FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 18

From Archelaus' exile to the departure of the Diaspora Jews from Babylon

Chapter 1 Roman taxes under Quirinius; Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects
Chapter 2 Cities named for Caesar. Lists of priests and procurators. The Parthians
Chapter 3 Jews rebel against Pilate. The execution of Jesus. Jews banished from Rome
Chapter 4 Pilate kills some demonstrators. Vitellius is sent against the Parthians
Chapter 5 Herod Agrippa loses war against Aretas of Arabia. Death of John the Baptist
Chapter 6 Herod Agrippa sails to Rome. Imprisoned, then released, and made a tetrarch
Chapter 7 Urged by Herodias, Antipas makes a request of Caligula and is banished
Chapter 8 The Jewish delegation to Gaius. Petronius sent to compel the Jews
Chapter 9 The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Mesopotamia

Chapter 1
[001-025]
Rome's Taxation of Syria and Judea, under Quirinius. Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects

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¹ ΚυρίνιοςQuirinius δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ ΣυρίαςSyria παρῆν , ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος,
¹ Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.	¹ Quirinius, a Roman senator who had ascended through the magistracies up to the consulship and also enjoyed high dignity in other ways, came to Syria at this time, with some others, sent by Caesar to judge that nation and assess their property.
¹ Barach

² ΚωπώνιόςCoponius τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων , ἡγησόμενος ἸουδαίωνJews τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ . παρῆν δὲ καὶ ΚυρίνιοςQuirinius εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea προσθήκηνan addition τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ ἈρχελάουArchelaus χρήματα.
² Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money;	² A man of equestrian rank, Coponius, was sent with him, to take full charge of the Jews, though Quirinius came into Judea too, which was now annexed to Syria, to assess their property and dispose of Archelaus' money.
² Barach

³ οἱ δὲ καίπερ τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐν δεινῷ φέροντες τὴν‎ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς ἀκρόασιν ὑποκατέβησαν τοῦ μὴ εἰς πλέον ἐναντιοῦσθαι πείσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἸωαζάρουJoazar, ΒοηθοῦBoethus δὲ οὗτος υἱὸς ἦν . Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡττηθέντες τοῦ ἸωαζάρουJoazar τῶν λόγων ἀπετίμων τὰ χρήματα μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντες ·
³ but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it.	³ The Jews were at first alarmed to hear about this tax-registration but were persuaded to give up their opposition to it by the high priest Joazar, the son of Boethus, and, won over by Joazar's words, they gave an account of their estates without argument.
³ Barach

⁴ ἸούδαςJudas δὲ ΓαυλανίτηςGaulonite ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα ΓάμαλαGamala ΣάδδωκονSadduc ΦαρισαῖονPharisee προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει , τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ᾽ ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος ·
⁴ Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty;	⁴ But Judas, a Gaulonite from a city called Gamala, with the support of the Pharisee Sadduc, stirred them to revolt by calling this taxation nothing but an introduction to slavery and urging the nation to reassert its freedom.
⁴ Barach

⁵ ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως , σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος , καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον , ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς .
⁵ as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same;	⁵ This would allow them to regain prosperity and retain their own property, as well as something still more valuable, the honour and glory of acting with courage. They said that God would surely help them to achieve their goals, if they set their hearts on great ideals and not grow tired from carrying them out.
⁵ Barach

⁶ καὶ ἡδονῇ γὰρ τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν ὧν λέγοιεν ἐδέχοντο οἱ ἄνθρωποι , προύκοπτεν ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τοῦ τολμήματος , κακόν τε οὐκ ἔστιν , οὗ μὴ φυέντος ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ εἰπεῖν ἀνεπλήσθηto fill up τὸ ἔθνος ·
⁶ so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree;	⁶ What they said was eagerly listened to and great progress was made in this bold project, so that indescribable troubles came to the nation as a result of these men.
⁶ Barach

⁷ πολέμων τε ἐπαγωγαῖς οὐχ οἷον τὸ ἄπαυστον τὴν‎ βίαν ἔχειν , καὶ ἀποστέρησιν φίλων , οἳ καὶ ἐπελαφρύνοιεν τὸν πόνον , λῃστηρίων τε μεγάλων ἐπιθέσεσιν καὶ διαφθοραῖς ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων , δόξα μὲν τοῦ ὀρθουμένου τῶν κοινῶν , ἔργωιdeed δὲ οἰκείων κερδῶν ἐλπίσιν .
⁷ one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves;	⁷ We were embroiled in interminable violence and war, and lost the friends who could alleviate our misery, when our leading men were robbed and murdered, under the pretext of the common good, but in reality for private gain.
⁷ Barach

⁸ ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι᾽ αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός , ὁ μὲν ἐμφυλίοιςkinsfolk σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων , ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων , λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν , καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί , μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις .
⁸ whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire.	⁸ From them came the seeds of political murder, for the mania for victory sometimes caused people to kill their own race, wanting none of the opposition to survive any more than their enemies. The revolt brought famine upon us and utter despair, as our cities were taken and demolished, until even the temple of God was burned down by our enemies.
⁸ Barach

⁹ οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν , εἴ γε καὶ ἸούδαςJudas καὶ ΣάδδωκοςSadduc τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν‎ πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε ·
⁹ Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal,	⁹ Such were the results of changing our ancestral customs, for these changes contributed much to the coming destruction. Judas and Sadduc began a fourth philosophy among us that had many followers and not only threw our state into convulsion at that time but also our woeful future, such as we had never known before, sprang from this "philosophy."
⁹ Barach

¹⁰ περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν , ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε .
¹⁰ concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.	¹⁰ I will explain a little about this, since the infection of the younger impressionable elements by these ideas brought our affairs to ruin.
¹⁰ Barach

¹¹ ἸουδαίοιςJews φιλοσοφίαιd τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων , ἥ τε τῶν ἘσσηνῶνEssenes καὶ ἡ τῶν ΣαδδουκαίωνSadducees , τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ ΦαρισαῖοιPharisees λεγόμενοι . Καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ ἸουδαικοῦJewish πολέμου , μνησθήσομαι δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον .
¹¹ The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.	¹¹ By traditional custom, the Jews had for a long time had three sorts of philosophy: that of the Essenes, that of the Sadducees and a third way followed by those called the Pharisees. Although I have already spoken about these in the second book of the Jewish War, I will say a little more about them now.
¹¹ Barach

¹² Οἵ τε γὰρ ΦαρισαῖοιPharisees τὴν‎ δίαιταν ἐξευτελίζουσιν οὐδὲν ἐς τὸ μαλακώτερον ἐνδιδόντες , ὧν τε ὁ λόγος κρίνας παρέδωκεν ἀγαθῶν ἕπονται τῇ ἡγεμονίαι περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τὴν‎ φυλακὴν ὧν ὑπαγορεύειν ἠθέλησεν . τιμῆς γε τοῖς ἡλικίᾳ προήκουσιν παραχωροῦσιν οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀντιλέξει τῶν εἰσηγηθέντων ταῦτα οἱ θράσει ἐπαιρόμενοιto lift up, raise .
¹² Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced;	¹² The Pharisees opt for a simple lifestyle and make no concession to luxury, and accept the authority of what their doctrine hands on to them as good, and reckon that the preservation of their doctrines is worth fighting for. They show respect to their elders and do not rashly contradict whatever they have introduced.
¹² Barach

¹³ πράσσεσθαί τε εἱμαρμένῃ τὰ πάντα ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τὸ βουλόμενον τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁρμῆς ἀφαιροῦνται δοκῆσαν τῷ θεῷ κρίσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ ἐκείνης βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῷ ἐθελήσαντι προσχωρεῖν μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας .
¹³ and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously.	¹³ Though they believe that everything is subject to fate, they do not remove from people the freedom to act as they think fit, for they think God has given us the judgment by which the human will can follow the ways of virtue or of vice.
¹³ Barach

¹⁴ ἀθάνατόν τε ἰσχὺν ταῖς ψυχαῖς πίστις αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ ὑπὸ χθονὸς δικαιώσεις τε καὶ τιμὰς οἷς ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας ἐπιτήδευσις ἐν τῷ βίῳ γέγονεν , καὶ ταῖς μὲν εἱργμὸν ἀίδιον προτίθεσθαι , ταῖς δὲ ῥᾳστώνην τοῦ ἀναβιοῦν .
¹⁴ They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again;	¹⁴ They also believe that souls have an immortal force and that there will be rewards or punishments beneath the earth, as one has lived virtuously or badly in this life, and the latter will be kept in an everlasting prison, and the others will be empowered to live again.
¹⁴ Barach

¹⁵ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα . εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις .
¹⁵ on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.	¹⁵ With these doctrines they greatly influence the general public, who follow their guidance about worship and prayers and sacrifices, so that in the cities they are acclaimed as admirable, both in their actions and in their words.
¹⁵ Barach

¹⁶ Σαδδουκαίοις δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ λόγος συναφανίζει τοῖς σώμασι , φυλακῇ δὲ οὐδαμῶς τινων μεταποίησις αὐτοῖς ἢ τῶν νόμων · πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς διδασκάλου σοφίας , ἣν μετίασιν , ἀμφιλογεῖν ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦσιν .
¹⁶ But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent:	¹⁶ The Sadducees teach that souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard as obligatory anything beyond what the law commands. They think it a virtue to dispute ideas with the teachers of wisdom whom they meet.
¹⁶ Barach

¹⁷ εἰς ὀλίγους δὲ ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο , τοὺς μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασιsomething worthy , πράσσεταί τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν · ὁπότεwhen γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν , ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκας , προσχωροῦσι δ᾽ οὖν οἷς ὁ ΦαρισαῖοςPharisee λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γενέσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν .
¹⁷ but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.	¹⁷ This doctrine is held by only a few, though these are of the highest dignity. But of themselves they can achieve almost nothing, for when they become leaders, as they are sometimes obliged to be, even if unwillingly, they adopt the ideas of the Pharisees, since otherwise the people would not listen to them.
¹⁷ Barach

¹⁸ Ἐσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος , ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν‎ πρόσοδον .
¹⁸ The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for;	¹⁸ The Essenes hold that all things are best left in the hands of God. They believe in the soul's immortality and think one should earnestly strive for righteousness.
¹⁸ Barach

¹⁹ εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν , ἃς νομίζοιεν , καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ᾽ αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν . βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως [ἄνδρες ] τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι .
¹⁹ and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry.	¹⁹ Though they send to the temple what they have dedicated to God, they offer their sacrifice with distinctive purifications, because of which they are excluded from the common court of the temple and offer their sacrifices separately. Their way of life is better than that of other men, and they devote themselves entirely to farming.
¹⁹ Barach

²⁰ ἄξιον δ᾽ αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν , ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ εἰς ὀλίγον , ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι · τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς , ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything κεκτημένος · καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες .
²⁰ It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way,	²⁰ It is admirable how much they excel all others in virtue, for their lifestyle is not found among Greeks or barbarians, even briefly, though it has been continually practiced by them for a long time. They hold their wealth in common, so that a rich man enjoys no more of his wealth than one who owns nothing at all, and about four thousand men live in this way.
²⁰ Barach

²¹ καὶ οὔτε γαμετὰς εἰσάγονται οὔτε δούλων ἐπιτηδεύουσιν κτῆσιν , τὸ μὲν εἰς ἀδικίαν φέρειν ὑπειληφότες , τὸ δὲ στάσεως ἐνδιδόναι ποίησιν , αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ζῶντες διακονίᾳ τῇ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἐπιχρῶνται .
²¹ and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another.	²¹ They neither wives nor keep servants, thinking that the latter leads to injustice while the former can cause quarrelling, but live single lives and are of service to each other.
²¹ Barach

²² ἀποδέκτας δὲ τῶν προσόδων χειροτονοῦντες καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἡ γῆ φέροι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς , ἱερεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ ποιήσει σίτου τε καὶ βρωμάτων . ζῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν παρηλλαγμένως , ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μάλιστα ἐμφέροντες ΔακῶνDacians τοῖς πλείστοις λεγομένοις .
²² They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities].	²² They appoint good men as stewards to receive their revenues and the fruits of the earth, and priests to prepare their bread and other food. Their lifestyle does not differ little from, indeed is very similar to, that of the so-called Ktistai ( "founders") among the Dacians.
²² Barach

²³ Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ ΓαλιλαῖοςGalilean ἸούδαςJudas ἡγεμὼν κατέστη , τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν ΦαρισαίωνPharisees ὁμολογούσῃ , δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν . θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην .
²³ But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord.	²³ Judas the Galilean was the originator of the fourth way of Jewish philosophy, which agrees in most things with the views of the Pharisees, but is intensely devoted to freedom and claims God as the only Ruler and Lord. They are prepared for any kind of death, and even accept the deaths of relatives and friends, rather than call any man lord.
²³ Barach

²⁴ ἑωρακόσιν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ ἀμετάλλακτον αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὑποστάσεως περαιτέρω διελθεῖν παρέλιπον · οὐ γὰρ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑποληφθῇ τι τῶν λεγομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς , τοὐναντίον δὲ μὴ ἐλασσόνως τοῦ ἐκείνων καταφρονήματος δεχομένου τὴν‎ ταλαιπωρίαν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ὁ λόγος ἀφηγῆται .
²⁴ And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain.	²⁴ Since their immovable resolve is well known to many, I shall say no more about it, nor do I fear that what I have said of them will be disbelieved. What I do fear is that I have understated the indifference they show in the face of misery and pain.
²⁴ Barach

²⁵ ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου ΦλώρουFlorus , ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν , τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin . Καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν ἸουδαίοιςJews τοσάδε .
²⁵ And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.	²⁵ It was in the time of Gessius Florus as governor that the nation began to grow mad with this illness, when by the abuse of his authority he caused them to revolt from the Romans. Those are the ways of philosophy among the Jews.
²⁵ Barach

Chapter 2
[026-054]
Herod Antipas founded Tiberias.
Succession of priests and procurators.
Royal succession among the Parthians

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²⁶ ΚυρίνιοςQuirinius δὲ τὰ ἈρχελάουArchelaus χρήματα ἀποδόμενος ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἀποτιμήσεων πέρας ἐχουσῶν , αἳ ἐγένοντο τριακοστῷ καὶ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὴν‎ ἈντωνίουAntōny ἐν ἈκτίῳActium ἧτταν ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , Ἰωάζαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα καταστασιασθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς πληθύος ἀφελόμενος τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς τιμῆς ἌνανονAnanus τὸν Σεθὶ καθίσταται ἀρχιερέα .
²⁶ When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest;	²⁶ When Quirinius had disposed of Archelaus' money and the assessments had been completed, in the thirty-seventh year after Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he took from Joazar the dignity of the high priesthood, which had been given him by the people and appointed Ananus, son of Seth, as high priest.
²⁶ Barach

²⁷ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο . Καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod ΣέπφωρινSepphoris τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ ΓαλιλαίουGalilee παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα · ΒηθαραμφθᾶBetharamphtha δέ , πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει , τείχει περιλαβὼν ἸουλιάδαJulias ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός .
²⁷ while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife.	²⁷ Herod and Philip each took charge of their own tetrarchies and arranged matters there. Then Herod built a wall around Sepphoris for the security of all Galilee, and made it the capital of his area, and also built a wall around the city of Betharamphtha, and called it Julias, after the emperor's wife.
²⁷ Barach

²⁸ ΦίλιπποςPhilip δὲ ΠανεάδαPaneas τὴν‎ πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan κατασκευάσας ὀνομάζει ΚαισάρειανCaesarea , κώμην δὲ ΒηθσαιδὰBethsaida πρὸς λίμνῃ τῇ ΓεννησαρίτιδιGennesareth πόλεως παρασχὼν ἀξίωμα πλήθει τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει ἸουλίᾳJulia θυγατρὶ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὁμώνυμον ἐκάλεσεν .
²⁸ When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Caesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter.	²⁸ Philip also built up Paneas at the source of the Jordan, calling it Caesarea, and made a city of the village of Bethsaida, on the lake of Gennesareth, for the number of its inhabitants and its importance, naming it Julias, the name of Caesar's daughter.
²⁸ Barach

²⁹ ΚωπωνίουCoponius δὲ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea διέποντος , ὃν ἔφην ΚυρινίῳQuirinius συνεκπεμφθῆναι , τάδε πράσσεται . τῶν ἀζύμων τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης , ἣν πάσχα καλοῦμεν , ἐκ μέσης νυκτὸς ἐν ἔθει τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἦν ἀνοιγνύναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς πυλῶνας .
²⁹ As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight.	²⁹ The following occurred while Judea was under Coponius, who as we said was sent out with Quirinius. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread that we call Passover, it was the practice for the priests to open the temple gates just after midnight.
²⁹ Barach

³⁰ καὶ τότε οὖν ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον γίνεται ἡ ἄνοιξις αὐτῶν , ἄνδρες ΣαμαρεῖταιSamaritans κρύφα εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ἐλθόντες διάρριψιν ἀνθρωπείωνhuman ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἤρξαντο μὴ πρότερον ἐπὶ τοιούτοις νομίζοντες τά τε ἄλλα διὰ φυλακῆς μείζονος ἦγον τὸ ἱερόν .
³⁰ When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done.	³⁰ When those gates were first opened, some Samaritans secretly came into Jerusalem and began throwing some human bones around in the porticoes and elsewhere in the temple, and as a result it was decided to have the temple more carefully guarded than before.
³⁰ Barach

³¹ καὶ ΚωπώνιοςCoponius μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐπαναχωρεῖ , διάδοχος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς παραγίνεται ΜᾶρκοςMark Ἀμβιβουχος , ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφὴ μεταστᾶσα ἸουλίᾳJulia μὲν ἸάμνειάνJamnia τε καταλείπει καὶ τὴν‎ τοπαρχίαν πᾶσαν , τήν τ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ΦασαηλίδαPhasaelis καὶ Ἀρχελαίδα , ἔνθα φοινίκων πλείστη φύτευσις καὶ καρπὸς αὐτῶν ἄριστος .
³¹ A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia [Caesar’s wife] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind.	³¹ Shortly afterward Coponius returned to Rome and Marcus Ambivius came as his successor, under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, leaving to Julia, ( Caesar's wife, ) Jamnia and its district and Phasaelis in the plain and Archelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees of excellent fruit.
³¹ Barach

³² διαδέχεται δὲ καὶ τοῦτον Ἄννιος ῬοῦφοςRufus , ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ καὶ τελευτᾷ ΚαῖσαρCaesar , δεύτερος μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος ἑπτὰ δὲ καὶ πεντήκοντα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτη , πρὸς οἷς μῆνες ἓξ ἡμέρᾳ δυοῖν πλείονες , τούτου δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ χρόνου δεκατέσσαρα ἔτη συνῆρξεν ἈντώνιοςAntony , βιώσας ἔτη ἑβδομηκονταεπτά .
³² After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years);	³² After him came Annius Rufus, in whose time Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, died after a reign of fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days. Antony ruled along with him for fourteen years, and his life span was seventy-seven years.
³² Barach

³³ διαδέχεται δὲ τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ΤιβέριοςTiberius ΝέρωνNero γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἸουλίαςJulias υἱὸς ὤν , τρίτος ἤδη οὗτος αὐτοκράτωρ , καὶ πεμπτὸς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ παρῆν ἸουδαίοιςJews ἔπαρχος διάδοχος Ἀννίῳ Ῥούφῳ Οὐαλέριος ΓρᾶτοςGratus ·
³³ upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus.	³³ After his death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded him, as the third emperor, and he sent Valerius Gratus as procurator of Judea, to succeed Annius Rufus.
³³ Barach

³⁴ ὃς παύσας ἱερᾶσθαι ἌνανονAnanus ἸσμάηλονIshmael ἀρχιερέα ἀποφαίνει τὸν τοῦ Φαβί , καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ μεταστήσας ἘλεάζαρονEleazar τὸν ἈνάνουAnanus τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα . ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ διαγενομένου καὶ τόνδε παύσας ΣίμωνιSimon τῷ Καμίθου τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην παραδίδωσιν .
³⁴ This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus;	³⁴ This man deposed Ananus from the high priesthood and named Ismael, son of Phabi, as high priest and soon replaced him with Eleazar, son of Ananus, who had been high priest before. After he had held the office for a year, Gratus deposed him and gave the high priesthood to Simon, son of Camithus.
³⁴ Barach

³⁵ οὐ πλείων δὲ καὶ τῷδε ἐνιαυτοῦ τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἔχοντι διεγένετο χρόνος , καὶ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ὁ καὶ Καιάφας διάδοχος ἦν αὐτῷ . Καὶ ΓρᾶτοςGratus μὲν ταῦτα πράξας εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐπανεχώρει ἕνδεκα ἔτη διατρίψας ἐν ἸουδαίᾳJudea , Πόντιος δὲ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate διάδοχος αὐτῷ ἧκεν .
³⁵ and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.	³⁵ After he had held the dignity no more than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done all this he returned to Rome after spending eleven years in Judea, and Pontius Pilate came as his successor.
³⁵ Barach

³⁶ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ὁ τετράρχης , ἐπὶ μέγα γὰρ ἦν τῷ ΤιβερίῳTiberius φιλίας προελθών , οἰκοδομεῖται πόλιν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ ΤιβεριάδαTiberias τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπικτίσας αὐτὴν τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ἐπὶ λίμνῃ τῇ ΓεννησαρίτιδιGennesareth . θερμά τε οὐκ ἄπωθέν ἐστιν ἐν κώμῃ , Ἀμμαθοὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ .
³⁶ And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus.	³⁶ Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour with Tiberius, built a city in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth, and named it Tiberias, in his honour. Not far from it there are warm baths, in a village called Ammathus.
³⁶ Barach

³⁷ σύγκλυδες δὲ ᾤκισαν , οὐκ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὸ ΓαλιλαῖονGalilean ἦν , καὶ ὅσοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ γῆς ἀναγκαστοὶ καὶ πρὸς βίαν εἰς τὴν‎ κατοικίαν ἀγόμενοι , τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει . ἐδέξατο δὲ αὐτοῖς συνοίκους καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυναγομένους ἄνδρας ἀπόρους ,
³⁷ Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it.	³⁷ Strangers came to live there and many Galileans too, compelled by Herod to come from the area belonging to him, to populate it. Some of them were wealthy, but he also accepted poor people, collected from all parts.
³⁷ Barach

³⁸ ἔστι δ᾽ οὓς μηδὲ σαφῶς ἐλευθέρους , πολλά τε αὐτοὺς κἀπὶ πολλοῖς ἠλευθέρωσεν καὶ εὐηργέτησεν ἀνάγκασμα τοῦ μὴ ἀπολείψειν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπιθείς , κατασκευαῖς τε οἰκήσεων τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ γῆς ἐπιδόσει , εἰδὼς παράνομον τὸν οἰκισμὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἸουδαίοιςJews πατρίου διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ μνήμασιν , ἃ πολλὰ τῇδε ἦν , ἀνῃρημένοις τὴν‎ ἵδρυσιν τῇ ΤιβεριάδιTiberias γενέσθαι · μιαροὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας εἶναι τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀγορεύει ἡμῖν τὸ νόμιμον .
³⁸ Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.	³⁸ Some of them were not quite free from slavery and these he set free in large numbers, as a favour, obliging them not to forsake the city by building them very good houses at his own expense and by giving them land. He knew that this settlement was in opposition to Jewish ancestral laws, for many tombs had to be removed to make room for building Tiberias and our laws say that those who live there are unclean for seven days.
³⁸ Barach

³⁹ Τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ ΦραάτηςPhraates ὁ ΠαρθυαίωνParthians βασιλεὺς κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπὸ Φραατάκου τοῦ υἱέος κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν .
³⁹ About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following:	³⁹ Meanwhile the king of the Parthians, Phraates, died by the treachery of his son, Phraatakos, as follows.
³⁹ Barach

⁴⁰ ΦραάτηςPhraates παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων Ἰταλικῆς παιδίσκης ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα . ταύτῃ ὑπὸ Ἰουλίου ΚαίσαροςCaesar μετ᾽ ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο , καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προιόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν .
⁴⁰ When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her.	⁴⁰ After Phraates already had legitimate sons, he had an Italian slave girl named Thermusa, sent to him, among other gifts, by Julius Caesar. Struck by her beauty, he first made her his concubine and in time had by her a son named Phraataces, and made her his wife and treated her with respect.
⁴⁰ Barach

⁴¹ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς εἴποι πιθανὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυῖα καὶ σπεύδουσα τῷ παιδὶ τῷ αὐτῆς γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ΠάρθωνParthians ἡγεμονίαν ἑώρα μὴ ἄλλως γενησομένην μὴ ἀποσκευῆς αὐτῇ μηχανηθείσης τῶν γνησίων τοῦ ΦραάτουPhraates παίδων .
⁴¹ Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates’s legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;]	⁴¹ As she could persuade him in everything, she worked to win for her son the leadership of the Parthians, but saw it was impossible unless she found a way to remove Phraates' legitimate sons.
⁴¹ Barach

⁴² πείθει οὖν αὐτὸν ἐκπέμπειν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐφ᾽ ὁμηρείᾳ τοὺς γνησίους παῖδας . Καὶ οὗτοι μέν , οὐ γὰρ ἀντειπεῖν εὔπορον Φραάτῃ τοῖς Θεσμούσης ἐπιτάγμασιν , ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἐξεπέμποντο . Φραατάκης δὲ μόνος ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι τρεφόμενος δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο καὶ ἅμα χρόνιον τοῦ πατρὸς διδόντος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν λαμβάνειν , ὥστε ἐπεβούλευε τῷ πατρὶ συμπράξει τῆς μητρός , ᾗ δὴ καὶ συνιέναι λόγος εἶχεν αὐτόν .
⁴² so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father’s donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother’s assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also.	⁴² Thus, she persuaded him to send his proper sons as hostages to Rome and they were duly sent, as Phraates was unable to resist Thermusa. But while Phraataces alone was brought up to succeed in the leadership, he thought it too long to wait for it to come by his father's gift and treacherously conspired against his father, helped by his mother, with whom he was also rumoured to make love.
⁴² Barach

⁴³ καὶ δι᾽ ἀμφότερα μισηθεὶς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τῆς πατροκτονίας τὸ μῦσος τοῦ μητρὸς ἔρωτος τιθεμένων τῶν ὑπηκόων , στάσει περιελαθεὶς πρότερον ἢ φῦναι μέγας ἐξέπεσε τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ οὕτως θνήσκει .
⁴³ So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died.	⁴³ For both these vices he was hated, as his subjects regarded his lust for his mother as no better than his patricide, and they rebelled before he grew too powerful, and deposed him, and he died.
⁴³ Barach

⁴⁴ συμφρονήσαντες δὲ οἱ γενναιότατοι ΠάρθωνParthians , ὡς ἀβασιλεύτοις μὲν ἀμήχανον πολιτεύεσθαι , οἱ δὲ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐκ τοῦ γένους τῶν Ἀρσακιδῶν , οὐ γὰρ ἑτέροις ἄρχειν νόμιμον , ἀπέχρη δὲ πολλάκις καὶ μέχρι νῦν περιυβρίσθαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔκ τε γάμων τῆς Ἰταλικῆς παλλακίδος καὶ γενέσεων , Ὀρώδην ἐκάλουν πρεσβεύσαντες εἰς ΔάνDan , ἄλλως μὲν ἐπίφθονον τῷ πλήθει καὶ ὑπαίτιον καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὰς ὠμότητος , πάνυ γὰρ ἦν σκαιὸς καὶ δυσδιάθετος εἰς ὀργήν , ἕνα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ γένους .
⁴⁴ But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces.	⁴⁴ The Parthian aristocrats agreed that it was impossible for the state to do without a king, and it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, for their law allowed no other, and they thought their kingdom had already been harmed enough by the marriage with an Italian concubine and by her offspring. So they sent envoys and called Orodes to be king, though the people did not care for him, on account of his savagery and temper and proneness to anger; but he did belong to the royal family.
⁴⁴ Barach

⁴⁵ τοῦτον μὲν δὴ συστάντες ἀποκτείνουσιν , ὡς μὲν ἔνιοίsome φασιν , ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ τραπέζαις , μαχαιροφορεῖν γὰρ ἔθος ἅπασιν , ὡς δ᾽ ὁ πλείων κατέχει λόγος , εἰς θήρανw> προαγαγόντες .
⁴⁵ However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out ahunting.	⁴⁵ But they conspired against this man also, and killed him; some say, at a festival and among their sacrifices, as it is the custom there for everyone to go armed; more say, however, that he was killed after being lured out hunting.
⁴⁵ Barach

⁴⁶ πρεσβεύσαντες δὲ εἰς ῬώμηνRome ᾐτοῦντο βασιλέα τῶν ὁμηρευόντων , καὶ πέμπεται Βονώνης προκριθεὶς τῶν ἀδελφῶν · ἐδόκει γὰρ χωρεῖν τὴν‎ τύχην , ἣν αὐτῷ δύο μέγισται τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἡγεμονίαι προσέφερον , ἰδία καὶ ἀλλοτρία .
⁴⁶ So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one).	⁴⁶ So they sent envoys to Rome asking them for one of the hostages to be king, and Vonones was chosen above his brothers and sent to them. He seemed destined for fortune, being offered two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun, his own and a foreign one.
⁴⁶ Barach

⁴⁷ ταχεῖα δ᾽ ἀνατροπὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὕπεισιν ἅτε καὶ φύσει σφαλεροὺς ὄντας πρός τε τὴν‎ ἀναξιοπάθειαν , ἀνδραπόδῳ γὰρ ἀλλοτρίῳ ποιήσειν τὸ προστασσόμενον ἠξίουν , τὴν‎ ὁμηρείαν ἀντὶ δουλείας ὀνομάζοντες , καὶ τῆς ἐπικλήσεως τὴν‎ ἀδοξίαν · οὐ γὰρ [ἂν ] πολέμου δικαίῳ δεδόσθαι τὸν βασιλεύσοντα ΠάρθοιςParthians , ἀλλά , ὃ τῷ παντὶ χεῖρον , εἰρήνης ὕβρει .
⁴⁷ However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace.	⁴⁷ The barbarians, however, being naturally volatile, soon changed their minds and felt this man unworthy to be their ruler, as they could not obey the commands of one who had been a slave, for so they considered anyone who had been held hostage. Nor could they bear the shame of having such a king set over the Parthians, all the worse as it was not by right of war, but in time of peace.
⁴⁷ Barach

⁴⁸ παραχρῆμα δ᾽ ἐκάλουν ἈρτάβανονArtabanus ΜηδίαςMedia βασιλεύοντα γένος Ἀρσακίδην · πείθεται δ᾽ Ἀρτάβανος καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἔπεισιν . ὑπαντιάζει δ᾽ αὐτῷ Βονώνης · καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον συμφρονήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians παραταξάμενος νικᾷ , καὶ φεύγει πρὸς τοὺς ὅρους τῆς ΜηδίαςMedia Ἀρτάβανος .
⁴⁸ So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media.	⁴⁸ So they soon invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, since he too was of the Arsacid clan. Artabanus agreed and came to them with an army, and Vonones went out against him. At first the Parthians were on his side and he scored a victory, and Artabanus fled to the mountains of Media.
⁴⁸ Barach

⁴⁹ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ συναγαγὼν συμβάλλει τε Βονώνῃ καὶ νικᾷ , καὶ Βονώνης εἰς ΣελεύκειανSeleucia ἀφιππάζεται σὺν ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν . Ἀρτάβανος δὲ πολὺν τῇ τροπῇ φόνον ἐργασάμενος ὑπὲρ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation τῶν βαρβάρων πρὸς Κτησιφῶντα μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἀναχωρεῖ .
⁴⁹ Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians.	⁴⁹ But not long after, gathering a large army and fought Vonones again and defeated him, and Vonones fled on horseback to Seleucia upon the Tigris, along with a few of his attendants. When, to cow the barbarians, Artabanus had slaughtered many after his victory, he retreated to Ctesiphon with most of his troops.
⁴⁹ Barach

⁵⁰ κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη ΠάρθοιςParthians , Βονώνης δ᾽ εἰς ἈρμενίανArmenia διαπίπτει , καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἐπρέσβευεν .
⁵⁰ But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose].	⁵⁰ Now he was king of the Parthians, but Vonones fled to Armenia, and after arrival sought to rule that country and sent envoys to Rome to ask for it.
⁵⁰ Barach

⁵¹ ὡς δ᾽ αὐτῷ ΤιβέριοςTiberius μὲν ἀπεῖπεν πρός τε τὴν‎ ἀνανδρίαν καὶ τοῦ ΠάρθουParthia τὰς ἀπειλάς , ἀναπρεσβεύει γὰρ δὴ πόλεμον ἀνατεινόμενος , μηχανὴ δ᾽ ἦν ἑτέρας βασιλείας οὐδεμία , καὶ γὰρ οἱ περὶ Νιφάτην δυνατοὶ τῶν ἈρμενίωνArmenia Ἀρταβάνῳ προστίθενται ,
⁵¹ But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,)	⁵¹ When Tiberius refused it to him his courage failed, and as the Parthian king threatened him and sent envoys to declare war on him if he persisted, and had no way to gain any other kingdom, for the influential people Armenians and those around Niphates sided with Artabanus,
⁵¹ Barach

