FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, Jewish War<br>Book 2

From death of Herod to Vespasian's arrival

Chapter 1 Archelaus succeeds Herod; promises reform; kills protesters
Chapter 2 Archelaus is accused before Caesar; defended by Nicolaus
Chapter 3 Sabinus calls on Varus for help; rebels besiege him in Jerusalem
Chapter 4 Herod's veterans rebel. Simon and Athronoeus usurp the kingship
Chapter 5 Varus crucifies about two thousand of the rebels in Judea.
Chapter 6 Augustus lets Herod's inheritance be distributed to his sons
Chapter 7 A pseudo- Alexander. Archelaus is banished and Glaphyra dies.
Chapter 8 Judas and his Galilean Rebels. Lifestyle of the Essenes
Chapter 9 Pilate causes Riots. Agrippa's fall and rise. Antipas is banished.
Chapter 10 Gaius wants his statue in the Temple. Petronius protests and survives
Chapter 11 The reigns of Claudius and of Agrippa. Descendants of the Herods.
Chapter 12 Riots under Cumanus settled by Quadratus. Felix procurator of Judea.
Chapter 13 The Sicarii flourish under Nero. Syrians persecute Jews in Caesarea
Chapter 14 Procurators: Felix, Festus, Albinus. Florus. Jews driven to revolt
Chapter 15 Berenice fails to get Florus to relent. He kindles the flames of war.
Chapter 16 Cestius sends a report on Judea. Agrippa argues against revolt
Chapter 17 Start of the war; Masada and Jerusalem. Eleazar's treachery
Chapter 18 Slaughter of Jews in Caesarea. Pogrom against them in other cities
Chapter 19 Cestius' siege of Jerusalem fails. He retreats with severe losses
Chapter 20 Jews prepare their defence. Josephus commander in Galilee
Chapter 21 Josephus recovers some cities that had rebelled from him.
Chapter 22 Simon the brigand starts looting. High Priest Ananus seeks peace

Chapter 1
[vv. 001-013]
Archelaus succeeds Herod and promises reform.
Then he kills many protesters in the Temple

☞

¹ Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ νέων ἦρξε θορύβων ἡ τῆς ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἀποδημίαςan absence, journey ἀνάγκη . Πενθήσας γὰρ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν ἐπιτάφιον ἑστίασιν πολυτελῆ τῷ πλήθει παρασχών · ἔθος δὲ τοῦτο παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις . Πολλοῖς πενίας αἴτιον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑστιᾶν οὐκ ἄνευ ἀνάγκης · εἰ γὰρ παραλείποι τις , οὐχ ὅσιος · μεταλαμβάνει μὲν ἐσθῆτα λευκήν , πρόεισι δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν , ἔνθα ποικίλαις αὐτὸν εὐφημίαις ὁ λαὸς ἐκδέχεται .
¹ Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if anyone omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple,	¹ Archelaus' having to go to Rome led to new disturbances, for when he had mourned the death of his father for seven days, and provided a very lavish funeral feast for the people (a custom which impoverishes many Jews, since they have to give a feast for the people and it is indecent to fail to do so) he put on a white garment and went up to the temple, where the people received him with acclamations.
¹ For Archelaus, the necessity of a journey to Rome became the source of new disturbances. Having mourned his father for seven days^[1] and provided a costly funeral feast for the multitude—a custom among the Jews which brings many to poverty because of the necessity of feasting the crowd, for if one omits it, he is considered unholy—he changed into white raiment and went up to the Temple, where the people received him with various acclamations.

^[1]The Seven Days of Mourning was a traditional Jewish Shiva period for Herod the Great who died in 4 BC.

² Κἀκεῖνος τὸ πλῆθος ἀφ’ ὑψηλοῦ βήματος καὶ χρυσοῦ θρόνου δεξιωσάμενος τῆς τε σπουδῆς , ἣν ἐνεδείξαντο περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῦ πατρός , εὐχαριστεῖ καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν θεραπείας ὡς πρὸς βέβαιον ἤδη βασιλέα · φείδεσθαί γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων , ἕως ἂν αὐτῷ Καῖσαρ ἐπικυρώσῃ τὴν διαδοχήν , ὁ καὶ κατὰ τὰς διαθήκας τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης ·
² where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spoke kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father’s funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession;	² He addressed the people courteously from an elevated golden throne and thanked them for the concern they had shown at his father's funeral and for deferring to him, as if he were already settled in as king, but said that he could not hold authority or the titles going with it until Caesar, entrusted with it by [Herod's] testament, confirmed the succession.
² He addressed the multitude from a high platform and a golden throne, thanking them for the zeal they showed regarding his father’s burial and for their respect toward him, as if toward a confirmed king. However, he stated that for the present he would abstain not only from the exercise of authority but even from the titles of royalty until Caesar should ratify the succession, since Caesar was appointed master of all by his father’s will.

³ Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ διάδημα περιαπτούσης αὐτῷ δεδέχθαι · τοῦ μέντοι προθύμου καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ὥσπερ τοῖς στρατιώταις οὕτω καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πλήρεις ἀποδώσειν τὰς ἀμοιβάς , ὁπόταν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων βασιλεὺς ἀποδειχθῇ βέβαιος · σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων .
³ for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and goodwill to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father.	³ Even when the soldiers wanted to crown him in Jericho, he would not accept it. But he said he would richly reward both the soldiers and the people for their commitment and goodwill toward him, once the overlords had confirmed his title to the kingdom, and that he would strive in all things to treat them better than his father.
³ He noted that even when the army in Jericho had tried to place the diadem upon him, he had not accepted it. However, he promised that once he was confirmed as king by the sovereign Romans, he would reward both the soldiers and the people for their goodwill. He said he would strive in all things to show himself a better ruler to them than his father had been.

⁴ Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἡδόμενον τὸ πλῆθος εὐθέως ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ‎ μεγάλοις αἰτήμασιν · οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐβόων ἐπικουφίζειν τὰς εἰσφοράς , οἱ δὲ ἀναιρεῖν τὰ τέλη , τινὲς δὲ ἀπολύειν τοὺς δεσμώτας · Ἐπένευσε δ’ ἑτοίμως ἅπασι θεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος .
⁴ Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends.	⁴ The populace was pleased but soon tested his temper by making major demands. Some clamoured for him to lessen their taxes, some for the removal of purchase tax and others for the release of prisoners; and to gain the people's goodwill he said yes to all, and then offered sacrifice and went to a feast with his friends.
⁴ At this, the multitude was pleased and immediately began to test his intentions with great demands. Some shouted for a reduction in taxes, others for the abolition of duties, and some for the release of prisoners. To win the favor of the crowd, Archelaus readily granted all these requests.

⁵ Ἔπειτα θύσας ἐν εὐωχίᾳ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἦν . Ἔνθα δὴ περὶ δείλην ἀθροισθέντες οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν νεωτερίζειν προῃρημένων ἤρξαντο ἰδίου πένθους , ὅτε τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ πέπαυτο , κατολοφυρόμενοι τοὺς κολασθέντας ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου διὰ τὸν ἐκκοπέντα χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν τῆς πύλης τοῦ ναοῦ .
⁵ And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple.	⁵ Toward evening many who wanted change came and once the public mourning for the king was over, began to mourn for those executed by Herod for cutting down the golden eagle over the temple gate.
⁵ Then, after sacrificing, he went to feast with his friends. Around evening, however, a large number of those eager for revolution gathered. Now that the public mourning for the king had ended, they began a private mourning of their own, lamenting those whom Herod had punished for cutting down the golden eagle from the gate of the Temple.

⁶ ἠν δὲ τὸ πένθος οὐχ ὑπεσταλμένον , ἀλλ’ οἰμωγαὶ διαπρύσιοι καὶ θρῆνος ἐγκέλευστος κοπετοί τε περιηχοῦντες ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἂν ἐπ’ ἀνδράσιν , οὓς ἔφασκον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ πυρὶ παραπολέσθαι .
⁶ Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple.	⁶ Nor did they grieve in secret for their laments were loud, their mourning solemn and their weeping heard all over the city, on behalf of the men who had died for their ancestral laws and for the temple.
⁶ This mourning was not suppressed; instead, there were piercing shrieks, orchestrated dirges, and wailing that echoed through the entire city for the men who, they claimed, had perished in fire for the sake of the laws of their fathers and the Temple.

⁷ Τιμωρεῖν δ’ αὐτοῖς ἀνεβόων ἐκ τῶν ὑφ’ Ἡρώδου τετιμημένων χρῆναι καὶ πρῶτον τὸν ὑπ’ ἐκείνου κατασταθέντα παύειν ἀρχιερέα · προσήκειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς εὐσεβέστερον αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ καθαρώτερον .
⁷ They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was.	⁷ People called out that any who had been honoured by Herod should be punished on account of these men, and first of all to depose the one he had made high priest and choose someone more devout and pure.
⁷ They cried out that Archelaus should avenge these men by punishing those honored by Herod, and first of all, that he should depose the High Priest Herod had appointed, for it was proper for them to choose a more pious and pure man.

⁸ Πρὸς ἃ παρωξύνετο μὲν Ἀρχέλαος , ἐπεῖχεto have upon δὲ τὴν ἄμυναν ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἔξοδον ἐπείξεως , δεδοικὼς μή ποτε τὸ πλῆθος ἐκπολεμώσας κατασχεθείη τῷ κινήματι . Διὸ πειθοῖ μᾶλλον ἢ βίᾳ Καταστέλλειν ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ὑποπέμψας παύσασθαι παρεκάλει .
⁸ At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet.	⁸ Archelaus was irked at this, but in his haste to go to Rome, postponed his vengeance on the doers, fearing to be detained at home if he went to war with the people. So he tried to calm the rebels by persuasion rather than force, and sent his general secretly to them urging them to be at peace.
⁸ Although Archelaus was provoked by this, he restrained himself from taking revenge because of his haste to depart [for Rome], fearing that if he drove the multitude to war, he would be delayed by the uprising. Therefore, he attempted to quiet the revolutionaries by persuasion rather than force, and sent his general to urge them to stop.

⁹ Τοῦτον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν παρελθόντα πρὶν φθέγξασθαί τι λίθοις ἀπήλαυνον οἱ στασιασταὶ καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ σωφρονισμῷ προσιόντας , ἐνίει δὲ πολλοὺς ὁ Ἀρχέλαος , καὶ πάντα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπεκρίναντο δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες εἰ πλήθους ἐπιλάβοιντο .
⁹ But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say anything to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable.	⁹ But when this man arrived in the temple the rebels threw stones at him and drove him away before he could speak. And in the same way they treated many others sent to them by Archelaus to talk sense to them, always replying with anger, and it was clear they would not keep the peace, if only their numbers grew.
⁹ When the general arrived at the Temple, the insurgents drove him away with stones before he could speak a word. When Archelaus sent many others to reason with them, they answered everything with anger; it was clear they would not remain quiet if they gained the support of a crowd.

