to survive the shift from Babylonian to Persian rule. Josephus is suggesting that true wisdom is a trans-political force; it is the only thing a conqueror cannot manufacture for himself.

²⁵⁴ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὐ συνιδὼν τὴν‎ κακουργίαν οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν ταῦτα κατεσκευασμένους ὑπομνήματα ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔφη δεδογμένοις, καὶ κυρώσειν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἐπαγγελλόμενος προτίθησι δηλοῦν τῷ πλήθει τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς σατράπαις.

²⁵⁴ "The king, not perceiving their villainy nor suspecting that these things were engineered against Daniel, said he was pleased with their decrees; promising to ratify their choice, he put forth a public notice to the multitude declaring the decisions of the satraps.

²⁵⁴ Whereupon the king, not being acquainted with their wicked design, nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel, said he was pleased with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm what they desired; he also published an edict to promulgate to the people that decree which the princes had made.

²⁵⁴ Unaware of their wicked design, and not suspecting it was a plan of theirs against Daniel, the king approved their decree and promised to confirm what they wanted. He also published an edict to promulgate the satraps' decree to the people.

²⁵⁵ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες φυλαττόμενοι τὰ προστεταγμένα μὴ παραβῆναι ἠρέμουν, ΔανιήλῳDaniel δὲ φροντὶς οὐδ᾽ ἡτισοῦν τούτων ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔθος εἶχεν ἱστάμενος ηὔχετο τῷ θεῷ πάντων ὁρώντων.	²⁵⁵ While everyone else took care not to transgress the orders and remained quiet, Daniel had not the slightest concern for them; instead, as was his custom, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of all.
²⁵⁵ Accordingly, all the rest took care not to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of them all;	²⁵⁵ All others took care not to transgress those instructions and stayed quiet, but Daniel disregarded them, and at his usual time stood and prayed to God public view.

²⁵⁶ οἱ δὲ σατράπαι τῆς ἀφορμῆς αὐτοῖς ἣν λαβεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν παραφανείσης εὐθὺς ἧκον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ κατηγόρουν ὡς παραβαίνοντος μόνου τοῦ τὰ προστεταγμένα· μηδενὸς γὰρ τῶν ἄλλων τολμῶντος προσεύχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὐ δι᾽ ἀσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ φυλακὴν καὶ διατήρησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ φθόνου·

²⁵⁶ The satraps, having found the opportunity they were so eager to seize against Daniel, immediately went to the king and accused Daniel alone of breaking the commands. They claimed that while no one else dared to pray to the gods—not out of impiety, but out of a careful observance of the law—Daniel did so out of a sense of malice.

²⁵⁶ but the princes having met with the occasion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came presently to the king, and accused him, that Daniel was the only person that transgressed the decree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their gods. This discovery they made, not because of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and observed him out of envy;

²⁵⁶ The satraps had found the occasion they so earnestly sought against Daniel, and soon came to the king complaining that Daniel was the only one breaking the decree, while none of the rest dared pray to their gods; they did this not because of any impiety of his, but because they had enviousy watched and observed him.

²⁵⁷ ἀπὸ γὰρ μείζονος ἧς προσεδόκων εὐνοίας τοῦτο ποιεῖν τὸν ὑπολαμβάνοντες, ὡς καὶ καταφρονήσαντι τῶν ἐκείνου προσταγμάτων συγγνώμην ἑτοίμως νέμειν, καὶ αὐτὸ τοῦτο βασκαίνοντες τῷ , οὔτε μετεβάλλοντο πρὸς τὸ ἡμερώτερον, ῥίπτειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠξίουν κατὰ τὸν νόμον εἰς τὸν λάκκον τῶν λεόντων.

²⁵⁷ They assumed Darius acted out of an even greater favor toward Daniel than they expected—believing that even if Daniel despised his commands, the king would readily grant him pardon. Resenting this very thing about Daniel, they did not turn toward a gentler course but demanded that he be cast into the den of lions according to the law.

²⁵⁷ for supposing that Darius did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready to grant him pardon for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more favorable to him, but desired he might be cast into the den of lions according to the law.

²⁵⁷ Being suspicious of the great favour that Darius showed toward him and that he was about to pardon him for disobeying his instructions and envying Daniel this pardon they did not mellow toward him, but wanted him thrown into the lions' den according to the law.