⁵² παραδίδωσιν αὑτὸν Σιλανῷ τῷ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria στρατηγῷ . κἀκεῖνος μὲν κατὰ αἰδῶ τῆς ἐν ῬώμῃRome κομιδῆς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria παρεφυλάσσετο · τὴν‎ δὲ ἈρμενίανArmenia Ὀρώδῃ δίδωσιν Ἀρτάβανος ἑνὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ παίδων .
⁵² he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.	⁵² he surrendered to Silanus, the ruler of Syria, who, in light of his education in Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.
⁵² Barach

⁵³ Ἐτελεύτησεν δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς ΚομμαγηνῆςCommagene βασιλεὺς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus , διέστη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους καὶ πρεσβεύουσιν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρου μέρους , οἱ μὲν δυνατοὶ μεταβάλλειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πολιτείας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν ἀξιοῦντες , τὸ πλῆθος δὲ βασιλεύεσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια .
⁵³ At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been.	⁵³ Antiochus, the king of Commagene, died and his people squabbled with the nobility and both sides sent envoys. The notables wanted their state to become a province of the empire, but the people wanted to be ruled by kings, like their ancestors.
⁵³ Barach

⁵⁴ καὶ ψηφίζεται ἡ σύγκλητος Γερμανικὸν πέμπειν διορθώσοντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀνατολὴν πραγματευομένης αὐτῷ τῆς τύχης εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ θανάτου · καὶ γὰρ γενόμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀνατολὴν καὶ πάντα διορθώσας ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ ὑπὸ Πείσωνος , καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται .
⁵⁴ So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.	⁵⁴ So the senate decreed that Germanicus be sent to settle affairs in the East, and thereby Fate robbed him of his life, for when he had gone to the East and settled everything there, his life was taken by the poison which Piso gave him, as we said elsewhere.
⁵⁴ Barach

Chapter 3
[055-084]
The Jewish rebellion under Pontius Pilate.
Execution of Jesus Christ.
State of the Jews in Rome

⁵⁵ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate δὲ ὁ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἡγεμὼν στρατιὰν ἐκ ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea ἀγαγὼν καὶ μεθιδρύσας χειμαδιοῦσαν ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν νομίμων τῶν ἸουδαικῶνJewish ἐφρόνησε , προτομὰς ΚαίσαροςCaesar , αἳ ταῖς σημαίαις προσῆσαν , εἰσαγόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν , εἰκόνων ποίησιν ἀπαγορεύοντος ἡμῖν τοῦ νόμου .
⁵⁵ But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images;	⁵⁵ Pilate, the procurator of Judea, moved the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take up winter quarters there. Setting aside the ancestral Jewish law he introduced into the city effigies of Caesar, that were upon the ensigns, though our law forbids the making of images.
⁵⁵ Barach

⁵⁶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ πρότερον ἡγεμόνες ταῖς μὴ μετὰ τοιῶνδε κόσμων σημαίαις ἐποιοῦντο εἴσοδον τῇ πόλει . πρῶτος δὲ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὸ νύκτωρ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ εἴσοδον ἱδρύεται τὰς εἰκόνας φέρων εἰς τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem .
⁵⁶ on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time;	⁵⁶ For this reason earlier procurators had always entered the city carrying ensigns without such ornaments. Pilate was the first to bring those images into Jerusalem, setting them up at night, without the people knowing.
⁵⁶ Barach

⁵⁷ οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν κατὰ πληθὺν παρῆσαν εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea ἱκετείαν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μεταθέσει τῶν εἰκόνων . Καὶ μὴ συγχωροῦντος διὰ τὸ εἰς ὕβριν ΚαίσαριCaesar φέρειν , ἐπείπερ οὐκ ἐξανεχώρουν λιπαρεῖν κατὰ ἕκτηνsixth ἡμέραν ἐν ὅπλοις ἀφανῶς ἐπικαθίσας τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα ἧκεν . τὸ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ κατεσκεύαστο , ὅπερ ἀπέκρυπτε τὸν ἐφεδρεύοντα στρατόν .
⁵⁷ but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Caesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them;	⁵⁷ As soon as they learned of it, they came in crowds to Caesarea and interceded with Pilate for many days, to remove the images. When he would not grant their requests, for it would be an insult to Caesar, they persisted and on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to hide their weapons, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat. This was in the stadium, so that it concealed the army that lay in hiding.
⁵⁷ Barach

⁵⁸ πάλιν δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἱκετείᾳ χρωμένων ἀπὸ συνθήματος περιστήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἠπείλει θάνατον ἐπιθήσειν ζημίαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος , εἰ μὴ παυσάμενοι θορυβεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπίοιεν .
⁵⁸ and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home.	⁵⁸ When the Jews again made their request, he pointed to the soldiers surrounding them and at once threatened them with death, unless they stopped disturbing him and went home.
⁵⁸ Barach

⁵⁹ οἱ δὲ πρηνεῖς ῥίψαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ γυμνοῦντες τὰς σφαγὰς ἡδονῇ δέξασθαι τὸν θάνατον ἔλεγον ἢ τολμήσειν τὴν‎ σοφίαν παραβήσεσθαι τῶν νόμων . Καὶ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate θαυμάσας τὸ ἐχυρὸν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν νόμων παραχρῆμα τὰς εἰκόνας ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἐπανεκόμισεν εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea .
⁵⁹ But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.	⁵⁹ But they threw themselves on the ground and bared their necks and said they would willingly die, rather than see the wisdom of their laws transgressed. Pilate was shocked by their firm resolve to preserve their laws and soon ordered the images to be brought back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.
⁵⁹ Barach

⁶⁰ Ὑδάτων δὲ ἐπαγωγὴν εἰς τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ἔπραξεν δαπάνῃ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκλαβὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων , οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἠγάπων τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ ὕδωρ δρωμένοις πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ‎ παύσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προθυμουμένου , τινὲς δὲ καὶ λοιδορίᾳ χρώμενοι ὕβριζον εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα , οἷα δὴ φιλεῖ πράσσειν ὅμιλος .
⁶⁰ But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do.	⁶⁰ Then he planned to bring a water supply to Jerusalem, using the temple money to do so, and found a source of water two hundred furlongs away. But the population was not pleased about the water, and many thousands gathered to complain to him, insisting that he give it up and some also insulted the man, as some speakers tend to do.
⁶⁰ Barach

⁶¹ ὁ δὲ στολῇ τῇ ἐκείνων πολὺ πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν ἀμπεχόμενον , οἳ ἐφέροντο σκυτάλας ὑπὸ ταῖς στολαῖς , διαπέμψας εἰς ὃ περιέλθοιεν αὐτούς , αὐτὸς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν . τῶν δὲ ὡρμηκότων εἰς τὸ λοιδορεῖν ἀποδίδωσι τοῖς στρατιώταις ὃ προσυνέκειτο σημεῖον .
⁶¹ So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on;	⁶¹ So he got a troop of his soldiers to dress up like the crowd and carry batons under their clothing and then stationed them on the perimeter of the crowd. When he told the Jews to withdraw and they went on insulting him, he gave the soldiers the agreed signal.
⁶¹ Barach

⁶² οἱ δὲ καὶ πολὺ μειζόνως ἤπερ ἐπέταξεν ΠιλᾶτοςPilate ἐχρῶντο πληγαῖς τούς τε θορυβοῦντας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ μὴ κολάζοντες οἱ δ᾽ εἰσεφέροντο μαλακὸν οὐδέν , ὥστε ἄοπλοι ληφθέντες ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἐπιφερομένων πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ταύτῃ καὶ ἀπέθνησκον , οἱ δὲ καὶ τραυματίαι ἀνεχώρησαν . Καὶ οὕτω παύεται ἡ στάσις .
⁶² who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.	⁶² But they struck the crowd with much harder blows than Pilate had ordered and gave equally hard treatment to rioters and innocent alike, not sparing them in the least. Since the civilians were unarmed and were caught by men trained for action, many of them were killed on the spot while others ran away wounded; and this put an end to the revolt.
⁶² Barach

⁶³ [Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua σοφὸς ἀνήρ , εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή · ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής , διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων , καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἸουδαίουςJews , πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο · ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν .
⁶³ Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ.	⁶³ Jesus lived about this time, a wise man, if one may properly call him a man, for he performed wonderful works and was a teacher to those who receive the truth with pleasure. He drew to himself many of the Jews and many Gentiles too. He was the Anointed One.
⁶³ Barach

⁶⁴ καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνδείξει τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος ΠιλάτουPilate οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο οἱ τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαπήσαντες · ἐφάνηto give light, shine γὰρ αὐτοῖς τρίτην ἔχων ἡμέραν πάλιν ζῶν τῶν θείων προφητῶν Ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα μυρία περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ θαυμάσια εἰρηκότων . εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὠνομασμένον οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τὸ φῦλον . ]
⁶⁴ And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.	⁶⁴ When Pilate, prompted by our leading men, condemned him to the cross, those who loved him from the beginning did not forsake him, for he appeared to them alive again the third day, just as the divine prophets had foretold these and countless other wonderful things about him. The tribe of the Christians, so named after him, survive to the present day.
⁶⁴ Barach

⁶⁵ Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis τὸ ἐν ῬώμῃRome πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν . Καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν Ἰσιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews γεγονότα .
⁶⁵ About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs.	⁶⁵ About the same time another tragedy rocked the Jews and some scandalous deeds were done regarding the temple of Isis in Rome. I will first discuss the outrage committed by the followers of Isis and then return to the Jewish matter.
⁶⁵ Barach

⁶⁶ Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προιοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι , δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν‎ ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου . ἐγεγάμητο δὲ ΣατορνίνῳSaturninus τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ .
⁶⁶ There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character.	⁶⁶ There was in Rome a woman named Paulina, highly reputed both for the dignity of her ancestors and for her personal practice of virtue. She was very rich, but though beautiful in appearance and in the flower of her age when women are most exuberant, she led a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, whose fine character matched hers in every way.
⁶⁶ Barach

⁶⁷ ταύτης ἐρᾷ ΔέκιοςDecius Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ , καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον , ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν Ἀτθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς .
⁶⁷ Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging;	⁶⁷ Decius Mundus, a very reputable man of the equestrian order, fell in love with this woman, and as she was too good to succumb to gifts and had rejected the many he had sent, he was still more ardent, even promising her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae to share her bed just once.
⁶⁷ Barach

⁶⁸ καὶ μηδ᾽ ὣς ἐπικλωμένης , οὐ φέρων τὴν‎ ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισενto use by custom, practise ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος . Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο .
⁶⁸ and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly.	⁶⁸ When this did not persuade her and he could not bear his erotic frustration, he thought he should starve himself to death to end his suffering, and having decided to die in this way, he set about doing so.
⁶⁸ Barach

⁶⁹ καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα Ἴδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν , δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν , οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος , ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσινa promise , ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ .
⁶⁹ Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina;	⁶⁹ Mundus had a freed-woman who had been set free by his father, and her name was Ide. She was expert in mischief of all sorts and was saddened by the young man's intention to kill himself, for he did not hide his suicidal intention from others, so she came to him and by her words and promises gave him hope of gaining intercourse with Paulina.
⁶⁹ Barach

⁷⁰ καὶ δεχομένου τὴν‎ ἱκετείαν ἡδονῇ πέντε μυριάδων δεήσειν αὐτῇ μόνων ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ ἁλώσει τῆς γυναικός . Καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνεγείρασα τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τὸ αἰτηθὲν λαβοῦσα ἀργύριον οὐ τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς ἐστέλλετοto make ready τοῖς προδεδιακονημένοις ὁρῶσα τῆς γυναικὸς τὸ μηδαμῶς χρημάτων ἁλισκόμενον , εἰδυῖα δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis σφόδρα ὑπηγμένην τεχνᾶταί τι τοιόνδε .
⁷⁰ and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem:	⁷⁰ As he listened gladly to her pleas, she said she needed only fifty thousand drachmae to entrap the woman. After giving the young man a new heart and getting the money she required, she did not follow his methods, seeing that the woman could not be tempted by money, but knowing her to be devoted to the worship of Isis, she devised this scheme.
⁷⁰ Barach

⁷¹ τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει , λαβόντος δ᾽ ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε , διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωταto ask αὐτοῖς , κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι .
⁷¹ She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman.	⁷¹ Going to some of Isis' priests and promising them total secrecy, she persuaded them by her words, and still more by the offer of money, twenty-five thousand drachmae up front and as much more when the deed was done, and told them of the young man's passion, telling them to use every possible means to beguile the woman.
⁷¹ Barach

⁷² οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο . Καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν‎ Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου . Καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος ἔρωτιlove αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν .
⁷² So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him.	⁷² So they were drawn in and promised to do so, for the sake of the large sum of gold they would get. The oldest of them went immediately to Paulina, and on entering, asked to speak with her alone. When that was granted he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who had fallen in love with her and ordered her to come to him.
⁷² Barach

⁷³ τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα , δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι , συνεχώρει δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος τὴν‎ σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος .
⁷³ Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife.	⁷³ She was delighted with the message and prided herself at this coming down of Anubis and told her husband about the message sent to her and that she was to sup and lie down with Anubis. He agreed to let her accept the offer, being fully satisfied with his wife's chastity.
⁷³ Barach

⁷⁴ χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος , καὶ δειπνήσασα , ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν , κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος , προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε , οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν , παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι .
⁷⁴ Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god;	⁷⁴ So she went to the temple and after dining there, when it was time to go to sleep the priest shut the doors of the temple, and the lights were also put out in the innermost sanctuary. Then Mundus, who was hidden, jumped out and made sure to enjoy her, for she was at his service all night long, thinking him to be the god.
⁷⁴ Barach

⁷⁵ καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων , οἳ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν , ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ .
⁷⁵ and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor,	⁷⁵ After he left, before the priests who were unaware of this plot were awake, Paulina came to her husband early and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her, and also told her her friends how much she valued this favour.
⁷⁵ Barach

⁷⁶ οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν‎ φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες , τὰ δ᾽ ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες , ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν , ὁπότεwhen εἴς τε τὴν‎ σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς .
⁷⁶ who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person.	⁷⁶ Thinking about it, they mainly disbelieved it, but not having any reason to disbelieve her because of her modesty and dignity, they were amazed that it had happened.
⁷⁶ Barach

⁷⁷ τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος " Παυλῖνα , φησίν , ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ᾽ οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες . ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ , μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων , ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς ,
⁷⁷ But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.”	⁷⁷ But three days later, Mundus met her and said, "Well Paulina, you have saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which you could have had for your family, but you still put yourself at my service just as I previously asked you. Since you insulted Mundus, I did not stick to my name, but took pleasure in what I did once I assumed the name of Anubis."
⁷⁷ Barach

⁷⁸ Ἀνούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ . Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών , ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν‎ στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν ·
⁷⁸ When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor;	⁷⁸ With this he went away, and when she first grasped the outrage he had done her, she rent her clothing and told her husband of his dreadful scheme and implored him not to fail to vindicate her; so he revealed it to the emperor.
⁷⁸ Barach

⁷⁹ ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν . Καὶ ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν‎ Ἴδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός , τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμαidol, statue τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν . Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε ,
⁷⁹ whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;	⁷⁹ Tiberius inquired fully into the matter and examined the priests about it and had them crucified along with Ide, who had instigated the whole insult to the woman's honour. He had the temple of Isis demolished and her statue thrown into the river Tiber.
⁷⁹ Barach

⁸⁰ κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος . Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν . ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν ῬώμῃRome ἸουδαίοιςJews κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων , ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος .
⁸⁰ while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.	⁸⁰ Mundus he only banished, reckoning that as sufficient for a crime committed out of erotic passion. These are the details about the temple of Isis and the wrongs done by her priests. I now return to the story I mentioned earlier, what happened about this time to the Jews in Rome.
⁸⁰ Barach

⁸¹ Ἦν ἀνὴρ ἸουδαῖοςJew , φυγὰς μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ κατηγορίᾳ τε παραβάσεων νόμων τινῶν καὶ δέει τιμωρίας τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς , πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα . Καὶ δὴ τότε ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome διαιτώμενος προσεποιεῖτο μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι σοφίαν νόμων τῶν ΜωυσέωςMoses ,
⁸¹ There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.	⁸¹ There was a Jew, a wicked man in every way, who had been expelled from his country under accusation of breaking the laws and who feared being punished for it. Living in Rome at the time, he professed to teach people in the wisdom of the laws of Moses,
⁸¹ Barach

⁸² προσποιησάμενος δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρας εἰς τὰ πάντα ὁμοιοτρόπους τούτοις ἐπιφοιτήσασαν Φουλβίαν τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι γυναικῶν καὶ νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν τοῖς Ἰουδαικοῖς πείθουσι πορφύραν καὶ χρυσὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἱερὸν διαπέμψασθαι , καὶ λαβόντες ἐπὶ χρείας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν αὐτὰ ποιοῦνται , ἐφ᾽ ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἡ αἴτησις ἐπράσσετο .
⁸² He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her.	⁸² and he found three other men, of similar character as himself, to be his partners. These persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity who had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple in Jerusalem, and when they got hold of the gifts they used them for themselves and spent the money, which was why they asked her for it in the first place.
⁸² Barach

⁸³ καὶ ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius , ἀποσημαίνει γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν Φίλος ὢν ΣατορνῖνοςSaturninus τῆς Φουλβίας ἀνὴρ ἐπισκήψει τῆς γυναικός , κελεύει πᾶν τὸ ἸουδαικὸνJewish τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἀπελθεῖν .
⁸³ Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome;	⁸³ When Tiberius learned of it from Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who wanted it investigated, he ordered all the Jews to be banished from Rome.
⁸³ Barach

⁸⁴ οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι τετρακισχιλίους ἀνθρώπους ἐξ αὐτῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἔπεμψαν εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν‎ νῆσον , πλείστους δὲ ἐκόλασαν μὴ θέλοντας στρατεύεσθαι διὰ φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων . Καὶ οἱ μὲν δὴ διὰ κακίαν τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν ἠλαύνοντο τῆς πόλεως .
⁸⁴ at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.	⁸⁴ Then the consuls drafted four thousand of them into the army and sent them to the island of Sardinia, but penalized even more of them, who refused to serve as soldiers on account of their ancestral laws. So these Jews were banished from the city because of the wrongdoing of four men.
⁸⁴ Barach

Chapter 4
[085-108]
Pilate kills many Samaritan demonstrators.
Tiberius sends Vitellius against the Parthians.
Portrayal of Herod Antipas

⁸⁵ Οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο δὲ θορύβου καὶ τὸ ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans ἔθνος · συστρέφει γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ ψεῦδος τιθέμενος κἀφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τῆς πληθύος τεχνάζων τὰ πάντα , κελεύων ἐπὶ τὸ ΓαριζεὶνGarizim ὄρος αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν , ὃ ἁγνότατον αὐτοῖς ὀρῶνto see ὑπείληπται , ἰσχυρίζετό τε παραγενομένοις δείξειν τὰ ἱερὰ σκεύη τῇδε κατορωρυγμένα ΜωυσέωςMoses τῇδε αὐτῶν ποιησαμένου κατάθεσιν .
⁸⁵ But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there.	⁸⁵ But the Samaritan nation did not escape disturbance either. The man who roused them to it was one who thought little of lying and arranged everything just to please the people. He told them to gather at Mount Garizim, which they regarded as the holiest of all mountains, assuring them that when they got there he would show them the sacred vessels which were buried there in deposit, by Moses himself.
⁸⁵ Barach

⁸⁶ οἱ δὲ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ἦσαν πιθανὸν ἡγούμενοι τὸν λόγον , καὶ καθίσαντες ἔν τινι κώμῃ , Τιραθανὰ λέγεται , παρελάμβανον τοὺς ἐπισυλλεγομένους ὡς μεγάλῳ πλήθει τὴν‎ ἀνάβασιν εἰς τὸ ὄρος ποιησόμενοι .
⁸⁶ So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together;	⁸⁶ So they came there armed and thought the man's words plausible, and as they stayed at a village called Tirathaba, they got ready to go up the mountain together in a large crowd.
⁸⁶ Barach

⁸⁷ φθάνει δὲ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate τὴν‎ ἄνοδον αὐτῶν προκαταλαβόμενος ἱππέων τε πομπῇ καὶ ὁπλιτῶν , οἳ συμβαλόντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ προσυνηθροισμένοις παρατάξεως γενομένης τοὺς μὲν ἔκτειναν , τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται ζωγρίᾳ τε πολλοὺς ἦγον , ὧν τοὺς κορυφαιοτάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς φυγοῦσι δυνατωτάτους ἔκτεινε ΠιλᾶτοςPilate .
⁸⁷ but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.	⁸⁷ Pilate prevented them, however, by seizing the roads with a great band of cavalry and infantry, who attacked the first ones they met in the village, and some of them they killed in battle and put the others to flight and took many alive; and Pilate condemned to death the chief and most powerful of the fugitives.
⁸⁷ Barach

⁸⁸ Καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ θορύβου ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans ἡ βουλὴ παρὰ Οὐιτέλλιον ὑπατικὸνof consular rank ἴασιν ἄνδρα ΣυρίαςSyria τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντα καὶ ΠιλάτουPilate κατηγόρουν ἐπὶ τῇ σφαγῇ τῶν ἀπολωλότων · οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ τῆς ΠιλάτουPilate ὕβρεως εἰς τὴν‎ Τιραθανὰ παραγενέσθαι .
⁸⁸ But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.	⁸⁸ When this disturbance had been put down, the Samaritan council sent an embassy to Vitellius, a former consul who was now ruler of Syria, to accuse Pilate of murdering those who had been killed, since they had not gone to Tirathaba to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.
⁸⁸ Barach

⁸⁹ καὶ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius Μάρκελλον τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων ἐκπέμψας ἐπιμελητὴνgovernor, manager τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews γενησόμενον ΠιλᾶτονPilate ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἀπιέναι πρὸς ἃ κατηγοροῖεν οἱ ΣαμαρεῖταιSamaritans διδάξοντα τὸν αὐτοκράτορα . Καὶ ΠιλᾶτοςPilate δέκα ἔτεσιν διατρίψας ἐπὶ ἸουδαίαςJudea εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἠπείγετο ταῖς Οὐιτελλίου πειθόμενος ἐντολαῖς οὐκ ὂν ἀντειπεῖν . πρὶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome ἴσχειν αὐτὸν φθάνει ΤιβέριοςTiberius μεταστάς .
⁸⁹ So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.	⁸⁹ So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea and ordered Pilate to go to Rome to reply to the Samaritans' accusation before the emperor. So Pilate, after spending ten years in Judea, hurried to Rome since he could not disobey the orders of Vitellius, but before he got to Rome Tiberius was dead.
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⁹⁰ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἀνῄει , καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος , πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται , δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν ἀνίησινto go up εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ‎ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν , καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία .
⁹⁰ But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly,	⁹⁰ Vitellius came to Judea and went up to Jerusalem, at the time of the festival which is called the Passover, and was magnificently received there. So Vitellius released the people of Jerusalem from all the taxes on the sale of farm produce and restored the custody of the high priest's vestments to them, with all their ornaments, to be under the care of the priests in the temple, as they formerly used to be.
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⁹¹ τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ ἈντωνίαιAntonia , φρούριον δ᾽ ἐστὶν οὕτως λεγόμενον , ἡ ἀπόθεσις αὐτῆς ἦν διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν · τῶν ἱερέων τις ὙρκανόςHyrcanus , πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων οἳ τόδε ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ ὄνομα ὁ πρῶτος , ἐπεὶ πλησίον τῷ ἱερῷ βᾶριν κατασκευασάμενος ταύτῃ τὰ πολλὰ τὴν‎ δίαιταν εἶχεν καὶ τὴν‎ στολήν , φύλαξ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ καὶ μόνῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῦ ἐνδύεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν , ταύτην εἶχεν ἀποκειμένην , ὁπότεwhen εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν κατιὼν ἀναλαμβάνοι τὴν‎ ἰδιωτικήν .
⁹¹ although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments;	⁹¹ At that time they were deposited in the so-called tower of Antonia, for this reason. One of the priests named Hyrcanus, the first of many of that name, had built a stronghold near the temple and lived there most of the time, keeping charge of these vestments since only he could lawfully wear them. There he had them safe while he went down into the city wearing his ordinary clothes.
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⁹² καὶ οἵ τε υἱεῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπετήδευσαν καὶ τέκνα ἐκείνων . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ βασιλεύσας τήν τε βᾶριν ταύτην ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ κειμένην κατασκευάσας πολυτελῶς ἈντωνίανAntonia καλεῖ ὀνόματι ἈντωνίουAntōny Φίλος ὤν , καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν ὥσπερ καὶ λαμβάνει τῇδε κειμένην κατεῖχεν , πιστεύων οὐδὲν νεωτεριεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν λαὸν διὰ τάδε .
⁹² the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him.	⁹² This continued to be the practice of his sons and of their sons after them. When Herod came to be king, he magnificently rebuilt this tower which was so conveniently situated, and because he was a friend to Antony, he called it by the name of Antonia. As he found these vestments lying there, he kept them in the same place, believing that as long as he had them in his custody the people would make no revolt against him.
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⁹³ ἔπρασσε δὲ ὅμοια τῷ ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ ὁ ἐπικατασταθεὶς αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus υἱὸς ὤν , οὗ ῬωμαῖοιRomans παραδεξάμενοι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐκράτουν τῆς στολῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκειμένης ἐν οἴκῳ λίθοις οἰκοδομηθέντι ὑπὸ σφραγῖδι τῶν τε ἱερέων καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων τοῦ φρουράρχου τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέραν ἑκάστην λύχνον ἅπτοντος .
⁹³ The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day;	⁹³ Herod's son Archelaus, who was king after him, did the same, and when the Romans took over direct rule, they took charge of the vestments of the high priest and deposited them in a stone chamber, under the seal of the priests and the temple treasurers, and the officer of the guard lit a lamp there every day.
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⁹⁴ ἑπτὰ δ᾽ ἡμέραις πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀπεδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ φρουράρχου , καὶ ἁγνισθείσῃ χρησάμενος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέραν ἀπετίθετο αὖθις εἰς τὸν οἶκον , ᾗπερ ἔκειτο καὶ πρότερον . τοῦτο ἐπράττετο τρισὶν ἑορταῖς ἑκάστου ἔτους καὶ τὴν‎ νηστείαν .
⁹⁴ and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day;	⁹⁴ Seven days before a festival they were handed over to them by the officer of the guard; and later the high priest, having purified and used them, deposited them again in the same chamber, the day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals and on the fast day.
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⁹⁵ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατρίῳ ποιεῖται τὴν‎ στολήν , ᾗ τε κείσοιτο μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπισκήψας τῷ φρουράρχῳ καὶ ὁπότεwhen δέοι χρῆσθαι . Καὶ ταῦτα πράξας ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ἸώσηπονJoseph τὸν Καιάφαν ἐπικαλούμενον ἀπαλλάξας τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἸωνάθηνJonathan καθίστησιν ἈνάνουAnanus τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱόν . ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch δ᾽ αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ ὁδόν .
⁹⁵ but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.	⁹⁵ Now Vitellius followed our ancient law about those vestments and told the officer of the guard not to interfere with where they were kept, or when they should be used. Having done this act of kindness to the nation, he deposed Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas, from the high priesthood, appointing the former high priest Jonathan the son of Ananus, in his place. Then he returned to Antioch.
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⁹⁶ Πέμπει δὲ καὶ ΤιβέριοςTiberius ὡς Οὐιτέλλιον γράμματα , κελεύων αὐτῷ πράσσειν φιλίαν πρὸς ἈρτάβανονArtabanus τὸν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλέα · ἐφόβει γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸςhateful ὢν καὶ ἈρμενίανArmenia παρεσπασμένος μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον κακουργῇ · πιστεύειν δὲ τῇ φιλίᾳ μόνως ὁμήρων αὐτῷ διδομένων , μάλιστα δὲ τοῦ Ἀρταβάνου υἱέος .
⁹⁶ Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus.	⁹⁶ Tiberius also sent a letter to Vitellius instructing him to make a pact of friendship with Artabanus, the king of the Parthians, for since he had taken Armenia from him he feared him as an enemy who might go even further. His instructions were not to trust him unless he gave him hostages, and especially Artabanus his son.
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⁹⁷ ταῦτα δὲ γράφων ΤιβέριοςTiberius πρὸς τὸν Οὐιτέλλιον μεγάλαις δόσεσι χρημάτων πείθει καὶ τὸν ἸβήρωνSpaniards καὶ τὸν Ἀλβανῶν βασιλέα πολεμεῖν Ἀρταβάνῳ μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαι . οἱ δὲ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀντεῖχον , Ἀλανοὶ δὲ δίοδον αὐτοῖς διδόντες διὰ τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς θύρας τὰς Κασπίας ἀνοίξαντες ἐπάγουσι τῷ Ἀρταβάνῳ .
⁹⁷ Upon Tiberius’s writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus.	⁹⁷ Tiberius wrote this to Vitellius and by large bribes he tried to persuade the king of the Iverians and Alvanians [ Azerbaijan ] to declare war on Artabanus. Although they would not do so, they allowed the Scythians passage through their country and opened the Caspian gates to them and so let them attack Artabanus.
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⁹⁸ καὶ ἥ τε Ἀρμενία ἀφῄρητο αὖθις καὶ πλησθείσης πολέμων τῆς ΠαρθυαίωνParthians γῆς οἵ τε πρῶτοι τῶν τῇδε ἐκτείνοντο ἀνδρῶν ἀνάστατά τε ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ πάντα καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ υἱὸς ἐκ τουτωνὶ τῶν μαχῶν ἔπεσε μετὰ πολλῶν στρατοῦ μυριάδων .
⁹⁸ So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king’s son also himself fell in these wars, together with many ten thousands of his army.	⁹⁸ So Armenia was retaken and the land of Parthia was embroiled in war and their leading men were killed and all was in chaos, and even the king's son fell in these wars, along with many thousands of his army.
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⁹⁹ καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν πατέρα ἈρτάβανονArtabanus ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius πομπῇ χρημάτων εἴς τε συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου γενομένῃ ἐμέλλησε μὲν κτιννύειν διὰ τῶν τὰ δῶρα εἰληφότων , αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ὁ Ἀρτάβανος ἄφυκτον οὖσαν διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν συντεθεῖσαν μὴ ἀνεῖσθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ πέρας ἐλθεῖν ,
⁹⁹ Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus’s father’s kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect,—	⁹⁹ Vitellius sent so much money to Artabanus senior's relatives and friends, that the bribes almost succeeded in having him killed. Now Artabanus saw that the plotting against him could not be avoided, as it came from so many of the officers that it would certainly succeed.
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¹⁰⁰ καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας , εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν . Καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας ΔαῶνDahae τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν‎ ἀρχήν .
¹⁰⁰ when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.	¹⁰⁰ He also saw the number of those who were truly faithful to him, and those who were already corrupted, for though they pretended loyalty to him, they were likely to go over to his enemies at the critical time, so he made his escape to the upper provinces, where later he raised a large army from the Dahae and Sacre and fought his enemies and stayed in power.
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¹⁰¹ Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius ἠξίου φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἈρτάβανονArtabanus , ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος προκληθεὶς ἄσμενος ἐδέχετο τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον , ἐπὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates παρῆσαν ὅ τε Ἀρτάβανος καὶ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius .
¹⁰¹ When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates,	¹⁰¹ Hearing about this, Tiberius wanted a pact of friendship made between him and Artabanus, and when the proposal was well received, Artabanus went to meet Vitellius at the Euphrates.
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¹⁰² καὶ ζεύξεως τοῦ ποταμοῦ γενομένης κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον τῆς γεφύρας ἀλλήλους ὑπηντίαζον μετὰ φυλακῆς ἑκάτερος τῆς περὶ αὐτόν . Καὶ λόγων αὐτοῖς συμβατικῶν γενομένων ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ τετράρχης εἱστίασεν αὐτοὺς κατὰ μέσον τὸν πόρον σκηνίδα ἐπισκηψάμενος τῷ πόρῳ πολυτελῆ .
¹⁰² and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there.	¹⁰² A bridge was made across the river, each came with his bodyguards and they met in the centre of the bridge. When they had agreed on the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch built a rich tent in the midst of the passage and held a feast for them there.
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¹⁰³ καὶ Ἀρτάβανος πέμπει ΤιβερίῳTiberius ὅμηρον ΔαρεῖονDarius τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων , ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρα ἑπτάπηχυν τὸ μέγεθος ἸουδαῖονJew τὸ γένος ἘλεάζαρονEleazar ὄνομα ·
¹⁰³ Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant.	¹⁰³ Not long afterward, Artabanus sent his son Darius as a hostage, with many gifts, among which was a man seven feet tall, a Jew by birth, named Eleazar, who was called a giant on account of his height.
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¹⁰⁴ διὰ μέντοι τὸ μέγεθος Γίγας ἐκαλεῖτο . ἐπὶ τούτοις ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ᾔει , Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ βουλόμενος δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρώτου γενέσθαι πύστιν ΚαίσαριCaesar τῶν ὁμήρων τῆς λήψεως ἐκπέμπει γραμματοφόρους τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς γράψας εἰς ἐπιστολὴν καὶ μηδὲν ὑπολιπόμενος ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῷ ὑπατικῷ .
¹⁰⁴ After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of.	¹⁰⁴ After this Vitellius went to Antioch and Artabanus to Babylon, but Herod wanting to be first to Caesar with the news that they had obtained hostages, sent him letter-bearers with an accurate written description of the whole affair and leaving nothing new for the proconsul to inform to report.
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¹⁰⁵ πρὸς Οὐιτελλίου δὲ ἐπιπεμφθεισῶν ἐπιστολῶν καὶ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐπισημήναντος πρὸς αὐτόν , ὡς δῆλα αὐτῷ γένοιτο πρότερον πύστιν περὶ αὐτῶν ἩρώδουHerod προτεθεικότος , ταραχθεὶς ὁ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius μεγάλως καὶ πεπονθέναι μειζόνως ἢ ἐπέπρακτο ὑπολαμβάνων ἄδηλον τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔκρυπτεν ὀργήν , μέχρι δὴ καὶ μετῆλθε ΓαίουGaius τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀρχὴν παρειληφότος.
¹⁰⁵ But when Vitellius’s letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.	¹⁰⁵ When Vitellius' letters were sent and Caesar had told him that he knew about the affair, since Herod had already written of it, Vitellius was furious, thinking it a bigger offence than it really was, but kept his anger secret until he got his revenge, which he did when Gaius took over as Roman emperor.
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¹⁰⁶ Τότε δὲ καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip , ἩρώδουHerod δὲ ἦν ἀδελφός , τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον εἰκοστῷ μὲν ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς ΤιβερίουTiberius ἀρχῆς , ἡγησάμενος δὲ αὐτὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα τῆς ΤραχωνίτιδοςTrachonitis καὶ ΓαυλανίτιδοςGaulanitis καὶ τοῦ ΒατανέωνBatanean ἔθνους πρὸς αὐταῖς , μέτριον δὲ ἐν οἷς ἦρχεν παρασχὼν τὸν τρόπον καὶ ἀπράγμονα ·
¹⁰⁶ About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government;	¹⁰⁶ About this time Herod's brother Philip departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after ruling Trachonitis and Gaulanitis and the Batanean nation for thirty-seven years, with moderation and in an easy-going style.
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¹⁰⁷ δίαιταν μὲν γὰρ τὸ πᾶν ἐν γῇ τῇ ὑποτελεῖ ἐποιεῖτο , πρόοδοι δ᾽ ἦσαν αὐτῷ σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἐπιλέκτων , καὶ τοῦ θρόνου εἰς ὃν ἔκρινεν καθεζόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἑπομένουto follow, obey , ὁπότεwhen τις ὑπαντιάσας ἐν χρείᾳ γένοιτο αὐτῷ ἐπιβοηθεῖν , οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἱδρύσεως τοῦ θρόνου ᾗ καὶ τύχοι γενομένης καθεζόμενος ἠκροᾶτο καὶ τιμωρίας τε ἐπετίμα τοῖς ἁλοῦσι καὶ ἠφίει τοὺς ἀδίκως ἐν ἐγκλήμασι γενομένους .
¹⁰⁷ he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly.	¹⁰⁷ He spent all his time in the area assigned to him, making his rounds with a few chosen friends. The throne on which he sat in judgment went with him on the circuit, and when anyone met him who needed his help, he made no delay, but wherever it might be he soon had his tribunal set up and sat and heard the case, penalizing the guilty and acquitting those who were unjustly accused.
¹⁰⁷ Barach