¹⁰ Καὶ δὴ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων Ἐνστάσης ἑορτῆς , ἣ πάσχα παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις καλεῖται πολύ τι θυμάτων πλῆθος ἐκδεχομένη , κάτεισι μὲν ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς ἄπειρος ἐπὶ τὴν θρησκείαν , οἱ δὲ τοὺς σοφιστὰς πενθοῦντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνειστήκεσαν τροφὴν τῇ στάσει ποριζόμενοι .
¹⁰ And, indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition.	¹⁰ Then at the feast of unleavened bread which was now near, and is called Passover by the Jews and used to be celebrated with many sacrifices, a huge crowd of people came up from the country to worship. Some of these remained in the temple mourning the deceased Rabbis and supporting themselves by imploring, in order to support their rebellion.
¹⁰ When the Feast of Unleavened Bread arrived—which the Jews call Passover^[1] and which involves a vast number of sacrifices—a countless multitude came up from the country for the festival. Those mourning the “sophists”^[2] (the teachers) remained in the Temple, providing fuel for the sedition.

^[1]The Passover in 4 BC was the setting for the climax of this chapter. The mass gathering of pilgrims in Jerusalem provided the scale for the riot and the subsequent massacre of 3,000 people.
^[2]The “sophists” were Matthias and Judas who were teachers who had encouraged their students to pull down the Roman eagle that Herod had placed over the Temple gate. Herod had burned them alive shortly before his death.

¹¹ Πρὸς ὃ δείσας Ἀρχέλαος πρὶν δι’ ὅλου τοῦ πλήθους διαδραμεῖν τὴν νόσον ὑποπέμπει μετὰ σπείρας χιλίαρχον προστάξας βίᾳ τοὺς ἐξάρχοντας τῆς στάσεως κατασχεῖν . Πρὸς οὓς τὸ πλῆθος ἅπαν παροξύνεται καὶ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς τῆς σπείρας βάλλοντες λίθοις διέφθειρον , ὁ δὲ χιλίαρχος ἐκφεύγει τραυματίας μόλις .
¹¹ At this Archelaus was affrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so.	¹¹ Archelaus took fright and secretly sent against them a tribune and a cohort of soldiers, before the disease spread to the whole people, with orders to arrest those who began the riot, and force them to keep the peace. The whole crowd was stirred up and threw stones and killed many of the soldiers, and the tribune was wounded and barely escaped alive.
¹¹ Fearing that this “disease” would spread through the entire multitude, Archelaus sent a tribune with a cohort of soldiers, commanding him to seize the leaders of the sedition by force. The whole multitude was provoked by this; they pelted the soldiers with stones and killed most of the cohort, while the tribune narrowly escaped, wounded.

¹² Ἔπειθ’ οἱ μὲν ὡς μηδενὸς δεινοῦ γεγονότος ἐτρέποντο πρὸς θυσίαν · οὐ μὴν Ἀρχελάῳ δίχα φόνου καθεκτὸν ἔτι τὸ πλῆθος ἐφαίνετο , τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς ὅλην , τοὺς μὲν πεζοὺς διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἀθρόους , τοὺς δὲ ἱππεῖς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον ·
¹² After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain,	¹² Afterward the people went about their sacrifices, as if they had done no harm. Archelaus thought that they could not be restrained without bloodshed, so he sent his whole army upon them, masses of infantry into the city and his cavalry out into the plain.
¹² Then, as if nothing terrible had happened, the crowd returned to their sacrifices. But to Archelaus, it seemed that the multitude could no longer be restrained without bloodshed. He unleashed his entire army against them: the infantry in a body through the city, and the cavalry across the plain.

¹³ οἳ θύουσιν ἑκάστοις ἐξαίφνης προσπεσόντες διαφθείρουσι μὲν περὶ τρισχιλίους , τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς τὰ πλησίον ὄρη διεσκέδασαν . εἵποντο δὲ Ἀρχελάου κήρυκες κελεύοντες ἕκαστον ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπ’ οἴκου , καὶ πάντες ᾬχοντο τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀπολιπόντες .
¹³ who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus’s heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival.	¹³ Attacking them suddenly as they were offering their sacrifices, he killed about three thousand of them, while the rest of the crowd scattered to the adjoining mountains. These were followed by Archelaus's heralds, ordering them all back to their own homes, where they all went, abandoning the festival.
¹³ Attacking the people suddenly while they were sacrificing, the soldiers killed about three thousand men; the rest of the multitude was scattered into the nearby mountains. Archelaus’ heralds followed them, ordering everyone to return to their homes; and so they all departed, leaving the festival behind.

Chapter 2
[vv. 014-038]
Archelaus is accused before Caesar by Antipater,
but is well defended by Nicolaus the lawyer.

☜ ☞

¹⁴ αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων Ποπλᾶ καὶ Πτολεμαίου καὶ Νικολάου κατῄει πρὸς θάλασσαν καταλιπὼν ἐπίτροπόνmanaager τε τῶν βασιλείων καὶ κηδεμόνα τῶν οἰκείων Φίλιππον .
¹⁴ Archelaus went down now to the seaside, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs.	¹⁴ He now went down to the sea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas and Ptolemy and Nicolaus, leaving his steward Philip in the palace, to take care of his household.
¹⁴ Archelaus himself, along with his mother and his friends Poplas, Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, went down to the sea, leaving Philip behind as the steward of the palace and guardian of his private affairs.^[1]

^[1]This journey to Rome was essential for the Herodian princes. Under the Roman Empire, client kings could not assume power without the explicit confirmation of the Emperor (Augustus).

¹⁵ Συνεξῄει δ’ ἅμα τοῖς τέκνοις Σαλώμη καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῖ τε καὶ γαμβροί , τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν συναγωνιούμενοι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς Ἀρχελάῳ , τὸ δ’ ἀληθὲς κατηγορήσοντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν παρανομηθέντων .
¹⁵ Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king’s brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple.	¹⁵ Salome and her children accompanied him, as well as the king's brothers-in-law and sons-in-law. Outwardly, they went to support Archelaus in securing the succession, but in fact to accuse him for his unlawful actions in the temple.
¹⁵ Salome also went out with him, along with her children, and the king’s nephews and sons-in-law—outwardly appearing to support Archelaus in his struggle for the succession, but in reality intending to accuse him regarding the illegalities committed in the Temple.

¹⁶ Συναντᾷ δ’ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν Σαβῖνος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἐπίτροπος εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν Ἡρώδου χρημάτων . Τοῦτον ἐπέσχεν προσωτέρω χωρεῖν ἐπελθὼν Οὔαρος , ὃν διὰ Πτολεμαίου πολλὰ δεηθεὶς Ἀρχέλαος μετεπέμψατο .
¹⁶ But as they were come to Caesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod’s effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy.	¹⁶ Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them in Caesarea, as he was going up to Judea to guard Herod's effects; but Varus, whom Archelaus had sent for at Ptolemy's request, arrived and prevented him from going any farther.
¹⁶ At Caesarea, they were met by Sabinus,^[1] the procurator of Syria, who was going up to Judea to take charge of Herod’s money. He was prevented from proceeding further by Varus,^[2] who had arrived after Archelaus had sent for him through Ptolemy with many entreaties.

^[1]Sabinus was the financial procurator. His greed and interference in Jerusalem (while Archelaus was in Rome) eventually led to a massive Jewish revolt.
^[2]Varus was the Governor of Syria. He is famous in Roman history for later losing three legions in the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest (9 AD).

¹⁷ Τότε μὲν οὖν Σαβῖνος Οὐάρῳ χαριζόμενος οὔτ’ ἐπὶ τὰς ἄκρας ἔσπευσεν οὔτε τὰ ταμιεῖα τῶν πατρῴων χρημάτων ἀπέκλεισεν Ἀρχελάῳ , μέχρι δὲ τῆς Καίσαρος διαγνώσεως ἠρεμήσειν ὑπέσχετο καὶ διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τῆς Καισαρείας .
¹⁷ At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father’s money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Caesarea;	¹⁷ So to gratify Varus, Sabinus neither went to the fortresses, nor sealed the treasuries where Herod's money was deposited, but promised to do nothing until Caesar ruled on the affair.
¹⁷ At that time, therefore, Sabinus, to please Varus, neither hurried to the fortresses nor locked Archelaus out of the treasuries of his father’s money; he promised to remain quiet until Caesar had made a decision and stayed in Caesarea.

¹⁸ ὡς δὲ τῶν ἐμποδιζόντων ὁ μὲν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἀπῆρεν , Ἀρχέλαος δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην ἀνήχθη , διὰ τάχους ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ὁρμήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος τούς τε φρουράρχους καὶ διοικητὰς ἐπειρᾶτο διερευνᾶν τοὺς τῶν χρημάτων ἀναλογισμοὺς τάς τε ἄκρας παραλαμβάνειν .
¹⁸ but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king’s private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels.	¹⁸ So he stayed in Caesarea, but as soon as those who were blocking him had gone, as Varus had left for Antioch and Archelaus had sailed to Rome, he immediately went to Jerusalem and seized the palace. When he had called for the officers of the fortresses and the treasurers, he tried to sift out the accounts of the money and to take over the fortresses.
¹⁸ But as soon as one of those who hindered him [Varus] had departed for Antioch and Archelaus had set sail for Rome, Sabinus rushed to Jerusalem and took possession of the palace. Summoning the garrison commanders and stewards, he attempted to search the accounts of the money and to take over the fortresses.

¹⁹ Οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες τῶν Ἀρχελάου κατημέλουν ἐντολῶν , ἔμενον δὲ φρουροῦντες ἕκαστα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνατιθέντες Καίσαρι μᾶλλον ἢ Ἀρχελάῳ .
¹⁹ But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.	¹⁹ But the officers of those fortresses did not forget the instructions of Archelaus and continued to guard them and said that for their custody they were answerable to Caesar rather than to Archelaus.
¹⁹ However, the guardians did not neglect Archelaus’ instructions; they continued to guard everything, stating that they held the guard for Caesar rather than for Archelaus.

²⁰ Κἀν τούτῳ πάλιν Ἀντίπας ἀμφισβητῶν περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπέξεισιν ἀξιῶν τῆς ἐπιδιαθήκης κυριωτέραν εἶναι τὴν διαθήκην , ἐν ᾗ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἐγέγραπτο . Συλλήψεσθαι δ’ αὐτῷ προυπέσχετο Σαλώμη καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν σὺν Ἀρχελάῳ πλεόντων συγγενῶν .
²⁰ In the meantime, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus’s kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also.	²⁰ Meanwhile Antipas also went to Rome to ask for the kingdom and to insist that the former testament, where he was named as king, was valid rather than the later one. Salome had promised to help him, as had many of of his relatives, who had sailed with Archelaus.
²⁰ Meanwhile, Antipas again disputed the kingship, claiming that the original will—in which he himself had been named king—was more valid than the codicil (the later will).^[1] Salome and many of the relatives who had sailed with Archelaus promised to support him.

^[1]Herod changed his will multiple times. His “Second-to-Last Will” named Antipas king. His “Final Will” (the codicil) named Archelaus king and Antipas a Tetrarch.