²⁵⁸ δ᾽ ὁ , ὅτι ῥύσεται τὸ θεῖον αὐτὸν καὶ οὐδὲν μὴ πάθῃ δεινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν θηρίων, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ εὐθύμως φέρειν τὰ συμβαίνοντα· καὶ βληθέντος εἰς τὸν λάκκον σφραγίσας τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου κείμενον ἀντὶ θύρας λίθον ἀνεχώρησε, δι᾽ ὅλης δ᾽ ἄσιτος τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ ἄυπνος διῆγεν ἀγωνιῶν περὶ τοῦ ·

²⁵⁸ Darius, hoping that the Divine would rescue him and that he would suffer nothing terrible from the beasts, encouraged him to bear what was happening with good spirits. When Daniel was cast into the pit, the king sealed the stone that lay over the mouth as a door and withdrew; he spent the entire night without food or sleep, in agony over Daniel.

²⁵⁸ So Darius, hoping that God would deliver him, and that he would undergo nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts, bid him bear this accident cheerfully. And when he was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way, but he passed all the night without food and without sleep, being in great distress for Daniel;

²⁵⁸ Darius, hoping that God would deliver him and that he would undergo nothing dire from the wild beasts, told him bear it cheerfully. When he was thrown into the den, he put his seal to the stone at the mouth of the den and went away, but he passed the night without food or sleep, very distressed on account of Daniel.

²⁵⁹ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ ἀναστὰς ἐπὶ τὸν λάκκον ἦλθε καὶ τὴν‎ σφραγῖδα εὑρών, ᾗ σημηνάμενος τὸν λίθον κατελελοίπει, ἀνοίξας ἀνεβόησε καλῶν τὸν καὶ πυνθανόμενος εἰ σώζεται. τοῦ δὲ ἐπακούσαντος τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ μηδὲν παθεῖν εἰπόντος, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἀνελκυσθῆναι ἐκ τοῦ λάκκου τοῦ τῶν θηρίων.

²⁵⁹ At daybreak, he arose and went to the pit; finding the seal intact where he had left the stone marked, he opened it and cried out, calling for Daniel and inquiring if he were safe. When Daniel answered the king and said he had suffered nothing, the king ordered him to be drawn up out of the pit of the beasts.

²⁵⁹ but when it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and found the seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive. And as soon as he heard the king’s voice, and said that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den.

²⁵⁹ At daybreak he got up and came to the den and found the seal untouched, as he had left it, and the stone sealed too. So he opened the seal, and called to Daniel and asked if he were alive. When he heard the king and said that he had suffered no harm, the king ordered him drawn up from the wild beasts' den.

²⁶⁰ οἱ δὲ ἐχθροὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν μηδὲν πεπονθότα δεινὸν διὰ μὲν τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὴν‎ τούτου πρόνοιαν οὐκ ἠξίουν αὐτὸν σώζεσθαι, πεπληρωμένους δὲ τοὺς λέοντας τροφῆς μὴ ἅψασθαι μηδὲ προσελθεῖν τῷ νομίζοντες τοῦτο ἔλεγον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

²⁶⁰ But when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing terrible, they did not credit his survival to the Divine or His providence; instead, thinking that the lions were stuffed with food and thus had not touched or approached Daniel, they said this to the king.

²⁶⁰ Now when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which was terrible, they would not own that he was preserved by God, and by his providence; but they said that the lions had been filled full with food, and on that account it was, as they supposed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him; and this they alleged to the king.

²⁶⁰ When his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered no severe loss, they would not admit that he was saved by divine providence, but said that the lions had been stuffed with food, and that therefore they would not touch Daniel or go near him—this is what they told the king.

²⁶¹ ὁ δὲ μισήσας αὐτοὺς τῆς πονηρίας παραβληθῆναι μὲν πολλὰ κελεύει τοῖς λέουσι κρέα, κορεσθέντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τοῦ προσέταξεν εἰς τὸν λάκκον βληθῆναι, ὅπως εἰ διὰ κόρον αὐτοῖς οὐ προσήξουσιν οἱ λέοντες μάθοι.

²⁶¹ The king, hating them for their wickedness, ordered a vast amount of meat to be thrown to the lions. Once the lions were gorged, he ordered the enemies of Daniel to be cast into the pit, so that he might learn if the lions stayed away from them because of satiety.

²⁶¹ But the king, out of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order that they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions; and when they had filled themselves, he gave further order that Daniel’s enemies should be cast into the den, that he might learn whether the lions, now they were full, would touch them or not.

²⁶¹ But he, hating their wickedness, made them throw in a large amount of meat to the lions, and when they were gorged he had Daniel’s enemies thrown into the den, to see whether the lions would touch them or not, once they were full.