¹⁰⁸ τελευτᾷ δ᾽ ἐν ἸουλιάδιJulias καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ κομισθέντος ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον , ὃ ἔτι πρότερον ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτός , ταφαὶ γίνονται πολυτελεῖς . τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀρχήν , οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας , ΤιβέριοςTiberius παραλαβὼν προσθήκηνan addition ἐπαρχίας ποιεῖται τῆς ΣύρωνSyrian , τοὺς μέντοι φόρους ἐκέλευσε συλλεγομένους ἐν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου γενομένῃ κατατίθεσθαι .
¹⁰⁸ He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.	¹⁰⁸ He died at Julias, and was brought to the tomb he had built for himself in advance, and buried with great pomp. As he left behind no children, Tiberius took his territory and joined it to the province of Syria, but ordered that the tributes collected in his tetrarchy should be held on deposit.
¹⁰⁸ Barach

Chapter 5
[109-142]
Herod Antipas is defeated by Aretas of Arabia.
Death of John the Baptist.
The ill-fated Herodian family

☜ ☞

¹⁰⁹ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ στασιάζουσιν ἈρέταςAretas τε ὁ ΠετραῖοςPetrea βασιλεὺς καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν · ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ τετράρχης γαμεῖ τὴν‎ ἈρέταAretas θυγατέρα καὶ συνῆν χρόνον ἤδη πολύν . στελλόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome κατάγεται ἐν ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφοῦ ὄντος οὐχ ὁμομητρίου · ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ΣίμωνοςSimon τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς ἩρώδηςHerod ἐγεγόνει .
¹⁰⁹ About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh’s daughter.	¹⁰⁹ Meanwhile there was a quarrel between Aretas the king of Arabia Petrea and Herod, for this reason : Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas and had been with her a long time. Once, however, when he was in Rome he lodged with his half-brother Herod, who was not by the same mother, for this Herod was son of the daughter of Simon the high priest.
¹⁰⁹ Barach

¹¹⁰ ἐρασθεὶς δὲ Ἡρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός , θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν , ἈγρίππουAgrippa δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου , τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου . Καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτόν , ὁπότεwhen ἀπὸ ῬώμηςRome παραγένοιτο . ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ ἈρέταAretas τὴν‎ θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν .
¹¹⁰ However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter.	¹¹⁰ He was in love with Herodias, this latter Herod's wife, who was the daughter of their other brother Aristobulus and a sister of Agrippa the Great, and proposed marriage to her. She accepted and agreed to move in with him as soon as he returned from Rome, and part of the agreement was that Aretas' daughter be sent away.
¹¹⁰ Barach

¹¹¹ καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome ἔπλει ταῦτα συνθέμενος . ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπανεχώρει διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome ἐφ᾽ ἅπερ ἔσταλτο , ἡ γυνὴ πύστεως αὐτῇ τῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ Ἡρωδιάδα συνθηκῶν γενομένης πρὶν ἔκπυστος αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθοῦσα κελεύει πέμπειν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus , μεθόριον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τῆς τε ἈρέταAretas καὶ ἩρώδουHerod ἀρχῆς , γνώμην οὐκ ἐκφαίνουσα τὴν‎ αὐτῆς .
¹¹¹ So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions.	¹¹¹ Having agreed this he sailed to Rome, but when he finished his business in Rome and came home, his wife learned of his agreement with Herodias and before he was aware that she knew of it, she asked him to send her to Machaerus, on the border between the realms of Aretas and Herod, without telling him her intentions.
¹¹¹ Barach

¹¹² καὶ ὁ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐξέπεμψεν μηδὲν ᾐσθῆσθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον προσδοκῶν . ἡ δέ , προαπεστάλκει γὰρ ἐκ πλείονος εἰς τὸν ΜαχαιροῦνταMachaerus τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτῆς ὑποτελεῖ , πάντων εἰς τὴν‎ ὁδοιπορίαν ἡτοιμασμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἅμα τε παρῆν καὶ ἀφωρμᾶτο εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia κομιδῇ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρῆν τε ὡς τὸν πατέρα ᾗ τάχος καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod διάνοιαν ἔφραζεν .
¹¹² Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions.	¹¹² Herod sent her there, thinking the poor woman had noticed nothing. But she had sent advance notice to Machaerus, which was subject to her father and so everything necessary for her journey was made ready for her by the general of Aretas' army, and so she soon reached Arabia, passed on from one chieftain to the next, and soon came to her father and told him of Herod's plans.
¹¹² Barach

¹¹³ ὁ δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχθρας ταύτην ποιησάμενος περὶ τε ὅρωνto see ἐν γῇ τῇ Γαμαλικῇ , καὶ δυνάμεως ἑκατέρῳ συλλεγείσης εἰς πόλεμον καθίσταντο στρατηγοὺς ἀπεσταλκότες ἀνθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν .
¹¹³ So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves;	¹¹³ This was the start of their enmity and there was also their border dispute about Gamalitis, so both sides prepared for war, though they sent their generals to fight instead of themselves.
¹¹³ Barach

¹¹⁴ καὶ μάχης γενομένης διεφθάρη πᾶς ὁ ἩρώδουHerod στρατὸς προδοσίας αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν φυγάδων , οἳ ὄντες ἐκ τῆς ΦιλίππουPhilip τετραρχίας ἩρώδῃHerod συνεστράτευον .
¹¹⁴ and when they had joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas’s army.	¹¹⁴ In the ensuing battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who joined with Aretas' army though they came from the tetrarchy of Philip.
¹¹⁴ Barach

¹¹⁵ ταῦτα ἩρώδηςHerod γράφει πρὸς ΤιβέριονTiberius . ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ φέρων τὴν‎ ἈρέταAretas ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack γράφει πρὸς Οὐιτέλλιον πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ ἤτοι ζωὸν ἑλόντα ἀναγαγεῖν δεδεμένον ἢ κτεινομένου πέμπειν τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν . Καὶ ΤιβέριοςTiberius μὲν ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπέστελλεν τῷ κατὰ ΣυρίανSyria στρατηγῷ .
¹¹⁵ So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.	¹¹⁵ Herod wrote about these matters to Tiberius, who was at what Aretas had done, and wrote to Vitellius to make war on him and either capture him alive and bring him to him in chains, or if he was killed to send him his head. These were the orders of Tiberius to the governor of Syria.
¹¹⁵ Barach

¹¹⁶ Τισὶ δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἐδόκει ὀλωλέναι τὸν ἩρώδουHerod στρατὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μάλα δικαίως τινυμένου κατὰ ποινὴν ἸωάννουJohn τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου βαπτιστοῦ .
¹¹⁶ Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist:	¹¹⁶ Some of the Jews thought that that Herod's army was destroyed as a just punishment from God, for what he did to John, who was called the Baptist.
¹¹⁶ Barach

¹¹⁷ κτείνει γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον ἩρώδηςHerod ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews κελεύοντα ἀρετὴν ἐπασκοῦσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ χρωμένοις βαπτισμῷ συνιέναι · οὕτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ βάπτισιν ἀποδεκτὴν αὐτῷ φανεῖσθαι μὴ ἐπί τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτήσει χρωμένων , ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἁγνείᾳ τοῦ σώματος , ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δικαιοσύνῃ προεκκεκαθαρμένης .
¹¹⁷ for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness.	¹¹⁷ For Herod killed this good man who was telling the Jews to practice virtue, and behave righteously toward each other and devoutly toward God and so to come to baptism. This would make the washing acceptable to Him, if it were used not for the putting away of some sins, but for the purification of the body, since the soul was already purified by righteousness.
¹¹⁷ Barach

¹¹⁸ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συστρεφομένων , καὶ γὰρ ἥσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῇ ἀκροάσει τῶν λόγων , δείσας ἩρώδηςHerod τὸ ἐπὶ τοσόνδε πιθανὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τινὶ φέροι , πάντα γὰρ ἐῴκεσαν συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνου πράξοντες , πολὺ κρεῖττον ἡγεῖται πρίν τι νεώτερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι προλαβὼν ἀνελεῖν τοῦ μεταβολῆς γενομένης [μὴ ] εἰς πράγματα ἐμπεσὼν μετανοεῖν .
¹¹⁸ Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late.	¹¹⁸ When others crowded around him, for they were greatly moved by hearing his words, Herod feared that his great influence over the people might lead to some revolt, as they seemed ready to do everything he advised, so he thought it better to put him to death before he could start a rebellion than to wait and later have to repent of it after the revolution had begun.
¹¹⁸ Barach

¹¹⁹ καὶ ὁ μὲν ὑποψίᾳ τῇ ἩρώδουHerod δέσμιος εἰς τὸν ΜαχαιροῦνταMachaerus πεμφθεὶς τὸ προειρημένον φρούριον ταύτῃ κτίννυται . τοῖς δὲ ἸουδαίοιςJews δόξαν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπὶ τῷ στρατεύματι γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ κακῶσαι ἩρώδηνHerōd θέλοντος .
¹¹⁹ Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him.	¹¹⁹ So due to Herod's suspicions he was sent as a prisoner to Machaerus, the castle mentioned earlier, and put to death there. The Jews suspected that the loss of Herod's army was sent as a punishment and a mark of God's displeasure with him.
¹¹⁹ Barach

¹²⁰ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ὡς εἰς πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς ἈρέτανAretas δυσὶ τάγμασιν ὁπλιτῶν ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὰ ψιλοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς συμμαχοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans βασιλειῶν ἀγόμενος , ἐπὶ τῆς ΠέτραςPetra ἠπείγετο καὶ ἔσχε ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais .
¹²⁰ So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais.	¹²⁰ Vitellius went to war against Aretas with two fully-armed legions and all the light-armed infantry and cavalry attached to them, drawn from the kingdoms which were under the Romans and came to Ptolemais on his way toward Petra.
¹²⁰ Barach

¹²¹ ὡρμημένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἸουδαίωνJews ἄγειν τὸν στρατὸν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν‎ διὰ τῆς χώρας ὁδόν · οὐ γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι πάτριον περιορᾶν εἰκόνας εἰς αὐτὴν φερομένας , πολλὰς δ᾽ εἶναι σημαίαις ἐπικειμένας .
¹²¹ But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns;	¹²¹ But on the march as he was leading his army through Judea, some prominent men met him to ask him not to go through their land, since their ancestral laws did not let them ignore the images they carried into it, many of which were on their ensigns.
¹²¹ Barach

¹²² καὶ πεισθεὶς μετέβαλέν τε τῆς γνώμης τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προβουλεῦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου κελεύσας χωρεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸς μετὰ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ τετράρχου καὶ τῶν φίλων εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ἀνῄει θύσων τῷ θεῷ ἑορτῆς πατρίου τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐνεστηκυίας .
¹²² so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching;	¹²² Persuaded by this he changed his plans and ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God during an ancient Jewish festival which was coming up.
¹²² Barach

¹²³ εἰς ἣν ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πλήθους ἐκπρεπῶς τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας ταύτῃ διατριβὴν ποιεῖται , ἐν αἷς ἸωνάθηνJonathan τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἐγχειρίζει τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ‎ Θεοφίλῳ ,
¹²³ and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus.	¹²³ On his arrival he was well received by the Jewish populace, and stayed there for three days, during which time he deposed Jonathan from his priestly office and gave it to his brother Theophilus.
¹²³ Barach

¹²⁴ τῇ τετάρτῃ δὲ γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παραγενομένων , ἃ ἐδήλου τὴν‎ ΤιβερίουTiberius τελευτήν , ὥρκισεν τὴν‎ πληθὺν ἐπ᾽ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ΓαίουGaius . ἀνεκάλει δὲ καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἑκάστου χειμαδιᾶν πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως δυνάμενος διὰ τὸ εἰς ΓάιονGaius μεταπεπτωκέναι τὰ πράγματα .
¹²⁴ But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before.	¹²⁴ When on the fourth day letters arrived announcing the death of Tiberius, he made the people swear their loyalty to Gaius. He also stood down his army, sending each man home for the winter, since with the accession of Gaius he no longer had his former authority to go to war.
¹²⁴ Barach

¹²⁵ ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ τὸν ἈρέτανAretas οἰωνοσκοπησάμενον πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀγγελίαν τῶν Οὐιτελλίου στρατιωτῶν φάναι μηχανὴν οὐκ εἶναι τῷ στρατῷ τῆς ἐπὶ Πετραίους ὁδοῦ · τεθνήξεσθαι γὰρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἢ τὸν πολεμεῖν κελεύσαντα ἢ τὸν γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ὡρμημένον διακονεῖσθαι ἢ ἐφ᾽ ὃν γένοιτο ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ στρατεύματος .
¹²⁵ It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius’s could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other’s desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared.	¹²⁵ It was also reported that Aretas, when he heard that Vitellius was coming to fight him, consulted the auguries and said that the army of Vitellius could not cross the entrance of Petra, for one of the leaders would die, either the one who gave orders for the war, or the one who marched to carry out the other's plan, or the one against whom the army had mustered.
¹²⁵ Barach

¹²⁶ καὶ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἀνεχώρησεν . ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ ὁ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus υἱὸς ἐνιαυτῷ πρότερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι ΤιβέριονTiberius ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἄνεισι πράξων τι παρὰ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι δυνάμεώς τινος αὐτῷ παραγενομένης .
¹²⁶ So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do.	¹²⁶ So Vitellius retired to Antioch. Now Agrippa, son of Aristobulus, had gone to Rome a year before the death of Tiberius, to have contact with the emperor, and seek some advantage for himself.
¹²⁶ Barach

¹²⁷ βούλομαι οὖν εἰπεῖν ἐπὶ μακρότερον περὶ τε ἩρώδουHerod καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ‎ ὡς ἐγένετο , ἅμα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνήκειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον , ἅμα δὲ καὶ παράστασιν ἔχειν τοῦ θείου , ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ πλῆθος οὐδ᾽ ἄλλη τις ἀλκὴ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιτετευγμένων δίχα τῶν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβειῶν ,
¹²⁷ I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God;	¹²⁷ I now wish to describe how things went for Herod and his family, partly as it is relevant to this history and partly because it offers proof of divine intervention, how mere numbers are fruitless, or any other worldly advantage, without piety toward God.
¹²⁷ Barach

¹²⁸ εἴ γε ἐντὸς ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν ἐξόδου συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων , πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν , διαφθαρῆναι τοὺς ἩρώδουHerod ἀπογόνους · φέροι δ᾽ ἄν τι κἀπὶ σωφρονισμῷ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου γένους τὸ τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν αὐτῶν μαθεῖν ,
¹²⁸ for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were:	¹²⁸ The fact is that, within a hundred years, the numerous descendants of Herod had all disappeared, apart from a few. One may well apply this for the guidance of mankind and learn from their misfortune.
¹²⁸ Barach

¹²⁹ ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa διηγήσασθαι θαύματος ἀξιώτατον γεγενημένον , ὃς ἐκ πάνυ ἰδιώτου καὶ παρὰ πᾶσαν δόξαν τῶν εἰδότων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ηὐξήθη δυνάμεως . εἴρηται μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτῶν , λεχθήσεται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀκριβῶς .
¹²⁹ it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.	¹²⁹ It is worth recalling the story of Agrippa, an admirable person who beyond all the expectation of his friends rose from being a private citizen to great power and authority. I have said something of this before, but will now speak of it in detail.
¹²⁹ Barach

¹³⁰ ἩρώδῃHerod τῷ μεγάλῳ θυγατέρες ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne τῆς ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus θυγατρὸς γίνονται δύο , Σαλαμψιὼ μὲν ἡ ἑτέρα , ἣ γαμεῖται ΦασαήλῳPhasael τῷ αὐτῆς ἀνεψιῷ ΦασαήλουPhasael παιδὶ ὄντι τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφοῦ δεδωκότος τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτήν , ΚύπροςCyprus δὲ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καὶ αὐτὴ ἀνεψιῷ ἩρώδουHerod παιδὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome .
¹³⁰ Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister.	¹³⁰ Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the daughter of Hyrcanus. One of them was Salampsio, who was given by her father in marriage to her first cousin Phasael, who was himself the son of Herod's brother Phasael. The other was Cypros, who also was married to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Herod's sister Salome.
¹³⁰ Barach

¹³¹ καὶ ΦασαήλῳPhasael μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμψιοῦς γίνονται πέντε παῖδες ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἩρώδηςHerod θυγατέρες τε ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ ΚύπροςCyprus , ἣν ἈγρίππαςAgrippa γαμεῖ ὁ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus . ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν τίμιος Κύπριος ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀξιολόγων , παρ᾽ ᾧ δὴ ἄτεκνος τελευτᾷ .
¹³¹ Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children.	¹³¹ Phasael had five children by Salampsio : Antipater, Herod and Alexander and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros, who married Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, while Alexandra married Timius of Cyprus, a worthy man, but with him she died childless.
¹³¹ Barach

¹³² ΚύπρῳCyprus δ᾽ ἐξ ἈγρίππουAgrippa μὲν ἄρρενες γίνονται δύο , θυγατέρες δὲ τρεῖς ΒερενίκηBernice ΜαριάμμηMariamne ΔρούσιλλαDrusilla , ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ καὶ ΔροῦσοςDrusus τοῖς ἄρσεσιν ὀνόματα , ὧν ὁ ΔροῦσοςDrusus πρὶν ἡβῆσαι τελευτᾷ .
¹³² Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty;	¹³² By Cypros Agrippa had two sons and three daughters, Berenice, Mariamne and Drusilla, and the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of whom Drusus died before puberty.
¹³² Barach

¹³³ Τῷ δὲ πατρὶ τούτων ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐτρέφετο μετὰ καὶ ἑτέρων ἀδελφῶν ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus · καὶ ΒερενίκηBernice καὶ οἵδε παῖδες ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ υἱέος τοῦ μεγάλου · ἡ δὲ ΒερενίκηBernice Κοστοβάρου καὶ ΣαλώμηςSalome παῖς τῆς ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφῆς .
¹³³ but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister.	¹³³ Of these, Agrippa and his brothers, Herod and Aristobulus, were reared by his father, along with Berenice the daughter of Costobarus and of Herod's sister Salome.
¹³³ Barach

¹³⁴ τούτους ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus νηπίους λείπεται θνήσκων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρῷ τῷ ἀδελφῷ , καθὰ προειρήκαμεν . ἡβήσαντες δ᾽ ἄγονται ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν οὗτος ὁ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφὸς ΜαριάμμηνMariamne θυγατέρα ὀλυμπιάδος τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλέως θυγατρὸς καὶ ἸωσήπουJoseph τοῦ ἸωσήπουJoseph , ἀδελφὸς δὲ οὗτος ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ βασιλέως · ἴσχει τε ἐξ αὐτῆς υἱὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus .
¹³⁴ Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus;	¹³⁴ As already said, Aristobulus left these infants when he and his brother Alexander were killed by their father. When they reached puberty, this Herod, Agrippa's brother, married Mariamne, the daughter of king Herod's daughter Olympias, and of Joseph, son of king Herod's brother Joseph, and by her had a son, Aristobulus.
¹³⁴ Barach

¹³⁵ ὁ δὲ τρίτος τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφὸς ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus γαμεῖ ἸωτάπηνJotape Σαμψιγεράμου θυγατέρα τοῦ Ἐμεσῶν βασιλέως , θυγάτηρ τε αὐτοῖς γίνεται κωφή · ὄνομα καὶ τῇδε Ἰωτάπη .
¹³⁵ but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line.	¹³⁵ Agrippa's third brother, Aristobulus, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa. They had a daughter who was deaf, whose name was also Jotape, and up to this these were the children of the male line.
¹³⁵ Barach

¹³⁶ καὶ τάδε μὲν τῶν ἀρσένων τέκνα . ἩρωδιὰςHerodias δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ ἀδελφὴ γίνεται ἩρώδῃHerod ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ μεγάλου παιδὶ γεγονότι ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne τῆς τοῦ ΣίμωνοςSimon τοῦ ἀρχιερέως , καὶ αὐτοῖς ΣαλώμηSalome γίνεται , μεθ᾽ ἧς τὰς γονὰς ἩρωδιὰςHerodias ἐπὶ συγχύσει φρονήσασα τῶν πατρίων ἩρώδῃHerod γαμεῖται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ἀδελφῷ διαστᾶσα ζῶντος . τὴν‎ δὲ ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee τετραρχίαν οὗτος εἶχεν .
¹³⁶ But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband’s brother by the father’s side, he was tetrarch of Galilee;	¹³⁶ Their sister Herodias was married to Herod, the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest. They had a daughter, Salome, after whose birth Herodias set about overturning the laws of our country and divorced from her husband while he was alive and married Herod ( Antipas ) , her husband's brother on the father's side, who was tetrarch of Galilee.
¹³⁶ Barach

¹³⁷ ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς ΣαλώμηSalome ΦιλίππῳPhilip γαμεῖται ἩρώδουHerod παιδὶ τῷ τετράρχῃ τῆς ΤραχωνίτιδοςTrachonitis , καὶ ἄπαιδος τελευτήσαντος ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus αὐτὴν ἄγεται ἩρώδουHerod παῖς τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφοῦ . παῖδες δὲ ἐγένοντο αὐτοῖς τρεῖς ἩρώδηςHerod ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus .
¹³⁷ but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus;	¹³⁷ Her daughter Salome was married to Philip, Herod's son and tetrarch of Trachonitis, and as he died childless, Aristobulus, Herod's son and Agrippa's brother, married her. They had three sons, Herod, Agrippa and Aristobulus.
¹³⁷ Barach

¹³⁸ τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ ΦασαήλουPhasael καὶ Σαλαμψιοῦς ἐστι γένος . ΚύπρῳCyprus δ᾽ ἐξ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater θυγάτηρ γίνεται ΚύπροςCyprus , καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀλεξᾶς ὁ Ἐλκίας γαμεῖ τοῦ ἈλεξᾶAlexas , καὶ αὐτῆς θυγάτηρ ἦν ΚύπροςCyprus . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander , οὓς ἀδελφοὺς ἔφην ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , ἄτεκνοι τελευτῶσιν .
¹³⁸ and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless.	¹³⁸ Those were the descendants of Phasael and Salampsio. Now by Cypros Antipater had a daughter named Cypros, who married Alexas Selcias, son of Alexas and they had a daughter, Cypros, while Herod and Alexander, who, as I said, were Antipater's brothers, died childless.
¹³⁸ Barach

¹³⁹ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander δὲ τῷ ἩρώδουHerod παιδὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander καὶ ΤιγράνηςTigranes ἐγεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς ἐκ τῆς ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia βασιλέως θυγατρός . Καὶ ΤιγράνηςTigranes μὲν βασιλεύων ἈρμενίαςArmenia κατηγοριῶν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome γενομένων ἄπαις τελευτᾷ .
¹³⁹ As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless;	¹³⁹ The Alexander who was killed by his father king Herod, had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused of charges in Rome and died childless.
¹³⁹ Barach

¹⁴⁰ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander δὲ ΤιγράνηςTigranes ὁμώνυμοςhaving the same name τῷ ἀδελφῷ γίνεται παῖς καὶ βασιλεὺς ἈρμενίαςArmenia ὑπὸ ΝέρωνοςNerō ἐκπέμπεται υἱός τε ἈλέξανδροςAlexander αὐτῷ γίνεται . γαμεῖ δ᾽ οὗτος ἈντιόχουAntiochus τοῦ Κομμαγηνῶν βασιλέως θυγατέρα ἸωτάπηνJotape , ἡσίοδός τε τῆς ἐν ΚιλικίαιCilicia ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian αὐτὸν ἵσταται βασιλέα .
¹⁴⁰ Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia.	¹⁴⁰ Alexander had a son named with his brother Tigranes and was sent by Nero to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia. He had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, daughter of Antiochus the king of Commagene, and Vespasian made him king of Ketis in Cilicia.
¹⁴⁰ Barach

¹⁴¹ καὶ τὸ μὲν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander γένος εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ φυῆναι τὴν‎ θεραπείαν ἐξέλιπεν τῶν ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐπιχωρίων μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ ἝλλησιGreeks πάτρια · ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς θυγατράσιν ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ βασιλέως ἀτέκνοις τελευτᾶν συνέπεσεν .
¹⁴¹ But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless.	¹⁴¹ But soon after their birth these descendants of Alexander left the Jewish religion and went over to the Greeks, and the rest of the daughters of Herod the king died childless.
¹⁴¹ Barach

¹⁴² τῶν δὲ γενομένων ἩρώδουHerod ἀπογόνων οὓς κατέλεξα ἔμενον ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ὁ μέγας τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν . τούτων δέ μοι τοῦ γένους προδεδηλωμένων διέξειμι λοιπόν , ὁπόσαιhow great, how much ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa τύχαι συνέλθοιεν , ὥς τε αὐτῶν διάδρασιν ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ μέγιστον ἀξιώματός τε ἅμα προκόψειεν καὶ δυνάμεως .
¹⁴² And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.	¹⁴² I have listed, by way of preface, these descendants of Herod up to the time that Agrippa the Great took over the kingdom. Now I will relate the various adversities faced by Agrippa and how he overcame them, to advance to the height of dignity and power.
¹⁴² Barach

Chapter 6
[143-239]
Herod Agrippa's picaresque career.
Tiberius as emperor Antonia, Sejanus and Caligula

☜ ☞

¹⁴³ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐν ῬώμῃRome διαιτώμενος καὶ ὁμοτροφίας καὶ συνηθείας αὐτῷ πολλῆς γενομένης πρὸς ΔροῦσονDrusus τὸν ΤιβερίουTiberius τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος υἱὸν καὶ ἈντωνίαιAntonia τῇ ΔρούσουDrusus τοῦ μεγάλου γυναικὶ εἰς φιλίαν ἀφίκετο , ΒερενίκηςBerenice τῆς μητρὸς τιμωμένηςτιμωμένης παρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ προαγωγῶν ἠξιωκυίας τὸν υἱόν .
¹⁴³ A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son.	¹⁴³ Shortly before king Herod's death, Agrippa lived in Rome and was reared in close contact with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius' son and made friends with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who highly esteemed his mother Berenice and was asked by her to promote her son.
¹⁴³ Barach

¹⁴⁴ φύσει δὲ μέγας ὢν ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa καὶ δωρεῖσθαι πολυτελὴςcostly, valuable ζώσης μὲν τῆς μητρὸς οὐκ ἐξέφαινε τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ θέλον διαδιδράσκειν αὐτῆς ἠξιωκὼς τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις γενομένην ὀργήν ,
¹⁴⁴ Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance;	¹⁴⁴ Agrippa was of an expansive nature and generous in giving gifts, though he hid his natural bent while his mother was alive, in order not to provoke her by his extravagance.
¹⁴⁴ Barach

¹⁴⁵ ἐπεὶ δὲ ΒερενίκηBernice τελευτᾷ , γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ τρόπῳ , τὰ μὲν εἰς πολυτέλειαν τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν διαίτης , τὰ δ᾽ εἰς τῶν δωρεῶν τὸ μὴ μέτρῳ προιέμενον ἀνάλωσε τῶν χρημάτων , τὰ πλεῖστα δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀπελευθέρους ἐτετέλεστο ἐλπίδι πράξεως τῆς αὐτῶν , πενία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν .
¹⁴⁵ but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty,	¹⁴⁵ Once Berenice was dead and he was left to his own devices, he spent lavishly in his daily lifestyle and gave endless gifts, mainly to Caesar's freedmen, to win their help, so that he was soon reduced to poverty.
¹⁴⁵ Barach

¹⁴⁶ καὶ τοῦτο ἦν κώλυμα τῆς ἐν ῬώμῃRome διαίτης , καὶ ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius τοῖς φίλοις τοῦ υἱέος τετελευτηκότος ἀπειπὼν φοιτᾶν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ , διὰ τὸ ἀνερεθίζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ λυπεῖσθαι μνημονεύων τοῦ παιδὸς θεωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων .
¹⁴⁶ and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.	¹⁴⁶ He could no longer afford to live in Rome, and Tiberius forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, for they reminded him of his son and only revived his grief.
¹⁴⁶ Barach

¹⁴⁷ Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea πλέων ᾤχετο κακοπραγῶν καὶ τεταπεινωμένος ὀλέθρῳ τε ὧν εἶχεν χρημάτων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ ἐκτίσοντος τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανεισταῖς πολλοῖς τε οὖσιν καὶ ἀλεωρὰν οὐδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν ἐνδιδοῦσιν , ὥστε ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ποιητέων καὶ αἰσχύνῃ τῇ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑποχωρήσας εἴς τινα πύργον ἐν Μαλάθοις τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea ἐν περινοίᾳ τοῦ μεταστήσοντος αὑτὸν ἦν .
¹⁴⁷ For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself;	¹⁴⁷ For these reasons he left Rome and sailed to Judea in dire circumstances, depressed by the loss of his former wealth and without the money to pay his many creditors, and seeing no way to escape them. Not knowing what to do, and ashamed of his present condition, he retired to a tower at Malatha in Idumaea, and thought of killing himself.
¹⁴⁷ Barach

¹⁴⁸ αἰσθάνεται δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ΚύπροςCyprus ἡ γυνὴ παντοία τε ἦν ἀπείργουσα τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις βουλευμάτων . διαπέμπεται δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ‎ Ἡρωδιάδα ἩρώδῃHerod τῷ τετράρχῃ συνοικοῦσανto dwell together γράμματα , δηλοῦσα τό τε ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τοῦ ἈγρίππαAgrippa προβουλεῦσαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην , ἣ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ ἐξήγαγεν ·
¹⁴⁸ but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto,	¹⁴⁸ But his wife Cypros knew his mind and tried all sorts of ways to divert him from such a course. She wrote a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, to tell her of Agrippa's state and the need that drove him to it.
¹⁴⁸ Barach

¹⁴⁹ ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν , ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν . οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν ΤιβεριάδαTiberias καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν‎ δίαιταν , ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias ἐτίμησαν .
¹⁴⁹ and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him.	¹⁴⁹ She asked for her help as his relative, and to get her husband to do the same, seeing how she had helped her husband all she could, though without any wealth like theirs. They sent for him and gave him Tiberias as his dwelling, with money to maintain him and honouring him as mayor of Tiberias.
¹⁴⁹ Barach