²¹ Ἐπήγετο δὲ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον ῥοπὴν εἶναι δοκοῦντα διὰ τὴν παρὰ Ἡρώδῃ πίστιν · γεγόνει γὰρ δὴ τῶν φίλων ἐκείνου τιμιώτατος · πλεῖστον μέντοι πεποίθει διὰ δεινότητα λόγων Εἰρηναίῳ τῷ ῥήτορι , διὸ καὶ τοὺς νουθετοῦντας εἴκειν Ἀρχελάῳ κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον καὶ τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας διεκρούσατο .
²¹ He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him.	²¹ He also brought with him his mother and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed very influential, due to Herod's great trust in him, as one of his most honoured friends. His rival depended mainly on the orator Irenaeus, who got him to ignore those wishing him to yield to Archelaus on account of his seniority and because the second will gave the kingdom to him.
²¹ He took with him his mother and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who was thought to carry weight because of the trust Herod had placed in him, for he had been the most honored of Herod’s friends. However, he relied most on the orator Irenaeus for his eloquence; on this account, he rejected those who advised him to yield to Archelaus based on seniority and the later will.

²² Μεθίστατο δὲ ἐν Ῥώμῃ πάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ σπουδὴ τῶν συγγενῶν , οἷς διὰ μίσους ἦν Ἀρχέλαος , καὶ προηγουμένως ἕκαστος αὐτονομίας ἐπεθύμει στρατηγῷ Ῥωμαίων διοικουμένης , εἰ δὲ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοι , βασιλεύειν Ἀντίπαν ἤθελεν .
²² The inclinations also of all Archelaus’s kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king.	²² When they came to Rome, all Archelaus's relatives, who hated him, shifted their preference to Antipas, but the first preference of them all would be to live under their own laws and be under a Roman governor, but if this was not granted, they wanted Antipas as their king.
²² In Rome, the zeal of all the relatives shifted toward Antipas; they hated Archelaus, and while each primarily desired autonomy under a Roman governor, if they failed in that, they preferred Antipas to reign.

²³ Συνήργει δ’ αὐτοῖς εἰς τοῦτο καὶ Σαβῖνος δι’ ἐπιστολῶν κατηγορήσας μὲν Ἀρχελάου παρὰ Καίσαρι , πολλὰ δ’ ἐπαινέσας Ἀντίπαν .
²³ Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose, by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas.	²³ Sabinus supported them in this by letters he sent, where he accused Archelaus before Caesar and highly commended Antipas.
²³ Sabinus also assisted them in this by letters to Caesar, in which he accused Archelaus and highly praised Antipas.

²⁴ Συντάξαντες δὲ τὰ ἐγκλήματα οἱ περὶ Σαλώμην ἐνεχείρισαν Καίσαρι , καὶ μετὰ τούτους Ἀρχέλαος τά τε κεφάλαια τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δικαίων γράψας καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λόγους εἰσπέμπει διὰ Πτολεμαίου .
²⁴ Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar’s hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father’s ring, and his father’s accounts.	²⁴ Salome also and those with her, made a list of the crimes of which they accused Archelaus and put it in Caesar's hands, and then Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and through Ptolemy he sent in his father's ring and his accounts.
²⁴ Salome and her followers drew up their accusations and handed them to Caesar; afterwards, Archelaus wrote down the main points of his claims and sent his father’s ring and the accounts through Ptolemy.

²⁵ Προσκεψάμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ παρ’ ἀμφοῖν κατ’ ἰδίαν τό τε μέγεθος τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς προσόδου , πρὸς οἷς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῆς Ἡρώδου γενεᾶς , προαναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου περὶ τούτων ἐπεσταλμένα , συνέδριον μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων , ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν ἐξ Ἀγρίππα καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς θυγατρὸς θετὸν παῖδα Γάιον πρώτως ἐκάθισεν , ἀποδίδωσι δὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς .
²⁵ And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.	²⁵ When Caesar had pondered by himself what both had to say for themselves, and had considered of the great burden of the kingdom and size of the revenues and also the number of the children Herod had left behind him and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the leading Romans, where for the first time he gave seat to Gaius, son of Agrippa and his daughter Julias, whom he had adopted as his own son, and let the petitioners speak.
²⁵ Caesar considered the claims of both in private, as well as the size of the kingdom, the amount of revenue, and the number of Herod’s family. Having also read the letters sent by Varus and Sabinus regarding these matters, he assembled a council of the leading Romans. For the first time, he gave a seat to Gaius^[1] (the adopted son of Agrippa and his daughter Julia) and allowed the parties to speak.

^[1]Gaius Caesar, the grandson and intended heir of Augustus, was seated in the council for the first time to gain administrative experience.

²⁶ Ἔνθα καταστὰς ὁ Σαλώμης Ναχώρης Ἀντίπατρος , ἦν δὲ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων Ἀρχελάῳ δεινότατος εἰπεῖν , κατηγόρει φάσκων τοῖς μὲν Λόγοις ἀμφισβητεῖν ἄρτι βασιλείας Ἀρχέλαον , τοῖς δ’ ἔργοις πάλαι γεγονέναι βασιλέα , κατειρωνεύεσθαι δὲ νῦν τῶν Καίσαρος ἀκοῶν ,
²⁶ Then stood up Salome’s son, Antipater (who of all Archelaus’s antagonists was the shrewdest pleader), and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession,	²⁶ Then Salome's son, Antipater, who of all Archelaus's opponents was the best speaker, stood up to make the following accusation: That Archelaus not only claimed the kingdom with words, but had long been king in fact, and this hearing before Caesar was now just a mockery since he had not awaited his decision about the succession.
²⁶ Thereupon Antipater, the son of Salome—the most eloquent of Archelaus’ opponents—stood up to accuse him. He said that while Archelaus now disputed the kingship in words, he had long ago made himself king in deeds, and was now playing a trick on Caesar’s ears,

²⁷ ὃν δικαστὴν τῆς διαδοχῆς οὐ περιέμεινεν , εἴ γε μετὰ τὴν Ἡρώδου τελευτὴν ἐγκαθέτους μὲν ὑποπέμψας τοὺς περιθήσοντας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα , προκαθίσας δ’ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καὶ χρηματίσας βασιλεὺς τάξεις τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀμείψας καὶ προκοπὰς χαρισάμενος ,
²⁷ and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod’s death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities;	²⁷ After Herod's death, he had bribed people to demand he wear the crown and had set himself on the throne and acted as a king by making changes in the ranks of the army and granting promotions to some.
²⁷ whom he had not waited for as the judge of the succession; for after the death of Herod, he had sent agents to place the diadem on his head, sat upon the throne, and acted as king, changing the orders of the army and granting promotions.

²⁸ ἔτι δὲ τῷ δήμῳ πάντα κατανεύσας ὅσων ὡς παρὰ βασιλέως τυχεῖν ἠξίουν καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ μεγίσταις αἰτίαις παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς δεδεμένους λύσας , νῦν ἥκει παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου σκιὰν αἰτησόμενος βασιλείας , ἧς ἥρπασεν ἑαυτῷ τὸ σῶμα , καὶ ποιῶν οὐ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλλὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων κύριον Καίσαρα .
²⁸ that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words.	²⁸ He had also acceded to all the requests the people had made to him as their king and released those whom his father had, for major reasons, put in chains. And now he asks for the shadow of that authority, whose substance he had already seized, making Caesar lord, not of things, but of words.
²⁸ Furthermore, he had granted the people everything they had requested as if from a king, and released those whom his father had imprisoned for the gravest crimes.

²⁹ Προσωνείδιζεν δ’ ὡς καὶ τὸ πένθος κατειρωνεύσατο τοῦ πατρός , μεθ’ ἡμέραν μὲν ἐπισχηματίζων τὸ πρόσωπον εἰς λύπην , νύκτωρ δὲ μέχρις κώμων μεθυσκόμενος , ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἐκ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀγανακτήσεως ἔλεγεν γεγονέναι .
²⁹ He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the daytime, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat.	²⁹ He added the mockery that his mourning for his father was only a pretence, putting on a sad face in the daytime but drinking to excess at night. This behaviour, he said, had caused the recent disturbance among the people, who were very angry.
²⁹ He also reproached Archelaus for his hypocritical mourning for his father—how by day he put on a face of grief, but by night indulged in drunken revelry, from which Antipater claimed the disturbance of the multitude arose out of indignation.

³⁰ Καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ λόγου παντὸς ἐναπηρείσατο τῷ πλήθει τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν φονευθέντων , οὓς ἐληλυθέναι μὲν ἐφ’ ἑορτήν , παρὰ δὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις θυσίαις ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάχθαι · καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ σεσωρεῦσθαι νεκρῶν πλῆθος , ὅσον οὐδ’ ἂν ἀλλόφυλος ἐσώρευσεν πόλεμος ἐπελθὼν ἀκήρυκτος .
³⁰ And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus’s crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together.	³⁰ The aim of all this was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in killing so many in the temple area, when a crowd came to the festival but were cruelly killed amid their own sacrifices. He said that more corpses were heaped together in the temple than could be caused by a foreign war coming on them unannounced;
³⁰ He centered the whole weight of his speech on the slaughter of the people around the Temple, who, he said, had come for the festival but were cruelly butchered beside their own sacrifices; so great a number of corpses were piled in the Temple as even a foreign war, coming unannounced, would not have produced.

³¹ Ταύτην μέντοι τὴν ὠμότητα προσκεψάμενον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸν πατέρα μηδ’ ἐλπίδος αὐτόν ποτε ἀξιῶσαι βασιλικῆς ἢ ὅτε χεῖρον τὴν ψυχὴν κάμνων τοῦ σώματος ἀκρατὴς ἦν ὑγιαίνοντος λογισμοῦ καὶ οὐδ’ ὃν ἔγραφεν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ᾔδει διάδοχον , καὶ ταῦτα μηδὲν τὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις μέμψασθαι δυνάμενος , ἃς ἔγραψεν ὑγιαίνων μὲν τὸ σῶμα , καθαρὰν δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχων πάθους παντός .
³¹ And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion.	³¹ and that it was this cruel streak which caused his father not to give him any hopes of the kingdom. But when his mind grew even weaker than his body and he was unable to think and did not know whose name he was writing as his successor in the addendum to his will, which he did at a time when he had no complaints against the one he had nominated earlier while in good health and with his mind clear of all passion.
³¹ He argued that Herod, foreseeing this cruelty, had never deemed him worthy of a royal hope—except perhaps when his mind was more afflicted than his body and he was not in control of sound reason, not even knowing whom he was naming as successor in his codicil. This, while he [Herod] had no fault to find with the one named in the previous will, which he wrote while sound in body and with a mind free from every passion.

³² Εἰ μέντοι καὶ κυριωτέραν τὴν τοῦ κάμνοντος κρίσιν τιθείη τις , ἀποκεχειροτονῆσθαι βασιλείας Ἀρχέλαον ὑφ’ ἑαυτοῦ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὴν παρανομηθεῖσιν · ποταπὸν γὰρ ἂν γενέσθαι λαβόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ Καίσαρος τὸν πρὶν λαβεῖν τοσούτους ἀνῃρηκότα ;
³² That, however, if anyone should suppose Herod’s judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it!	³² But even if one should place Herod's judgment in his sickness above that in an earlier time, Archelaus had still forfeited the kingship by his lawless behaviour. If he killed so many people before becoming ruler what would he be like if Caesar confirmed his position?
³² Yet, Antipater continued, if one were to consider the judgment of a sick man more valid, Archelaus had disqualified himself from kingship by his illegal acts against it. For what kind of man would he be once he received authority from Caesar, who had killed so many before receiving it?