²⁶² σαφὲς δ᾽ ἐγένετο τῷ τῶν σατραπῶν παραβληθέντων τοῖς θηρίοις, ὅτι τὸ θεῖον ἔσωσε τὸν · οὐδενὸς γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐφείσαντο οἱ λέοντες, ἀλλὰ πάντας διεσπάραττον ὡσανεὶ σφόδρα λιμώττοντες καὶ τροφῆς ἐνδεεῖς. ἠρέθισε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οὐ τὸ πεινῆν οἶμαι μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἀφθόνων κρεῶν πεπληρωμένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων κακία, δήλη γὰρ καὶ τοῖς ἀλόγοις ζῴοις ἦν αὕτη, πρὸς τιμωρίαν ἣ γένοιτο τοῦ θεοῦ .

²⁶² It became clear to Darius, once the satraps were thrown to the beasts, that the Divine had saved Daniel; for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces as if they were exceedingly famished and in want of food. I believe it was not hunger that provoked them—having been filled with abundant meat just moments before—but the wickedness of the men, for even to irrational animals this [wickedness] was plain, as God willed it to be for their punishment."

²⁶² And it appeared plain to Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very hungry, and wanted food. I suppose therefore it was not their hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to destroy the princes;] for if it so please God, that wickedness might, by even those irrational creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for their punishment.

²⁶² When the satraps had been thrown to the wild beasts, it became plain to Darius that it was God who had saved Daniel, for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very hungry and in need of food. I suppose it was not their hunger, which had been satisfied a little earlier with so much meat, but the wickedness of these men, that drove them to it, for God can arrange for wickedness to be punished, by even those irrational animals.

The King as a "Reluctant Accomplice"
Josephus portrays Darius with significant empathy. Unlike the "mad" or "arrogant" Babylonian kings, Darius is a victim of his own bureaucracy (οὐ συνιδὼν τὴν κακουργίαν—not perceiving the villainy). His night of fasting and insomnia (ἄσιτος... καὶ ἄυπνος) frames him as a man trapped between the "Rule of Law" (the Medo-Persian decree) and his personal "Justice" (his love for Daniel).

The Legal "Trial by Ordeal"
The sealing of the stone (σφραγίσας) is a crucial detail. In the ancient world, a seal was a legal guarantee that the "test" had not been tampered with. By checking the seal in the morning, Darius confirms that no human intervened to save Daniel; the preservation of the prophet was therefore an "Act of God," not a palace conspiracy.

The Satraps’ "Rationalist" Counter-Argument
Josephus adds a fascinating psychological layer not found in the biblical text: the satraps attempt to "debunk" the miracle. They argue that the lions simply weren't hungry (πεπληρωμένους δὲ τοὺς λέοντας τροφῆς). This portrays the enemies of Daniel as proto-skeptics who try to find a naturalistic explanation for a supernatural event.

The Scientific Counter-Test
Darius’s response is a masterpiece of "forensic theology." To disprove the "satiety theory," he performs a controlled experiment:

1) Saturate the lions: Feed them until they are objectively full.

2) Introduce the suspects: If the lions still attack, it proves their previous restraint with Daniel was divine, not biological.

By tearing the satraps to pieces while "gorged," the lions prove that the "wickedness" (κακία) of the men acted as a spiritual "appetizer" that overrode their physical fullness.

5. Animal Intuition of Moral Character Josephus makes the bold claim that the "irrational animals" (ἀλόγοις ζῴοις) could perceive human character. This reflects a common ancient belief that nature is in harmony with the Divine Law; to the lions, Daniel was "transparent" or "holy" and therefore not prey, while the satraps were "polluted" by malice and therefore targeted for destruction. The Triumph of "Providence" (πρόνοιαν)
The story concludes by establishing πρόνοια (Divine Providence) as the true victor over φθόνος (envy). For Josephus’s audience in Rome, this story served as a powerful reminder that even in the heart of a foreign empire, an individual who remains "above money" and faithful to their "ancestral laws" is under the protection of a power greater than any king.

²⁶³ Διαφθαρέντων οὖν τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ὁ βασιλεὺς καθ᾽ ὅλην ἔπεμψε τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπαινῶν τὸν , ὃν προσκυνεῖ, καὶ μόνον αὐτὸν εἶναι ἔλεγεν ἀληθῆ καὶ τὸ πάντων κράτος ἔχοντα· ἔσχε δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐν ὑπερβαλλούσῃ τιμῇ πρῶτον αὐτὸν ἀποδείξας τῶν φίλων.