¹⁵⁰ οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις , καίτοι γε οὐδ᾽ ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν · ἐν γὰρ ΤύρῳTyre παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν , ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν , ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν ὑπατικὸνof consular rank εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον · ΣυρίανSyria δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν .
¹⁵⁰ Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.	¹⁵⁰ But Herod did not continue long in his resolve to support him, though even that was insufficient for him. Once they were drinking at a feast in Tyre and insults were exchanged, Agrippa found it unbearable when Herod reproached him with his poverty and with owing his very food to him. So he went to Flaccus, who had been consul and had formerly been a great friend to him in Rome and was now ruler of Syria.
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¹⁵¹ Καὶ δεξαμένου Φλάκκου παρὰ τούτῳ διῆγεν παρακατεσχηκότος αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus , ὃς ἀδελφὸς ὢν ἈγρίππουAgrippa διάφορός τ᾽ ἦν . οὐ μὴν ἐβλάπτοντο ἔχθρᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων , ὥστε μὴ φιλίᾳ τοῦ ὑπατικοῦof consular rank τὰ εἰκότα τιμὴν φέρεσθαι .
¹⁵¹ Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him.	¹⁵¹ He was amiably received by Flaccus and stayed with him. Another guest there was Aristobulus, Agrippa's brother, with whom he on bad terms, but their mutual hostility did not prevent him treating them both with friendship and honour.
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¹⁵² οὐ μὴν ὅ γε ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἀνίει τι τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa δυσμενοῦς μέχρι καὶ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτὸν Φλάκκῳ καθίστησιν , αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἐπὶ τῇ δυσμενείᾳ παραλαβών .
¹⁵² However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this:	¹⁵² Aristobulus did not cease being unpleasant to Agrippa until he brought him into enmity with Flaccus, and this was the cause of their estrangement.
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¹⁵³ ΔαμασκηνοὶDamascus (people) Σιδωνίοις περὶ ὅρωνto see διάφοροι καθεστῶτες , μέλλοντος Φλάκκου περὶ τούτων ἀκροᾶσθαι μαθόντες τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa ὡς παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ἠξίουν μερίδος τῆς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι , ἀργύριόν τε πλεῖστον ὡμολογεῖτο αὐτῷ .
¹⁵³ The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money;	¹⁵³ The Damascenes had a border quarrel with the Sidonians and when Flaccus was about to hear their case, they learned that Agrippa had great influence with him, so they got him to take their side, with the promise of a lot of money.
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¹⁵⁴ καὶ ὁ μὲν πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν ΔαμασκηνῶνDamascus ὥρμητο πράσσειν . ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus δέ , οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὁμολογία τῶν χρημάτων , καταγορεύει πρὸς τὸν Φλάκκον . Καὶ βασανιζομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεὶ φανερὰ ἦν , ἐξωθεῖ τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa φιλίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν .
¹⁵⁴ so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends.	¹⁵⁴ So he gladly did all he could to help the Damascenes, but Aristobulus learned about the promised money and accused him of it to Flaccus, who fully examined the matter and found it to be the case, and no longer numbered Agrippa among his friends.
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¹⁵⁵ ὁ δὲ εἰς ὑστάτην περιωσμένος ἀπορίαν εἰς ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais παρῆν , καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἄπορονwithout passage τῆς ἀλλαχόθι διαίτης γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly πλεῖν . εἰργόμενος δὲ χρημάτων ἀπορίᾳ ἠξίου Μαρσύαν ὄντα αὐτοῦ‎ ἀπελεύθερον ποριστὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μηχανῶν δανεισάμενον παρά τινος .
¹⁵⁵ So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other.	¹⁵⁵ So he was reduced to the utmost penury and came to Ptolemais. Then not knowing where else to get a livelihood, he wanted to sail to Italy, but as he could not do so for lack of money, he asked Marsyas, his freedman, to find the means for that purpose, by borrowing the money from somebody.
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¹⁵⁶ καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει ΒερενίκηςBerenice ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς ἈγρίππουAgrippa μητρός , διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia , αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ .
¹⁵⁶ So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security;	¹⁵⁶ Marsyas asked Protos, the freedman of Agrippa's mother Berenice, who bequeathed him in her will to Antonia, to lend the sum, on a personal bond of security.
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¹⁵⁷ ὁ δέ , ἐπεκάλει γὰρ τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa χρημάτων τινῶν ἀποστέρησιν , ἀναγκάζει τὸν Μαρσύαν δύο μυριάδων Ἀτθίδων συμβόλαιον ποιησάμενονto make, produce, create πεντακοσίαις καὶ δισχιλίαις ἔλασσον λαμβάνειν . συνεχώρει δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ποιεῖν .
¹⁵⁷ but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it.	¹⁵⁷ He, however, accused Agrippa of defrauding him of certain sums of money and so obliged Marsyas, when he signed the bond for twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept twenty-five hundred drachma less, to which the other agreed having no other option.
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¹⁵⁸ εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου ἈγρίππαςAgrippa εἰς Ἀννίβαν παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν . Καὶ γνοὺς Ἐρέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς ἸαμνείαςJamneia ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας , οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος .
¹⁵⁸ Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay.	¹⁵⁸ On receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon and was about to set sail when Herennius Capito, the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to get from him the three hundred thousand silver drachmae that he owed to Caesar's treasury in Rome, so forcing him to stay.
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¹⁵⁹ καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν , νυκτὸς δ᾽ ἐπιγενομένηςto be born after κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ᾽ ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria πλέων . ἔνθα ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχουAlabarch μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι . ὁ δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν , ΚύπρῳCyprus δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν .
¹⁵⁹ He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;	¹⁵⁹ He pretended to follow this order, but when night came he cut the cables and left and sailed to Alexandria, where he asked Alexander the Alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae. He refused to lend it to him, but said that he would not refuse it to Cypros, impressed by her love for her husband and other examples of her virtue.
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¹⁶⁰ ἡ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο , καὶ ὁ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander πέντε τάλαντα αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria δοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν ΔικαιαρχείᾳDikaearchia γενομένοις παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο , δεδιὼς τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa τὸ εἰς τὰ ἀναλώματαexpense, cost ἕτοιμον . Καὶ ΚύπροςCyprus μὲν ἀπαλλάξασα τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly πλευσούμενον αὐτὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐπὶ ἸουδαίαςJudea ἀνέζευξεν .
¹⁶⁰ so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.	¹⁶⁰ She undertook to repay it and so Alexander gave them five talents in Alexandria and promised them the rest at Dicaearchea, in case Agrippa was getting ready to spend it. So Cypros bailed her husband out and sent him off on his voyage to Italy, while she and her children left for Judea.
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¹⁶¹ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ εἰς ΠοτιόλουςPuteoli παραβαλὼν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς ΤιβέριονTiberius τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar γράφει διαιτώμενον ἐν Καπρέαις , παρουσίαν τε τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ δηλῶν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνου , καὶ ἀξιῶν ἔφεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι εἰς Καπρέας παραβαλεῖν .
¹⁶¹ And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein:	¹⁶¹ Agrippa came to Puteoli, where he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived in Capri, telling him that he had come so far to pay him a visit and see him, and asked his permission to come over to Capri.
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¹⁶² ΤιβέριοςTiberius δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ γράφει φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρώμενος , ἐκτίνει τε χάριν ἀποσημαίνων ἐπὶ τῷ σῶν ἐπανήκειν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας , ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀφικνεῖται μηδὲν ὑφελὼν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι προθύμου ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἐξένιζεν .
¹⁶² so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do.	¹⁶² Without hesitation Tiberius wrote courteously to him, saying he was glad of his safe return and inviting him to come to Capri, and when he arrived he did not fail to welcome him as kindly as he had promised in his letter.
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¹⁶³ τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ΚαίσαριCaesar γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παρὰ Ἐρεννίου Καπίτωνος ἀφικομένων , ὅτι ἈγρίππαςAgrippa μυριάδας τριάκοντα δάνεισμα ποιήσας καὶ πρὸς τὰς καταβολὰς ἐκλιπὼν χρόνον τὸν συγκείμενον ἀπαιτήσεωςa claim γενομένης οἴχοιτο φυγὰς ἐκ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ χωρίων ἄκυρον αὐτὸν καθιστὰς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσπραξομένῳ ἐξουσίας ,
¹⁶³ But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him.	¹⁶³ But the next day Caesar got a letter from Herennius Capito, saying that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae and not repaid it when it fell due, and when it was demanded, escaped like a fugitive from his jurisdiction, making it impossible to get the money back.
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¹⁶⁴ ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους . ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καταπλαγεὶς ἈντωνίαςAntonia δεῖται ΓερμανικοῦGermanicus μητρὸς καὶ ΚλαυδίουClaudius τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου ΚαίσαροςCaesar , δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων , ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς ΤιβέριονTiberius .
¹⁶⁴ When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship;	¹⁶⁴ When Caesar read this letter, he was irritated and had Agrippa excluded from his presence until he paid off the debt. But undaunted by Caesar's anger, he begged Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and Claudius, the future emperor, to lend him the three hundred thousand drachmae, so as not to be deprived of Tiberius' friendship.
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¹⁶⁵ ἡ δὲ ΒερενίκηςBerenice τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ‎ , σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες , καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ ΚλαύδιονClaudius γεγενημένης , δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον , καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius .
¹⁶⁵ so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him.	¹⁶⁵ Out of regard to the memory of his mother Berenice, for the two women had been great friends, and remembering how he and Claudius were educated together, she lent him the money; and once his debt was paid, there was nothing further to bar him from friendship with Tiberius.
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¹⁶⁶ αὖθις δὲ αὐτῷ ΤιβέριοςTiberius ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar συνίστησιν υἱωνὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ κελεύων τὰ πάντα αὐτῷ ταῖς ἐξόδοις παρατυγχάνειν . ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ φιλίᾳ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia κατὰ θεραπείαν τρέπεται τὴν‎ ΓαίουGaius υἱωνοῦ τε ὄντος αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα τιμωμένου .
¹⁶⁶ After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father.	¹⁶⁶ Tiberius Caesar then commended his grandson to him, saying that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. After being received in friendship by Antonia, Agrippa went to pay his respects to her grandson Gaius, who was in high repute because of people's goodwill toward his father.
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¹⁶⁷ καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος ΚαίσαροςCaesar δὲ ἀπελεύθερος · παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε ἈντωνίαιAntonia καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν ΓάιονGaius μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ .
¹⁶⁷ Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.	¹⁶⁷ From a Samaritan freedman of Caesar he borrowed a million drachmae and from it repaid his debt to Antonia and by sending the rest in paying court to Gaius, gained great influence with him.
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¹⁶⁸ Προιούσης δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa τῆς πρὸς ΓάιονGaius φιλίας αἰωρουμένοις ποτὲ λόγος περὶ τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius γίνεται , καὶ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa κατ᾽ εὐχὰς τραπομένου , μόνω δ᾽ ἤστην , ᾗ τάχος ΤιβέριονTiberius ὑπεκστάντα τῆς ἀρχῆς Γαίῳ παραχωρεῖν ἀξιωτέρῳ τὰ πάντα ὄντι , τούτων ἀκροᾶται τῶν λόγων Εὔτυχος , ἈγρίππουAgrippa δ᾽ ἦν ἀπελεύθερος ἡνίοχος , καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιγῇ παρεδίδου .
¹⁶⁸ Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them;	¹⁶⁸ While the friendship of Agrippa with Gaius was at its height, as they were in a chariot together some words once passed between them about Tiberius. Agrippa prayed, for they were in private, that Tiberius might soon leave the stage and pass the leadership to Gaius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, Agrippa's freedman who drove his chariot, heard these words and said nothing about them at that time.
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¹⁶⁹ κλοπῆς δὲ ἱματίων αὐτῷ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἐπικαλουμένης , καὶ ἀκριβῶς δὲ ἐκεκλόφει , φυγὼν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἀγωγῆς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ ΠείσωναPiso γενομένης , ὃς ἦν φύλαξ τῆς πόλεως , ἐρομένου τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς ΚαίσαρίCaesar φησιν ἀπορρήτους ἔχειν λόγους εἰπεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ‎ φέροντας , ὥστε δήσας αὐτὸν ἔστελλεν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας , καὶ ΤιβέριοςTiberius τῷ αὑτοῦ τρόπῳ χρώμενος εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον , μελλητὴς εἰ καί τις ἕτερος βασιλέων ἢ τυράννων γενόμενος .
¹⁶⁹ but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so;	¹⁶⁹ But later, when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, which was certainly true, he fled, and when he was caught and brought before Piso, the city prefect, and he was asked why he ran away, the man replied that he had something to say to Caesar, about his security and safety. So Piso bound him and sent him to Capri, but Tiberius, in his usual way, kept him in chains, being a procrastinator, if ever any king or tyrant was.
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¹⁷⁰ οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβειῶν ὑποδοχὰς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐποιεῖτο ἡγεμόσι τε ἢ ἐπιτρόποιςmanager ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ σταλεῖσιν οὐδεμία ἦν διαδοχή , ὁπότεwhen μὴ φθαῖεν τετελευτηκότες · ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν .
¹⁷⁰ for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners;	¹⁷⁰ He was slow to admit envoys and no successors were dispatched to replace officers or procurators sent by him earlier, until they died, and was negligent in hearing the cases of prisoners.
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¹⁷¹ ὥστε καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐρομένων τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὁλκῇ χρωμένου , ἔφη τὰς μὲν πρεσβείας τρίβειν , ὅπως μὴ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐταῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος γενομένης ἕτεροι πρέσβεις ἐπιχειροτονηθέντες ἐπανίοιεν ὄχλος τε αὐτῷ γίγνοιτο ἐπιδοχαῖς αὐτῶν καὶ πομπαῖς προσκειμένῳ .
¹⁷¹ insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission:	¹⁷¹ When asked by his friends the reason for such delay he said that he postponed giving audience to envoys in case, if they were sent home quickly, other envoys would be sent and come back upon him, and so he would give himself the trouble of publicly receiving and dismissing them.
¹⁷¹ Barach

¹⁷² τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἅπαξ εἰς αὐτὰς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταστᾶσιν αἰδοῦς προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὑποτελῶν · φύσει μὲν γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἡγεμονίαν οἰκείαν τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν · τὰς δὲ μὴ πατρίους , ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ὀλίγον καὶ ἄδηλον ὁπότεwhen ἀφαιρεθεῖεν καὶ μειζόνως ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς τοὺς ἔχοντας .
¹⁷² that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people;	¹⁷² As for the governors, once they were sent to their office he left them there, out of regard for those subject to them, because all governors are naturally avaricious, and those who are not long term, but are on a short term basis, uncertain of when they will lose office, are in more of a hurry to fleece the people.
¹⁷² Barach

¹⁷³ εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστήκασιν εἰς πλέον , αὐτοὺς ἄδην τῶν κλοπῶν ἕξειν ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν κεκερδημένων ἀμβλυτέρως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐταῖς χρωμένους . διαδοχῆς δ᾽ ἐπιπαραγενομένης ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μηδαμῶς ἂν ἀρκέσαι τοὺς ἆθλα τοῖς ἄρχουσι προκειμένους ἀναστροφῆς αὐτοῖς οὐ διδομένης καιρῶν , ἐν οἷς πλήρεις οἱ προειληφότες γενόμενοι ὑποδιδοῖέν τε σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ λαμβάνειν , διὰ τὸ πρὶν ἐν καιρῷ γενέσθαι μεταστῆναι .
¹⁷³ but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions].	¹⁷³ If however, their rule is to be long-term, they are finally sated with the spoils once they have amassed a vast deal and so grow less sharp in doing it. If successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects on whom they prey will not be able to bear the new ones, who feel they have not as much time available, whereas their predecessors who are already sated are unconcerned about getting more, they won't have time to do so before their term is ended.
¹⁷³ Barach

¹⁷⁴ παράδειγμά τε αὐτοῖς φησι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον · τραυματίᾳ τινὶ κειμένῳ μυῖαι κατὰ πλῆθος τὰς ὠτειλὰς περιέστασαν . καί τις τῶν παρατυχόντων οἰκτείρας αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν καὶ νομίσας ἀδυναμίᾳ μὴ βοηθεῖν οἷός τ᾽ ἦν ἀποσοβεῖν αὐτὰς παραστάς .
¹⁷⁴ He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him;	¹⁷⁴ He gave them an example to illustrate his point. Many flies came around the infected parts of a wounded man, so one of the bystanders pitied the man's misfortune and thinking he was unable to drive those flies away, and wanted to drive them away for him.
¹⁷⁴ Barach

¹⁷⁵ καὶ δεομένου παύσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε , ὑπολαβὼν ἤρετο τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ ἀπρομηθοῦς εἰς τὴν‎ διαφυγὴν κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος . " μειζόνως γὰρ ἂν ἀδικοῖς με , εἶπε , ταύτας ἀπαγαγών . ταῖς μέν γε ἤδη πληρωθείσαις τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως ἔπειξις ὄχλον μοι παρασχεῖν , ἀλλά πῃ καὶ ἀνίσχουσιν . αἱ δ᾽ ἀκραιφνεῖ τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτὰς λιμῷ συνελθοῦσαι καὶ τετρυμένον ἤδη παραλαμβάνουσαι κἂν ὀλέθρῳ παραδοῖεν .
¹⁷⁵ but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, “If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction.	¹⁷⁵ But he implored him to let them alone, and when the other asked him the reason for such an odd thing, for not letting him relieve his distress, he answered, "If you drive these flies away you will do me more harm, for as these are already full of my blood, they do not pester or pain me as much as before, but are taking it easy, while the fresh hungry ones that would come and find me already so worn out, would destroy me."
¹⁷⁵ Barach

¹⁷⁶ διὰ τάδε οὖν καὐτὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν τῶν κλοπῶν διεφθαρμένοις τοῖς ὑποτελέσιν προμηθὲς εἶναι μὴ συνεχὲς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς ἡγησομένους , οἳ ἐν τρόπῳ μυιῶν ἐκπολεμοῖεν αὐτούς , φύσει πρὸς κέρδος ὀρωρεγμένοις σύμμαχον παραλαμβάνοντες τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τοῦ ταχέως ἀφαιρεθησομένου τὴν‎ ἐνθένδε ἡδονήν .
¹⁷⁶ For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.”	¹⁷⁶ So that is why I take care not to always send new governors to my subjects who are oppressed enough already, for like these flies they would add to their distress. Their natural desire would be further incited if they expected at any moment to be deprived of the enjoyment of it."
¹⁷⁶ Barach

¹⁷⁷ μαρτυρήσει δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις φύσεως ΤιβερίουTiberius τὸ ἔργον αὐτό · ἔτη γὰρ δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος δύο τοὺς πάντας ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐξέπεμψεν διοικήσοντας τὸ ἔθνος , Γρᾶτον τε καὶ ΠιλᾶτονPilate , ὃς αὐτῷ διεδέξατο τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν .
¹⁷⁷ And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate.	¹⁷⁷ As further proof of what I say about the languid nature of Tiberius, let me point to this: although he was emperor for twenty-two years, he sent in all only two procurators to govern the Jewish nation, Gratus and his successor as governor, Pilate.
¹⁷⁷ Barach

¹⁷⁸ καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ μὲν ἸουδαίωνJews τοιοῦτος ἦν , ἑτεροῖος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑπηκόων . ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δεσμωτῶν τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀπεσήμαινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δικαιωθεῖσι μὲν θανάτῳ κούφισιν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐνεστηκότων κακῶν , διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀρετῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τύχῃ συνελθεῖν , τριβομένοις δὲ ἀχθηδόνι τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μείζονα προσρέπειν τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν .
¹⁷⁸ Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; “but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.”	¹⁷⁸ In this he treated the Jews no differently from the rest of his subjects. About his delay in hearing the cases of prisoners, he explained that an early execution would mean shorter suffering for those who must be condemned to die, and those wretches have not deserved any such favour. The delay means that they would suffer even more, faced with their impending doom.
¹⁷⁸ Barach

¹⁷⁹ Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε · καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο . χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς ῬώμηςRome , καὶ ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἀξιοῖ τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν ἐφ᾽ οἷστισι τὴν‎ κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ‎ .
¹⁷⁹ On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would.	¹⁷⁹ This was why Eutychus could not get a hearing, but was kept in prison. But some time later Tiberius came from Capri to Tusculanum, about a hundred furlongs from Rome, and Agrippa asked Antonia to get a hearing for Eutychus, no matter how the case in which he accused him should turn out.
¹⁷⁹ Barach

¹⁸⁰ τιμίαcostly, precious δὲ ἦν ἈντωνίαAntonia ΤιβερίῳTiberius εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι , ΔρούσουDrusus γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ γυνή , καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος · νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ ΣεβαστοῦAugustus κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι , καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον .
¹⁸⁰ Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach.	¹⁸⁰ Antonia was highly regarded in every way by Tiberius, since as the widow of his brother Drusus she was related to him, and on account of her virtue and chastity, for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood and refused all other matches, though Augustus had told her to remarry; and always lived an irreproachable life.
¹⁸⁰ Barach

¹⁸¹ ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius · ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ , καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο , προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας .
¹⁸¹ She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice;	¹⁸¹ She had been the best benefactor of Tiberius during the dangerous plotting against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband's friend and held the greatest authority as general of the army, and many senators and freedmen joined him and the army was corrupted and the plot was well advanced. The plot would have succeeded had not Antonia's audacity been wiser than Sejanus' malice,
¹⁸¹ Barach

¹⁸² ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ ΤιβερίῳTiberius συντεθειμένα , γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς ΤιβέριονTiberius εἰς τὰς Καπρέας . ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους , τήν τε ἈντωνίανAntonia καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν .
¹⁸² for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things.	¹⁸² for when she revealed his plans against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of everything and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants and sent him to Capri to Tiberius. When he learned of it, he killed Sejanus and his allies, so that while he held her in high esteem before, he now looked on her with still greater respect and trusted her completely.
¹⁸² Barach

¹⁸³ ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον , " ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε , φησὶν ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius , [ἔτι δε ] ἈγρίππουAgrippa τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος , ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τιμωρίαν , ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός · εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα , μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν‎ δίκην .
¹⁸³ So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.”	¹⁸³ When Tiberius was asked by Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus has falsely accused Agrippa in what he has said of him, he has been sufficiently punished already by what I have done to him, but if the accusation turns out to be true, let Agrippa be careful in case, in his desire to punish his freedman, he brings punishment upon himself."
¹⁸³ Barach

¹⁸⁴ καὶ ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν ἈντωνίαςAntonia πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν ἐξέτασινa close exam γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος , καὶ ἡ ἈντωνίαAntonia , οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι , καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον ·
¹⁸⁴ Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity:	¹⁸⁴ When Antonia told this to Agrippa, he pressed still more that the matter be examined, so when he continually asked her to beg this favour, Antonia availed of an opportunity to do so.
¹⁸⁴ Barach

¹⁸⁵ αἰωρεῖτο μὲν ΤιβέριοςTiberius ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος , προιόντων ΓαίουGaius τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ ἈγρίππαAgrippa , ἀπ᾽ ἀρίστου δ᾽ ἦσαν , παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι .
¹⁸⁵ As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined;	¹⁸⁵ As Tiberius was lying at ease in his sedan and was carried around and Gaius, her grandson and Agrippa, were with him after dinner she went alongside the sedan and asked him to call Eutychus and have him examined.
¹⁸⁵ Barach

¹⁸⁶ ὁ δέ " ἀλλ᾽ ἴστων μὲν ἈντωνίαAntonia , εἶπεν , οἱ θεοί , ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα . ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα , ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν , τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν . Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν . ΤιβέριοςTiberius δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤρετο , τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος .
¹⁸⁶ to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty.	¹⁸⁶ His answer was, "Antonia, may the gods witness that I am doing this not of my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by your urging." Saying this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; so he was brought without delay, and Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his freedom.
¹⁸⁶ Barach

¹⁸⁷ ὁ δέ φησιν , " ὦ δέσποτα , αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν , λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων ἈγρίππαςAgrippa φησὶ πρὸς ΓάιονGaius · εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα , ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης · οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν ΤιβέριοςTiberius ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ‎ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν , καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ᾽
¹⁸⁷ Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.”	¹⁸⁷ He said, "My lord, this Gaius and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot and I sat at their feet. Among other things Agrippa said to Gaius, "I pray the day will come when this old fellow dies and leaves you to be ruler of the world! Then this Tiberius, the old man's grandson, would be no obstacle, but would be taken off by you and the whole world would be happy and I most of all."
¹⁸⁷ Barach

¹⁸⁸ ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς . ΤιβέριοςTiberius δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa παλαιάν , διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ θεραπεύειν ΤιβέριονTiberius υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ‎ γεγονότα καὶ ΔρούσουDrusus παῖδα ὄντα , ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν ΓάιονGaius μετεκάθιζεν ,
¹⁸⁸ Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;	¹⁸⁸ Tiberius took these words to be true and was already angry with Agrippa, for when he had told him to pay respect to his grandson Tiberius, the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid that respect, but had disobeyed him and transferred all his regard to Gaius.
¹⁸⁸ Barach

¹⁸⁹ " τοῦτον μὲν δή , φησί , Μάκρων , δῆσον . Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος , τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον , ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα .
¹⁸⁹ he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said.	¹⁸⁹ He said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not clearly knowing which of them he meant and not expecting him to want any such thing done to Agrippa, hesitated and asked him to speak more clearly.
¹⁸⁹ Barach

¹⁹⁰ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἑστηκότα , " καὶ μὴν δή , φησίν , Μάκρων , τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι . τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα , " ἈγρίππανAgrippa γε " εἶπεν .
¹⁹⁰ But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.”	¹⁹⁰ When Caesar had gone around the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing "Macro ," he said, "this is the man I want to have in chains ;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be chained?" he said "Agrippa."
¹⁹⁰ Barach

¹⁹¹ καὶ ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις , τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius τῆς ἐκτροφῆς , οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι , ἀλλ᾽ ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον .
¹⁹¹ Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments.	¹⁹¹ Agrippa began to appeal to him, reminding him of his son with whom he was reared and of Tiberius whom he had educated, but all in vain. They led him about in chains, even in his purple robes.
¹⁹¹ Barach

¹⁹² καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν , καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν , θεασάμενός τινα τῶν ΓαίουGaius παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν .
¹⁹² It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel,	¹⁹² It was very hot weather and they had only little wine with their meal, so that he was very thirsty. He was in a sort of agony and felt very badly, and seeing one of Gaius' slaves, Thaumastus by name, carrying some water in a vessel, asked for a drink.
¹⁹² Barach

¹⁹³ καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών , " ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖς , φησίν , ὦ παῖ , τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν , διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ ΓαίουGaius , ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ ἀξιώσεωςthinking worthy οὐκ ἐνέλιπες . Καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο [ταῦτα εἰπών , ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο ] ·
¹⁹³ he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.”	¹⁹³ Drinking deeply he said, "You, boy, will be rewarded for serving me in this way! Once I escape, I will soon have Gaius set you free, for he has not failed to help me now while I am in chains, just as in my former rank and dignity."
¹⁹³ Barach

¹⁹⁴ ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ ΓαίουGaius ΚαίσαροςCaesar γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι , τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa καὶ ΒερενίκῃBerenice τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν , ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ . Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον .
¹⁹⁴ Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.	¹⁹⁴ He did not fail to keep his promise but repaid him for what he had done; for later, when Agrippa came to power, he took special care of Thaumastus and gained him his freedom from Gaius and made him steward of his estate. On his death he left him to Agrippa his son and Berenice his daughter, to serve them in the same capacity; and the man kept that position into old age and still held it when he died. But all this was much later.
¹⁹⁴ Barach

¹⁹⁵ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο . καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου , ᾧ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa προσεκέκλιτο , βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ ῬωμαῖοιRomans τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν , τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην , ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι .
¹⁹⁵ Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was;	¹⁹⁵ Agrippa stood in his chains before the royal palace and leaned sadly against a tree along with many others who were also in chains. A bird, the kind that Romans call an owl, sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, another prisoner of the German nation, saw him and asked a soldier who was that man in purple.
¹⁹⁵ Barach

¹⁹⁶ καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ἈγρίππανAgrippa ὄνομα αὐτῷ , ἸουδαῖονJew δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων , ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων · βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν .
¹⁹⁶ and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country;	¹⁹⁶ When he heard his name was Agrippa and that he was by nation a Jew and one of the most respected of that nation, he asked the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him approach him and speak with him, wanting to ask him something about his country.
¹⁹⁶ Barach

¹⁹⁷ καὶ τυχών , ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται , δι᾽ ἑρμηνέωςan interpreter " ὦ νεανία , φησίν , καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν‎ τύχην , ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων , οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν‎ πρόνοιαν .
¹⁹⁷ which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee.	¹⁹⁷ Getting permission, he came near and said to him by an interpreter: "Young man, his sudden change of your fortunes is hard for you, and seems a great disaster. You will not believe me when I say you will be freed from your present plight and how Providence will provide for you.
¹⁹⁷ Barach

¹⁹⁸ ἴσθι γε μήν , θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους , οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον , ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς .
¹⁹⁸ Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause;	¹⁹⁸ Know therefore, for I swear by the gods of my country as well as those of this place, who have put us in chains, that what I say about you shall be said neither in flattery or for bribes, or simply invented to cheer you up.
¹⁹⁸ Barach

¹⁹⁹ αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν‎ ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ᾽ εἰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν . ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν‎ προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν .
¹⁹⁹ for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods.	¹⁹⁹ Predictions like this, if false, ultimately cause more grief than if one never heard them. But at my own risk I think I should tell you the prediction of the gods.
¹⁹⁹ Barach

²⁰⁰ οὐκ ἔσθ᾽sometimes ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως ἀπαλλαγήto set free τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως , ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν , οἳ νῦν δι᾽ οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν , εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν‎ τελευτὴν παισίν , οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος . μνημονεύειν δέ , ὁπότεwhen εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον , πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ἐσομένην .
²⁰⁰ It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer.	²⁰⁰ You will not stay long in these chains, but will soon be rescued and promoted to the heights of dignity and power. You will be envied by those who now pity your plight, and you will die happy, bequeathing prosperity to your future children. But note that when you see this bird again, you will have only five more days to live.
²⁰⁰ Barach

²⁰¹ ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν . προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν‎ παραγενομένην ἀποστερεῖνto rob, defraud σε ἄδικον , ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν‎ ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο . μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν ,
²⁰¹ This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.”	²⁰¹ This will be done by God who has sent this bird here as a sign. I felt it would be wrong to conceal this foreknowledge from you, so that knowing the good things coming to you, you may smile amid your present hardships. But when this good luck comes into your hands, do not forget the misfortune that we now share."
²⁰¹ Barach

²⁰² ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν . Καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε προειπὼνto predict εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa γέλωτα , ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος . ἡ δὲ ἈντωνίαAntonia χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν ΤιβερίῳTiberius περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ᾽ ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον ,
²⁰² So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success;	²⁰² When the German said this, it made Agrippa laugh just as heartily as he regarded him later with awe. Now Antonia was sorry about Agrippa's misfortune but it was very hard for her to speak on his behalf to Tiberius, and anyway, unlikely to succeed.
²⁰² Barach

²⁰³ εὑρίσκετο δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου , λουτρά τε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην , ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ᾽ ἄν .
²⁰³ yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him.	²⁰³ Still she persuaded Macro that the soldiers guarding him should be humane and also the centurion who was over them and was handcuffed to him, and that he be allowed to bathe every day, and have his freedmen and friends visit him, and have other things for his bodily comfort.
²⁰³ Barach

²⁰⁴ εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν Φίλος τε ΣίλαςSilas καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι᾽ ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες , ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως ὁπότεwhen νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος · καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ . Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἐν τούτοις ἦν .
²⁰⁴ So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs.	²⁰⁴ So his friend Silas visited him and two of his freedmen, Marsyas and Stoechus, brought him the foods he liked and took great care of him. They also brought him clothes, under pretext of selling them, and at nightfall they placed them under him, helped by the soldiers as Macro had ordered them. And Agrippa remained in that condition for six months.
²⁰⁴ Barach

²⁰⁵ ΤιβέριοςTiberius δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας ἐμαλακίζετο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μετρίως , ἐπιδούσης δ᾽ εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον τῆς νόσου πονηρὰς ἔχων περὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας Εὔοδον , ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τιμιώτατος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων , κελεύει τὰ τέκνα προσαγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν · χρῄζειν γὰρ ἀφικέσθαι σφίσι διὰ λόγων πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν .
²⁰⁵ But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died.	²⁰⁵ When Tiberius returned to Capri, he fell ill, at first only slightly, but it grew worse until he had little hope of recovery. Then he had Evodus, his most trusted freedman, bring the children to him, as he wanted to talk to them before he died.
²⁰⁵ Barach