³³ Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα διεξελθὼν Ἀντίπατρος καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν συγγενῶν παραστησάμενος ἐφ’ ἑκάστῳ τῶν κατηγορημένων μάρτυρας καταπαύει τὸν λόγον .
³³ When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus’s kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse.	³³ When Antipater had said much to this effect and had produced many of Archelaus's relatives as witnesses, to prove each part of the accusation, he ended his speech
³³ After Antipater had gone through many such points and produced most of the relatives as witnesses for each of the accusations, he ended his speech.

³⁴ Ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ Ἀρχελάου , καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ φόνον ἀναγκαῖον ἀπέφηνεν · πολεμίους γὰρ γεγονέναι τοὺς ἀνῃρημένους οὐ τῆς βασιλείας μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ δικάζοντος αὐτὴν Καίσαρος .
³⁴ Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus’s kingdom only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him.	³⁴ Then Nicolaus stood up on behalf of Archelaus, and said that the slaughter in the temple was avoidable; that those who were killed were opposed not just to the monarchy but to Caesar, who was to decide about it.
³⁴ Then Nicolaus^[1] stood up for Archelaus and showed that the slaughter in the Temple was a necessity; for those who were killed had become enemies not only of the kingdom but also of Caesar, who was the judge of it.

^[1]Nicolaus of Damascus was a brilliant historian and diplomat who had been Herod’s closest advisor. His defense of Archelaus here is a masterclass in Roman legal rhetoric—reframing the Temple massacre as a defense of Caesar’s own authority.

³⁵ Τῶν δ’ ἄλλων ἐγκλημάτων συμβούλους ἀπεδείκνυεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς κατηγόρους γεγονέναι . Τήν γε μὴν ἐπιδιαθήκην ἠξίου διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα εἶναι κυρίαν , ὅτι βεβαιωτὴν ἐν αὐτῇ Καίσαρα καθίστατο τοῦ διαδόχου ·
³⁵ He also demonstrated that Archelaus’s accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession;	³⁵ He proved that the accusers had urged him to do other things that would have been unlawful, and insisted that the later will was valid, especially since in it Herod named Caesar to validate the succession.
³⁵ As for the other charges, he showed that the accusers themselves had been advisors in those actions. He insisted that the codicil should be considered valid mainly because in it Herod appointed Caesar to be the confirmer of the successor.

³⁶ Ὁ γὰρ σωφρονῶν ὥστε τῷ δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἐξουσίας οὐ δή που περὶ κληρονόμου κρίσιν ἐσφάλλετο , σωφρονῶν δ’ ᾑρεῖτο καὶ τὸν καθιστάμενον ὁ γινώσκων τὸν καθιστάντα .
³⁶ for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor.	³⁶ If he was wise enough to yield his authority to the master of the world, he would make no mistake in his choice of an heir, for his wisdom about the arbitrator meant that he knew whom he had chosen to be his successor.
³⁶ For a man who was sane enough to surrender his authority to the master of the world was surely not mistaken in his judgment of an heir; he who knew who was to appoint the king was sane in choosing the one to be appointed.

³⁷ Διεξελθόντος δὲ πάντα καὶ Νικολάου παρελθὼν Ἀρχέλαος προπίπτει τῶν Καίσαρος γονάτων ἡσυχῆ . Κἀκεῖνος αὐτὸν μάλα φιλοφρόνως ἀναστήσας ἐνέφηνεν μὲν ὡς ἄξιος εἴη τῆς πατρῴας διαδοχῆς , οὐ μήν τι βέβαιον ἀπεφήνατο .
³⁷ When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar’s knees, without any noise;—upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case;	³⁷ When Nicolaus had fully stated his case, Archelaus came and fell down in silence at Caesar's knees, and he raised him up in a most friendly manner and declared him worthy to succeed his father, but did not finalise the matter.
³⁷ When Nicolaus had finished his points, Archelaus came forward and fell silently at Caesar’s knees. Caesar raised him up very graciously, indicating that he was worthy of his father’s succession, yet he made no final declaration.

³⁸ Διαλύσας δὲ τοὺς συνέδρους ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας καθ’ ἑαυτὸν περὶ ὧν διήκουσεν ἐσκέπτετο , εἴτε χρὴ τῶν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις καταστῆσαί τινα διάδοχον , εἴτε καὶ πάσῃ‎ τῇ γενεᾷ διανεῖμαι τὴν ἀρχήν · ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐπικουρίας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσώπων χρῄζειν .
³⁸ but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod’s successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom.	³⁸ After dismissing the assessors who had been with him that day, after all had been heard he pondered on whether to confirm as Herod's successor one of those named in the will, or to divide the power among his whole family, since so many of them seemed to need it for their support.
³⁸ After dismissing the council for that day, Caesar considered by himself what he had heard: whether he should appoint one of those in the wills as successor, or divide the rule among the entire family; for the large number of persons seemed to require support.

Chapter 3
[vv. 039-054]
Sabinus calls Varus to help him quell the rebellion.
The rebels besiege him in Jerusalem

☜ ☞

³⁹ Πρὶν δὲ ὁρίσαι τι περὶ τούτων Καίσαρα τελευτᾷ μὲν ἡ Ἀρχελάου μήτηρ Μαλθακὴ νοσήσασα , παρὰ Οὐάρου δ’ ἐκομίσθησαν ἐκ Συρίας ἐπιστολαὶ περὶ τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἀποστάσεως ,
³⁹ Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews.	³⁹ Before Caesar had reached a decision about these matters, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought from Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews.
³⁹ Before Caesar could make any decision on these matters, Archelaus’ mother, Malthace, fell ill and died. Meanwhile, letters were brought from Varus in Syria concerning the revolt of the Jews.

⁴⁰ ἣν προιδόμενος ὁ Οὔαρος , ἀνέβη γὰρ μετὰ τὸν Ἀρχελάου πλοῦν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τοὺς παρακινοῦντας καθέξων , ἐπειδὴ πρόδηλον ἦν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἠρεμῆσον , ἓν τῶν τριῶν ἀπὸ Συρίας ταγμάτων , ὅπερ ἄγων ἧκεν , ἐν τῇ Βηθήλῃ καταλείπει .
⁴⁰ This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city,	⁴⁰ This was foreseen by Varus, who therefore, after Archelaus had sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the agitators, and since it was manifest that the nation would not stay peaceful he left in the city one of the three legions he had brought from Syria.
⁴⁰ Varus had foreseen this; for after Archelaus had sailed, he went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of sedition. Since it was clear the multitude would not remain quiet, he left one of the three legions he had brought from Syria in the city.

⁴¹ Καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν , ἐπελθὼν δὲ ὁ Σαβῖνος ἀφορμὴν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν νεωτεροποιίας · τούς τε γὰρ φρουροὺς παραδιδόναι τὰς ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο καὶ πικρῶς τὰ βασιλικὰ χρήματα διηρεύνα , πεποιθὼς οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὑπὸ Οὐάρου καταλειφθεῖσι στρατιώταις , ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει δούλων ἰδίων , οὓς ἅπαντας ὁπλίσας ὑπηρέταις ἐχρῆτο τῆς πλεονεξίας .
⁴¹ and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king’s money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness.	⁴¹ He himself went to Antioch. But Sabinus came after he was gone, and gave them an occasion for rebellion. For he forced the keepers of the fortresses to hand them over to him and made a thorough search for the king's money, helped not only by the soldiers left by Varus, but by his own servants, whom he armed and used as the instruments for his greed.
⁴¹ He himself returned to Antioch, but the arrival of Sabinus provided the people with a pretext for revolution. Sabinus began to pressure the guards to hand over the fortresses and conducted a bitter search for the royal treasures. He relied not only on the soldiers left by Varus but also on a multitude of his own slaves, whom he armed and used as tools for his greed.

⁴² Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς , οὕτω καλοῦσίν τινα ἑορτὴν Ἰουδαῖοι παρ’ ἑπτὰ γινομένην ἑβδομάδας καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν προσηγορίαν ἔχουσαν , οὐχ ἡ συνήθης θρησκεία συνήγαγεν τὸν δῆμον , ἀλλ’ ἡ ἀγανάκτησις .
⁴² Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost (i.e. the 50th day) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had [at the present state of affairs].	⁴² When Pentecost was near, for so the Jews called the festival which was observed seven weeks after Passover, and whose name derives from the number of the days (i.e., fifty), what drew the people together was not so much their traditional divine worship but the anger they felt.
⁴² When Pentecost arrived—this is what the Jews call a festival occurring seven weeks after [Passover], taking its name from the number of days—it was not the usual religious devotion that brought the people together, but indignation.

⁴³ Συνέδραμεν γοῦν πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἔκ τε τῆς Γαλιλαίας καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ἰδουμαίας Ἱεριχοῦντός τε καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ Ἰορδάνην Περαίας , ὑπερεῖχεν δὲ πλήθει καὶ προθυμίαιςreadiness, eagerness ἀνδρῶν ὁ γνήσιος ἐξ αὐτῆς Ἰουδαίας λαός .
⁴³ Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men.	⁴³ A huge crowd assembled, from Galilee and Idumaea and Jericho and Perea beyond the Jordan, but the people of Judea itself were the most prominent both in number and in zeal.
⁴³ An innumerable multitude streamed in from Galilee, Idumaea, Jericho, and Perea beyond the Jordan; but it was the authentic people of Judea itself who surpassed the others in number and ferocity.

⁴⁴ Διανείμαντες δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τρία μέρη τριχῆ στρατοπεδεύονται , πρός τε τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κλίματι καὶ πρὸς τῷ μεσημβρινῷ κατὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον , ἡ δὲ τρίτη μοῖρα πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις κατὰ δύσιν . Περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ πανταχόθεν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπολιόρκουν .
⁴⁴ So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.	⁴⁴ They divided into three parts and pitched their tents in three places, one to the north of the temple, another to the south of it, by the Hippodrome, and the third at the palace to the west. So they surrounded the Romans on all sides and kept them under siege.
⁴⁴ Dividing themselves into three groups, they encamped in three places: one toward the north side of the Temple, another toward the south by the Hippodrome, and the third part toward the Palace on the west. Having surrounded the Romans on all sides, they began a siege.

⁴⁵ Ὁ δὲ Σαβῖνος πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν ὑποδείσας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα συνεχεῖς μὲν ἀγγέλους ἔπεμπεν πρὸς Οὔαρον ἐπαμύνειν ἐν τάχει δεόμενος ὡς εἰ βραδύνοι κατακοπησομένου τοῦ τάγματος ·
⁴⁵ Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces.	⁴⁵ Sabinus, afraid of their numbers and their mood, sent a series of messengers to Varus, imploring him to come quickly to his help, for if he delayed his legion would be cut to pieces.
⁴⁵ Sabinus, fearing both their numbers and their determination, sent constant messengers to Varus, begging him to bring aid quickly, for if he delayed, the legion would be cut to pieces.