²⁶³ "When those who had plotted against Daniel had been destroyed in this manner, King Darius sent throughout the entire country praising the God whom Daniel worshipped, saying that He alone was true and possessed the power over all things. He held Daniel in surpassing honor, appointing him the first among his friends.

²⁶³ When therefore those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all the country, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that he was the only true God, and had all power. He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and made him the principal of his friends.

²⁶³ When therefore those who had intended to destroy Daniel by treachery in this way were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent over all his region praising the God whom Daniel worshipped and saying that he was the only true and all-powerful God; and held Daniel in high esteem and made him the principal of his friends.

²⁶⁴ ὢν δὲ οὕτως ἐπίσημος καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐπὶ δόξῃ τοῦ θεοφιλὴς εἶναι ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐν τῆς Μηδικῆς βάριν εὐπρεπέστατόν τι κατασκεύασμα καὶ θαυμασίως πεποιημένον, ἣ μέχρι δεῦρο μὲν ἔστι καὶ σώζεται, τοῖς δ᾽ ὁρῶσι δοκεῖ προσφάτως κατεσκευάσθαι καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης ἧς ἕκαστος αὐτὴν ἡμέρας ἱστορεῖ γεγονέναι· οὕτως νεαρὸν αὐτῆς καὶ ἀκμαῖον τὸ κάλλος καὶ μηδαμοῦ γεγηρακὸς ὑπὸ τοσούτου χρόνου·

²⁶⁴ Being thus famous and illustrious for the reputation of being beloved by God, Daniel built at Ecbatana in Media a fortress (baris), a most beautiful work and wonderfully made, which exists and is preserved to this day. To those who see it, it appears to have been recently constructed and built on the very day each person observes it; so fresh and vigorous is its beauty, having aged not at all by such a great length of time.

²⁶⁴ Now when Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, and it is still remaining, and preserved to this day; and to such as see it, it appears to have been lately built, and to have been no older than that very day when any one looks upon it, it is so fresh flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time;

²⁶⁴ When Daniel had grown so illustrious and famous, and all saw him as loved by God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media. It was a most elegant and wonderful building, and it still stands, preserved to the present day, and to onlookers it appears quite new, as though built the very day one sees it, fresh and beautiful and not aged by the passage of so much time,

²⁶⁵ πάσχει γὰρ καὶ τὰ κατασκευάσματα ταὐτὸν ἀνθρώποις καὶ πολιοῦται καὶ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν λυόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν ἐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ εὐπρέπειαν μαραινόμενα. θάπτουσι δ᾽ ἐν τῇ βάρει τούς τε βασιλέας καὶ καὶ ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο, καὶ ὁ ταύτην πεπιστευμένος ἐστιν ἱερεὺς καὶ τοῦτο γίνεται μέχρι τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας.

²⁶⁵ For buildings suffer the same as men: they turn gray, their strength is dissolved by the years, and their beauty fades away. In this fortress, they bury the kings of the Medes, Persians, and Parthians even until now, and the one entrusted with its care is a Jewish priest; this remains so to this very day.

²⁶⁵ for buildings suffer the same as men do, they grow old as well as they, and by numbers of years their strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Now they bury the kings of Media, of Persia, and Parthia in this tower to this day, and he who was entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest; which thing is also observed to this day.

²⁶⁵ for buildings suffer as people do, and they grow old like them and their strength dissolves and their beauty withers with the years. To this day they bury the kings of Media, of Persia and Parthia in this tower and the one entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest, which is also done, to this day.

²⁶⁶ ἄξιον δὲ τἀνδρὸς τούτου καὶ ὃ μάλιστ᾽ ἂν θαυμάσαι τις ἀκούσας διελθεῖν· ἀπαντᾷ γὰρ αὐτῷ παραδόξως ὡς ἑνί τινι τῶν μεγίστων καὶ παρὰ τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον τιμή τε καὶ δόξα ἡ παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ πλήθους, καὶ τελευτήσας δὲ μνήμην αἰώνιον ἔχει.

²⁶⁶ It is also worth recounting what one would most marvel at hearing about this man: he met with honors and glory from kings and the multitude during his lifetime in a way paradoxically distinct from any other, and having died, he possesses eternal memory.