²⁰⁶ ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ παῖδες γνήσιοι μὲν οὐκέτι · ΔροῦσοςDrusus γὰρ δὴ ὁ μόνος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν τεθνεώς · υἱὸς δὲ τούτου κατελείπετο ΤιβέριοςTiberius ἐπικαλούμενος Γέμελλος , Γάιός τε ΓερμανικοῦGermanicus παῖς , ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸς γεγονώς , νεανίας τε ἤδη καὶ παιδείαν ἐκπεπονηκὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐνοίᾳ τε τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος διὰ τὴν‎ ΓερμανικοῦGermanicus τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν ·
²⁰⁶ Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus,	²⁰⁶ By that time he had no living sons of his own, as his only son Drusus was dead, but Drusus' son Tiberius, nicknamed Gemellus, was alive, as was Gaius, the son of Germanicus, his brother's grandson. He was already a well educated young man and was widely liked and esteemed because of the virtue of his father Germanicus.
²⁰⁶ Barach

²⁰⁷ ἐπὶ μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ οὗτος προῆλθεν παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσι τιμῆς εὐσταθείᾳ τρόπου καὶ δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν ἀνεπαχθὴς ὢν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀξίωσινto think worthy κτώμενος τῷ βούλεσθαι ἴσος πᾶσιν εἶναι .
²⁰⁷ who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals;	²⁰⁷ The father had been popularly honoured for his equable lifestyle, his easy and graceful manner—for his dignity did not prevent him from treating people with familiarity, as though they were his equals.
²⁰⁷ Barach

²⁰⁸ ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μειζόνως ἦγον αὐτόν , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἕκαστον ἐθνῶν , οἱ μὲν ὡμιληκότες ἁλισκόμενοι τῇ χάριτι τῆς ἐντεύξεως , οἱ δὲ πύστει τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφηγήσεως παραλαμβάνοντες .
²⁰⁸ by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men;	²⁰⁸ For this he was not only highly regarded by the people and the senate, but also by all the subject nations. Of his visitors, some were touched by how pleasantly they were received and others felt the same on hearing from those who had been with him.
²⁰⁸ Barach

²⁰⁹ πένθος τε αὐτοῦ‎ τελευτήσαντος προυτέθη πᾶσιν οὐ θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιψευδομένων τὴν‎ συμφοράν , λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ οἰκειουμένων διὰ τὸ ἴδιον τυχεῖν ἑκάστοις τὴν‎ μετάστασιν αὐτοῦ‎ ὑπειλῆφθαι ·
²⁰⁹ not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men,	²⁰⁹ There was universal grief at his death, not a pretended sorrow to flatter their officers, but everyone genuinely mourned as if they had lost somebody close to themselves.
²⁰⁹ Barach

²¹⁰ οὕτως ἀνεπαχθῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις . ἐξ ὧν μέγα ὄφελος καὶ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ παρὰ πᾶσιν κατελέλειπτο τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἦρτο , ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦντες τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνῳ περιγενησομένης , εἰ δεήσει , καὶ τελευτᾶν .
²¹⁰ that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.	²¹⁰ His easy way with people was greatly for his son's advantage in the eyes of all, and the soldiers in particular were so drawn to him that they were ready, if need be, even to die so that he could become emperor.
²¹⁰ Barach

²¹¹ Ὁ δὲ ΤιβέριοςTiberius Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου , σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν , μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον .
²¹¹ But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination;	²¹¹ When Tiberius had told Evodus to bring the children to him in the morning of the following day, he prayed to his ancestral gods to show him a clear sign which of those children should succeed him as emperor. He himself wanted to leave it to his son's son, but relied more on what God might reveal about them than on his own view and preference.
²¹¹ Barach

²¹² οἰώνισμα δ᾽ οὖν αὐτῷ προύκειτο , εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν , ὃς ἂν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιοῦσανthe next day ἀφίκοιτοto reach πρότερος πρὸς αὐτόν . ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πέμπει παρὰ τοῦ υἱωνοῦ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν κελεύων ὑπὸ πρώτην ὥραν ἄγειν τὸν παῖδα ὡς αὐτόν , καταμελήσεσθαι στρατηγίας τὸν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων · ὁ δ᾽ ἀντεψήφιζεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ χειροτονίαν .
²¹² so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation;	²¹² He decided as an omen that the leadership should be left to the one who came to him first, the following day. With this resolve, he sent a message to his grandson's tutor telling him to bring the child to him early in the morning, thinking that God would take no notice of this ploy; but the emperor's choice was set aside.
²¹² Barach

²¹³ ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἐνθυμησάμενος , ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἦν , κελεύει τὸν Εὔοδον εἰσκαλεῖν τῶν παίδων τὸν παρόντα πρότερον . ἐξελθὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὸν ΓάιονGaius πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου καταλαβών , ὁ γὰρ ΤιβέριοςTiberius οὐ παρῆν μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης , ᾔδει δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν ἐβούλετο ὁ δεσπότης , " καλεῖ σε , φησίν , ὁ πατήρ " , καὶ εἰσήγαγεν αὐτόν .
²¹³ for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in.	²¹³ For having set up things in this way, as soon as it was at day he told Evodus to call in whatever child was there first. The man went out and found Gaius outside the door, for young Tiberius had not yet arrived as he was finishing his breakfast. So, knowing nothing of what his master intended, he said to Gaius, "Your father is calling for you ," and brought him in.
²¹³ Barach

²¹⁴ ΤιβέριοςTiberius δὲ ὡς θεᾶται ΓάιονGaius , τότε πρῶτον εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θείου τῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν‎ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡγεμονίαν παντελῶς ἀφῃρημένην ἐπικυροῦν οἷς ψηφίσαιτο δυνάμεως ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγενομένης , πολλὰ δὴ κατολοφυράμενος αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ ἐφ᾽ οἷς προβουλεύσειε κυροῦν ἀφῃρημένου τὸ κράτος ,
²¹⁴ As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him,	²¹⁴ When Tiberius saw Gaius before him, he realized the power of God and how the granting of the leadership to the one he chose was entirely taken from him, and that he could not establish what he had intended. He was greatly shaken that his previous power to control things was taken from him,
²¹⁴ Barach

²¹⁵ ΤιβέριονTiberius δὲ τὸν υἱωνόν , ὡς τῆς τε ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ διαμάρτοι καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας κεχρημένον διὰ τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλων κρειττόνων οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἰσηγησαμένω τὴν‎ συναναστροφὴν κείσεσθαι τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ συγγενοῦς μὴ ὠφελεῖν δυναμένου , φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος χρησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν , τὰ μὲν ὡς προσεδρεύοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ , τὰ δὲ ὡς ἀντεπιβουλεύειν ὑπέρ τε τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἀντιλήψεως τῶν πραγμάτων μὴ ἀφησόμενον .
²¹⁵ and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also.	²¹⁵ for on his death his grandson Tiberius would not only lose the ruling of Rome but also his very life, since his safety would now depend upon people more powerful than himself, who would think it intolerable to associate with him. His relatives would be unable to protect him, and he would be feared and hated by whoever was in power, because he was next in line to the empire and would always be plotting to take power, both for his own safety and also to be in charge of affairs.
²¹⁵ Barach

²¹⁶ ἦν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ ΤιβέριοςTiberius μάλιστα προσκείμενος καὶ κατορθούμενα αὐτῇ μειζόνως τῶν εἰς τόδε ἀνακειμένων ἑκόντων τὸν βίον ἐξηγμένος . Γάλβαν οὖν ποτε θεασάμενος ὡς αὐτὸν εἰσιόντα φησὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους αὐτῷ , ὡς παραγίνοιτο ἀνὴρ τῇ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin προτιμησόμενος ἡγεμονίαι .
²¹⁶ Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire.	²¹⁶ Tiberius was devoted to horoscopes, and even more than the professionals had spent his life checking which predictions had turned out to be true. Once when he saw Galba coming to visit him, he told his closest friends that coming in was a man who would one day rise to be emperor of the Romans.
²¹⁶ Barach

²¹⁷ τά τε πάντα μαντειῶν ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐχόμενα πιθανὰ ἡγούμενος ἡγεμόνων μάλιστα ἀνὴρ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπαληθείοντος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐχρῆτο αὐταῖς .
²¹⁷ So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs.	²¹⁷ This man was more devoted than any of the other Roman emperors to all sorts of diviners, as he had found them to tell the truth about his own affairs.
²¹⁷ Barach

²¹⁸ καὶ τότε ἐν χαλεποῖς ἦν συντυχίᾳ τοῦ γεγονότος , ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀπολωλότι τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀχθεινῶς διατιθέμενος καὶ κατάμεμψιν αὐτοῦ‎ ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰώνισιν προμηθοῦς · παρὸν γὰρ [ἂν ] αὐτῷ λύπης ἀπηλλαγμένῳ τελευτᾶν ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν ἐσομένωνto be , διατρίβεσθαι τῷ προεγνωκὼς τὴν‎ ἐσομένην δυστυχίαν τῶν φιλτάτων τελευτᾶν .
²¹⁸ And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment.	²¹⁸ Now he was distressed at what had happened and grieved at the foreseen ruination of his son's son, and blamed himself for using such a method of augury. He could have died without this grief of knowing the future, but must now die tormented by knowing in advance the misfortune of those dearest to him.
²¹⁸ Barach

²¹⁹ καίπερ δὲ συντεταραγμένος τῇ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς οὓς οὐκ ἤθελεν περιόδῳ , ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος φησὶ γοῦν πρὸς τὸν ΓάιονGaius · " ὦ παῖ , καίπερ μοι συγγενεστέρου ΤιβερίουTiberius ἢ κατὰ σὲ ὄντος δόξῃ τε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῷ ὁμοψήφῳ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τῶν θεῶν σοὶ φέρων ἐγχειρίζω τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἡγεμονίαν .
²¹⁹ Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: “O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire;	²¹⁹ But though anguished at this paradoxical shift of the leadership to those he had not wished, he said to Gaius, reluctantly and against his will : "Child, although Tiberius is more closely related to me than you, by my own decision and the assent of the gods, I give and bequeath the Roman empire into your hands.
²¹⁹ Barach

²²⁰ ἀξιῶ δέ σε μηδὲν ἀμνημονεῖν ὁμιλήσαντα αὐτῇ μήτ᾽ εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς , ὃς εἰς τοσόνδε ἀξιώματος καθίστημι μέγεθος ,
²²⁰ and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity,	²²⁰ When you settle into it, I want you never to forget either my kindness to you, by appointing you to such a high rank, or your relationship with Tiberius.
²²⁰ Barach

²²¹ μήτε τοῦ πρὸς ΤιβέριονTiberius συγγενοῦς , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστάμενον , ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής , ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα ΤιβερίουTiberius φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν‎ συγγένειαν , ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν , ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν ΤιβέριοςTiberius , φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος .
²²¹ or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes;	²²¹ Since you know that, having consulted the gods, it is I who have established your rank, in return for my help I want you to care for Tiberius because of his near relationship to you. Think of Tiberius as a security to you as long as he lives, both for holding the empire and for your own safety, but if he dies it will be the start of your own troubles.
²²¹ Barach

²²² αἵ τε γὰρ μονώσεις ἐπικίνδυνοι τοῖς εἰς τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ὄγκον καταστᾶσιν καὶ θεοῖς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητα ὁπόσαhow great, how much παρὰ δίκην πρασσόμενα ἀφανίζοι τοῦ νόμου τὸ ἑτέρως πράσσειν παρακαλοῦν . ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius ἔλεγεν ,
²²² for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.”	²²² For to be isolated in carrying out vast duties is very dangerous, and the gods will not leave unpunished any unjust breach of the law which otherwise directs men's behaviour."
²²² Barach

²²³ οὐ μὴν πιθανὸςpersuasive, plausible ἦν Γαίῳ καίπερ ὑπισχνουμένῳ , ἀλλὰ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τόν τε ΤιβέριονTiberius μαντείαις ἀναιρεῖ ταῖς ἐκείνου καὐτὸς ἐπιβουλῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συντεθεισῶν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ .
²²³ This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.	²²³ This was what Tiberius said, but despite his promise to do so, Gaius was not persuaded to act accordingly, for once settled as ruler he did away with that Tiberius, as the other had predicted, and not long afterward he himself was killed in a conspiracy against him.
²²³ Barach

²²⁴ ΤιβέριοςTiberius δὲ τὸν ΓάιονGaius ἀποδείξας διάδοχον τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὀλίγας ἐπιβιοὺς ἡμέρας ἔθανεν σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ πέντε μῆνας πρὸς ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν καὶ εἴκοσι . ΓάιοςGaius δὲ ἦν αὐτοκράτωρ τέταρτος .
²²⁴ So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor.	²²⁴ After Tiberius had appointed Gaius as his successor, he lived only a few more days and then died, after being emperor for twenty-two years, five months and three days, and Gaius became the fourth emperor.
²²⁴ Barach

²²⁵ ῬωμαίοιςRomans δ᾽ ἦν μὲν πύστις τῆς ΤιβερίουTiberius τελευτῆς εὐφραίνοντό τε τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῆς ἀγγελίαςa message , οὐ μὴν πιστεύειν γε θάρσος ἦν αὐτοῖς , οὐ τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι , πρὸ πολλῶν γὰρ ἂν ἐτίμησαν χρημάτων τὸ ἐπαληθεῦσαν τῶν λόγων , δέει δὲ μὴ ψευδοῦς τῆς ἀγγελίαςa message γενομένης προεξαναστάντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τοῦ αὐτῶν χάρματος εἶτ᾽ ἀπολλύοιντο διαβολῆς αὐτῶν γενομένης ·
²²⁵ But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone.	²²⁵ When the Romans learned that Tiberius was dead, they were glad at the good news, but hardly dared to believe it. It was not that they did not want it to be true, for they would have given any money for it to be so, but they were afraid that if they showed joy and the news proved false, they could be accused of their joy and be ruined on account of it.
²²⁵ Barach

²²⁶ πλεῖστα γὰρ ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς εὐπατρίδας εἰργάσατο δεινὰ δυσόργητος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὢν καὶ ἀνήκεστος εἰς τὸ ἐργάζεσθαι καταστάς , εἰ καὶ χωρὶς λόγου τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐπανέλοιτο τοῦ μισεῖν , καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι μὲν οἷς κρίνοιεν ἐξαγριοῦν φύσιν ἔχων , εἰς θάνατον δὲ καὶ τῶν κουφοτάτων ἀνατιθεὶςto lay upon, burden τὴν‎ ζημίαν .
²²⁶ For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses;	²²⁶ For this man had done many terrible things to the best families of Rome, being always prone to anger and relentless in venting his unreasoning hatred, and by nature savage in his judgments, ready to condemn someone to death for the slightest offences.
²²⁶ Barach

²²⁷ ὥστε ἡδονῇ τοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λόγου φέροντος τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν εἰς ὅσον ἐβούλοντο ἀπολαύσματι χρῆσθαι ἐπεκεκώλυντο δείμασι κακῶν , ἃ προεωρᾶτο ψευσθεῖσι τῆς ἐλπίδος .
²²⁷ insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded.	²²⁷ Therefore the report about his death pleased them, but their enjoyment was checked by their fear of the evils they foresaw if their hopes proved groundless.
²²⁷ Barach

²²⁸ Μαρσύας δὲ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ὁ ἀπελεύθερος πυθόμενος τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ὠθεῖτο δρομαῖος τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa εὐαγγελιούμενος , καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ἐξόδοις ὄντα εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον συννεύσας πρὸς αὐτὸν γλώσσῃ τῇ ἙβραίωνHebrews " τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων " φησίν .
²²⁸ Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is dead;”	²²⁸ Marsyas, Agrippa's freedman, as soon as he heard of Tiberius' death, came running to tell Agrippa the good news, and finding him going out to the baths, nodded to him and said in Hebrew, "The lion is dead."
²²⁸ Barach

²²⁹ ὁ δὲ σύνεσίν τε τοῦ λόγου ποιησάμενος καὶ χάρματι τῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ περιενεχθείς " ἀλλά σοι τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐαγγελίας χάριτες ἐν ἐμοὶ παντοῖαιof all kinds γίνοιντο , μόνον ἀληθῆ τὰ λεγόμενα εἴη . Καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης ,
²²⁹ who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, “Nay,” said he, “but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.”	²²⁹ The other grasped his meaning and delighted at the news said, "My thanks to you for everything and for this news you bring to me. I only wish that what you say is true."
²²⁹ Barach

²³⁰ ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa , θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ᾽ οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa συνελθόν , ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος .
²³⁰ Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said.	²³⁰ The centurion who was serving as guard to Agrippa, when he saw how hastily Marsyas had come and Agrippa's joy at what he said, suspected that his words implied some great change in affairs and he asked them what it was about.
²³⁰ Barach

²³¹ οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν παρέτρεπον , ἐγκειμένῳ δὲ ἀποσημαίνει ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa , ἤδη γὰρ Φίλος ἦν , μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσας . ὁ δὲ ἐκοινοῦτό τε τὴν‎ ἡδονὴν τοῦ λόγου διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀγαθὰ τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa φέρειν προυτίθει τε αὐτῷ δεῖπνον . εὐωχουμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ πότου προιόντος παρῆν τις λέγων ζῆν τε τὸν ΤιβέριονTiberius καὶ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἐπανήξειν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν .
²³¹ They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days.	²³¹ At first they deflected the question, but when he pressed them further, Agrippa, who was already his friend, told him with no further ado, so he shared in their pleasure at the news of Agrippa's good fortune and held a supper for him. But during the feast, as the drinking was under way, someone came and said that Tiberius was still alive and would return to the city in a few days.
²³¹ Barach

²³² καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης δεινῶς θορυβηθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακείμενα πεπραχέναι δεσμώτῃ τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀγγελίᾳ θανάτου αὐτοκράτορος συνδιῃτῆσθαι μετὰ χάρματος , ἀπωθεῖταί τε τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa τοῦ κλινιδίου καί " ἦπου , φησίν , λήσειν με ὑπονοεῖς θάνατον τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος κατεψευσμένος , ἀλλ᾽
²³² At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?”	²³² The centurion was quite rattled by this news, since what he had done might cost him his life, for having so joyfully treated a prisoner on the news of the emperor's death. Thrusting Agrippa off the couch where he lay he said, "Do you expect not to be punished for fooling me by lying about the emperor's death? You'll pay for your malicious report at the price of your head!"
²³² Barach

²³³ οὐ κεφαλῇ τῇ σῇ τοῦτον ἀναμαξόμενος τὸν λόγον ; ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει δῆσαι τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa μεμισηκὼς πρότερον αὐτὸν φυλακήν τε ἀκριβεστέραν αὐτοῦ‎ ἢ πρότερον καθίσταται . Καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐκείνην ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐν τοιούτοις ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς .
²³³ When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night;	²³³ Saying this, he ordered Agrippa in chains again, for earlier he had released him, and guarded him more severely than before; and all that night Agrippa was in a wretched state.
²³³ Barach

²³⁴ τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ λόγος τε πλείων ἦν κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἰσχυριζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius , ἐθάρρουν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι φανερῶς ἤδη θροεῖν καί τινες καὶ θυσίας ἐπετέλουν , ἐπιστολαί τε ἀφίκοντο παρὰ τοῦ ΓαίουGaius , ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὴν‎ σύγκλητον τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius διασαφοῦσα τὴν‎ τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ παράληψιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας γενομένην ,
²³⁴ but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government;	²³⁴ But the following day word grew in the city confirming the news that Tiberius was dead, so that now people dared to discuss it publicly and aloud, and even offered sacrifices on account of it. Some letters also came from Gaius; one of them to the senate, telling them of the death of Tiberius and of his own accession as ruler;
²³⁴ Barach

²³⁵ ἡ δὲ πρὸς ΠείσωναPiso τὸν φύλακα τῆς πόλεως τοῦτό τε ἀγορεύουσα , καὶ τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκίαν , ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ἢ δεθῆναι δίαιταν εἶχεν . τότε ἐν θάρσει λοιπὸν ἦγεν τὰ περὶ αὐτῆς · φυλακὴ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τήρησις ἦν , μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ δίαιταν .
²³⁵ another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs.	²³⁵ another came to Piso, the prefect of the city, telling him the same thing. He also directed that Agrippa be moved from the camp to the house where he had lived before being put in prison. So now he had nothing to fear, for although still in custody, he could be at ease regarding his safety.
²³⁵ Barach

²³⁶ ΓάιοςGaius δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome παρῆν ἄγων τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius τὸ σῶμα , ταφάς τε αὐτοῦ‎ ποιεῖται πολυτελεῖς νόμοις τοῖς πατρίοις , ἈγρίππανAgrippa τε αὐθημερὸν λύειν ὄντα πρόθυμον κώλυμα ἈντωνίαAntonia ἦν οὔ τι μίσει τῷ πρὸς τὸν δεδεμένον προμηθείᾳ δὲ τοῦ ΓαίουGaius εὐπρεποῦς , μὴ δόξαν ἀπάγοιτο ἡδονῇ δεχομένου τὴν‎ ΤιβερίουTiberius τελευτὴν ἄνδρα ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου δεδεμένον λύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος .
²³⁶ Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately.	²³⁶ When Gaius came to Rome bringing the dead body of Tiberius and gave him a magnificent funeral according to the laws of his country, he would have released Agrippa that very day, but Antonia bade him delay, not from any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard for Gaius' reputation, in case people should think him pleased at the death of Tiberius, by too soon releasing someone he had imprisoned.
²³⁶ Barach

²³⁷ διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν , εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς ΦιλίππουPhilip τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ ΛυσανίουLysanias τετραρχίαν , ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον . ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον .
²³⁷ However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.	²³⁷ But not many days passed before he invited him to his house and had him shaved and gave him a change of clothing. Afterward he put a crown on his head and appointed him as king of the tetrarchy of Philip; and he also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and exchanged his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. Then he also sent Marullus as cavalry commander in Judea.
²³⁷ Barach

²³⁸ Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ΓαίουGaius ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἡγεμονίας ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἠξίου συγχώρησιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πλεύσαντι τήν τε ἀρχὴν καταστήσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς δέον οἰκονομησαμένῳ ἐπανιέναι .
²³⁸ Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put.	²³⁸ In the second year of the reign of Gaius Caesar, Agrippa asked permission to sail home, promising to return again when he had secured his rule and put all other things in order.
²³⁸ Barach

²³⁹ καὶ συγχωροῦντος τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρῆν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας τε ὤφθη πᾶσι βασιλεὺς πολλήν τε τῆς τύχης ἐπεδείκνυεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τοῖς θεωροῦσιν ἐκ λογισμῶν ἀπορίαςperplexity τε τῆς πρότερον καὶ τοῦ ἐν τῷ παρόντι εὐδαίμονος . Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐμακάριζον τοῦ μὴ διαμαρτίᾳ χρησαμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων , οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἀπιστίᾳ περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἦσαν .
²³⁹ So, upon the emperor’s permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better.	²³⁹ With the emperor's permission he came home unexpectedly as king and proved to all who saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present affluence, so that some called him a lucky man and others could hardly believe that for him things had changed so much for the better.
²³⁹ Barach

Chapter 7
[240-256]
Urged on by his wife Herodias, Herod Antipas makes a foolish request
and is banished by Caligula

☜ ☞

²⁴⁰ ἩρωδιὰςHerodias δὲ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa συνοικοῦσα ἩρώδῃHerod , τετράρχης δὲ οὗτος ἦν ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee καὶ ΠεραίαςPerea , φθόνῳ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐδέχετο ὁρῶσα ἐν πολὺ μείζονι ἀξιώματι γεγενημένον ἀνδρὸς τοῦ αὐτῆς , διὰ τὸ φυγῇ μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἔξοδον διαλῦσαι τὰ χρέα μὴ δυνάμενον , κάθοδον δὲ μετ᾽ ἀξιώματος καὶ οὕτως πολλοῦ τοῦ εὐδαίμονος .
²⁴⁰ But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune.	²⁴⁰ But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to the Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, envied this authority of her brother, particularly when she saw him given higher rank than her husband, since he had fled because he was unable to pay his debts and now he was back, with all dignity and affluence.
²⁴⁰ Barach

²⁴¹ ἐλυπεῖτο οὖν καὶ βαρέως ἔφερεν τῇ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ‎ μεταβολῇ , καὶ μάλιστα ὁπότεwhen θεάσαιτο μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων παρασήμων τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιφοιτῶντά τε τοῖς πλήθεσιν , ἐπικρύπτεσθαι οὐκ ἠνείχετο τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν τοῦ φθόνου , ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐξῆρεν κελεύουσα ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome πλεῖν ἐπὶ μνηστείᾳ τῶν ἴσων ·
²⁴¹ She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his;	²⁴¹ She was annoyed at such a change in his affairs, especially when she saw him making his entrance among the crowds in all his regalia, and could not conceal her bitter envy at him, but stirred up her husband to sail to Rome, to seek equal status to his.
²⁴¹ Barach

²⁴² οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι σφίσι τὸ ζῆν , εἰ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus μὲν υἱὸς ὢν θανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς κατεγνωσμένου , πενίᾳ δὲ ἀπόρῳ συνιών , ὡς τελέως αὐτῷ ἐπικουφίζεσθαι τἀναγκαῖα τοῦ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας , φυγῇ δὲ τῶν δεδανεικότων τὸν πλοῦν πεποιημένος ἐπανεληλύθοι βασιλεύς , αὐτὸς δέ γε ὢν παῖς βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τῆς ἀρχῆς καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μεταποιήσει τῶν ἴσων καθέζοιτο ἀγαπῶν ἐν ἰδιωτείᾳ διαβιοῦν .
²⁴² for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life.	²⁴² She said she could no longer bear to live if Agrippa, the son of the Aristobulus who was executed by his father, a man who had come to her husband in such extreme poverty that he had to be supplied with the essentials of everyday life, and had fled overseas to escape his creditors, now returned as king, while her husband, himself the son of a king and whose royal blood called on him to hold a similar dignity, sat idle and must be content to live as a commoner.
²⁴² Barach

²⁴³ ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ πρότερόν γε , ἩρώδηHerod , μηδὲν ἐλύπει σε τὸ ἐν ἐλάσσονι τιμῇ πατρὸς οὗ γέγονας εἶναι , νῦν γοῦν ὀρέχθητι συγγενοῦς ἀξιώματος μηδὲ ὑπόμενε ἡσσᾶσθαι προύχοντι τιμῆς ἀνδρὶ πλοῦτον τεθεραπευκότι τὸν σόν , μηδὲ πενίαν ἀποφήνῃς τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐπορίας ἀρετῇ μᾶλλον χρῆσθαι δυναμένην , μηδὲ δευτερεύειν ἀνεπαίσχυντον ἡγοῦ τῶν χθές τε καὶ πρῴην ἐλέῳpity, mercy τῷ σῷ διαβεβιωκότων .
²⁴³ “But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity.	²⁴³ "But Herod, even if formerly you were not bothered at being in a lower rank than your father once had, now you must go after the same rank your kinsman has reached. Do not endure the indignity of letting a man who used to court your wealth now be in a higher station than yourself, seeing his poverty was able to buy more esteem than our abundance. Do not think it less than shameful to be inferior to one who so recently lived off your charity.
²⁴³ Barach

²⁴⁴ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἴωμεν , καὶ μήτε πόνου φειδώ τις ἔστω μήτε ἀργυρίου δαπάνης καὶ χρυσίου , διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμινοῖς ἐν βελτίοσιν γενέσθαι τὴν‎ τήρησιν αὐτῶν ἀναλώσεως τῆς ἐπὶ κτήσει βασιλείας ἐσομένης ."
²⁴⁴ But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.”	²⁴⁴ But let us go to Rome and spare no effort or expense of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the winning of a kingdom."
²⁴⁴ Barach

²⁴⁵ Ὁ δὲ τέως μὲν ἀπεμάχετο ἀγαπῶν τὴν‎ ἡσυχίαν καὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome τὸν ὄχλον δι᾽ ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy λαμβάνων ἀναδιδάσκειν τε αὐτὴν ἐπειρᾶτο , ἡ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐξαναχωροῦντα ἑώρα μειζόνως ἐπέκειτο κελεύουσα μὴ ἀνιέναι πάντα πράσσειν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ .
²⁴⁵ But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king;	²⁴⁵ He [Herod] opposed her request for a time, from his love of leisure and having an inkling of the trouble he might have in Rome, so he tried to bring her around. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it and asked him to seek to be king at any cost.
²⁴⁵ Barach

²⁴⁶ καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἕως ἐξενίκησεν αὐτὸν ὁμογνώμονα αὐτῇ ἀκουσίως γενέσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ἀποφυγεῖν αὐτῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ψηφισάμενον , παρασκευασάμενός τε ὡς ἐνῆν πολυτελῶς καὶ φειδοῖ μηδενὸς χρώμενος ἀνήγετο ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἅμα καὶ τὴν‎ Ἡρωδιάδα ἀγόμενος .
²⁴⁶ and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him.	²⁴⁶ She never gave up until she won him over, like it or not, to her view, as the only way to stop her nagging. So he prepared everything, sparing no expense, and set off for Rome, taking Herodias with him.
²⁴⁶ Barach

²⁴⁷ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ παρασκευὴν αἰσθόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς παρεσκευάζετο , ἐπεί τε ἐκπεπλευκότας ἀκούει , πέμπει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome Φορτουνᾶτον αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων δῶρά τε κομίζοντα τῷ αὐτοκράτορι καὶ ἐπιστολὰς κατὰ τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod τὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν διδάξοντα ᾗ καιρὸς τὸν ΓάιονGaius .
²⁴⁷ But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity.	²⁴⁷ But Agrippa learned of their intentions and preparations, and also prepared to go there. As soon as he heard they had set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freedmen, to Rome, bringing gifts to the emperor and letters against Herod and to tell Gaius about them as soon as opportunity arose.
²⁴⁷ Barach

²⁴⁸ ὁ δὲ ἐπαναχθεὶς τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ δεξιῷ χρησάμενος τῷ πλῷ τοσόνδε ἀπελίπετο τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod , ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἐντυχεῖν Γαίῳ , ὁ δὲ ἐπικατάγεται καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀπεδίδου . Καὶ προσέπλευσαν ἀμφότεροι ΔικαιαρχείᾳDikaearchia καὶ τὸν ΓάιονGaius ἐν ΒαίαιςBaii λαμβάνουσιν .
²⁴⁸ This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn,	²⁴⁸ This man followed so soon after Herod and had such a good voyage that he arrived in Rome almost at the same time, so that when Herod reached Gaius, this man had already come and delivered his letters. They both sailed to Dicaearchia and found Gaius at Baii.
²⁴⁸ Barach

²⁴⁹ πολύδριον δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς ΚαμπανίαςCampania ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων πέντε τῆς ΔικαιαρχείαςDicearchia κείμενον , βασίλειοί τέ εἰσιν οἰκήσεις αὐτόθι πολυτελέσι κεχρημέναι κατασκευαῖς φιλοτιμηθέντος τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ἑκάστου τοὺς προγεγονότας ὑπερβάλλεσθαι , λουτρά τε παρέχεται τὸ χωρίον θερμὰ γῆθεν αὐτόματα ἀνιέντα ἀγαθὰ ἐπί τε ἰάσει τοῖς χρωμένοις καὶ ἄλλως τῷ ἀνειμένῳ τῆς διαίτης συμφέροντα .
²⁴⁹ which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence; the place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men’s luxury also.	²⁴⁹ This is a little city of Campania, about five furlongs from Dicearchia, and in it are royal palaces, with rich apartments, as each emperor tried to outdo his predecessor's magnificence. It has warm springs coming naturally from the ground, which are of therapeutic value along with being an amenity for good living.
²⁴⁹ Barach

²⁵⁰ ΓάιοςGaius δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν , ἅμα τε τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας , κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς ΣηιανὸνSejanus κατὰ τῆς ΤιβερίουTiberius ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς ἈρτάβανονArtabanus τὸν ΠάρθονParthia ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς ΓαίουGaius ἀρχῆς ,
²⁵⁰ Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius;	²⁵⁰ Now Gaius greeted Herod, meeting him the first time, and then looked at the letters Agrippa had sent him, written in order to accuse Herod, and where he accused him of plotting with Sejanus against Tiberius and of now plotting with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, against the rule of Gaius.
²⁵⁰ Barach

²⁵¹ παράδειγμά τε ἦν αὐτῷ τοῦ λόγου μυριάσιν ἑπτὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἀρκέσουσα κατασκευὴ ἐν ταῖς ἩρώδουHerod ὁπλοθήκαις ἀποκειμένη , ἐκινεῖτό τε ὑπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ ἤρετο τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , εἰ ἀληθὴς ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅπλων λόγος .
²⁵¹ as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true;	²⁵¹ In proof, he alleged that he had ready in his armoury enough weapons for seventy thousand men. Roused by this, he asked Herod if what was said about the armour was true.
²⁵¹ Barach

²⁵² τοῦ δέ , οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν , εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα , πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα , τὴν‎ τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν προσθήκηνan addition τῇ ἈγρίππουAgrippa βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa δίδωσιν , αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ‎ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς ΓαλλίαςGaul .
²⁵² and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation.	²⁵² Since he could not deny it, as it was too well known, he said the weapons were there, and Gaius took it as proof of the accusation that he meant to revolt. So he took away his tetrarchy from him and added it to Agrippa's kingdom. He also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and as a punishment, assigned him to perpetual banishment in Lyons, a city of Gaul.
²⁵² Barach