⁴⁶ αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ὑψηλότατον τοῦ φρουρίου πύργον ἀναβάς , ὃς ἐκαλεῖτο Φασάηλος ἐπώνυμον ἔχων ἀδελφὸν Ἡρώδου διαφθαρέντα ὑπὸ Πάρθων , ἐντεῦθεν κατέσειεν τοῖς ἐν τῷ τάγματι στρατιώταις ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try τοῖς πολεμίοις · δι’ ἔκπληξιν γὰρ οὐδ’ εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους καταβαίνειν ἐθάρρει .
⁴⁶ As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod’s brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men.	⁴⁶ He himself went up the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasael, after Herod's brother who was killed by the Parthians, and from there signalled the legionaries to attack the enemy, for he was so afraid that he dared not go down to his own men.
⁴⁶ He himself climbed to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasael^[1]—named after Herod’s brother who was killed by the Parthians—and from there signaled to the soldiers of the legion to attack the enemy; for in his terror, he did not even dare to descend to his own men.

^[1]The Phasael Tower was one of the three great towers built by Herod (Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamne). It was so massive that it served as a fortress within the city.

⁴⁷ Παραπεισθέντες δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται προπηδῶσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ μάχην καρτερὰν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις συνάπτουσιν , ἐν ᾗ μέχρι μὲν οὐδεὶς καθύπερθεν ἐπήμυνεν περιῆσαν ἐμπειρίᾳ πολέμου τῶν ἀπείρων ·
⁴⁷ Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others’ want of skill, in war;	⁴⁷ The soldiers let themselves be persuaded and sprang into the temple and fought a hard battle with the Jews. During this, as long as there were none attacking them from above they had the upper hand by their warlike skill and the others' lack of it,
⁴⁷ Persuaded by his signals, the soldiers leaped out into the Temple and engaged in a fierce battle with the Jews. In this, as long as no one attacked them from above, the Romans prevailed through their military experience over the unskilled.

⁴⁸ ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὶ Ἰουδαίων ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς στοὰς κατὰ κεφαλῆς αὐτῶν ἠφίεσαν τὰ βέλη , συνετρίβοντο πολλοὶ καὶ οὔτε τοὺς ἄνωθεν βάλλοντας ἀμύνεσθαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν οὔτε τοὺς συστάδην μαχομένους ὑπομένειν .
⁴⁸ but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.	⁴⁸ but when many of the Jews climbed up the porticoes and threw their spears downward at the heads of the Romans, many were killed. It was not easy to get back at those who shot from above, or to hold back those who fought them hand to hand.
⁴⁸ But when many Jews climbed onto the porticoes and discharged their missiles down upon the Romans’ heads, many were crushed; it was not easy to defend against those shooting from above or to withstand those fighting at close quarters.

⁴⁹ Καταπονούμενοι μὲν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑποπιμπρᾶσιν τὰς στοάς , ἔργα θαυμάσια μεγέθους τε καὶ πολυτελείας ἕνεκεν · οἱ δ’ ἐπ’ αὐτῶν ἐξαίφνης ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς περισχεθέντες πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ διεφθάρησαν , πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων πηδῶντες εἰς αὐτούς , τινὲς δ’ εἰς τοὐπίσω κατὰ τοῦ τείχους ἐκρημνίζοντο , Ἔνιοι δ’ ὑπ’ ἀμηχανίας τοῖς ἰδίοις ξίφεσιν τὸ πῦρ ἔφθανον ·
⁴⁹ Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords;	⁴⁹ Harassed by both these factors, they set fire to the porticoes, which were marvellous both in size and workmanship. Those on top of them were soon surrounded with the flame and many of them died in it, and many were also killed by the enemy, who attacked them suddenly. Some of them jumped down backward from the ramparts, and in desperation some anticipated the fire by killing themselves with their own swords,
⁴⁹ Being distressed by both sides, the Romans set fire to the porticoes^[1]—works that were marvelous for their size and magnificence. Many Jews upon them were suddenly surrounded by the flames and perished in them; many others jumped down toward the enemy, others threw themselves over the wall, and some, in their desperation, anticipated the fire with their own swords.

^[1]The burning of the porticoes was a catastrophic event for the Temple complex. The porticoes (colonnades) were world-renowned architectural wonders. Their destruction by Roman fire intensified the religious hatred toward Rome.

⁵⁰ ὅσοι δὲ καθερπύσαντες ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ᾖξαν εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εὐμεταχείριστοι διὰ τὴν ἔκπληξιν ἦσαν . Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀπολωλότων , τῶν δ’ ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους σκεδασθέντων ἐρήμῳ τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῷ προσπεσόντες οἱ στρατιῶται περὶ τετρακόσια τάλαντα διήρπασαν , ὧν ὅσα μὴ διεκλάπη Σαβῖνος ἤθροισεν .
⁵⁰ but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers.	⁵⁰ and any of them who crept out from the ramparts and came at the Romans, were easily mastered due to their stunned condition. Finally when the Jews had either been killed or had scattered in fear, the soldiers attacked the treasury of God, now left unguarded, and looted about four hundred talents, of which Sabinus got all that was not stolen by them.
⁵⁰ Those who crawled down from the walls and rushed at the Romans were easily dealt with because of their shock. While some were dead and others scattered by fear, the soldiers fell upon the unguarded treasury of God and plundered about four hundred talents;^[1] whatever was not stolen by the soldiers, Sabinus collected.

^[1]The Roman soldiers stole 400 talents from the Temple treasury (the Corban). For perspective, one talent was roughly 6,000 denarii (a soldier’s yearly pay was about 225–300 denarii). Thus they stole over 8,000 years’ salary.

⁵¹ Ἰουδαίους δὲ ἥ τε τῶν ἔργων καὶ ἀνδρῶν φθορὰ πολὺ πλείους καὶ μαχιμωτέρους ἐπισυνέστησεν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ περισχόντες τὰ βασίλεια πάντας ἠπείλουν διαφθείρειν , εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἀπίοιεν · ὑπισχνοῦντο γὰρ χρόνου τῷ Σαβίνῳ βουλομένῳ μετὰ τοῦ τάγματος ἐξιέναι .
⁵¹ However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion.	⁵¹ This destruction of property and of lives caused many of the more aggressive Jews to band together against the Romans. They gathered around the palace and threatened all who were in it, unless they left instantly, promising Sabinus that he would come to no harm if he left along with his legion.
⁵¹ But the destruction of these works and the men only caused more and fiercer Jews to rise up against the Romans. They surrounded the Palace and threatened to kill everyone unless they departed immediately; however, they promised Sabinus safety if he wished to withdraw with his legion.

⁵² Συνελάμβανον δ’ αὐτοῖς οἱ πλείους τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτομολήσαντες . Τὸ μέντοι πολεμικώτατον μέρος , Σεβαστηνοὶ τρισχίλιοι Ῥοῦφός τε καὶ Γρᾶτος ἐπὶ τούτοις , ὁ μὲν τοὺς πεζοὺς τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ἔχων , Ῥοῦφος δὲ τοὺς ἱππεῖς , ὢν ἑκάτερος καὶ χωρὶς ὑπηκόουsubject, ovedient δυνάμεως δι’ ἀλκὴν καὶ σύνεσιν πολέμου ῥοπή , προσέθεντο Ῥωμαίοις .
⁵² There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war.	⁵² There were also many of the king's party who deserted the Romans and helped the Jews, but the most warlike of that group, three thousand of the men of Sebaste, went over to the Romans, along with their captains, Rufus and Gratus, the latter being captain of the infantry and Rufus of the cavalry. Even without the forces they commanded, each of them was an army in himself due to their strength and wisdom.
⁵² Most of the royal troops joined the Jews, having deserted. However, the most warlike part, three thousand men of Sebaste, along with Rufus and Gratus—the latter commanding the king’s infantry and Rufus the cavalry—joined the Romans. Both men, even without their subordinate forces, were a decisive factor in war due to their courage and intelligence.

⁵³ Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐνέκειντο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν τειχῶν ἅμα πειρώμενοι τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σαβῖνον ἐμβοῶντες ἀπιέναι μηδ’ ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι διὰ χρόνου πολλοῦ κομιζομένοις τὴν πάτριον αὐτονομίαν .
⁵³ Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break downthe walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed.	⁵³ The Jews besieged and tried to break down walls of the fortress, shouting to Sabinus and his party to leave and not block their long-awaited hope of recovering their ancestral liberty.
⁵³ The Jews, meanwhile, pressed the siege of the walls and attempted to undermine the fortress, shouting to Sabinus and his men to depart and not stand in the way of a people who, after a long time, were recovering their ancestral autonomy.

⁵⁴ Σαβίνῳ δ’ ἀγαπητὸν μὲν ἦν ὑπεξελθεῖν , ἠπίστει δὲ ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσινa promise καὶ τὸ πρᾷον αὐτῶν δέλεαρ εἰς ἐνέδραν ὑπώπτευεν · ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Οὐάρου βοήθειαν ἐλπίζων διέτριβεν τὴν πολιορκίαν .
⁵⁴ Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer.	⁵⁴ Sabinus would gladly have escaped from danger, but he distrusted their assurances, suspecting that such a mild offer was just a bait to catch him. This thought, along with his hopes of help from Varus, prolonged the siege.
⁵⁴ Sabinus would have been glad to withdraw, but he did not trust their promises and suspected their mildness was a bait for an ambush. At the same time, he was expecting reinforcements from Varus, and so he held out against the siege.

Chapter 4
[vv. 055-065]
Herod's veteran soldiers rebel.
Simon and Athronoeus usurp the name of king

☜ ☞

⁵⁵ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πολλαχόθεν ἐταράσσετο , καὶ συχνοὺς βασιλειᾶν ὁ καιρὸς ἀνέπειθεν . Κατὰ μέν γε τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν δισχίλιοι τῶν ὑπὸ Ἡρώδῃ πάλαι στρατευσαμένων συστάντες ἔνοπλοι διεμάχοντο τοῖς βασιλικοῖς , οἷς Ἀχίαβος ἀνεψιὸς βασιλέως ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμνοτάτων χωρίων ἐπολέμει ὑποφεύγων τὴν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις συμπλοκήν ·
⁵⁵ At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod’s veteran soldiers got together, and armedthemselves, and fought against those of the king’s party; against whom Achiabus, the king’s first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains.	⁵⁵ Meanwhile many parts of the country were troubled and the times led many to seek the kingship. In Idumaea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers gathered in arms to fight against the king's side. They were opposed by Achiabus, the king's cousin, and driven out of some fortified places, though he avoided a pitched battle in the plains.
⁵⁵ At this time, the country was also disturbed in many places, and the opportunity incited many to aim at royalty. In Idumaea, two thousand of those who had formerly served under Herod gathered in arms and fought against the royal troops; they were opposed by Achiabus, the king’s cousin, who fought them from the most fortified positions, avoiding an engagement in the plains.

⁵⁶ ἐν δὲ Σεπφώρει τῆς Γαλιλαίας Ἰούδας Ναχώρης Ἐζεκία τοῦ κατατρέχοντός ποτε τὴν χώραν ἀρχιλῃστοῦ καὶ χειρωθέντος ὑφ’ Ἡρώδου βασιλέως συστήσας πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἀναρρήγνυσιν τὰς βασιλικὰς ὁπλοθήκας καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλίσας τοῖς τὴν δυναστείαν ζηλοῦσιν ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in .
⁵⁶ In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and broke open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion.	⁵⁶ In Sepphoris too, a city of Galilee, Judas, the son of that arch-brigand Hezekias, who formerly overran the country and had been subdued by king Herod, gathered a significant following and breaking into the royal armoury, armed his companions and attacked the men so eager to take power.
⁵⁶ In Sepphoris of Galilee, Judas ben Hezekiah^[1] (son of the arch-robber Hezekiah, who had formerly overran the country and been subdued by King Herod) gathered a considerable multitude and broke open the royal armories. Having armed his followers, he attacked others who were seeking power.