²⁶⁶ But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail,

²⁶⁶ We should describe what this man did, which is wonderful to hear, for he had strange revelations made to him like the greatest of the prophets, and in his lifetime he enjoyed esteem and honour both with the kings and the people, and an eternal remembrance after his death;

²⁶⁷ τὰ γὰρ βιβλία, ὅσα δὴ συγγραψάμενος καταλέλοιπεν, ἀναγινώσκεται παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν καὶ πεπιστεύκαμεν ἐξ αὐτῶν, ὅτι ὡμίλει τῷ θεῷ· οὐ γὰρ τὰ μέλλοντα μόνον προφητεύων διετέλει, καθάπερ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι προφῆται, ἀλλὰ καὶ καιρὸν ὥριζεν, εἰς ὃν ταῦτα ἀποβήσεται·

²⁶⁷ For the books which he wrote and left behind are read among us even now, and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God. For he did not merely continue prophesying future events, as did the other prophets, but he also defined the specific time in which these things would come to pass.

²⁶⁷ for the several books that he wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this time; and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of future events, as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their accomplishment.

²⁶⁷ for the various books he wrote and left behind are still read by us to this day, through which we believe that Daniel conversed with God. Not only did he foretell future events, as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their accomplishment.

²⁶⁸ καὶ τῶν προφητῶν τὰ χείρω προλεγόντων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δυσχεραινομένων ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἀγαθῶν ἐγίνετο προφήτης αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς εὐφημίας τῶν προλεγομένων εὔνοιαν ἐπισπᾶσθαι παρὰ πάντων, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ τέλους αὐτῶν ἀληθείας πίστιν καὶ δόξαν ὁμοῦ θειότητος παρὰ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἀποφέρεσθαι.

²⁶⁸ And while other prophets foretold disasters and were for this reason disliked by kings and the people, Daniel was a prophet of good things to share with them. From the auspicious nature of his predictions, he drew the goodwill of all, and from the fulfillment of these things, he carried away from the masses a trust in his truth and a reputation for divinity at once.

²⁶⁸ And while prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the accomplishment of them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among the multitude.

²⁶⁸ But while the prophets used to foretell woes, and were therefore disagreeable both to the kings and the people, Daniel prophesied good things to them to such an extent, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he gained the goodwill of all people, and by their accomplishment gained their confidence and a reputation for divinity for himself, among the people.

²⁶⁹ κατέλιπε δὲ γράψας, ὅθεν ἡμῖν ἀληθὲς τὸ τῆς προφητείας αὐτοῦ‎ ἀκριβὲς καὶ ἀπαράλλακτον ἐποίησε δῆλον· φησὶ γὰρ αὐτὸν γενόμενον ἐν Σούσοις ἐν τῇ μητροπόλει τῆς , ὡς ἐξῆλθεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον μετὰ ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ‎, σεισμοῦ καὶ κλόνου τῆς γῆς ἐξαίφνης γενομένου καταλειφθείη μόνος φευγόντων τῶν φίλων καὶ πέσοι μὲν ἐπὶ στόμα ταραχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὰς δύο χεῖρας, τινὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ μεταξὺ κελεύοντος ἀναστῆναι καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα συμβήσεσθαι τοῖς πολίταις ἰδεῖν μετὰ πολλὰς γενεάς.

²⁶⁹ He left behind writings which made clear to us the truth and the unswerving accuracy of his prophecy. For he says that while he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, as he went out into the plain with his companions, an earthquake and a shaking of the earth suddenly occurred. He was left alone as his friends fled, and he fell upon his face, troubled, resting on his two hands. Someone touched him and commanded him to stand up and see what would happen to his citizens after many generations.

²⁶⁹ He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations.

²⁶⁹ He also wrote and left behind him things that show the accuracy and truth of his predictions, for he says that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with some companions, suddenly there was a movement and cracking of the earth and he was left alone as his friends fled from him. Disturbed, he fell on his face and on his two hands and somebody touched him and told him rise and see what was to happen to his countrymen many generations in the future.

²⁷⁰ ἀναστάντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ δειχθῆναι κριὸν ἐσήμαινε μέγαν, πολλὰ μὲν ἐκπεφυκότα κέρατα, τελευταῖον δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑψηλότερον ἔχοντα. ἔπειτ᾽ ἀναβλέψαι μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ δύσιν, θεάσασθαι δὲ τράγον ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς δι᾽ ἀέρος φερόμενον συρράξαντα τῷ κριῷ καὶ τοῖς κέρασι ῥήξαντα δὶς καταβαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ γῆν καὶ πατῆσαι.

²⁷⁰ When he stood up, he says a great ram was shown to him, having many horns growing out, the last of which was higher than the rest. Then he looked toward the west and beheld a goat carried through the air from that direction, which clashed with the ram, struck it twice with its horns, threw it to the ground, and trampled it.