²⁵³ Ἡρωδιάδα δὲ μαθὼν ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τά τε χρήματα ἐδίδου ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐκείνῃ ἰδίᾳ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μὴ κοινωνεῖν νομίσας τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς τεῖχος αὐτῇ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγεν .
²⁵³ But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband.	²⁵³ When he learned that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a gift of money in her own right and told her she was spared from the same plight as her husband, on account of her brother.
²⁵³ Barach

²⁵⁴ ἡ δέ " ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν , αὐτόκρατορ , εἶπεν , μεγαλοφρόνως τε καὶ ἀξιώματι τῷ σαυτοῦ πρεπόντως τάδε λέγεις , κώλυμα δέ μοί ἐστιν χρῆσθαί σου τῇ χάριτι τῆς δωρεᾶς εὔνοια ἡ πρὸς τὸν γεγαμηκότα , οὗ κοινωνόν με τῆς εὐδαιμονίας γενομένην οὐ δίκαιον ἐγκατα
²⁵⁴ But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.”	²⁵⁴ But she replied : "Emperor, what you offer me is magnificent and worthy of you, but my love for my husband prevents me from accepting the favour of your gift, for it is not right that I , who have shared in his prosperity, should forsake him in his troubles."
²⁵⁴ Barach

²⁵⁵ λιπεῖν τὸ ἐπὶ ταῖς τύχαις καθεσταμένον . ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος αὐτὴν ποιησάμενος συνήλαυνεν καὶ αὐτὴν τῷ ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ τὴν‎ οὐσίαν αὐτῆς τῷ ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa δίδωσιν . Ἡρωδιάδι μὲν δὴ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ ἩρώδῃHerod γυναικείων ἀκροασαμένῳ κουφολογιῶν δίκην ταύτην ἐπετίμησεν ὁ θεός .
²⁵⁵ Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman.	²⁵⁵ Gaius was angry with her for this and sent her into banishment with Herod and gave her estate to Agrippa. So did God punish the envy of Herodias toward her brother, and Herod too, for giving ear to the woman's vain words.
²⁵⁵ Barach

²⁵⁶ ΓάιοςGaius δὲ τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ τὸν ἑξῆς πάνυ μεγαλοφρόνως ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασιν καὶ μέτριον παρέχων αὑτὸν εἰς εὔνοιαν πολλὴν προυχώρει παρά τε ῬωμαίοιςRomans αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις . προιὼν δ᾽ ἐξίστατο τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνως φρονεῖν ὑπὸ μεγέθους τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκθειάζων ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἀτιμίᾳ τοῦ θείου πολιτεύειν ἦρτο .
²⁵⁶ Now Caius managed public affairs with great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.	²⁵⁶ Now during the first and second year of his reign Gaius managed public affairs very ably and acted with such moderation that he gained the goodwill of the Romans themselves and the subject peoples. But in the course of time, he went beyond the humane limits in his self-conceit and because of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god and took upon himself to act in all things in disregard of the honour of God.
²⁵⁶ Barach

Chapter 8
[257-309]
Gaius sends Petronius to make the Jews accept his statue.
Successful Intervention by Agrippa, to avoid revolt

☜ ☞

²⁵⁷ Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria γενομένης ἸουδαίωνJews τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ ἙλλήνωνGreeks τρεῖς ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν ΓάιονGaius . Καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν ἈλεξανδρέωνAlexandrians πρέσβεων εἷς ἈπίωνApion , ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν ΚαίσαροςCaesar τιμῶν περιορῷεν ·
²⁵⁷ There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;	²⁵⁷ Meanwhile there was disorder in Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks, and three envoys were chosen from each of the rival parties to come to Gaius. One of the envoys from Alexandria was Apion, who heaped many insults on the Jews, among other things, that they neglected the honours due to Caesar.
²⁵⁷ Barach

²⁵⁸ πάντων γοῦν ὁπόσοιhow great, how much τῇ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαίῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων , μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι .
²⁵⁸ for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name.	²⁵⁸ All others who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Gaius and received him in every way as they received the gods, while they alone thought it unworthy of them to honour human statues and to swear by his name.
²⁵⁸ Barach

²⁵⁹ πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ἈπίωνοςApion εἰρηκότος , ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν ΓάιονGaius καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν , ΦίλωνPhilo ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τῆς πρεσβείας , ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχουAlabarch ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος , οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ᾽ ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων . διακλείει δ᾽ αὐτὸν ΓάιοςGaius κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν ,
²⁵⁹ Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;	²⁵⁹ Many such harsh things were said by Apion, hoping to provoke Gaius to anger, as seemed likely. Then Philo, the head of the Jewish delegation, a most eminent man, the brother of Alexander the alabarch and one not unskilled in philosophy, was about to make his defence against those accusations, when Gaius stopped him and ordered him away.
²⁵⁹ Barach

²⁶⁰ περιοργής τε ὢν φανερὸς ἦν ἐργασόμενός τι δεινὸν αὐτούς . ὁ δὲ ΦίλωνPhilo ἔξεισι περιυβρισμένος καί φησι πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews , οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν , ὡς χρὴ θαρρεῖν , ΓαίουGaius λόγῳ μὲν αὐτοῖς ὠργισμένου , ἔργωιdeed δὲ ἤδη τὸν θεὸν ἀντιπαρεξάγοντος .
²⁶⁰ but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius’s words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself.	²⁶⁰ He was in such a rage, that it seemed clear he was about to do them some great harm. So Philo, much insulted, went out and told the Jews around him to take heart, since Gaius' words showed him angry with them, but in truth he had already drawn on himself the wrath of God.
²⁶⁰ Barach

²⁶¹ ΓάιοςGaius δὲ ἐν δεινῷ φέρων εἰς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ ἸουδαίωνJews περιῶφθαι μόνων πρεσβευτὴν ἐπὶ ΣυρίαςSyria ἐκπέμπει ΠετρώνιονPetronius διάδοχον Οὐιτελλίῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς , κελεύων χειρὶ πολλῇ εἰσβαλόντι εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea , εἰ μὲν ἑκόντεςwilling, readily δέχοιντο , ἱστᾶν αὐτοῦ‎ ἀνδριάνταa statue ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ θεοῦ , εἰ δ᾽ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρῷντο , πολέμῳ κρατήσαντα τοῦτο ποιεῖν .
²⁶¹ Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it.	²⁶¹ Gaius was grievously angry that the Jews alone dared to scorn him in this way, so he sent Petronius as governor of Syria and successor to Vitellius with orders to invade Judea with a large army and if they were willing to accept his statue, to erect it in the temple of God, but if they persisted, to crush them in war and then to do it.
²⁶¹ Barach

²⁶² καὶ ΠετρώνιοςPetronius ΣυρίανSyria παραλαβὼν ἠπείγετο διακονεῖσθαι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , συμμαχίαν τε πλείστην ὅσην ἠδύνατο ἀθροίσας καὶ τάγματα δύο τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δυνάμεως ἄγων ἐπὶ ΠτολεμαίδοςPtolemais παρῆν αὐτόθι χειμάσων ὡς πρὸς ἔαρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν οὐκ ἀφεξόμενος , καὶ πρὸς τὸν ΓάιονGaius ἔγραφεν περὶ τῶν ἐπεγνωσμένων . ὁ δὲ ἐπῄνειto approve, commend τῆς προθυμίας αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκέλευεν μὴ ἀνιέναι πολεμεῖν δὲ μὴ πειθομένοις ἐντεταμένως .
²⁶² Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar’s epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands.	²⁶² So Petronius took up the government of Syria and hurried to obey Caesar's rescript. He gathered as many allies as he could and took two legions of the Roman army and came to Ptolemais, where he wintered, intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote to Gaius about what he intended to do, and was praised for his zeal and told to go on to war with them, if they would not obey.
²⁶² Barach

²⁶³ ἸουδαίωνJews δὲ πολλαὶ μυριάδες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius εἰς ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais κατὰ δεήσεις μηδὲν ἐπὶ παρανομίᾳ σφᾶς ἐπαναγκάζειν καὶ παραβάσει τοῦ πατρίου νόμου .
²⁶³ But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers;	²⁶³ But many thousands came to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to petition him not to make them transgress and violate their ancestral law.
²⁶³ Barach

²⁶⁴ εἰ δέ σοι πάντως πρόκειται τὸν ἀνδριάνταa statue φέρειν καὶ ἱστᾶν , ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς πρότερον μεταχειρισάμενος πρᾶσσε τὰ δεδογμένα · οὐδὲ γὰρ δυνάμεθα περιόντες θεωρεῖν πράγματα ἡμῖν ἀπηγορευμένα ἀξιώματί τε τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ προπατόρων τῶν ἡμετέρων τῶν εἰς ἀρετὴν ἀνήκειν αὐτὰ κεχειροτονηκότων . ΠετρώνιοςPetronius δὲ ὀργὴν λαβὼν εἶπεν ·
²⁶⁴ “but if,” said they, “thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers’ determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.”	²⁶⁴ "However," they said, "if you are fully resolved to bring this statue and set it up, you must first kill us and then do what you intend, for while we are alive we cannot let such things be done that are forbidden to us by our revered Lawgiver and our ancestors' virtuous resistance to them."
²⁶⁴ Barach

²⁶⁵ " ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ ὢν βουλεύμασι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ τάδε πράσσειν ἐπενόουν , κἂν δίκαιος ἦν ὑμῖν πρός με οὗτος ὁ λόγος . νυνὶ δέ μοι ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐπεσταλκότος πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διακονεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐκείνῳ προανεψηφισμένοις διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀνηκεστοτέραν φέρειν ζημίαν τὴν‎ παρακρόασιν αὐτῶν . " ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὕτως φρονεῖς ,
²⁶⁵ But Petronius was angry at them, and said, “If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.”	²⁶⁵ But Petronius was angry with them and said, "If I myself were emperor and were free to follow my own inclination if I wished, this petition of your could be fairly made to me, but it is Caesar who sent me instructions and I have to carry them out, since to disobey them will bring inevitable punishment on me."
²⁶⁵ Barach

²⁶⁶ ὦ Πετρώνιε , φασὶν οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews , ὡς μὴ ἂν ἐπιστολὰς τὰς ΓαίουGaius παρελθεῖν , οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ παραβαίημεν τοῦ νόμου τὴν‎ προαγόρευσιν θεοῦ πεισθέντες ἀρετῇ καὶ προγόνων πόνοις τῶν ἡμετέρων εἰς νῦν ἀπαράβατοι μεμενηκότες , οὐδ᾽ ἂν τολμήσαιμεν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κακοὶ γενέσθαι , ὥστε ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐκείνῳ δόξειεν μὴ πρασσόμενα ἀγαθοῦ ῥοπὴν ἡμῖν φέρειν αὐτοὶ παραβαίνειν ποτ᾽ ἂν θάνατον φοβηθέντες .
²⁶⁶ Then the Jews replied, “Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death,	²⁶⁶ Then the Jews answered, "Petronius, just as you are not prepared to disobey Gaius' letters, neither will we break the commands of our law, and as we depend on the value of our laws, and have survived up to now, by the efforts of our ancestors, without letting them be broken, we dare not yield and let those laws God gave us for our good be broken, just because of fear of death.
²⁶⁶ Barach

²⁶⁷ ὑπομενοῦμεν δὲ εἰς τύχας ἰόντες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τε πατρίων καὶ κινδυνεύειν προθεμένοις ἐλπίδα οὖσαν ἐξεπιστάμενοι κἂν περιγενέσθαι διά τε τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ στησόμενον μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τε τῇ ἐκείνου τὰ δεινὰ ὑποδεχομένωνto welcome, show καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα φιλοῦν τοῖς πράγμασι παρατυγχάνειν ,
²⁶⁷ which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune.	²⁶⁷ If we are fated to die, we will bear it in defence of our ancestral laws, knowing that even amid dangers we have good hope of escaping, since God stands on our side when we suffer the uncertain turns of fortune for his sake.
²⁶⁷ Barach

²⁶⁸ ἐκ δὲ τοῦ σοὶ πείθεσθαι πολλὴν μὲν λοιδορίαν τοῦ ἀνάνδρου προσκεισομένην ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὸ παράβασιν τοῦ νομίμου προσποιουμένοιςto add on, produce more , καὶ ἅμα πολλὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ , ὃς καὶ παρὰ σοὶ δικαστῇ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν βελτίων ΓαίουGaius ."
²⁶⁸ But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.”	²⁶⁸ But if we submit to you, we would be branded as cowards in being ready to transgress our law, and would also risk the wrath of God, whose judgment even you know to be above that of Gaius."
²⁶⁸ Barach

²⁶⁹ Καὶ ὁ ΠετρώνιοςPetronius ἐκ τῶν λόγων θεασάμενος δυσνίκητον αὐτῶν τὸ φρονοῦν καὶ μὴ ἂν ἀμαχεὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι διακονήσασθαι Γαίῳ τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος πολὺν δὲ ἔσεσθαι φόνον , τούς τε φίλους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ θεραπείαν , ἣ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν , ἐπὶ ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias ἠπείγετο χρῄζων κατανοῆσαι τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τὰ πράγματα ὡς ἔχοι .
²⁶⁹ When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were;	²⁶⁹ Petronius saw by their words that their resolve was immovable and that he could not follow Gaius' orders and dedicate his statue without starting a war, and that a great deal of blood would be shed, so he took his friends and servants and hurried to Tiberias, to see the attitude of the Jews there.
²⁶⁹ Barach

²⁷⁰ καὶ ἸουδαῖοιJews μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans πολέμου κίνδυνον , πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν , αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον ΠετρώνιονPetronius εἰς τὴν‎ ΤιβεριάδαTiberias γενόμενον ,
²⁷⁰ and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence,	²⁷⁰ Knowing they ran a mighty risk of war with the Romans but judging that the breaking of the law was more important, thousands of them met Petronius again, when he came to Tiberias.
²⁷⁰ Barach

²⁷¹ καὶ ἱκετείᾳ χρώμενοι μηδαμῶς εἰς ἀνάγκας τοιαύτας αὐτοὺς καθιστᾶν μηδὲ μιαίνειν ἀνδριάντος ἀναθέσει τὴν‎ πόλιν , " πολεμήσετε ἄρα ΚαίσαριCaesar , ΠετρώνιοςPetronius ἔφη , μήτε τὴν‎ ἐκείνου παρασκευὴν λογιζόμενοι μήτε τὴν‎ ὑμετέραν ἀσθένειαν ; οἱ δ᾽ " οὐδαμῶς πολεμήσαιμεν , ἔφασανto affirm, say , τεθνηξόμεθα δὲ πρότερον ἢ παραβῆναι τοὺς νόμους . ἐπί τε τὰ πρόσωπα κείμενοι καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς προδεικνύντες ἕτοιμοι κτιννύεσθαι ἔλεγον εἶναι .
²⁷¹ and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, “Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?” They replied, “We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.” So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain;	²⁷¹ They implored him not to force them into such dire straits, nor defile their city by dedicating the statue. Petronius asked them, "Do you want to go to war with Caesar then, regardless of his great power and your own weakness?" They answered, "No way do we want war, but we will rather die than see our laws transgressed ," and threw themselves face down and stretched out their necks, saying that they were ready to be killed.
²⁷¹ Barach

²⁷² καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα , καὶ τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀπερίοπτοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν καὶ ταῦτα τῆς ὥρας οὔσης πρὸς σπόρῳ , πολλή τε ἦν προαίρεσις αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐπιθυμίας πρόθεσις , ἢ τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν θεάσασθαι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος .
²⁷² and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it. Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.	²⁷² They kept this up for a period of forty days, in the meanwhile neglecting to farm their land during the very season of the year that required them to sow it. So they continued firmly in their intention and planned to die willingly, rather than see the statue set up.
²⁷² Barach

²⁷³ Ἐν τούτοις ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὁ ἈγρίππουAgrippa τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ Ἑλκίας ὁ μέγας ἄλλοι τε οἱ κράτιστοι τῆσδε τῆς οἰκίας καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰσίασιν ὡς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius παρακαλοῦντες αὐτόν ,
²⁷³ When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him,	²⁷³ In this state of affairs, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother and Helkias the Great with the other leaders of that family and notables, went to Petronius to intercede with him.
²⁷³ Barach

²⁷⁴ ἐπειδὴ τὴν‎ προθυμίαν ὁρᾷ τῆς πληθύος , μηδὲν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῆς παρακινεῖν , ἀλλὰ γράφειν πρὸς ΓάιονGaius τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀποδοχὴν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος , πῶς τε ἀποστάντες τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀντικαθέζονται , πολεμεῖν μὲν οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τὸ μηδ᾽ ἂν δύνασθαι , θανεῖν δ᾽ ἔχοντες ἡδονὴν πρὶν παραβῆναι τὰ νόμιμα αὐτοῖς , ὥστε ἀσπόρου τῆς γῆς γενομένης λῃστεῖαι ἂν φύοιντο ἀδυναμίᾳ καταβολῆς τῶν φόρων .
²⁷⁴ that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes;	²⁷⁴ Seeing the resoluteness of the people, he should not do anything to drive them to madness, but should write to Gaius about their aversion to accepting the statue and how they persisted in neglecting to cultivate their land; how they were unwilling to start a war they could not win, but were gladly ready to die rather than let their laws to be transgressed, and how, if the land remained unsown, brigandage would increase since they would be unable to pay their taxes.
²⁷⁴ Barach

²⁷⁵ ἴσως γὰρ ἂν ἐπικλασθέντα τὸν ΓάιονGaius μηδὲν ὠμὸν διανοηθῆναι μηδὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀναστάσει φρονῆσαι τοῦ ἔθνους · ἐμμένοντος δὲ τῇ τότε βουλῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν τότε δὴ καὐτὸν ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ πράγματος .
²⁷⁵ and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself.	²⁷⁵ Perhaps this might move Gaius to pity, so that he would not have any cruelties inflicted on them, or think of destroying the nation; but if he was inflexible on the matter, he could start the war himself.
²⁷⁵ Barach

²⁷⁶ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius παρεκάλουν . ΠετρώνιοςPetronius δὲ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus παντοίως ἐπικειμένων διὰ τὸ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ δέησιν καὶ πάσῃ‎ μηχανῇ χρησαμένων εἰς τὰς ἱκετείας ,
²⁷⁶ And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication,—	²⁷⁶ That is how Aristobulus and his group petitioned Petronius, and Petronius was moved by their ardour and the importance of what they asked for and the arguments they used in asking it.
²⁷⁶ Barach

²⁷⁷ τοῦτο δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews θεώμενος τὴν‎ ἀντιπαράταξιν τῆς γνώμης καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τοσαῖσδε ἀνθρώπων μυριάσιν μανίᾳ τῇ ΓαίουGaius διακονούμενος ἐπαγαγὼν θάνατον ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸ πρὸς θεὸν σεβάσμιον ἔχειν καὶ μετὰ πονηρᾶς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα βίον ἐλπίδος διαιτᾶσθαι , πολὺ κρεῖσσον ἡγεῖτο ἐπιστείλας τῷ Γαίῳ τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν ὀργὴν φέροντος μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος δεδιακονημένου αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ·
²⁷⁷ partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle,	²⁷⁷ He saw the firm opposition raised by the Jews, and thought it monstrous to be so subject to the madness of Gaius as to kill so many thousands of people just because of their piety toward God and then spend the rest of his life expecting to be punished for it. So he thought he should write to Gaius telling him how reluctant he was to incur his anger for not doing sooner what he was ordered in the letter.
²⁷⁷ Barach

²⁷⁸ τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πείσειν · καὶ τῇ τὸ πρῶτον μανίᾳ τῆς γνώμης ἐπιμένοντος ἅψεσθαι πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτούς , εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τι καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τρέποι τῆς ὀργῆς , καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένοις ὑπὲρ τοσῆσδε ἀνθρώπων πληθύος τελευτᾶν , ἔκρινε πιθανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν δεομένων τὸν λόγον .
²⁷⁸ for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.	²⁷⁸ He would seek to persuade him against it, for if he continued in the mad plan it would start a war against them, in that case he would turn his hatred on himself, as it was the way of virtue to be willing to die for the sake of so many others. So he decided to go along with the petitioners.
²⁷⁸ Barach

²⁷⁹ Συγκαλέσας δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ΤιβεριάδαTiberias τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews , οἱ δὲ ἀφίκοντο πολλαὶ μυριάδες , καταστὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τήν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι στρατείαν οὐ γνώμης ἀπέφαινε τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦ δὲ αὐτοκράτορος τῶν προσταγμάτων , τὴν‎ ὀργὴν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολάς , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν τοῖς παρακροᾶσθαι θάρσος εἰσφερομένοις · ᾧ καλῶς ἔχονto have, hold ἐστὶν τόν γε τιμῆς τοσαύτης ἐπιτετευχότα συγχωρήσει τῇ ἐκείνου οὐδὲν ἐναντίον πράσσειν ·
²⁷⁹ He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:—	²⁷⁹ But first he convened the Jews to Tiberias, and many thousands of them came. Setting his army across from them, he did not reveal his intentions, only the emperor's commands, whose anger would quickly fall on any who disobeyed his orders, and that it was the duty of one to whom he had entrusted such high office not to contradict him in anything.
²⁷⁹ Barach

²⁸⁰ οὐ μὴν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ τιμὴν τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ μὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου μὴ ἀπολουμένου τοσούτων ὄντων ἀναλοῦν διακονούμενον τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου , ὃν πάτριον ὄντα περιμάχητον ἡγεῖσθε , καὶ τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀξιώσει καὶ δυνάμει τοῦ θεοῦ , οὗ τὸν ναὸν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τολμήσαιμι ὕβρει πεσεῖν τῆς τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων ἐξουσίας .
²⁸⁰ “yet,” said he, “I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority.	²⁸⁰ "Still I do not think it right to value my own safety and honour so highly as to refuse to risk them for your safety, who are so many in number, in trying to preserve the respect due to your ancestral law, which you deem worthy of fighting for, under the power of God, and I will not let his temple be dishonoured by imperial authority.
²⁸⁰ Barach

²⁸¹ στέλλω δὲ ὡς ΓάιονGaius γνώμας τε τὰς ὑμετέρας διασαφῶν καί πῃ καὶ συνηγορίᾳ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην πεισομένην οἷς προύθεσθε ἀγαθοῖς . Καὶ συμπράσσοι μὲν ὁ θεός , βελτίων γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἡ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐξουσία , πρυτανεύων ὑμῖν τε τὴν‎ τήρησιν τῶν πατρίων καὶ αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀνθρωπείαις παρὰ γνώμην βουλεύσεσι τιμῶν τῶν εἰωθυιῶν ἁμαρτεῖν .
²⁸¹ I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors.	²⁸¹ So I will send to Gaius to let him know of your resolve and help your cause as far as I can, that you may not have to suffer for your honest ideals, and may God help you, since his authority is beyond all human planning and power. May he grant you to preserve your ancient laws so as not to be deprived of his accustomed worship, against your will.
²⁸¹ Barach

²⁸² εἰ δ᾽ ἐκπικρανθεὶς ΓάιοςGaius εἰς ἐμὲ τρέψει τὸ ἀνήκεστον τῆς ὀργῆς , τλήσομαι πάντα κίνδυνον καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν συνιοῦσαν τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς τοσούσδε ὄντας ἐπὶ οὕτως ἀγαθαῖς ταῖς πράξεσι διολλυμένους θεωρεῖν .
²⁸² But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner.	²⁸² But if Gaius is angry and vents his rage on me, I will risk that danger and the consequent penalty to my body or soul, rather than see so many of you die for behaving so admirably.
²⁸² Barach

²⁸³ ἄπιτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἔργα τὰ αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι καὶ τῇ γῇ ἐπιπονεῖτε . πέμψω δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome καὶ τὰ πάντα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν δι᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἀποτραπήσομαι διακονεῖν ."
²⁸³ Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.”	²⁸³ So let each of you go off about your jobs and cultivate your land. I will send [information] to Rome and will not fail to serve you in all things, both personally and through my friends."
²⁸³ Barach

²⁸⁴ Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τὸν σύλλογον προμηθεῖσθαι τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ γεωργίαν ἠξίου τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ καθομιλεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς . Καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθυμεῖν τὸ πλῆθος ἔσπευδεν . ὁ θεὸς δὲ παρρησίαν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις σύλληψιν ·
²⁸⁴ When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design;	²⁸⁴ When Petronius had said this and dismissed the assembled Jews, he asked their leaders to focus on their farming and speak positively to the people, urging them to have good hope in this matter, and this quickly brought the masses to a cheerful spirit, and God gave Petronius confidence of his help in this whole matter.
²⁸⁴ Barach

²⁸⁵ ἅμα τε γὰρ ἐπαύετο τοῦ λόγου , ὃν πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἶπεν , καὶ αὐτίκα ὑετὸν ἠφίει μέγαν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις γενόμενον διὰ τὸ ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν αἴθριον ἕωθεν οὖσαν οὐδὲν ὄμβριον ἀποσημαίνειν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔτος αὐχμῷ μεγάλῳ κατεσχημένον ἐπ᾽ ἀπογνώσει ποιεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὕδατος τοῦ ἄνωθεν , εἰ καὶ σύννεφόν ποτε θεάσαιντο τὸν οὐρανόν .
²⁸⁵ for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds;	²⁸⁵ No sooner had he finished the speech to the Jews than great showers of rain began to fall, contrary to all hope, for it was a clear day and the sky gave no sign of any rain. The whole year had been one of great droughts that made people despair of any water from above, even at times when they saw the heavens overcast.
²⁸⁵ Barach

²⁸⁶ ὥστε δὴ τότε πολλοῦ καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἑτέρῳ δόξαν ἀφιγμένου ὕδατος τοῖς τε ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐλπὶς ἦν ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμοῖς ἀτυχήσειν ΠετρώνιονPetronius ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δεόμενον , ὅ τε ΠετρώνιοςPetronius κατεπέπληκτο μειζόνως ὁρῶν ἐναργῶς τὸν θεὸν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews προμηθούμενον καὶ πολλὴν ἀποσημήναντα τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν , ὡς μηδ᾽ ἂν τοῖς ἔργωιdeed προθεμένοις τἀναντία φρονεῖν ἰσχὺν ἀντιλέξεως καταλελεῖφθαι .
²⁸⁶ insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it.	²⁸⁶ Now that such an unusual amount of rain did come so unexpectedly, the Jews had hope that Petronius would not fail in his petition for them, and Petronius himself was amazed to see how God very clearly showed his providence toward the Jews, to the extent that even those who thought contrary to them could no longer doubt it.
²⁸⁶ Barach

²⁸⁷ ὡς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ΓάιονGaius σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἔγραφεν , ἐπαγωγὰ δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα καὶ παντοίως παρακαλοῦντα μὴ τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἀπονοεῖν , ἃς εἰ κτείνοι , οὐ γὰρ δίχα γε πολέμου παραχωρήσειν τοῦ νομίμου τῆς θρησκείας , προσόδου τε τῆς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποστερεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς ὑποτίθεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα .
²⁸⁷ This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages.	²⁸⁷ This was also among the things he wrote to Gaius, to persuade him not to drive so many thousands of them to desperation. Also, if he killed them, and they would not let the laws of their religion be set aside without a war, he would lose the taxes they paid him and be cursed by them for all future ages.
²⁸⁷ Barach

²⁸⁸ κἄλλως θείου τοῦ προεστηκότος αὐτῶν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ὡς ἀκραιφνῆ ἀπέφαινεν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοίαστον ἐπὶ δυνάμει τῇ αὐτῆς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι καταλείπουσαν . Καὶ ΠετρώνιοςPetronius μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν .
²⁸⁸ Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.	²⁸⁸ Moreover, the God who ruled them had clearly shown his power in their favour in a way that left no room for doubt. This was now what Petronius was engaged in.
²⁸⁸ Barach

²⁸⁹ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς , ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome διαιτώμενος , προύκοπτε φιλίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν ΓάιονGaius μειζόνως . καί ποτε προθεὶς δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ πρόνοιαν ἔχων πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τέλεσί τε τοῖς εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ παρασκευῇ τοῦ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροντος ,
²⁸⁹ But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure;	²⁸⁹ Meanwhile king Agrippa, who was now living in Rome, came more and more into favour with Gaius, and once gave a dinner for him, intending to excel all expectations, both in lavishness and in all details designed to please.
²⁸⁹ Barach

²⁹⁰ ὡς μὴ ὅπως ἄν τινα τῶν λοιπῶν , ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ αὐτὸν ΓάιονGaius πιστεύειν ποτε ἰσωθῆναι θελήσοντα οὐχ ὅπως ὑπερβαλέσθαι · τοσοῦτον ὁ ἀνὴρ τῇ παρασκευῇ πάντας ὑπερῆρεν καὶ τῷ τὰ πάντα ἢ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐκφροντίσας παρασχεῖν .
²⁹⁰ nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly to make all agreeable to Caesar);	²⁹⁰ It was so exceptional that even Gaius could not equal, much less exceed it, such care had the man taken to surpass all others and have everything to Caesar's taste.
²⁹⁰ Barach

²⁹¹ καὶ ὁ ΓάιοςGaius ἐκθαυμάσας τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ μεγαλοπρέπειαν , ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀρεσκείᾳa desire to please τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ βιάζοιτο καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν τῶν χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ χρήσασθαι , βουλόμενός τε μιμήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἈγρίππουAgrippa φιλοτιμίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ πρασσομένην , ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου καὶ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν εἰς τὸ ἱλαρώτερον ἐκτετραμμένος , φησὶν ἐν συμποσίῳ παρακαλοῦντος εἰς πότον ·
²⁹¹ hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him:	²⁹¹ Gaius admired his ingenuity and the generosity that drove him to do all to please him, even spending more than he could afford, and wished to equal Agrippa in the generosity he had shown to please him. After plenty of wine at the dinner, and in a merry frame of mind while drinking to him he said,
²⁹¹ Barach

²⁹² " ἈγρίππαAgrippa , καὶ πρότερον μέν σοι τιμὴν συνῄδειν ᾗ ἐχρῶ τὰ πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν μετὰ κινδύνων ἀποδειχθεῖσαν , οἷς ὑπὸ ΤιβερίουTiberius περιέστης δι᾽ αὐτήν , ἐπιλείπεις τε οὐδὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς ἡμᾶς . ὅθεν , αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ἡσσᾶσθαί με ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς σπουδῆς , ἀναλαβεῖν βούλομαι τὰ ἐλλελειμμένα πρότερον ·
²⁹² “I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient;	²⁹² "Agrippa, I already knew your great respect for me and the kindness you have shown me, in spite of the personal risks you took on that account under Tiberius. As you have stopped at nothing to show your goodwill toward us, even beyond your means, it would be a shame for me to be outdone by your affection, so I want to make up for all my former neglect.
²⁹² Barach

²⁹³ ὀλίγον γὰρ πᾶν ὁπόσον σοι δωρεῶν ἐχόμενον ἀπεμοιρασάμην . τὸ πᾶν , ὅπερ σοι ῥοπὴν ἂν προσθείη τοῦ εὐδαίμονος , δεδιακονήσεται γάρ σοι προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐμῇ . Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν οἰόμενος γῆν τε πολλὴν τῆς προσόδου αἰτήσεσθαι ἢ καί τινων προσόδους πόλεων ,
²⁹³ for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.” And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities.	²⁹³ All I have given to you up to now is but little, but whatever you want for your happiness shall be at your service, cheerfully in so far as is in my power." This he said, expecting him to ask for some large country, or the revenues of some cities.
²⁹³ Barach

²⁹⁴ ὁ δὲ καίπερ τὰ πάντα ἐφ᾽ οἷς αἰτήσαι παρασκευασάμενος οὐκ ἐφανέρου τὴν‎ διάνοιαν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἀμείβεταιto change, exchange τὸν ΓάιονGaius , ὅτι μήτε πρότερον κέρδος τὸ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καραδοκῶν παρὰ τὰς ΤιβερίουTiberius ἐπιστολὰς θεραπεύσειεν αὐτὸν οὔτε νῦν πράσσειν τι τῶν εἰς χάριν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου κερδῶν οἰκείων ἔν τισι λήψεσι .
²⁹⁴ But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him;	²⁹⁴ But though he had planned in advance what to ask, he had not made his intentions known, but immediately said to Gaius that it was not from any hope of gain that he had shown him respect from the start, in spite of the written orders of Tiberius, nor were his present actions to please him aimed at getting anything from him.
²⁹⁴ Barach

²⁹⁵ μεγάλα δὲ εἶναι τὰ προδεδωρημένα καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ θράσει χρωμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων · καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῆς σῆς ἐλάττονα γέγονεν δυνάμεως , τῆς γ᾽ ἐμοῦ τοῦ εἰληφότος διανοίας τε καὶ ἀξιώ μείζονα .
²⁹⁵ that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver.	²⁹⁵ What Caesar had already given him were gifts beyond the hopes of rashness. "For while they may be below your power to give, they are above any wants or claims of mine."
²⁹⁵ Barach