^[1]His father Hezekiah, had been executed by a young Herod decades earlier. This Judas is often associated with the early “Zealot” ideology of “No King but God.”

⁵⁷ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Σίμων τις τῶν βασιλικῶν δούλων εὐμορφίᾳ σώματος καὶ μεγέθει πεποιθὼς περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα , περιιὼν δὲ μεθ’ ὧν συνήθροισεν λῃστῶν τά τε ἐν Ἱεριχοῖ βασίλεια καταπίμπρησιν καὶ πολλὰς ἑτέρας τῶν πολυτελῶν ἐπαύλεις , ἁρπαγὰς ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς αὑτῷ ποριζόμενος .
⁵⁷ In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire.	⁵⁷ In Perea too, Simon, one of the royal servants, relying upon his handsome physique and his size, put a crown upon his head and went round with a gang of brigands he had assembled and burned down the royal palace in Jericho and many other fine buildings and easily piled up loot that he snatch from the fire.
⁵⁷ In Perea, a certain Simon, one of the royal slaves, relying on his physical beauty and great stature, placed a diadem upon his head. Going about with the robbers he had collected, he burned down the royal palace in Jericho and many other luxurious villas, easily securing plunder for himself from the fire.

⁵⁸ Κἂν ἔφθη πᾶσαν οἴκησιν εὐπρεπῆ καταφλέξας , εἰ μὴ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμὼν τούς τε Τραχωνίτας τοξότας καὶ τὸ μαχιμώτατον τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἀναλαβὼν ὑπαντιάζει τὸν ἄνδρα .
⁵⁸ And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king’s party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man.	⁵⁸ He would soon have burned down all the fine buildings, if Gratus, the captain of the king's infantry, had not gone against him with the Trachonite archers and the best warriors from Sebaste.
⁵⁸ He would have burned down every fine building had not Gratus, the commander of the royal infantry, taken the Trachonite archers and the most warlike of the Sebastenians and gone to meet the man.

⁵⁹ Τῶν μὲν οὖν Περαίων συχνοὶ διεφθάρησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ , τὸν Σίμωνα δ’ αὐτὸν ἀναφεύγοντα δι’ ὀρθίου φάραγγος ὁ Γρᾶτος ὑποτέμνεται καὶ φεύγοντος ἐκ πλαγίου τὸν αὐχένα πλήξας ἀπέρραξε . Κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ τὰ πλησίον Ἰορδάνου βασίλεια κατὰ Βηθαραμινενθα συστάντων ἑτέρων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας .
⁵⁹ His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and broke it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.	⁵⁹ Many of his infantry were killed in the battle and Gratus cut Simon himself to pieces, as he was fleeing through a narrow valley, striking him diagonally across the neck and severing it as he fled. The royal palaces near the Jordan at Betharamptha were also burned down by some other rebels that came from Perea.
⁵⁹ A great number of the Pereans were killed in the battle; as Simon himself was fleeing through a steep ravine, Gratus intercepted him and, striking the fleeing man from the side, cut off his head. The royal palace at Betharamatha near the Jordan was also burned down by another group of rebels from Perea.

⁶⁰ Τότε καὶ ποιμήν τις ἀντιποιηθῆναι βασιλείας ἐτόλμησεν · Ἀθρογγαῖος ἐκαλεῖτο , προυξένει δ’ αὐτῷ τὴν ἐλπίδα σώματος ἰσχὺς καὶ ψυχὴ θανάτου καταφρονοῦσα , πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες ὅμοιοι .
⁶⁰ At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself.	⁶⁰ Meanwhile a shepherd called Athrongeus dared to usurp the kingship, impelled by his physical strength and a soul that despised death, and the support of four brothers like himself.
⁶⁰ Then a certain shepherd also dared to claim the kingship; he was called Athronges. His hope was sparked by his physical strength and a soul that despised death, and he had four brothers similar to himself.

⁶¹ Τούτων ἑκάστῳ λόχον ὑποζεύξας ἔνοπλον ὥσπερ στρατηγοῖς ἐχρῆτο καὶ σατράπαις ἐπὶ τὰς καταδρομάς , αὐτὸς δὲ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς τῶν σεμνοτέρων ἥπτετο πραγμάτων .
⁶¹ He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs;	⁶¹ Under each of them he placed a troop of infantry and used them as his generals and satraps in his attacks, while he played the monarch and dealt with the more important matters.
⁶¹ Putting an armed company under each of them, he used them as generals and satraps for his raids, while he himself, like a king, handled the more important affairs.

⁶² Τότε μὲν οὖν ἑαυτῷ περιτίθησιν διάδημα , διέμεινεν δ’ ὕστερον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον τὴν χώραν κατατρέχων σὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς · καὶ τὸ κτείνειν αὐτοῖς προηγούμενον ἦν Ῥωμαίους τε καὶ τοὺς βασιλικούς , διέφευγεν δὲ οὐδὲ Ἰουδαίων εἴ τις εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθοι φέρων κέρδος .
⁶² and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king’s party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby.	⁶² Then he crowned himself and continued dominating the land with his brothers for quite a while, taking the lead in killing both Romans and those of the king's party, not sparing the Jews either, where loot was at stake.
⁶² At that time, he placed a diadem upon himself, and for a considerable time afterward, he continued to overrun the country with his brothers. Their primary goal was to kill Romans and the royal troops, though no Jews escaped if they fell into their hands while carrying anything of value.

⁶³ Ἐτόλμησαν δέ ποτε Ῥωμαίων λόχον ἄθρουν περισχεῖν κατ’ Ἀμμαοῦντα · σῖτα δ’ οὗτοι καὶ ὅπλα διεκόμιζον τῷ τάγματι . Τὸν μὲν οὖν ἑκατοντάρχην αὐτῶν Ἄρειον καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τοὺς γενναιοτάτους κατηκόντισαν , οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ κινδυνεύοντες ταὐτὸ παθεῖν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς Σεβαστηνοῖς ἐπιβοηθήσαντος ἐξέφυγον .
⁶³ He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped.	⁶³ He once dared to surround a troop of Romans at Emmaus, as they brought corn and weapons to their legion, and with arrows and spears his men killed the centurion Arius and forty of his bravest men, and the others escaped the same fate only because Gratus came to their rescue with troops from Sebaste.
⁶³ Once they dared to surround an entire company of Romans at Emmaus,^[1] who were carrying grain and weapons to the legion. They shot down the centurion Arius and forty of the bravest men with spears; the rest, in danger of suffering the same fate, escaped only when Gratus arrived with the Sebastenians to aid them.

^[1]Emmaus was a village about 11 km from Jerusalem mentioned in Luke 24:13.

⁶⁴ Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους καὶ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους παρ’ ὅλον τὸν πόλεμον ἐργασάμενοι μετὰ χρόνον οἱ μὲν τρεῖς ἐχειρώθησαν , ὑπ’ Ἀρχελάου μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτατος , οἱ δ’ ἑξῆς δύο Γράτῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ περιπεσόντες · ὁ δὲ τέταρτος Ἀρχελάῳ προσεχώρησεν κατὰ δεξιάν .
⁶⁴ And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security.	⁶⁴ After they had similarly treated their countrymen and foreigners throughout this war, three of them were captured, the eldest by Archelaus, another two falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus, and the fourth surrendering, by agreement, to Archelaus.
⁶⁴ Having inflicted many such outrages upon both the inhabitants and foreigners throughout the whole war, three of them were later subdued: the eldest by Archelaus, and the next two after falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemy. The fourth surrendered to Archelaus upon receiving a pledge of safety.

⁶⁵ Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τέλος ὕστερον αὐτοὺς ἐξεδέχετο , τότε δὲ λῃστρικοῦ πολέμου τὴν Ἰουδαίαν πᾶσαν ἐνεπίμπλασαν .
⁶⁵ However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war.	⁶⁵ That is how their affair ended, but at the time they filled all of Judea with guerilla warfare.
⁶⁵ This, then, was the end that awaited them later; but at that time, they filled all of Judea with a war of brigandage.

Chapter 5
[vv. 066-079]
Varus crucifies about two thousand of the rebels in Judea.

☜ ☞

⁶⁶ Οὐάρῳ δὲ δεξαμένῳ τὰ παρὰ Σαβίνου καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράμματα δεῖσαί τε περὶ τοῦ τάγματος ὅλου παρέστη καὶ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν .
⁶⁶ Upon Varus’s reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief,	⁶⁶ When Varus received the despatches of Sabinus and the captains, he was alarmed for the whole legion, so he hurried to relieve them.
⁶⁶ When Varus received the letters from Sabinus and the commanders, he grew fearful for the entire legion and hastened to bring assistance.

^[1]Publius Quinctilius Varus

⁶⁷ Ἀναλαβὼν δὴ τὰ λοιπὰ δύο τάγματα καὶ τὰς σὺν αὐτοῖς τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίδος ᾔει , προστάξας ἐκεῖ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν ἐπικούρους συνελθεῖν · προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Βηρυτίων διερχόμενος τὴν πόλιν χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους ὁπλίταςarmed warrior .
⁶⁷ and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais,—having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men.	⁶⁷ He took the other two legions with their four cavalry units and marched to Ptolemais, ordering the allies sent by the kings and the chieftains to meet him there. Moreover, as he passed through Berytus he received a thousand five hundred infantry from the people of that city.
⁶⁷ Taking the two remaining legions and the four troops of horsemen (cavalry) associated with them, he marched toward Ptolemais (Acre), having ordered the auxiliaries from the kings and dynasts to assemble there. As he passed through the city of Berytus (Beirut), he picked up an additional fifteen hundred heavy-armed soldiers.

⁶⁸ Ἐπεὶ δ’ εἰς τὴν Πτολεμαίδα τό τε ἄλλο συμμαχικὸν πλῆθος αὐτῷ παρῆν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς Ἡρώδην ἔχθος Ἀρέτας ὁ Ἄραψ οὐκ ὀλίγην ἄγων δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν , μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς εὐθέως ἔπεμπεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν γειτνιῶσαν τῇ Πτολεμαίδι καὶ Γάιον ἡγεμόνα τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων , ὃς τούς τε ὑπαντιάσαντας τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν πόλιν ἑλὼν αὐτὴν μὲν ἐμπίπρησι , τοὺς δ’ ἐνοικοῦντας ἀνδραποδίζεται .
⁶⁸ Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot), Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants;	⁶⁸ When the other allied groups reached Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arab, who, out of hatred for Herod, brought a considerable force of cavalry and infantry, part of his army was soon sent to Galilee, which lay near Ptolemais under the command of Gaius, one of his friends. He put his opponents to flight and took the city of Sepphoris and burned it and enslaved its inhabitants.
⁶⁸ When the rest of the allied force arrived at Ptolemais, including Aretas the Arab (who brought a large force of foot and horse out of his hatred for Herod) Varus immediately sent a portion of the army into Galilee, which borders Ptolemais, under the command of his friend Gaius. Gaius routed those who opposed him, captured the city of Sepphoris, burned it to the ground, and sold its inhabitants into slavery.