²⁷⁰ He also related, that when he stood up, he was shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the air from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon him:

²⁷⁰ Then, when he stood up, he was shown a huge ram with many horns growing from his head, with the last being the highest. After this he looked to the west and saw a he-goat being carried through the air from that side; he rushed violently at the ram and struck him twice with his horns and trampled him to the ground.

²⁷¹ εἶτα τὸν τράγον ἰδεῖν ἐκ τοῦ μετώπου μέγιστον ἀναφύσαντα κέρας, οὗ κλασθέντος ἀναβλαστῆσαι τέσσαρα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν ἀνέμων τετραμμένα. ἐξ αὐτῶν δ᾽ ἀνασχεῖν καὶ ἄλλο μικρότερον ἀνέγραψεν, ὃ αὐξῆσαν ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ ὁ ταῦτα ἐπιδεικνὺς θεὸς πολεμήσειν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ἔθνος καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀναιρήσειν κατὰ κράτος, καὶ συγχεεῖν τὰ περὶ τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὰς θυσίας κωλύσειν γενέσθαι ἐπὶ ἡμέρας χιλίας διακοσίας ἐνενήκοντα ἕξ.

²⁷¹ Next, he saw a very great horn grow from the forehead of the goat, and when it was broken, four others sprouted, each turned toward the four winds. From these, he wrote that another smaller one arose, which the God who showed these things told him would grow and make war against his nation, take the city by force, throw the temple into confusion, and stop the sacrifices from occurring for 1,296 days.

²⁷¹ that afterward he saw a very great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple worship to confusion, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days.

²⁷¹ Later he saw a great horn growing from the head of the he-goat and when it was broken off, four horns grew up, stretching toward each of the four winds; and he wrote that from them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, grew great, and that God showed to him that it would fight against his nation and take their city by force and put an end to the temple worship and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days.

²⁷² ταῦτα μὲν ἰδεῖν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῷ ἐν Σούσοις ὁ Ἔγραψε, κρῖναι δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν‎ ὄψιν τοῦ φαντάσματος ἐδήλου τὸν θεὸν οὕτως· τὸν μὲν κριὸν βασιλείας τὰς καὶ σημαίνειν ἔφασκε, τὰ δὲ κέρατα τοὺς βασιλεύειν μέλλοντας, τὸ δὲ ἔσχατον κέρας σημαίνειν τὸν ἔσχατον βασιλέα· τοῦτον γὰρ διοίσειν ἁπάντων πλούτῳ τε καὶ δόξῃ.

²⁷² Daniel wrote that he saw these things in the plain at Susa, and he declared that God interpreted the vision of the phantom in this way: the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, the horns signified those who were to be kings, and the last horn signified the last king, for he would surpass all in wealth and glory.

²⁷² Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this vision after the following manner: He said that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that the last horn signified the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings in riches and glory:

²⁷² Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of Susa, and he told us that God showed the meaning of this vision as follows: He said the ram meant the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians and the horns the kings who would reign in them, and that the last horn meant the last king, who would exceed all the kings in riches and glory.

²⁷³ τὸν δὲ τράγον δηλοῦν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks τις βασιλεύων ἔσται‎, ὃς τῷ ΠέρσῃPersian συμβαλὼν δὶς κρατήσει τῇ μάχῃ καὶ παραλήψεται τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ἅπασαν.	²⁷³ The goat indicated that there would be a king from among the Greeks who, having clashed with the Persian, would conquer him twice in battle and take over the entire sovereignty.
²⁷³ that the he-goat signified that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should receive his entire dominion:	²⁷³ The he-goat meant that one would come from the Greeks and reign, after twice overcoming the Persian in battle and would take over his entire dominion.

²⁷⁴ δηλοῦσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου κέρατος τοῦ ἐν τῷ μετώπῳ τοῦ τράγου τὸν πρῶτον βασιλέα καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν τεσσάρων ἀναβλάστησιν ἐκπεσόντος ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὰ τέσσαρα κλίματα τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν ἀποστροφὴν ἑκάστου τοὺς διαδόχους μετὰ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέως ἐμφανίζεσθαι καὶ διαμερισμὸν εἰς αὐτοὺς τῆς βασιλείας, οὔτε δὲ παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ τούτους ὄντας οὔτε συγγενεῖς, πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἄρξειν τῆς οἰκουμένης.