²⁹⁶ καὶ ὁ ΓάιοςGaius ἐκπλαγεὶς τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ‎ πλειόνως ἐνέκειτο εἰπεῖν , ὅ τι χαρίζοιτ᾽ ἂν αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος . ὁ δέ , " ἐπεί περ , ὦ δέσποτα , προθυμίᾳ τῇ σῇ δωρεῶν ἄξιον ἀποφαίνεις , αἰτήσομαι τῶν μὲν εἰς ὄλβον φερόντων οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ μεγάλως με ἐνδιαπρέπειν οἷς ἤδη παρέσχες ·
²⁹⁶ And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, “Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein;	²⁹⁶ When Gaius was impressed by this sentiment and pressed him still more to make a request for something he could grant him, he replied, "Since you, my lord, so readily declare me worthy of your gifts, I will ask nothing for my own benefit, for what you have already given to me has made me greatly content.
²⁹⁶ Barach

²⁹⁷ ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν σοὶ δόξαν προσποιοῖ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς καὶ τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον ἐφ᾽ οἷς θελήσειας παρακαλοῖ κἀμοὶ πρὸς εὐκλείας γένοιτο παρὰ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις , ὡς μηθενὸς ὧν χρησαίμην ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ἐξουσίας ἀτυχεῖν πώποτε γνόντι · ἀξιῶ γάρ σοι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν , ἣν ποιήσασθαι κελεύεις ΠετρώνιονPetronius εἰς τὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἱερόν , μηκέτι πράσσειν διανοεῖσθαι ."
²⁹⁷ but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.”	²⁹⁷ What I desire is something that will make you splendid for piety and get the Deity to help your plans and do me honour among those who inquire, showing how I never fail to get from you what I desire. My wish is that you no longer think about dedicating the statue which you have ordered to be set up by Petronius in the Jewish temple."
²⁹⁷ Barach

²⁹⁸ Καὶ ὁ μὲν καίπερ ἐπικίνδυνον τοῦτο ἡγούμενος , εἰ γὰρ μὴ πιθανὰ ἔκρινε ΓάιοςGaius , οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἐς θάνατον ἔφερεν , διὰ τὸ μεγάλα νομίζειν τε καὶ εἶναι κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖτο .
²⁹⁸ And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life.	²⁹⁸ He asked this, knowing that if Gaius did not grant it, it could result in no less than his own death, but considering it very important and that the dice must be thrown in this matter.
²⁹⁸ Barach

²⁹⁹ ΓάιοςGaius δὲ [καὶ ] ἅμα τε τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀνειλημμένος καὶ ἄλλως ἀπρεπὲς ὑπολαμβάνων ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων ψευδὴς γενέσθαι περὶ ὧν προθύμως ἐβιάζετο αἰτεῖσθαι τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa μετὰ τοῦ ὀξέος μεταμέλῳ χρώμενος ,
²⁹⁹ So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said,	²⁹⁹ But Gaius was very taken by Agrippa's attentiveness and felt it shameful to renege in front of so many witnesses and change his mind after so forcing Agrippa to make the petition.
²⁹⁹ Barach

³⁰⁰ ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας , ἐν ὀλίγῳ αὔξειν τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἀρχὴν ἤτοι προσόδοις χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει τοῦ κοινοῦ δὲ τῆς εὐθυμίας ἐπιμελοῖτο πρεσβεύων τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ θεῖον , συνεχώρει καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius , ἐκεῖνον τῆς τε ἀθροίσεως τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπεσταλκότος ·
³⁰⁰ and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs.	³⁰⁰ Also he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue in not asking for the least increase of his realm, or larger income or more authority, but being concerned for the public good, the laws and the Divinity. So he granted him his request and wrote to Petronius about it, commending him for mustering his army and then consulting him about the matter.
³⁰⁰ Barach

³⁰¹ " νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν φθάνεις τὸν ἀνδριάνταa statue ἑστακώς , ἑστάτω · εἰ δὲ μήπω πεποίησαι τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν , μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακοπαθεῖν , ἀλλὰ τόν τε στρατὸν διάλυε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφ᾽ ἃ τὸ πρῶτόν σε ἔστειλα ἄπιθι · οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι δέομαι τῆς ἀναστάσεως τοῦ ἀνδριάντος ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa χαριζόμενος ἀνδρὶ παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ τιμωμένῳ μειζόνως ἢ ὥστε με χρείᾳ τῇ
³⁰¹ “If therefore,” said’ he, “thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.”	³⁰¹ "If you have already erected my statue, let it stand, but if you have not yet dedicated it, do not bother any more about it, but dismiss your army and go back to the matters for which I sent you. I no longer need to have the statue erected for I have granted this as a favour to Agrippa, whom I honour so much that I cannot refuse what he needs or asks of me."
³⁰¹ Barach

³⁰² ἐκείνου καὶ οἷς κελεύσειεν ἀντειπεῖν . ΓάιοςGaius μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius πρότερον ἢ ἐντυχεῖν ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἐπείγεσθαι , μηδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον ἀποσημαίνειν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν αὐτῶν , ἀλλὰ πόλεμον ἄντικρυς ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἀπειλεῖν .
³⁰² And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else.	³⁰² Gaius wrote this to Petronius, before he heard that the Jews were ready to revolt and that they seemed to threaten no less than actual war against the Romans.
³⁰² Barach

³⁰³ καὶ περιαλγήσας ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ‎ τετολμηκότων , ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ , κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷστισι κρίνειεν ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἐπειγόμενος παίδευσιν αὐτῆς οὐδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν προστιθείς , ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τιθεὶς τῇ ἐκείνης τὴν‎ κρίσιν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος , γράφει πρὸς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius ·
³⁰³ When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius:	³⁰³ He was much displeased that they dared threaten his authority, since he was always subject to base passion and cared nothing for good ideals, and if resolved to show his anger against anyone for any reason, he would heed no warning, but felt real pleasure in indulging his anger. So he wrote to Petronius :
³⁰³ Barach

³⁰⁴ " ἐπειδὴ δῶρα ὁπόσαhow great, how much σοι οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews παρέσχον ἐν μείζονι λόγῳ τῶν ἐμῶν πεποίησαι ἐντολῶν διακονεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐκείνων ἀρθεὶς ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν ἐμῶν ἐντολῶν , κελεύω σε σαυτῷ . κριτὴν γενόμενον λογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ ποιητέου σοι ὑποστάντα ὀργῇ τῇ ἐμῇ , ἐπεί τοι παράδειγμα ποιοῖντό σε οἵ τε νῦν πάντες καὶ ὁπόσοιhow great, how much ὕστεροι γένοιντ᾽ ἄν , μηδαμῶς ἀκυροῦν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνδρὸς ἐντολάς ."
³⁰⁴ “Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.”	³⁰⁴ "Seeing that you value the gifts given to you by the Jews more highly than my commands, and are so insolent as to disobey my commands, I appoint you as your own judge; consider what you must do, now that you stand under my wrath. I will make you an example to the present and all future ages, not to contradict the commands of their emperor in any way."
³⁰⁴ Barach

³⁰⁵ Ταύτην μὲν γράφει ΠετρωνίῳPetronius τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν , οὐ μὴν φθάνει γε ζῶντος ΠετρώνιοςPetronius δεξάμενος αὐτὴν βραδυνθέντος τοῦ πλοῦ τοῖς φέρουσιν εἰς τοσόνδε , ὥστε ΠετρωνίῳPetronius γράμματα πρὸ αὐτῆς ἀφικέσθαι , δι᾽ ὧν μανθάνει τὴν‎ ΓαίουGaius τελευτήν .
³⁰⁵ This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead;	³⁰⁵ This was the letter he wrote to Petronius, but Petronius did not receive it while he [ Gaius ] was still alive, because the ship bringing it sailed so slowly that other letters reached Petronius first, from which he learned of the death of Gaius.
³⁰⁵ Barach

³⁰⁶ θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἄρ᾽then, so then ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε ΠετρωνίῳPetronius κινδύνων , οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ , ἀλλὰ τὸν ΓάιονGaius ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε , τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν Συνευεργετεῖν τῷ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius ἥ τε ῬώμηRome καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή , μάλιστα δ᾽ ὁπόσοιhow great, how much τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι , διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν ΓάιονGaius .
³⁰⁶ for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them;	³⁰⁶ For God did not forget the risks Petronius had taken on behalf of the Jews and for his own honour, but removed Gaius, angry with his insolent attempt to usurp divine honour. Both Rome and all the empire, especially those of the senate, conspired with Petronius to take revenge on Gaius, who had been unmercifully severe to them.
³⁰⁶ Barach

³⁰⁷ καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἢ γράψαι τῷ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τῷ θανεῖν ἀνακειμένην ἐπιστολήν , τὴν‎ δ᾽ αἰτίαν , ἐξ ἧς τελευτᾷ , καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον ἀφηγήσομαι προιόντος τοῦ λόγου .
³⁰⁷ for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration.	³⁰⁷ For he died not long after writing the letter threatening Petronius with death. The cause of his death and the nature of the plot against him, I will tell in due time.
³⁰⁷ Barach

³⁰⁸ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius δὲ προτέρα μὲν παρῆν ἡ διασαφοῦσα τοῦ ΓαίουGaius τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ἐπιστολήepistle , μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἡ κελεύουσα αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα , καὶ ἥσθη τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ τοῦ ὀλέθρου , ὃς τὸν ΓάιονGaius κατέλαβεν ,
³⁰⁸ Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius,	³⁰⁸ The letter informing Petronius of Gaius' death arrived first, and a little later the one ordering him to die by his own hand, so he was glad at how Gaius had met his end.
³⁰⁸ Barach

³⁰⁹ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ πρόνοιαν ἐξεθαύμασεν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μισθὸν αὐτῷ τιμῆς τε τῆς εἰς τὸν ναὸς καὶ βοηθείας τῆς ἸουδαίωνJews σωτηρίας παρασχομένου . Καὶ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius μὲν οὕτως μὴ ἂν τοπασθεὶς διεφεύχθη ῥᾳδίως ὁ κίνδυνος τοῦ θανεῖν .
³⁰⁹ and admired God’s providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee.	³⁰⁹ He also wondered greatly at the providence of God, who quickly and immediately rewarded him for his respect for the temple and helping to save the Jews. And so the danger of death to Petronius was easily escaped.
³⁰⁹ Barach

Chapter 9
[310-379]
The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Babylonia

☜ ☞

³¹⁰ Γίνεται δὲ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν‎ ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon οἰκοῦντας ἸουδαίουςJews συμφορὰ δεινὴ καὶ οὐδεμιᾶς ἧστινος ἐλάσσων φόνος τε αὐτῶν πολὺς καὶ ὁπόσοςhow great, how much οὐχ ἱστορημένος πρότερον . περὶ ὧν δὴ τὰ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς διηγησάμενος ἐκθήσομαι καὶ τὰς αἰτίας , ἀφ᾽ ὧν αὐτοῖς τὸ πάθος συνέτυχεν .
³¹⁰ A very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak more accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them.	³¹⁰ A terrible disaster no less than their former woes now befell the Jews living in Mesopotamia and especially those in Babylonia, causing the death of more of them than any recorded before. I will describe this in detail and explain the reasons why they suffered this.
³¹⁰ Barach

³¹¹ Νέερδα τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia ἐστὶ πόλις ἄλλως τε πολυανδροῦσα καὶ χώραν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔχουσα καὶ σὺν ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀνάπλεως . ἔστιν δὲ καὶ πολεμίοις οὐκ εὐέμβολος περιόδῳ τε τοῦ ΕὐφράτουEuphrates πᾶσαν ἐντὸς αὐτὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντος καὶ κατασκευαῖς τειχῶν .
³¹¹ There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the walls that were built about it.	³¹¹ There was a thriving city in Babylonia called Neerda, surrounded by a good, broad territory and with the added advantages of being very populous and hard to attack by its enemies, as on all sides it was surrounded by the river Euphrates and protected by its walls.
³¹¹ Barach

³¹² ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ΝίσιβιςNisibis πόλις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ περίρρουν , ὅθεν ἸουδαῖοιJews τῇ φύσει τῶν χωρίων πεπιστευκότες τό τε δίδραχμον , ὃ τῷ θεῷ καταβάλλειν ἑκάστοις πάτριον , ταύτῃ κατετίθεντο καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much δὲ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα , ἐχρῶντό τε ὥσπερ ταμιείῳ ταῖσδε ταῖς πόλεσιν .
³¹² There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury,	³¹² The city of Nisibis was situated on the same branch of the river, and so the Jews, trusting in the nature of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which by our national custom each individual offers to God, along with other things devoted to him, using these cities as a bank-vault.
³¹² Barach

³¹³ ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἀνεπέμπετο ᾗ καιρός , πολλαί τε ἀνθρώπων μυριάδες τὴν‎ κομιδὴν τῶν χρημάτων παρελάμβανον δεδιότες τὰς ΠαρθυαίωνParthians ἁρπαγὰς ὑποτελούσης ἐκείνοις τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia .
³¹³ whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.	³¹³ From there, they were transferred to Jerusalem at the proper time, and large groups of people were involved in bringing the donations, for fear of the raids of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.
³¹³ Barach

³¹⁴ καὶ ἦσαν γὰρ Ἀσιναῖος καὶ Ἀνιλαῖος Νεερδᾶται μὲν τὸ γένος , ἀλλήλων δὲ ἀδελφοί . Καὶ αὐτούς , πατρὸς δ᾽ ἦσαν ὀρφανοί , ἡ μήτηρ προσέταξεν ἱστῶν μαθήσει ποιήσεως , οὐκ ὄντος ἀπρεποῦς τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας ταλασιουργεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς . τούτοις ὁ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐφεστώς , καὶ γὰρ ἐμεμαθήκεσαν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ , βραδυτῆτα ἐπικαλέσας τῆς ἀφίξεως ἐκόλασε πληγαῖς .
³¹⁴ Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes;	³¹⁴ There were two men from Neerda, Asineus and Anileus, brothers whose father was dead and whose mother sent them to learn the art of weaving curtains, as it was no disgrace in that area for men to do that sort of work. The overseer from whom they were learning complained when they came late to their work and punished them with a beating.
³¹⁴ Barach

³¹⁵ οἱ δὲ ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει τὴν‎ δικαίωσιν λογιζόμενοι , κατασπάσαντες τῶν ὅπλων πολλὰ ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἦν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας φυλασσόμενα ᾬχοντο εἴς τι χωρίον , διάρρηξιν μὲν ποταμῶν λεγόμενον , νομὰς δὲ ἀγαθὰς παρασχεῖν πεφυκὸς καὶ χιλὸν ὁπόσοιhow great, how much εἰς τὸν χειμῶνα ἀποτιθοῖντο . συνῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτοὺς τῶν νέων οἱ ἀπορώτατοι , καὶ τούτους τοῖς ὅπλοις φραγνύντες στρατηγοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν κακῶν ἡγεμόνες οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο εἶναι .
³¹⁵ but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief;	³¹⁵ This deserved punishment they took as an insult and so they stole the many weapons he kept in the house, and went to an area called "between the rivers" which was very suited for feeding livestock and for preserving fodder and grain in storage for the winter. The most deprived kind of young men gathered around them, whom they armed with the weapons they had taken; then they became their officers, with nothing to stop them leading them into mischief.
³¹⁵ Barach

³¹⁶ προελθόντες γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμαχον καὶ κατασκευάσαντες ἀκρόπολιν διέπεμπον πρὸς τοὺς νέμοντας φόρον αὐτοῖς κελεύοντες καταβάλλειν τῶν βοσκημάτων , ἣ ἀρκοῦσα ἐπιτροφὴ γίνοιτ᾽ ἄν , προστιθέντες φιλίαν τε πειθομένοις καὶ ἄμυναν τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ποθὲν πολεμίων , σφαγὰς δὲ τῶν ποιμνίων ἀπειθοῦσιν .
³¹⁶ for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those that refused to obey them.	³¹⁶ When they had become invincible and had built a fortress, they sent to the herders of livestock, demanding that they pay a tax to support them, offering to be their friends if they submitted to them and to defend them from all enemies on every side, whereas they would kill the livestock of any who refused to obey them.
³¹⁶ Barach

³¹⁷ οἱ δέ , οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα παρ᾽ αὐτὰ ποιεῖν , ἠκροῶντο καὶ τῶν προβάτων ἔστελλον ὁπόσαhow great, how much κελευσθεῖεν , ὥστε δὴ καὶ πλείων αὐτοῖς συνελέγετο ἰσχὺς κύριοί τε ἦσαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς βουλεύσειαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐλαύνοντες κακουργεῖν . θεραπεύειν τε αὐτοὺς ἦρκτο πᾶς προστυγχάνων , καὶ ἦσαν φοβεροὶ καὶ τοῖς πειρασομένοις , ὥστ᾽ ἤδη προύκοπτε λόγος περὶ αὐτῶν κἀπὶ τοῦ ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλέως .
³¹⁷ So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.	³¹⁷ They agreed, as there was nothing else they could do, and sent them as many sheep as were demanded, so that their forces grew and they became masters to do as they pleased, for they were quick to march out and do harm. All who had to do with them chose to respect them and they were feared by any who came to attack them, until news about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.
³¹⁷ Barach

³¹⁸ Ὁ δὲ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia σατράπης μαθὼν ταῦτα καὶ βουληθεὶς ἔτι φυομένους κωλῦσαι πρίν τι μεῖζον κακὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀναστῆναι , συλλέξας στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ τῶν ΠαρθυαίωνParthians καὶ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἤλασε πρὸς αὐτοὺς , φθῆναι θέλων προσβαλὼν ἐξελεῖν πρὶν ἐξάγγελτος γενέσθαι κατασκευάζων τὸν στρατόν .
³¹⁸ But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together.	³¹⁸ When the satrap of Babylonia understood this he wanted to put a stop to them before they grew too strong and caused even greater evils, so he gathered as large an army of Parthians and Babylonians as possible, and set out, hoping to attack and destroy them before it was known that he had mustered the army.
³¹⁸ Barach

³¹⁹ περικαθίσας δὲ τὸ ἕλος ἡσύχαζεν , καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιοῦσανthe next day , ἦν δὲ σάββατον ἀργίας παντὸς χρήματος ἸουδαίοιςJews ἡμέρα , οἰόμενος οὐ τολμήσειν ἀντιστατήσειν αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους , ἀλλὰ ἀμαχεὶ λαβὼν ἄξειν δεδεμένους , κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσῄει χρῄζων αἰφνίδιον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπίπτωσιν .
³¹⁹ He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden.	³¹⁹ He encamped at the marsh and rested there, but on the next day, a sabbath, which among Jews is a day of rest from work of all sorts, he thought the enemy would not dare to fight him, but that he could take them prisoner without a fight. So he moved forward in stages, planning to attack them by surprise.
³¹⁹ Barach

³²⁰ Ἀσιναῖος δὲ ἐτύγχανε σὺν τοῖς ἑταίροις καθεζόμενος καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παρέκειτο αὐτοῖς " ἄνδρες , φησί , χρεμετισμός μοι ἵππων προσέπεσεν οὐ φορβάδων , ἀλλ᾽ οἷος γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβεβηκότων , ἐπεὶ καί τινος ἀνακρούσεως αἰσθάνομαι χαλινῶν · δέδια , μὴ λελήθασιν ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι περιστάντες . Ἀλλά τις προίτω κατόπτης ἀπαγγελίαν ἡμῖν σαφῆ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων ποιησόμενος . εἴη δὲ ἐπὶ ψευδέσι μοι λελέχθαι τὰ εἰρημένα . Καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε εἶπεν ,
³²⁰ Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, “Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.”	³²⁰ Now Asineus was sitting with the others, all armed and ready, when he said, "Men, I hear the sound of horses, not like those that are feeding, but those with men on their backs. From the sound of bridles I fear that some enemies have secretly surrounded us. Let someone go and look around and report how things stand, and may my words turn out to be a false alarm."
³²⁰ Barach

³²¹ καὶ ᾤχοντό τινες προσκοποῦντες τὸ γινόμενον καὶ ᾗ τάχος παρελθόντες , " καὶ οὔτε αὐτὸς ψεύδῃ σαφὴς εἰκαστὴς εἶναι τῶν πρασσομένων τοῖς πολεμίοις οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι πλειόνως ἐπιτρέψειν ἤμελλον ἡμῖν ὑβριεῖν .
³²¹ And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that “neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer.	³²¹ When he had said this, some of them went out to check out what was the matter, and they came back immediately and said, "You were not mistaken about what our enemies were doing, and those enemies were not about to let us insult them any longer.
³²¹ Barach

³²² περιειλήμμεθα δόλῳ μηδὲν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες · τοσῆσδε ἵππου πλῆθος ἐπελαύνουσιν ἡμῖν ἐν ἀπορίᾳ χειρῶν κειμένοις διὰ τὸ κατείργεσθαι προαγορεύσει
³²² We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day].”	³²² We are caught like wild animals in a trap and there is a large force of cavalry coming upon us, and we cannot even use our weapons since our ancestral laws say that we must rest."
³²² Barach

³²³ τῶν πατρίων εἰς τὸ ἀργεῖν . Ἀσιναῖος δὲ οὐκ ἄρα γνώμῃ τοῦ κατασκόπου κρίνειν ἔμελλεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις , ἀλλὰ νομιμώτερον ἡγησάμενος τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀπράκτοις τελευτῶντας εὐφραίνειν τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἀλκῆς δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνάγκης εἰς ἣν ἐνεπεπτώκει παρανομεῖν τιμωρίαν ἀπολαμβάνοι , εἰ δέοι τελευτᾶν , αὐτός τε ἀναλαμβάνει τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ θάρσος ἐνεποίει τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅμοια ἀρετῆς .
³²³ But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself.	³²³ Asineus did not at all agree with this opinion of his lookout about what must be done, for in this crisis he thought it more legitimate to raise their spirits and break the law and defend themselves, even if they died in the action than play into their enemies' hands by doing nothing and letting themselves be killed; so he seized his weapons and inspired his companions to follow his good example.
³²³ Barach

³²⁴ ὁμόσε ἴασι τοῖς πολεμίοις , καὶ πολλοὺς κτείναντες αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ὡς ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτοιμα χωρεῖν εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται τὸ λοιπόν .
³²⁴ So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight.	³²⁴ Then they fell on their enemies and killed many of those who had scorned them as if certain of victory, and routed the rest.
³²⁴ Barach

³²⁵ Ὁ δὲ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλεύς , ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο αὐτῷ ἡ ἀγγελία τῆς μάχης , ἐκπλαγεὶς τῷ τολμήματι τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπεθύμησεν αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν δι᾽ ὄψεως καὶ λόγων , καὶ πέμπει τὸν πιστότατον τῶν σωματοφυλάκωνbodyguard λέγοντα ,
³²⁵ But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them:	³²⁵ When the king of Parthia got news of this battle he was impressed by the audacity of these brothers and wished to see them and speak with them. So he sent the most trusted of all his guards to tell them :
³²⁵ Barach

³²⁶ ὅτι βασιλεὺς Ἀρτάβανος καίπερ ἠδικημένος ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπιχειρήσεως αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ ἀρχῇ γενομένης ἐν ἐλάσσονι τὴν‎ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ὀργὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ποιησάμενος ἀπέστειλέν με δεξιάς τε καὶ πίστιν δώσοντα ὑμῖν , συγχωρῶν ἄδειάν τε καὶ ἀσυλίαν ὁδῶν , χρῄζων ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ προσχωρεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν δόλου τε καὶ ἀπάτης χωρίς , δῶρά τε δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται καὶ τιμήν , ἥτις ὑμῖν πρὸς τῇ νῦν οὔσῃ ἀρετῇ μελλήσει δυνάμει τῇ ἐκείνου ὠφελεῖν . Ἀσιναῖος δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπερβάλλεται ὁδοὺς τὰς ἐκεῖ ,
³²⁶ “That king Artabanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you.”	³²⁶ "King Artabanus, though wronged by your challenge to his rule, is more interested in your bravery than in being angry with you. He has sent me to offer you a guarantee of safety, to let you come to him safe and unharmed on the journey, as he wants to have you approach him as friends, meaning you no guile or deceit; indeed, he promises you gifts and honour, if you put your bravery at his service."
³²⁶ Barach

³²⁷ τὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ Ἀνιλαῖον ἐκπέμπει μετὰ δώρων ὁπόσαhow great, how much πορίσαι ἦν . Καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾤχετο καὶ εἴσοδος αὐτῷ γίνεται παρὰ βασιλέα . Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπεὶ θεᾶται τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καταμόνας ἥκοντα , ἤρετο τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ καὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐφυστερηκότος .
³²⁷ Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted to the king’s presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him;	³²⁷ Asineus postponed going there but sent his brother Anileus to him with whatever gifts he could muster. He arrived and was admitted to the king's presence, and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he asked why Asineus had stayed behind.
³²⁷ Barach

³²⁸ ἐπεὶ δὲ πυνθάνεται αὐτὸν δείσαντα ἐν τῷ ἕλει ὑπομένειν , ὁ δὲ τούς τε πατρῴους θεοὺς ἐπώμνυτο μηδὲν κακὸν δράσειν αὐτοὺς πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ προσκεχωρηκότας , καὶ τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ἐδίδου , ὅπερ μέγιστον παρὰ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάροις παράδειγμα τοῦ θαρσεῖν γίνεται τοῖς ὁμιλοῦσιν ·
³²⁸ and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them;	³²⁸ When he learned that he was afraid and stayed in the marsh, he swore by the gods of his country that he would do them no harm if they came to him under his solemn pledge. Then he gave him his right hand, which is of the utmost significance with all these barbarians and is the best security to those who come to talk with them.
³²⁸ Barach

³²⁹ οὐ γὰρ ἂν ψεύσαιτό τις δεξιῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δόσεων γενομένων οὐδὲ πιστεύειν ἐνδοιάσειεν , εἰ τοιᾶσδε ἀσφαλείας δόσις γίνοιτο παρὰ τῶν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἀδικήσειν καθεστηκότων . Καὶ Ἀρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα πράξας ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον πείσοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐπανελθεῖν ,
³²⁹ for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him.	³²⁹ None of them will deceive you once they have given you his right hand, nor need one have further doubts about safety once it is given, even if previously one suspected their intentions. When Artabanus had done this, he sent Anileus off to persuade his brother to come to him.
³²⁹ Barach

³³⁰ ἔπρασσεν δὲ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς χρῄζων ἐνστομισμάτων τῇ ἀρετῇ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἀδελφῶν εἰς φιλίαν κτήσασθαι τῶν ἐκείνου σατραπειῶν ἐν ἀποστάσει τε οὐσῶν καὶ διανοίᾳ τοῦ ἀποστησομένου μέλλων ἐλάσειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς .
³³⁰ Now this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them.	³³⁰ The king did this in order to avail of the courage of these Jewish brothers to curb his own satraps, who were ready for a revolt and were disposed to rebel from him and enter an alliance with them.
³³⁰ Barach

³³¹ ἐδεδίει γάρ , μὴ καὶ περιεχομένου πολέμῳ τῷ ἐκείνῃ κατὰ χείρωσιν τῶν ἀφεστηκότων αὐξηθῶσιν ἐπὶ μέγα οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον καὶ τὴν‎ ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon ἤτοι γε συστήσονται ἐπ᾽ ἀκροάσει τῇ αὐτῶν ἢ καὶ τούτου γε ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ κακῶσαι μειζόνως οὐ διαμάρτοιεν .
³³¹ He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.	³³¹ He feared that once he went to war to subdue those rebellious satraps, the party of Asineus would grow in strength and might try to take power in Babylonia, or even if they did not succeed, they would not fail to do him further harm.
³³¹ Barach

³³² Ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον , ὁ δὲ πιθανὸςpersuasive, plausible ἦν τῷ ἀδελφῷ τήν τε ἄλλην προθυμίαν εἰσηγούμενος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὅρκιον τὸ γεγενημένον , ὥστε δὴ ἠπείγοντο ὡς τὸν ἈρτάβανονArtabanus .
³³² When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to him the king’s good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artabanus,	³³² With these intentions, he sent off Anileus and he persuaded his brother by reporting about the king's goodwill and the oath he had given; so they hurried to Artabanus.
³³² Barach

³³³ ὁ δὲ ἡδονῇ αὐτοὺς δέχεται παραγενομένους ἐθαύμαζεν τε τὸν Ἀσιναῖον τοῦ ἐν ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐψύχου , θεωρῶν παντελῶς ὄντα ὀφθῆναι βραχύν τε καὶ τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον ὄψει συνελθοῦσιν ἐνδοῦναι καταφρονήματος ἀφορμὰς ὡς οὐδενὶ κρίνοιεν αὐτόν , φησί τε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους , ὡς μείζονα ἐν τῇ παραθέσει παρέχοιτο τὴν‎ ψυχὴν τοῦ σώματος , παρά τε πότον δεικνὺς τὸν Ἀσιναῖον Ἀβδαγάσῃ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ στρατοπεδάρχῃ τό τε ὄνομα διασαφεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ πᾶσαν ἀρετήν , ᾗ χρῷτο εἰς πόλεμον .
³³³ who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus’s courage in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war,	³³³ He received them with pleasure, full of admiration for Asineus' active courage seeing how small in stature he was, a man who at first sight seemed of no significance at all. He said to his friends, that in contrast he showed that his soul was in all respects superior to his body, and when, as they were drinking together, he once pointed out Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army and told him his name and described his great courage in war,
³³³ Barach

³³⁴ τοῦ δὲ Ἀβδαγάσου κελεύοντος συγχώρημα αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κτείναντα αὐτὸν ἄποινα ἀπολαβεῖν ὑπὲρ ὧν ὑβρίσειεν εἰς τὴν‎ ΠαρθυαίωνParthians ἀρχήν " ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἄν , εἶπεν ὁ βασιλεύς , συγχώρημα διδοίην ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ πίστει τῇ εἰς ἐμὲ τεθαρρηκότι καὶ προσέτι δεξιάν τε πέμψας καὶ θεῶν ὅρκοις πιθανὸςpersuasive, plausible γενέσθαι σπουδάσας .
³³⁴ and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, “I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods.	³³⁴ Abdagases had asked leave to kill him and thereby punish him for the harm he had done to Parthian rule, the king answered, "I will never let you kill a man who has trusted in my word, especially since I shaken his hand and won his trust by oaths made by the gods.
³³⁴ Barach

³³⁵ εἰ δὲ ἀνὴρ τυγχάνεις τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθός , μηδὲν ἐπιορκίαςfalse oath, perjury χρῄζων τῆς ἐμῆς ΠαρθυαίωνParthians ἐκδίκει τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν περιυβρισμένην · ἐπαναχωροῦντι γὰρ ἐπιθέμενος περιγίνου κράτει τῷ
³³⁵ But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity.”	³³⁵ But if you are truly a warrior, you have no need to perjure me. Go and avenge the Parthian rule; attack this man on his return home without letting me know, and defeat him with the forces under your command."
³³⁵ Barach

³³⁶ περὶ σὲ καὶ μετ᾽ ἀγνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς . ἕωθεν δὲ μετακαλέσας τὸν Ἀσιναῖον " ‎ὥρα σοι , φησίν , ὦ νεανία , χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ σαυτοῦ , μὴ καὶ πλείοσιν τῶν ἐνθάδε στρατηγῶν τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἐρεθίσειας ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try σου τῇ σφαγῇ καὶ δίχα γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς .
³³⁶ Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, “It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation.	³³⁶ So the king called for Asineus and said to him, "Young man, it is time for you to return home and no longer provoke the anger of my generals here, in case they try to murder you without my approval.
³³⁶ Barach

³³⁷ παρακαταθήκην δέ σοι δίδωμι τὴν‎ ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon γῆν ἀλῄστευτόν τε καὶ ἀπαθῆ κακῶν ἐσομένην ὑπὸ τῶν σῶν φροντίδων . ἄξιον δέ μοι τυγχάνειν σου χρηστοῦ ἀνεπίκλητόν σοι παρασχόμενος τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ πίστιν , οὐκ
³³⁷ I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me.”	³³⁷ I entrust to you the district of Babylonia, to keep it free from brigands and other evils. I have kept my pledge to you in no small matters about your safety, so now I deserve that you be loyal to me."
³³⁷ Barach

³³⁸ ἐπὶ κούφοις ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς σωτηρίαν ἀνακειμένοις . ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ δῶρα δοὺς τοτηνίκα ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀσιναῖον . ὁ δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν παραγενόμενος φρούρια κατασκευάζει καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much πρότερον ὠχύρου , μέγας τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ γεγόνει καὶ οἷος οὐκ ἄλλος τῶν πρότερον ἐκ τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἅψασθαι πραγμάτων ἐν τόλμῃ γεγονότων ,
³³⁸ When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him.	³³⁸ When he had said this and given Asineus gifts, he immediately sent him away. And when he arrived home, he built fortresses and soon became strong and managed things with more courage and success than anyone of such lowly origins ever before.
³³⁸ Barach

³³⁹ ΠαρθυαίωνParthians τε αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευον οἱ ταύτῃ καταπεμπόμενοι στρατηγοί · μικρὸν γὰρ ἐδόκει καὶ τῆς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἧσσον ἀρετῆς ἡ ἐκ ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians προιοῦσα τιμή . ἦν τε ἐν ἀξιώματι καὶ δυνάμει , πάντα τε ἤδη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς ΜεσοποταμίαςMesopotamia πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦρτο πράγματα , προύκοπτέν τε αὐτῶν ἡ εὐδαιμονία ἐπὶ ἔτη πεντεκαίδεκα .
³³⁹ Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.	³³⁹ The Parthian officers who were sent to him paid him great respect, and the honour paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them even less than he deserved. So he held dignity and power there and ruled the affairs of Mesopotamia and flourished like this for fifteen years.
³³⁹ Barach