^[1]Aretas IV the King of the Nabataeans

⁶⁹ μετὰ δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς Οὔαρος εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐλάσας τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο μηδὲν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων θορύβοις παρακεκινηκυῖαν εὑρών , αὐλίζεται δὲ περί τινα κώμην Ἀροῦν καλουμένην · κτῆμα δὲ ἦν Πτολεμαίου καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀράβων διηρπάσθη μηνιόντων καὶ τοῖς Ἡρώδου φίλοις .
⁶⁹ but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also.	⁶⁹ Varus himself marched with his whole army to Samaria, where he refrained from the city itself, as he found that it had taken no part with others in the troubles, but camped near a village called Arous; this belonged to Ptolemy, and was therefore looted by the Arabs, who were very angry even at Herod's friends.
⁶⁹ Varus himself, marching with his entire force into Samaria, spared that city because he found that it had not joined the disturbances of the others. He encamped at a village called Arus; this was the property of Ptolemy (Herod’s friend), and for that reason, the Arabs plundered it, venting their rage even against the friends of Herod.

⁷⁰ Ἔνθεν εἰς Σαπφὼ πρόεισιν κώμην ἑτέραν ἐρυμνήν , ἣν ὁμοίως διήρπασαν τάς τε προσόρους πάσας ὅσαις ἐπετύγχανον . Πυρὸς δὲ καὶ φόνου πεπλήρωτο πάντα καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν Ἀράβων οὐδὲν ἀντεῖχεν .
⁷⁰ He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians.	⁷⁰ From there he marched to Sappho, another fortified village, which they likewise looted, like all the other places adjoining their route. Everywhere was now full of flames and slaughter, with nothing safe from the plundering of the Arabs.
⁷⁰ From there he proceeded to Sappho, another fortified village, which they plundered in the same way, along with all the neighboring villages they encountered. Everything was filled with fire and slaughter, and nothing could withstand the plundering of the Arabs.

⁷¹ Κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ Ἀμμαοῦς Φυγόντων τῶν οἰκητόρων , Οὐάρου δι’ ὀργὴν τῶν περὶ Ἄρειον ἀποσφαγέντων κελεύσαντος .
⁷¹ Emmaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arius.	⁷¹ After its inhabitants had fled, Emmaus was also burned by order of Varus, in his rage at the killing of Arias and his men.
⁷¹ Emmaus was also burnt, its inhabitants having fled, by order of Varus, who was enraged by the slaughter of Arius and his men.

⁷² Ἐνθένδε εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα προελθὼν ὀφθείς τε μόνον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τὰ στρατόπεδα τῶν Ἰουδαίων διεσκέδασεν . Καὶ οἱ μὲν ᾬχοντο φυγόντες ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν ·
⁷² Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves;	⁷² From there he proceeded to Jerusalem and as soon as his force was seen by the Jews, they left their camps and fled to the country.
⁷² From there he advanced to Jerusalem, and his mere appearance with his forces scattered the Jewish camps. Those in the countryside fled and dispersed.

⁷³ Δεξάμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεως , αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐδὲν παρακινῆσαι λέγοντες , διὰ δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναγκαίως δεξάμενοι τὸ πλῆθος συμπολιορκηθῆναι μᾶλλον Ῥωμαίοις ἢ συμπολεμῆσαι τοῖς ἀποστᾶσιν .
⁷³ they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted.	⁷³ But the citizens welcomed him and claimed they had taken no part in this revolt and made no commotion, but that they had been forced to admit the populace on account of the festival and that they had been besieged along with the Romans, rather than helping the rebels.
⁷³ The people within the city opened the gates to him and sought to deflect the blame for the revolt, saying they had not moved a finger, but that because of the Festival, they had been forced to receive the multitude; thus, they had been besieged along with the Romans rather than joining the rebels in war.

⁷⁴ Προυπηντήκεισαν δὲ αὐτῷ Ἰώσηπος ὁ ἀνεψιὸς Ἀρχελάου καὶ σὺν Γράτῳ Ῥοῦφος , ἄγοντες ἅμα τῷ βασιλικῷ στρατῷ καὶ τοὺς Σεβαστηνούς , οἵ τε ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥωμαικοῦ τάγματος τὸν συνήθη τρόπον κεκοσμημένοι · Σαβῖνος μὲν γὰρ οὐδ’ εἰς ὄψιν ὑπομείνας ἐλθεῖν Οὐάρῳ προεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν .
⁷⁴ There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king’s army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus’s sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the seaside.	⁷⁴ Already he had been met by Joseph, the cousin of Archelaus with Gratus and Rufus, the officers of the royal army and the men from Sebaste, as well as the Roman legionaries, armed as usual. But Sabinus did not dare to come into Varus's sight, so he left the city and went to the coast.
⁷⁴ Before this, he was met by Josephus (Archelaus’ cousin) and Rufus and Gratus, who brought the royal army and the Sebastenians (Samaritan soldiers), as well as the Roman legionaries dressed in their usual military finery. As for Sabinus, he did not even dare to come into Varus’ sight but had already left the city for the seaside.

⁷⁵ Οὔαρος δὲ κατὰ μοῖραν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ κινήματος ἔπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν , καὶ πολλῶν ἀγομένων τοὺς μὲν ἧττον θορυβώδεις φανέντας ἐφρούρει , τοὺς δὲ αἰτιωτάτους ἀνεσταύρωσεν περὶ δισχιλίους .
⁷⁵ But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand.	⁷⁵ Varus sent part of his army into the country, against the instigators of this upheaval and capturing large numbers of them, he imprisoned those who seemed less turbulent and crucified about two thousand of the most culpable.
⁷⁵ Varus sent a portion of his army throughout the country to hunt down those responsible for the disturbance. Many were brought to him; those who appeared to be less involved he imprisoned, but the most guilty—about two thousand men—he crucified.

⁷⁶ Ἠγγέλθη δ’ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἔτι συμμένειν μυρίους ὁπλίταςarmed warrior . Ὁ δὲ τοὺς μὲν Ἄραβας εὑρὼν οὐ συμμάχων ἦθος ἔχοντας , ἀλλ’ ἰδίῳ πάθει στρατευομένους καὶ πέρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τὴν χώραν κακοῦντας ἔχθει τῷ πρὸς Ἡρώδην ἀποπέμπεται , μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων ταγμάτων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας ἠπείγετο .
⁷⁶ He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted;	⁷⁶ He was told that in Idumaea ten thousand men were still in arms, but when he found the Arabs not acting like allies, but making war according to their own passions and doing more harm to the country than he intended in their hatred of Herod, he sent them away, and with his own legions marched quickly against the rebels.
⁷⁶ News reached him that ten thousand armed men were still holding out in Idumaea. However, finding that the Arabs were not behaving like allies but were acting out of private passion—ravaging the country against his wishes due to their hatred for Herod—he dismissed them. He then hurried toward the rebels with his own legions.

⁷⁷ Κἀκεῖνοι πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν Ἀχιάβου συμβουλεύσαντος σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν , Οὔαρος δὲ τῷ πλήθει μὲν ἠφίει τὰς αἰτίας , τοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἐξετασθησομένους ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα .
⁷⁷ but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him.	⁷⁷ On the advice of Achiabus, these surrendered to him before it came to battle, and Varus gave the people amnesty but sent their officers to Caesar for trial.
⁷⁷ But the rebels, before it came to a battle, surrendered upon the advice of Achiabus (Herod’s cousin). Varus pardoned the multitude for their part in the guilt, but he sent the leaders to Caesar (Augustus) to be examined.

⁷⁸ Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συνέγνω , τινὰς δὲ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενῶν , ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς Ἔνιοι προσήκοντες Ἡρώδῃ κατὰ γένος , κολάσαι προσέταξεν , ὅτι κατ’ οἰκείου βασιλέως ἐστρατεύσαντο .
⁷⁸ Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king’s relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod’s kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family.	⁷⁸ Caesar pardoned the rest, but had some of the royal family put to death, among them some relatives of Herod, for going to war against a king of their own clan.
⁷⁸ Caesar pardoned most of them, but he ordered the punishment of some of the king’s relatives—for there were some among them related to Herod by blood—because they had fought against a king of their own family.

⁷⁹ Οὔαρος μὲν οὖν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον καταστησάμενος τὰ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν τὸ καὶ πρότερον τάγμα εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπάνεισιν.
⁷⁹ When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch.	⁷⁹ After settling matters in Jerusalem in this way and leaving the former legion there as a garrison, Varus returned to Antioch.
⁷⁹ Varus, having settled matters in Jerusalem in this manner and leaving the same legion as before as a garrison, returned to Antioch.

Chapter 6
[vv. 080-100]
Augustus rules against Jewish complaints,
Herod's inheritance distributed to his sons

☜ ☞

⁸⁰ Ἀρχελάῳ δ’ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης πάλιν ἄλλη συνίσταται δίκη πρὸς Ἰουδαίους , οἳ πρὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐπιτρέψαντος Οὐάρου πρέσβεις ἐξεληλύθεσαν περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτονομίας · ἦσαν δὲ πεντήκοντα μὲν οἱ παρόντες , συμπαρίσταντο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης Ἰουδαίων ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχιλίους .
⁸⁰ But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them.	⁸⁰ Back in Rome, Archelaus had to answer another charge by the Jewish envoys who had come, with Varus's permission, before the revolt, to plead for the liberty of their country. There were fifty plaintiffs but they were supported by more than eight thousand of the Jews in Rome.
⁸⁰ Back in Rome, another trial was organized against Archelaus by the Jews who, before the revolt, had come out as ambassadors with the permission of Varus to seek autonomy for the nation. There were fifty ambassadors present, but they were supported by over eight thousand of the Jews living in Rome.

⁸¹ Ἀθροίσαντος δὲ Καίσαρος συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ , κτίσμα δ’ ἦν ἴδιον αὐτοῦ‎ θαυμασίῳ πολυτελείᾳ κεκοσμημένον , μετὰ μὲν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν πλῆθος ἔστη ,
⁸¹ And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends;	⁸¹ Caesar assembled a council of eminent Romans in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, which he had himself had built and adorned at great expense, and the Jewish populace stood with the envoys across from Archelaus and his friends.
⁸¹ Caesar (Augustus) assembled a council of the leading Romans and his friends in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine—a building he himself had built and decorated with wonderful magnificence. The Jewish multitude stood with the ambassadors,

⁸² σὺν δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἄντικρυς Ἀρχέλαος , τῶν δὲ τούτου συγγενῶν οἱ φίλοι παρ’ οὐδετέροις , συμπαρίστασθαι μὲν Ἀρχελάῳ διὰ μῖσος καὶ φθόνον οὐχ ὑπομένοντες , ὀφθῆναι δὲ μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αἰδούμενοι .
⁸² but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers.	⁸² The relatives of Archelaus stood to either side, unwilling to stand with him because they hated and envied him, yet afraid to be seen by Caesar as siding with his accusers.
⁸² while Archelaus stood opposite them with his friends. As for the relatives of Archelaus, their friends stood on neither side; for out of hatred and envy, they could not bear to stand with Archelaus, yet they were ashamed to be seen by Caesar among his accusers.