²⁷⁴ By the great horn in the forehead of the goat was indicated the first king [Alexander], and the sprouting of the four after that one fell—and their turning toward the four quarters of the earth—showed the successors who would appear after the death of the first king and the division of the kingdom among them. Though they were neither his children nor his relatives, they would rule the world for many years.

²⁷⁴ that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them, and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should reign over the habitable earth for many years;

²⁷⁴ The great horn growing from the forehead of the he-goat meant the first king, and the springing up of four horns when it fell off and the turning of each of them to the four corners of the earth, meant the successors who would arise after the death of the first king and the division of the kingdom among people who would be neither his children nor his relatives, who would reign over the world for many years.

²⁷⁵ γενήσεσθαι δ᾽ ἐκ τούτων τινὰ βασιλέα τὸν ἐκπολεμήσοντα τό τε ἔθνος καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ κατὰ τούτους ἀφαιρησόμενον πολιτείαν καὶ συλήσοντα τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τρία κωλύσοντα ἐπιτελεσθῆναι.

²⁷⁵ From these would arise a certain king [Antiochus Epiphanes] who would make war against the nation and its laws, take away their form of government based on these laws, spoil the temple, and prevent the sacrifices from being performed for three years.

²⁷⁵ and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years' time.

²⁷⁵ From among them a certain king would arise and defeat the Jewish nation and their laws and take away their state and despoil the temple and for three years forbid the sacrifices to be offered.

²⁷⁶ καὶ δὴ ταῦτα ἡμῶν συνέβη παθεῖν τῷ ἔθνει ὑπὸ τοῦ , καθὼς εἶδεν ὁ καὶ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνέγραψε τὰ γενησόμενα. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον ὁ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀνέγραψε, καὶ ὅτι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐρημωθήσεται.

²⁷⁶ And indeed, it happened that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, just as Daniel saw and wrote down many years before the events. In the same manner, Daniel also wrote about the sovereignty of the Romans, and that the nation would be laid waste by them.

²⁷⁶ And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them.

²⁷⁶ In fact it turned out that the nation did suffer these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, as Daniel saw and wrote many years before the event. In the same way Daniel also wrote about Roman rule and how our country would be desolated by them.

²⁷⁷ ταῦτα πάντα ἐκεῖνος θεοῦ δείξαντος αὐτῷ συγγράψας κατέλειψεν· ὥστε τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα σκοποῦντας θαυμάζειν ἐπὶ τῇ παρὰ θεοῦ τιμῇ τὸν καὶ τοὺς Ἐπικουρείους ἐκ τούτων εὑρίσκειν πεπλανημένους,

²⁷⁷ He left all these things in writing, as God had shown them to him. Thus, those who read them and observe the events that occur are amazed at the honor Daniel received from God; and from these things, the Epicureans are found to be in error.

²⁷⁷ All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error,

²⁷⁷ All these things this man left in writing, as God showed them to him, so that whoever reads his prophecies and sees how they were fulfilled, must marvel at the honour God gave to Daniel, and from this can show how the Epicureans are in error.

²⁷⁸ οἳ τήν τε πρόνοιαν ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ βίου καὶ θεὸν οὐκ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐπιτροπεύειν τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ἀφθάρτου πρὸς διαμονὴν τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας κυβερνᾶσθαι τὰ σύμπαντα, δὲ ἡνιόχου καὶ ἀφρόντιστον τὸν κόσμον αὐτομάτως φέρεσθαι λέγουσιν.

²⁷⁸ These are the ones who cast out Providence from life and do not believe that God takes charge of affairs, nor that the universe is governed by that blessed and incorruptible Essence for the permanence of the whole; rather, they say the world is moved automatically, devoid of a driver and without a caretaker.

²⁷⁸ who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator;

²⁷⁸ They exclude Providence from life and do not believe that God cares for our affairs or that the universe is ruled and continues in being by that blessed and immortal nature; instead they hold that the world goes along of its own accord, without a ruler or guardian.

²⁷⁹ ὃς εἰ τοῦτον ἀπροστάτητος ἦν τὸν τρόπον, καθάπερ καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐρήμους κυβερνητῶν καταδυομένας ὁρῶμεν ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἢ καὶ τὰ ἅρματα περιτρεπόμενα μὴ ἔχοντα τοὺς ἡνιοχοῦντας, συντριβεὶς ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπρονοήτου συμφορᾶς ἀπωλώλει καὶ διεφθείρετο.

²⁷⁹ If the world were unprotected in this way—just as we see ships sinking without pilots when hit by winds, or chariots overturning when they have no drivers—it would have perished and been destroyed, crushed by unseeing misfortune.