³⁴⁰ Ἀκμαζόντων δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀρχὴ αὐτοὺς ἐπικαταλαμβάνει κακῶν ἐκ τοιᾶσδε αἰτίας , ἐπειδὴ τὴν‎ ἀρετήν , ᾗ προύκοψαν ἐπὶ μέγα δυνάμεως , ἐκτρέπουσιν εἰς ὕβριν ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν πατρίων ὑπὸ ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ ἡδονῆς ἐμπεσόντες τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians τινί , στρατηγὸς δὲ ἀφίκετο τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων ,
³⁴⁰ But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts,	³⁴⁰ But as their affairs were flourishing, things began to go wrong for them, for some reason like this. Though their courage had raised them to great power, they turned aside to arrogance and transgressed their ancestral laws, to follow their lusts and pleasures, once a certain Parthian general arrived in those parts.
³⁴⁰ Barach

³⁴¹ ᾧ δὴ καὶ εἵπετο γαμετὴ τά τε ἄλλα καὶ εἰς τὸ ἐπαινεῖσθαι προειληφυῖα πασῶν καὶ μείζονα ῥοπὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λαμβάνουσα θαύματι τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς .
³⁴¹ had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty.	³⁴¹ He had a wife of various fine qualities but who was particularly admired above all other women for her beauty.
³⁴¹ Barach

³⁴² ταύτης εἴτε ἀκοῇ τῆς εὐπρεπείας ἐκμαθὼν εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως αὐτόπτης γενόμενος Ἀνιλαῖος ὁ τοῦ Ἀσιναίου ἀδελφὸς ἐραστής τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ πολέμιος , τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ ἄλλως ἐλπίζειν ἐκπράσσεσθαι τὴν‎ σύνοδον τῆς γυναικὸς μὴ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ κτηθείσῃ παραλαβών , τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δυσαντίλεκτον κρίνειν τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν .
³⁴² Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her.	³⁴² Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself and so became both her lover and her enemy; because he could not hope to enjoy this woman except by taking her prisoner and because he felt he could not conquer his lust for her.
³⁴² Barach

³⁴³ ἅμα τε οὖν πολέμιος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ κεχειροτόνητο κτείνων κιτιῶν καὶ μάχης ἐπάκτου γενομένης πεσόντος ἀνῃρημένου ἁλοῦσα ἐγεγάμητο τῷ ἐραστῇ . οὐ μὴν δίχα γε μεγάλων δυστυχιῶν Ἀνιλαίῳ τε ἅμα αὐτῷ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ ἡ γυνὴ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῶν , ἀλλὰ σύν τινι μεγάλῳ κακῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν ·
³⁴³ As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following.	³⁴³ So as soon as her husband had been declared their enemy and had fallen in battle, he married his beloved, the widow of the deceased. But the woman did not come into their house without bringing great misfortunes, both on Anileus himself and on Asineus too, but the main evil she caused was as follows.
³⁴³ Barach

³⁴⁴ ἐπεὶ γὰρ τἀνδρὸς τεθνηκότος αἰχμάλωτος ἤγετο , τὰ ἀφιδρύματα τῶν θεῶν , ἅπερ τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ αὐτῇ πατρῷα ἦν , ἐπιχώριον δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνῃ πᾶσίν ἐστιν ἐπί τε τῆς οἰκίας ἔχειν σεβάσματα καὶ ἰοῦσιν ἐπὶ ξένης συνεπάγεσθαι , περιστέλλουσα καὶ ταύτῃ τοῦ πατρίου τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναπήγετο , καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λεληθότως αὐτῶν θρησκείαν ἐποιεῖτο , γαμετὴ δὲ ἀποδειχθεῖσα ἤδη τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῆς εἰωθότι καὶ μεθ᾽ οἵων νομίμων ἐπὶ τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς ἐθεράπευεν αὐτούς .
³⁴⁴ Since she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it was the custom of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus’s married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband’s days;	³⁴⁴ When she was taken prisoner at the death of her husband she concealed the images of the local gods, worshipped by her husband and to herself, for it was the custom of that country for all to keep in their houses the idols they worshipped and to take them with them when going into a foreign land, and following this custom, she brought her idols with her. At first she worshipped them in secret, but once she had become his wife, she worshipped them in the customary manner, with the same ceremonies as in her former husband's days.
³⁴⁴ Barach

³⁴⁵ καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων οἱ μάλιστα τιμώμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐδαμῶς πράσσοι Ἑβραικὰ οὐδὲ ὁπόσαhow great, how much νόμοις τοῖς αὐτῶν πρόσφορα γυναῖκα ἠγμένος ἀλλόφυλον καὶ παραβαίνουσαν θυσιῶν καὶ σεβασμῶν τῶν αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τὴν‎ ἀκρίβειαν · ὁρᾶν οὖν , μὴ τὰ πολλὰ τῇ ἡδονῇ τοῦ σώματος συγχωρῶν ἀπολέσειε τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς καὶ τὴν‎ εἰς νῦν ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου προελθοῦσαν ἐξουσίαν .
³⁴⁵ upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at.	³⁴⁵ His best friends blamed him at first, for not acting as a Hebrew should according to their laws. He had married a foreign wife who transgressed their strict ways about sacrifices and worship, so he should consider whether indulging in the pleasures of the body for the sake of his wife's beauty might lose him his office and the high authority he had reached by the blessing of God.
³⁴⁵ Barach

³⁴⁶ ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον , ἀλλὰ καί τινα αὐτῶν τὸν μάλιστα τιμώμενον ὅτι πλέονι παρρησίᾳ χρήσαιτο ἀπέκτεινε , καὶ ὃς θεώμενος εὐνοίας τε τῶν νόμων καὶ τοῦ κτείνοντος αὐτὸν τιμωρίαν ἐπηράσατο αὐτῷ τε Ἀνιλαίῳ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ καὶ πᾶσιν ἑταίροις ὁμοίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπαχθεῖσαν γενέσθαι τελευτήν ,
³⁴⁶ But when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies;	³⁴⁶ Not only did they fail to persuade him, but also he killed one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, for taking such liberty with him. But fixing his gaze upon the laws, this man called a curse on his murderer Anileus and on Asineus too, that their enemies might bring all of their company to a similar end,
³⁴⁶ Barach

³⁴⁷ τοῖς μὲν ὡς ἡγεμόσι παρανομιῶν γεγονόσι , τοῖς δέ , ὅτι μὴ βοηθοῖεν αὐτῷ τοιάδε πάσχοντι διὰ τὸ ἐκδικεῖν τοῖς νόμοις , οἱ δὲ ἐβαρύνοντο μέν , ἠνείχοντο δέ , μνημονεύοντες οὐκ ἐξ ἄλλης αἰτίας ἀλλ᾽ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνων τῇ εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνελθόντες .
³⁴⁷ upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude.	³⁴⁷ the first two as the principal agents of this crime and the rest for not helping him when he suffered in defence of their laws. The latter felt grief, but tolerated the situation, recalling that their present happy state was due to nothing other than their fortitude.
³⁴⁷ Barach

³⁴⁸ ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ θεραπείαν ἀκροῶνται τῶν θεῶν τῶν Παρθυαίοις τιμωμένων , οὐκέτι ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου τὸ ὑβρίζον εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐλθόντες καὶ πλέονες ἤδη κατεβόων τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου ,
³⁴⁸ But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus,	³⁴⁸ But when they heard also about the worship of the gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the contempt Anileus had shown to their laws could be endured no longer, and a large number of them came to Asineus and loudly complained of Anileus.
³⁴⁸ Barach

³⁴⁹ φάμενοι καλῶς ἔχειν , εἰ μὴ πρότερον κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑώρα τὸ ὠφελοῦν ἀλλὰ νῦν γοῦν ἐπιστροφὴν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ γεγονότος πρὶν ἢ τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν ἐκείνῳ τε καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις γενέσθαι εἰς ὄλεθρον ἀνακειμένην , τόν τε γάμον τῆς ἀνθρώπου λέγοντες οὐ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐδ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τεθεῖσθαι νόμων καὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἣν ἐπιτηδεύοι ἡ γυνὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀτιμώσει θεοῦ τοῦ αὐτοῖς σεβασμίου πράσσεσθαι .
³⁴⁹ and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped.	³⁴⁹ They said it would be better if he himself had taken care of their good, but that now it was time to change things, before the crime proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added that he had married this woman without their consent and in disregard to their ancient laws, and that her religious practice was an insult to the God they worshipped.
³⁴⁹ Barach

³⁵⁰ ὁ δὲ καὐτὸς ᾔδει μὲν τὴν‎ ἁμαρτάδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλων αἰτίαν οὖσαν κακῶν καὶ ἐσομένην , οὐ μὴν ἀπείχετό γε εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ συγγενοῦς νικώμενος καὶ συγγνώμην νέμων ὡς ὑπὸ κρείσσονος κακοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας νικωμένου .
³⁵⁰ Now Asineus was sensible of his brother’s offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations.	³⁵⁰ He already knew that his brother's offence had caused great evils and would do so in the future, but tolerated it out of goodwill toward so close a relative and forgave it because his brother was quite mastered by his wicked inclinations.
³⁵⁰ Barach

³⁵¹ ἐπεὶ δὲ πλείους τε ὁσημέραι συνεστρέφοντο καὶ πλείους ἦσαν αἱ καταβοαί , τηνικαῦτα δή φησιν περὶ αὐτῶν πρὸς Ἀνιλαῖον τοῖς τε πρῶτον γεγονόσιν ἐπιτιμῶν καὶ παύσασθαι τὸ λοιπὸν κελεύων τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἀποπεμψάμενον εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς .
³⁵¹ But as more and more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations.	³⁵¹ But as every day more people lobbied him and complained ever more loudly, he finally spoke to Anileus about it, reproving him for his former actions and wanting him to give them up in future and send the woman back to her relatives.
³⁵¹ Barach

³⁵² ἐπράσσετο δὲ οὐδὲν ἐκ τῶν λόγων · καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ αἰσθανομένη μὲν τοῦ θροῦ τοῦ κατέχοντος τοὺς λαοὺς δι᾽ αὐτήν , δεδοικυῖα δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου , μὴ καί τι πάθοι ἔρωτιlove τῷ πρὸς αὐτήν , φάρμακον τῷ Ἀσιναίῳ δοῦσα ἐν τοῖς σιτίοις μεθίστατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀδεής τε ἦν ἐπὶ κριτῇ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν πραχθησομένων τῷ ἐραστῇ γενομένη .
³⁵² But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus’s food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.	³⁵² But his words were of no avail, since when the woman saw what a fuss they were making on her account and feared that Anileus would suffer some harm because of his love for her, she got rid of Asineus by putting poison into his food, and was now sure of victory, with her lover to be the judge of what should be done about her.
³⁵² Barach

³⁵³ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καταμόνας ἤδη τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβὼν ἐξάγει στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὰς ΜιθριδάτουMithridates κώμας ἀνδρὸς πρώτου ἐν τῇ Παρθυηνῇ καὶ βασιλέως Ἀρταβάνου τὴν‎ θυγατέρα γεγαμηκότος , διὰ ΛείαςLeah τε ἦγεν αὐτάς , καὶ πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα καὶ ἀνδράποδα εὑρίσκεται , πολλὰ δὲ πρόβατα ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐπὶ προσλήψει τοῦ εὐδαίμονος ὠφελεῖ τοῖς ἔχουσιν .
³⁵³ So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus’s daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men’s condition happy.	³⁵³ So Anileus took over the sole command and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, the highest authority in Parthia, who had married king Artabanus' daughter. He plundered them and among the booty took a lot of money and many slaves and sheep and other things that bring prosperity to their owners.
³⁵³ Barach

³⁵⁴ ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates δέ , ἐτύγχανε γὰρ τῇδε ὤν , ἐπειδὴ ἀκούει τῶν κωμῶν τὴν‎ ἅλωσιν ἐν δεινῷ φέρων , ὁπότεwhen μὴ προάρξαντος ἀδικεῖν Ἀνιλαῖος ἄρξαιτο καὶ παρόντος τοῦ ἀξιώματος ὑπεριδών , ἱππέας συναγαγὼν πλείστους ὅσους ἐδύνατο καὶ τῶν πλείστων τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ παρῆν ὡς προσμίξων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καὶ ἔν τινι κώμῃ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ σχὼν ἡσύχαζεν , ὡς τῇ ἐπιούσῃ μαχησόμενος διὰ τὸ εἶναι σαββάτων ἡμέραν τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐν ἀργίᾳ διαγομένην .
³⁵⁴ Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the Sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.	³⁵⁴ Mithridates, who was there at the time, seeing his villages taken, was enraged that Anileus had taken this initiative, which wronged and insulted him despite his high dignity though he had done him no harm; so he gathered as many cavalry as he could from those old enough for war and came to fight the forces of Anileus. Reaching one of his villages, he stayed there quietly, intending to fight him on the following day, as it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.
³⁵⁴ Barach

³⁵⁵ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ταῦτα πυθόμενος παρὰ ἀνδρὸς Σύρου ἀλλοφύλου ἐξ ἑτέρας κώμης τέ τε ἄλλα φράζοντος ἀκριβῶς καὶ τὸ χωρίον , ἔνθα ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates ἤμελλεν δαίνυσθαι , δειπνοποιησάμενος καθ᾽ ὥραν ἤλαυνε νυκτὸς ἀμαθέσι τῶν ποιουμένων χρῄζων τοῖς Παρθυαίοις ἐπιπεσεῖν .
³⁵⁵ And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unapprised what they should do;	³⁵⁵ Anileus was told of this by a Syrian stranger from another village, who not only described the area to him an exactly, but also told him where Mithridates would be feasting, for he dined at a regular hour and marched by night, intending to fall on the Parthians unawares.
³⁵⁵ Barach

³⁵⁶ καὶ περὶ τετάρτην φυλακὴν ἐπιπεσὼν τοὺς μὲν ἔτι κοιμωμένους ἀναιρεῖ τοὺς δὲ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπει , ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates δὲ ζωγρίᾳ λαβὼν ἦγεν ὡς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ὄνον γυμνὸν ἀναθέμενος , ἥπερ ἀτιμιῶν μεγίστη νομίζεται παρὰ Παρθυαίοις .
³⁵⁶ so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible.	³⁵⁶ So about the fourth watch of the night he attacked them, and some of them he killed in their sleep and others he put to flight and took Mithridates alive and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is regarded as the greatest possible insult.
³⁵⁶ Barach

³⁵⁷ καταγαγὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ὕλην μετὰ τοιοῦδε ὁρίσματος , [καὶ ] κελευόντων τῶν φίλων ἀναιρεῖν τὸν ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates ἀνεδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς σπεύδων αὐτὸς ἐναντία · μὴ γὰρ καλῶς ἔχειν ἀναιρεῖν ἄνδρα γένους τε ὄντα τοῦ πρώτου παρὰ Παρθυαίοις καὶ ἐπιγαμίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μειζόνως τιμώμενον ·
³⁵⁷ And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the royal family;	³⁵⁷ When he had brought Mithridates into a wood in this ridiculous state, and his friends wanted him to kill him, he told them he was against it, for it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians and greatly honoured through his marriage into the royal family.
³⁵⁷ Barach

³⁵⁸ νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἀνεκτὰ εἶναι τὰ πεπραγμένα · καὶ γὰρ εἰ περιύβρισται ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates , ἀλλ᾽ οὖν σωτηρίᾳ τῆς ψυχῆς εὐεργετούμενον χάριτος μνήσεσθαι τοῖς τὰ τοιάδε παρασχοῦσιν ,
³⁵⁸ that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him;	³⁵⁸ What they had done so far was tolerable, for although they had insulted Mithridates, if they now spared his life this good deed would be remembered by him to their advantage,
³⁵⁸ Barach

³⁵⁹ παθόντος δέ τι ἀνήκεστον οὐκ ἀτρεμήσειν βασιλέα μὴ οὐ μεγάλην σφαγὴν ἸουδαίωνJews τῶν ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon ποιησάμενονto make, produce, create , ὧν φείδεσθαι καλῶς ἔχειν διά τε τὴν‎ συγγένειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀναστροφὴν εἶναι ἂν αὐτοῖς πταίσματός τινος γενομένου τὸ κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀκμῆς πληθύι χρώμενον .
³⁵⁹ but that if he were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; “to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him.”	³⁵⁹ but if were put to death, the king would not rest until he had killed many of the Jews who lived in Babylon; "whose safety we must consider because of our relationship with them and if any misfortune happens to us, we have nowhere else to go, since he has the flower of their youth in his service."
³⁵⁹ Barach

³⁶⁰ καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς καὶ φράσας ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ πιθανὸςpersuasive, plausible ἦν ἀφίεταί τε ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates , ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ γυνή , εἰ μὴ προμηθήσεται βασιλέως τε γαμβρὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτῃ τιμωρῶν τιμωρηθήσεσθαι τοὺς ὑβρίσαντας εἰς αὐτὸν περιορώμενος ,
³⁶⁰ By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it,	³⁶⁰ By saying this to the group he persuaded them and Mithridates was released. When he got home his wife rebuked him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he failed to take revenge on those who had insulted him.
³⁶⁰ Barach

³⁶¹ ἀγαπῶν δὲ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν μετὰ αἰχμαλωσίαν ὑπὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνδρῶν γενομένην · καὶ νῦν ἐπανάδραμε τὴν‎ ἀρετήν , ἢ θεοὺς ἐπόμνυμι τοὺς βασιλείους ἦ μὴν παραλυθήσεσθαι
³⁶¹ but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him.	³⁶¹ Was he content to have been made a captive by the Jews and to have escaped them, and do nothing about it? She said he either should go back like a man of courage, or else she swore by the gods of their royal family that she would dissolve her marriage with him.
³⁶¹ Barach

³⁶² τῆς πρὸς σὲ ἐπὶ γάμῳ κοινωνίας . ὁ δὲ αὖ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν ὀνειδῶν τὴν‎ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀχθηδόνα μὴ φέρων , τοῦτο δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν‎ μεγαλοφροσύνην δεδιώς , μὴ παραλύοιτο αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν γάμων , ἄκων μὲν καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος συνάγει δ᾽ οὖν στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ ἤλαυνενto set in motion οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ὑπολαμβάνων ἔτι καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν , εἰ Παρθυαῖος ὢν ὑπὸ ἸουδαίουJew περιωθοῖτο ἀντιπολεμοῦντος .
³⁶² Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.	³⁶² So, partly because he could not bear the daily annoyance of her taunts and partly because he was afraid that in her insolence she really would dissolve their marriage, unwillingly and against his own judgment he again gathered as large an army as he could and marched with them, thinking it dishonourable for him, a Parthian, to owe his safety to the Jews, when they had been victorious over him in the war.
³⁶² Barach

³⁶³ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ὡς μανθάνει προσελαύνοντα δυνάμει πολλῇ τὸν ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates ἄδοξον ἡγησάμενος τὸ μένειν ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσιν , ἀλλὰ μὴ φθάσας ὑπαντιάζειν τοὺς πολεμίους , εὐτυχίᾳ τε τῇ πρότερον ἐλπίζων ὅμοια πράξειν καὶ τήν τε ἀρετὴν τοῖς τολμῶσι καὶ εἰωθόσιν θαρρεῖν παρατυγχάνειν , ἐξῆγε τὴν‎ δύναμιν .
³⁶³ But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army,	³⁶³ When Anileus learned that Mithridates was coming up with a large army, he felt ashamed to stay in the marsh and not to take the first chance of meeting the enemy, hoping for success and victory just as they had before, so he boldly led out his force against them.
³⁶³ Barach

³⁶⁴ πολλοί τε πρὸς τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατῷ προσεγεγόνεσαν αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων τραπησόμενοι καὶ ὄψει πᾶν προεκπλήξοντες τοὺς πολεμίους .
³⁶⁴ and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers.	³⁶⁴ Many more joined themselves to his local force, hoping to plunder the people and terrify the enemy again by their numbers.
³⁶⁴ Barach

³⁶⁵ προιοῦσι δὲ αὐτοῖς εἰς σταδίους ἐνενήκοντα καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου τῆς πορείας γενομένης καὶ μεσημβρίας τά τε ἄλλα περιῆν τότε τὸ δίψος καὶ ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates ἐπιφανεὶς προσέβαλε τεταλαιπωρημένοις ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ πιεῖν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν‎ ὥραν φέρειν τὰ ὅπλα μὴ δυναμένοις .
³⁶⁵ But when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons.	³⁶⁵ But after marching ninety furlongs, travelling through a waterless place in the heat of the day, they had become very thirsty, and Mithridates appeared and attacked them just when they were distressed for lack of water, and for this reason and due to the time of the day, were unable to bring their weapons to bear.
³⁶⁵ Barach

³⁶⁶ τροπή τε οὖν γίνεται τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον διὰ τὸ ἀπηγορευκότας ἀκραιφνέσι προσφέρεσθαι καὶ φόνος πολὺς πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἔπεσον ἀνδρῶν , Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καὶ ὅσον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν συνεστηκὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ὕλης ἐπανεχώρουν φυγῇ μεγάλην νίκης τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς χαρὰν ΜιθριδάτῃMithridates παρεσχηκότες .
³⁶⁶ So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.	³⁶⁶ So Anileus' side was routed, as his exhausted forces had to attack others who were refreshed, so there was a great slaughter and many thousands fell. Now Anileus and those closest to him, ran away as fast as they could into a wood, giving Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.
³⁶⁶ Barach

³⁶⁷ Ἀνιλαίῳ δὲ προσῄει πλῆθος ἄπορονwithout passage ἀνδρῶν πονηρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν ποιουμένων ῥᾳστώνης χάριτι τῆς εἰς τὸ παρόν , ὥστε ἀντανίσωμα τὴν‎ τούτων πρόσοδον γενέσθαι πλῆθος τῶν ἀπολωλότων · οὐ μὴν ὅμοιοί γε ἦσαν τοῖς πεπτωκόσι διὰ τὸ ἀμελέτητον .
³⁶⁷ But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war;	³⁶⁷ But once again Anileus was joined by a throng of bad men, who put little value on their own lives if only they could gain some momentary satisfaction, and their numbers made up for those who died in the fight.
³⁶⁷ Barach

³⁶⁸ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύταις ἐπιφοιτᾷ ταῖς κώμαις τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἀνάστατά τε ἦν πάντα ταῦτα ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀνιλαίου ὕβρεως .
³⁶⁸ however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them.	³⁶⁸ Though these men were not like those who had fallen, for they were raw and unused to war, with them he attacked the villages of the Babylonians and the whole region was devastated by the savagery of Anileus.
³⁶⁸ Barach

³⁶⁹ καὶ οἱ ΒαβυλώνιοιBabylonians καὶ οἱ ὄντες ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ πέμπουσιν ἐς τὰ Νέερδα πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ ἸουδαίουςJews Ἀνιλαῖον ἐξαιτούμενοι , καὶ μὴ δεξομένοις τὸν λόγον τοῦτον , οὐδὲ γὰρ βουλομένοις ἔκδοτον παρασχεῖν δυνηθῆναι , εἰρήνην προυκαλοῦντο · οἱ δὲ καὐτοὶ χρῄζειν ἔλεγον τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρήνης συμβάσεων καὶ πέμπουσι μετὰ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἄνδρας , οἳ διαλέξοιντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον .
³⁶⁹ So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them.	³⁶⁹ So the Babylonians and those who had been in the war sent to the Jews in Neerda demanding the surrender of Anileus. But though they did not agree to their demands, and even if they had been willing to hand him over, they were unable to do so, they said they wished to make peace with them. So they sent men along with the Babylonians, to negotiate a peace with Anileus.
³⁶⁹ Barach

³⁷⁰ οἱ δὲ ΒαβυλώνιοιBabylonians κατοπτίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης μαθόντες τὸ χωρίον , ἐν ᾧ ἱδρυμένος ὁ Ἀνιλαῖος ἦν , ἐπιπεσόντες κρύφα νυκτὸς μεθύουσι καὶ καθ᾽ ὕπνον τετραμμένοις κτείνουσιν ἀδεῶς πάντας ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβον καὶ Ἀνιλαῖον αὐτόν .
³⁷⁰ But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.	³⁷⁰ But the Babylonians, on getting sight of where Anileus and his men were camped, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and asleep and without any danger killed all of them they caught, including Anileus himself.
³⁷⁰ Barach

³⁷¹ ΒαβυλώνιοιBabylonians δὲ ἀπαλλαγέντες τῆς Ἀνιλαίου βαρύτητος , ἐπιστόμισμα γὰρ ἦν αὐτῶν μίσει τῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews , ἀεὶ γὰρ ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ διάφοροι καθεστήκεσαν αἰτίᾳ τῆς ἐναντιώσεως τῶν νόμων καὶ ὁποτέροις παραγένοιτο θαρρεῖν πρότεροι ἀλλήλων ἥπτοντο εἰ μὴ καὶ τότε οὖν ἀπολωλότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον ἐπετίθεντο τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews οἱ ΒαβυλώνιοιBabylonians .
³⁷¹ The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus’s heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus’s party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews,	³⁷¹ The Babylonians were now freed from the burden of Anileus, who had greatly restrained their hatred for the Jews. They were almost always at odds with them, because of the strangeness of their laws, and whichever side felt more daring attacked the other. Now, after the ruin of Anileus' party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews.
³⁷¹ Barach

³⁷² οἱ δ᾽ ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενοι τὴν‎ ὕβριν τὴν‎ ἐκ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians καὶ μήτε ἀντιτάξασθαι μάχῃ δυνάμενοι μήτε ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τὴν‎ συνοικίαν ᾬχοντο εἰς ΣελεύκειανSeleucia τῶν ἐκείνῃ πόλιν ἀξιολογωτάτην ΣελεύκουSeleucus κτίσαντος αὐτὴν τοῦ Νικάτορος . οἰκοῦσιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν πολλοὶ μὲν ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians , πλεῖστοι δὲ ἝλληνεςGreeks , ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ΣύρωνSyrian οὐκ ὀλίγον τὸ ἐμπολιτευόμενον .
³⁷² which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there;	³⁷² These so resented what the Babylonians did to them, that being neither able to fight them, nor able to coexist with them, they went to the fine city of Seleucia, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. Many Macedonians lived there, and even more Greeks, along with quite a few Syrians.
³⁷² Barach

³⁷³ εἰς μὲν δὴ ταύτην καταφεύγουσιν οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν πέντε ἔτη ἀπαθεῖς κακῶν ἦσαν , τῷ δὲ ἕκτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὸ πρῶτον φθορὰ ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ καιναὶ κτίσεις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἄφιξις εἰς τὴν‎ ΣελεύκειανSeleucia ἐκδέχεται μείζων αὐτοὺς συμφορὰ δι᾽ αἰτίαν , ἣν ἀφηγήσομαι .
³⁷³ and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men’s habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that accountwhich I am going to relate immediately.	³⁷³ There the Jews fled and lived peacefully for five years, but on the sixth year a plague came on the people in Babylon, which caused many to leave that city and go to Seleucia; as a result they [ the Jews ] met a further disaster, which I shall now recount.
³⁷³ Barach

³⁷⁴ Σελευκέων τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks πρὸς τοὺς ΣύρουςSyrians ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐν στάσει καὶ διχονοίᾳ ἐστὶν ὁ βίος καὶ κρατοῦσιν οἱ ἝλληνεςGreeks . τότε οὖν συνοικούντων αὐτοῖς ἸουδαίωνJews γενομένων ἐστασίαζον , καὶ οἱ ΣύροιSyrians καθυπέρτεροι ἦσαν ὁμολογίᾳ τῇ ἸουδαίωνJews πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλοκινδύνων τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ πολεμεῖν προθύμως ἐντεταγμένων .
³⁷⁴ Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion.	³⁷⁴ The life of the Seleucians is marked by strife and discord between the Greeks and Syrians, in which the Greeks have the upper hand. When the Jews arrived there and lived among them, a revolt arose and with the help of the Jews, who despised dangers and were very ready to fight, the Syrians defeated the others.
³⁷⁴ Barach

³⁷⁵ καὶ οἱ ἝλληνεςGreeks περιωθούμενοι τῇ στάσει καὶ μίαν ὁρῶντες αὐτοῖς ἀφορμὴν τοῦ ἀνασώσασθαιto recover the lost τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα , εἰ δυνηθεῖεν παῦσαι ταὐτὸν λέγοντας ἸουδαίουςJews καὶ ΣύρουςSyrians , διελέγοντο ἕκαστοι πρὸς τῶν ΣύρωνSyrian τοὺς αὐτοῖς συνήθεις πρὸ τοῦ γεγονότας εἰρήνην τε καὶ φιλίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι .
³⁷⁵ Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them.	³⁷⁵ When the Greeks had the worst in this rebellion and saw that their best way to recover their former authority was if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they each spoke with any Syrians they had known before, promising to be at peace and friendship with them.
³⁷⁵ Barach

³⁷⁶ οἱ δὲ ἐπείθοντο ἄσμενοι . ἐγίνοντο οὖν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων λόγοι καὶ τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ ἑκατέροις ἀνδρῶν προασσόντων ἐπιδιαλλαγὰς τάχιστα ἡ σύμβασις ἐγένετο , ὁμονοήσαντές τε μέγα τεκμήριον ἑκάτεροι εὐνοίας [ παρ' ] ἀλλήλοις ἠξίουν παρασχεῖν τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔχθος , ἐπιπεσόντες τε αἰφνίδιον αὐτοῖς κτείνουσι μυριάδας ὑπὲρ πέντε ἀνδρῶν , ἀπώλοντό τε πάντες πλὴν εἴ τινες ἐλέῳpity, mercy φίλων ἢ γειτόνων ἐπιχωρηθὲν αὐτοῖς ἔφυγον .
³⁷⁶ Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away.	³⁷⁶ They gladly agreed to this, and when the leaders of both nations had done so, they were soon reconciled, agreeing that the great sign of their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. So they attacked and killed about fifty thousand of them, and the Jews were destroyed, except for a few who were allowed to escape by the pity of their friends or neighbours.
³⁷⁶ Barach

³⁷⁷ τούτοις δὲ ἦν εἰς Κτησιφῶντα ἀποχώρησις πόλιν ἙλληνίδαGreek καὶ τῆς ΣελευκείαςSeleucia πλησίον κειμένην , ἔνθα χειμάζει τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος καὶ πλείστη τῆς ἀποσκευῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τῇδε ἀποκειμένη τυγχάνει . ἀσύνετα δὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ ἵδρυσιν πεποιημένοις τιμῇ τῆς βασιλείας Σελευκέων πεφροντικότων .
³⁷⁷ These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the king’s honor.	³⁷⁷ These retreated to Ctesiphon, a Greek city and situated near to Seleucia, where the king lives in winter every year and where most of his riches are kept, but the Jews had here no firm settlement, since those in Seleucia had little concern for the king's honour.
³⁷⁷ Barach

³⁷⁸ ἐφοβήθη δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῇδε ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος τούς τε ΒαβυλωνίουςBabylonians καὶ τοὺς Σελευκεῖς , ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁπόσον ἦν ΣύρωνSyrian ἐμπολιτεῦον τοῖς τόποις ταὐτὸν ἔλεγον τοῖς Σελευκεῦσιν ἐπὶ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews .
³⁷⁸ Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews;	³⁷⁸ The whole Jewish nation was in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians who lived there sided with the Seleucians in a war against the Jews.
³⁷⁸ Barach

³⁷⁹ καὶ συνελέγησαν ὥστε πολὺ εἴς τε τὰ Νέερδα καὶ τὴν‎ Νίσιβιν ὀχυρότητι τῶν πόλεων κτώμενοι τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν , καὶ ἄλλως πληθὺς ἅπασα μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν κατοικεῖται . Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ἸουδαίουςJews τοὺς ἐν τῇ ΒαβυλωνίᾳBabylonia κατῳκημένους τοιαῦτα ἦν .
³⁷⁹ so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.	³⁷⁹ So most of them gathered and went off to Neerda and Nisibis and felt secure there on account of the strength of those cities, whose numerous inhabitants were all warlike men. This was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.
³⁷⁹ Barach

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 18

From Archelaus' exile to the departure of the Diaspora Jews from Babylon

Chapter 1 [001-025] Rome's Taxation of Syria and Judea, under Quirinius. Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects

Chapter 2 [026-054] Herod Antipas founded Tiberias. Succession of priests and procurators. Royal succession among the Parthians

Chapter 3 [055-084] The Jewish rebellion under Pontius Pilate. Execution of Jesus Christ. State of the Jews in Rome

Chapter 4 [085-108] Pilate kills many Samaritan demonstrators. Tiberius sends Vitellius against the Parthians. Portrayal of Herod Antipas

Chapter 5 [109-142] Herod Antipas is defeated by Aretas of Arabia. Death of John the Baptist. The ill-fated Herodian family

Chapter 6 [143-239] Herod Agrippa's picaresque career. Tiberius as emperor Antonia, Sejanus and Caligula

Chapter 7 [240-256] Urged on by his wife Herodias, Herod Antipas makes a foolish request and is banished by Caligula

Chapter 8 [257-309] Gaius sends Petronius to make the Jews accept his statue. Successful Intervention by Agrippa, to avoid revolt

Chapter 9 [310-379] The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Babylonia

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 18