²⁷⁹ which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought.

²⁷⁹ If it were unguided, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see driven by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned. So would the world without Providence be dashed to pieces as it went, and so perish and be destroyed.

²⁸⁰ τοῖς οὖν προειρημένοις ὑπὸ δοκοῦσί μοι σφόδρα τῆς ἀληθοῦς δόξης διαμαρτάνειν οἱ τῷ θεῷ μηδεμίαν εἶναι περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πρόνοιαν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου προφητείαν, εἰ συνέβαινεν αὐτοματισμῷ τινι τὸν κόσμον διάγειν, πάντα ἑωρῶμεν ἀποβαίνοντα.

²⁸⁰ Therefore, by the things foretold by Daniel, those who declare that God has no providence for human affairs seem to me to stray far from the true opinion. For if it happened that the world moved by some automation, we would not see everything coming to pass according to his prophecy.

²⁸⁰ So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy.

²⁸⁰ Therefore, by the above-named predictions of Daniel, it seems to me very far from the truth to decide that God exercises no providence over human affairs, for if it were true that the world proceeds by mechanical necessity, we would not see all things happening according to his prophecy.

²⁸¹ ἐγὼ μὲν περὶ τούτων ὡς εὗρον καὶ ἀνέγνων οὕτως ἔγραψα· εἰ δέ τις ἄλλως δοξάζειν βουλήσεται περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀνέγκλητον ἐχέτω τὴν‎ ἑτερογνωμοσύνην.	²⁸¹ I have written these things concerning these matters just as I found and read them; but if anyone wishes to think otherwise about them, let him hold his different opinion without reproach."
²⁸¹ Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me.	²⁸¹ For myself, I have so described these matters as I found them and read them, but any who are inclined to another opinion about them may hold the alternative view without any blame from me.

The "Eternal" Fortress of Ecbatana
Josephus describes a structure in Ecbatana (modern Hamadan, Iran) that supposedly stayed "fresh" (νεαρὸν) for centuries. By comparing buildings to aging humans, he highlights the "miraculous" preservation of Daniel’s architectural legacy. This fortress served as a royal mausoleum for Medes, Persians, and Parthians (the superpower of Josephus’s own day). The detail that a Jewish priest was the hereditary keeper of these royal tombs is a remarkable claim of Jewish integration and prestige in the East.

The "Good News" Prophet
Josephus makes a brilliant rhetorical move by contrasting Daniel with other prophets (like Jeremiah). While others brought "gloomy" news, Daniel’s prophecies were εὐφημίας (auspicious/favorable). This made him popular with kings. Josephus suggests Daniel’s greatness was a combination of his accurate "timing" (καιρὸν) and his ability to navigate the court without losing his soul.

The Ram and the Goat: A History of Alexander
Josephus translates the imagery of Daniel 8 into historical reality:

1) The Ram The Medo-Persian Empire.

2) The Goat: Alexander the Great ("from the West," moving "through the air" due to his speed).

3) The Four Horns: The Diadochi (Alexander’s generals: Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander).

4) The Small Horn: Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the villain of the Maccabean revolt.

Precision as Proof (1,296 Days)
Josephus cites a specific number of days for the desolation of the Temple. This precision is his primary weapon against the Epicureans. To Josephus, the fulfillment of these dates proves that the world is not "automatic" (αὐτομάτως) but governed by a ἡνιόχου (driver/charioteer). History is not a series of accidents; it is a scripted drama.

The Roman "Third Rail"
Josephus briefly mentions that Daniel also wrote about the Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας (Roman sovereignty) and the destruction of the Temple. This is a very sensitive topic for Josephus, who lived under Flavian patronage. He doesn't go into detail here, but he hints that the Roman destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE was also "on the clock" in Daniel’s prophecy.

The Chariot of the Universe
Josephus uses the metaphor of a ship without a pilot or a chariot without a driver to describe the Epicurean view of the world. By contrast, Daniel’s ability to predict the rise of the Greeks and Romans proves that there is a "Divine Pilot."

The Historian’s Tolerance (ἑτερογνωμοσύνην)
Josephus ends with a remarkably modern "disclaimer." He has presented his evidence as he found it (ὡς εὗρον), but he allows his readers the freedom of ἑτερογνωμοσύνην (difference of opinion) without reproach. It is a humble ending to a monumental book, inviting the reader to judge the evidence of history for themselves.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 10

From the Assyrian Captivity to end of the Babylonian Exile

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 10