⁸³ Τούτοις παρῆν καὶ Φίλιππος ἀδελφὸς Ἀρχελάου , προπεμφθεὶς κατ’ εὔνοιαν ὑπὸ Οὐάρου δυοῖν ἕνεκα , Ἀρχελάῳ τε συναγωνίσασθαι , κἂν διανέμῃ τὸν Ἡρώδου Καῖσαρ οἶκον πᾶσι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις , κλήρου τινὸς ἀξιωθῆναι .
⁸³ Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it.	⁸³ Also present was Archelaus's brother Philip, sent there by Varus as a favour for two reasons, to help Archelaus, and so that if Caesar divided Herod's estate among all his descendants, he might be assigned a share of it. .
⁸³ Philip (the Tetrarch), the brother of Archelaus, was also present, having been sent forward out of goodwill by Varus for two reasons: to assist Archelaus, and so that if Caesar should divide Herod’s house among all his descendants, he might be deemed worthy of a portion.

⁸⁴ Ἐπιτραπὲν δὲ λέγειν τοῖς κατηγόροις τὰς Ἡρώδου παρανομίας πρῶτον διεξῄεσαν , οὐ βασιλέα λέγοντες ἀλλὰ τῶν πώποτε τυραννησάντων ὠμότατον ἐνηνοχέναι τύραννος · πλείστων γοῦν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ‎ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι τοὺς καταλειφθέντας , ὥστε μακαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολωλότας ·
⁸⁴ And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men;	⁸⁴ When the plaintiffs were allowed to speak, they first went over Herod's lawlessness and said that what they had endured was not a king, but the most cruel of all tyrants. Many had been killed by him, but the survivors had endured so much that they regarded the dead as luckier than they.
⁸⁴ When the accusers were permitted to speak, they first went through the illegalities of Herod (the Great), declaring that they had endured not a king, but the most cruel tyrant that ever lived. Though many had been killed by him, they said the survivors had suffered such things that they considered the dead to have been happy.

⁸⁵ βεβασανικέναι γὰρ οὐ μόνον τὰ σώματα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πόλεις · τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἰδίας λελωβῆσθαι , τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων κεκοσμηκέναι καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας αἷμα κεχαρίσθαι τοῖς ἔξωθεν δήμοις .
⁸⁵ that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds;	⁸⁵ He had tortured not only individual subjects, but entire towns, and had grievously harmed the home country, while adorning those of foreigners, giving the life-blood of Judea to gratify people outside their borders.
⁸⁵ For he had tortured not only the bodies of his subjects but also the cities; he had mutilated his own cities while decorating those of foreigners, shedding the blood of Judea to grace external communities.

⁸⁶ Ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς παλαιᾶς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πενίας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ παρανομίας ἐσχάτης πεπληρωκέναι , καθόλου δὲ πλείους ὑπομεμενηκέναι τὰς ἐξ Ἡρώδου συμφορὰς ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσιν Ἰουδαίους ὧν ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀναχώρησιν ἔπαθον οἱ πρόγονοι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος ἀπαναστάντες .
⁸⁶ that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes:	⁸⁶ In place of their ancient prosperity and laws, he had sunk the nation in poverty and filled it with outrages. In short, in a few years the Jews had suffered more from Herod than had their ancestors in all the time since they returned from Babylon, in the reign of Xerxes.
⁸⁶ Instead of their ancient prosperity and ancestral laws, they said he had filled the nation with poverty and the utmost lawlessness; in short, the Jews had suffered more calamities under Herod in a few years than their ancestors had suffered in all the time since their return from Babylon when they departed under the reign of Xerxes (Artaxerxes I).

⁸⁷ Εἰς τοσοῦτον μέντοι μετριότητος καὶ τοῦ δυστυχεῖν ἔθους προελθεῖν , ὥστε ὑπομεῖναι τῆς πικρᾶς δουλείας καὶ διαδοχὴν αὐθαίρετον ·
⁸⁷ that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery;	⁸⁷ Having been so subjected and inured to woes they had submitted to bitter slavery and had even accepted his successor.
⁸⁷ They had, however, reached such a level of submission and habituation to misfortune that they even endured a voluntary succession of this bitter slavery.

⁸⁸ Ἀρχέλαον γοῦν τὸν τηλικούτου τυράννου παῖδα μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν βασιλέα τε προσειπεῖν ἑτοίμως καὶ συμπενθῆσαι τὸν Ἡρώδου θάνατον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεύξασθαι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς .
⁸⁸ that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession;	⁸⁸ After his father's death, they had agreed to call Archelaus "king," despite his being the son of such a tyrant, and mourned Herod's death with him and joined him in praying for his happy succession.
⁸⁸ For they had readily addressed Archelaus, the son of such a tyrant, as king after his father’s death, and had joined him in mourning Herod’s death and praying for his own succession.

⁸⁹ Τὸν δ’ ὥσπερ ἀγωνιάσαντα , μὴ νόθος Ναχώρης εἶναι δόξειεν Ἡρώδου , προοιμιάσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν τρισχιλίων πολιτῶν φόνῳ , καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν παρεστακέναι θύματα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ θεῷ , τοσούτοις δ’ ἐμπεπληκέναι νεκροῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ .
⁸⁹ while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival:	⁸⁹ But fearing the danger of not being thought to be Herod's genuine son, he began his reign by murdering three thousand citizens, as if wishing to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his rule and to fill the temple with so many corpses at the festival.
⁸⁹ But he, as if afraid he might not be thought the true son of Herod, prefaced his reign with the slaughter of three thousand citizens; such were the sacrifices he offered to God for his rule, filling the Temple with so many corpses during a festival.

⁹⁰ Τοὺς μέντοι περιλειφθέντας ἐκ τοσούτων κακῶν εἰκότως ἐπεστράφθαι ποτὲ ἤδη πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς καὶ πολέμου νόμῳ τὰς πληγὰς ἐθέλειν κατὰ πρόσωπον δέχεσθαι , δεῖσθαι δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐλεῆσαι τά τε τῆς Ἰουδαίας λείψανα καὶ μὴ τὸ περισσὸν αὐτῆς ὑπορρῖψαι τοῖς ὠμῶς σπαράττουσιν ,
⁹⁰ that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces,	⁹⁰ Those who survived such woes now finally had just reason to reflect on the disasters they suffered and, like soldiers in war, to receive the blows upon their front, not upon their backs, as up to now. Now they begged the Romans to have mercy on the remnants of Judea and not hand over what remained of it to those who hacked it to bits.
⁹⁰ Those who remained after such evils rightfully turned at last toward their misfortunes and wished to receive blows in the face according to the law of war. They begged the Romans to have mercy on the remnants of Judea and not to throw the remains of it to those who were cruelly tearing it apart,

⁹¹ συνάψαντας δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διοικεῖν ἐπ’ ἰδίοις ἡγεμόσιν · ἐπιδείξεσθαι γάρ , ὡς οἱ νῦν στασιώδεις διαβαλλόμενοι καὶ πολεμικοὶ φέρειν οἴδασιν μετρίους ἡγεμόνας .
⁹¹ and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones.	⁹¹ They wanted their country to join to Syria instead, under their own officials, to show that those now accused of being rebels and lovers of war, really can accept rulers, if only they are fair.
⁹¹ but to join their country to Syria and govern them through their own [Roman] officials. For they would demonstrate that people now slandered as seditious and warlike actually know how to obey moderate rulers.

⁹² Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς κατηγορίας κατέληξαν εἰς τοιαύτην ἀξίωσιν , ἀναστὰς δὲ Νικόλαος ἀπελύσατο μὲν τὰς εἰς τοὺς βασιλεῖς αἰτίας , κατηγόρει δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους τό τε δύσαρκτον καὶ τὸ δυσπειθὲς φύσει πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς . Συνδιέβαλλε δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἀρχελάου συγγενεῖς , ὅσοι πρὸς τοὺς κατηγόρους ἀφεστήκεσαν .
⁹² So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.	⁹² With this request the Jews brought their claim to an end. Then Nicolaus rose up to refute what was said against the kings, accusing the Jewish nation as hard to govern and naturally averse to monarchs. He also attacked all the relatives of Archelaus who had left him and had gone over to his accusers.
⁹² The Jews ended their accusation with this request. Nicolaus (of Damascus) then rose and refuted the charges against the kings, while accusing the nation of being naturally difficult to rule and disobedient to kings. He also slandered the relatives of Archelaus who had defected to the accusers.

⁹³ Τότε μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων διέλυσε τὸ συνέδριον , μετὰ δ’ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῆς βασιλείας Ἀρχελάῳ δίδωσιν ἐθνάρχην προσειπών , ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ποιήσειν ,
⁹³ So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity.	⁹³ After hearing both sides, Caesar adjourned the assembly, but a few days later he gave half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, under the title of Ethnarch, promising to make him king later, if he proved worthy.
⁹³ Caesar, having heard both sides, then dissolved the council. A few days later, he gave half the kingdom to Archelaus with the title of Ethnarch, promising to make him king

⁹⁴ εἰ ἄξιον ἑαυτὸν παράσχοι , τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἥμισυ διελὼν εἰς δύο τετραρχίας δυσὶν ἑτέροις παισὶν Ἡρώδου δίδωσιν , τὴν μὲν Φιλίππῳ , τὴν δὲ Ἀντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον ἀμφισβητοῦντι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας .
⁹⁴ But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus.	⁹⁴ The other half he divided into two tetrarchies for two other sons of Herod, giving one to Philip and the other to the Antipas who had disputed the kingship with Archelaus.
⁹⁴ if he proved himself worthy. The other half he divided into two tetrarchies, which he gave to two other sons of Herod: one to Philip^[1] and the other to Antipas,^[2] who had been disputing the kingship with Archelaus.

^[1]Philip was the Tetrarch of the Northern area of Iturea and Trachonitis from 4 BC to 34 AD
^[2]+Herod Antipas ruled Galilee and Perea as the Tetrarch from 4 BC to 39 AD. He is the “Herod” mentioned in the Bible during the ministry of Jesus.

⁹⁵ ἐγένετο δὲ ὑπὸ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ Γαλιλαία , πρόσοδος διακόσια τάλαντα , Βατανέα δὲ καὶ Τράχων Αὐρανῖτίς τε καὶ μέρη τινὰ τοῦ Ζήνωνος οἴκου τὰ περὶ ἰννάνω , πρόσοδον ἔχοντα ταλάντων ἑκατόν , ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ τέτακτο .
⁹⁵ Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip;	⁹⁵ Under this was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents, but Batanea and Trachonitis and Auranitis and some parts of Zeno's estate near Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were assigned to Philip.
⁹⁵ Under Antipas were placed Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents. Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis, and certain parts of the house of Zenodorus around Paneas, yielding a revenue of one hundred talents, were placed under Philip.

⁹⁶ Τῆς Ἀρχελάου δ’ ἐθναρχίας Ἰδουμαία τε καὶ Ἰουδαία πᾶσα καὶ Σαμαρεῖτις ἦν κεκουφισμένη τετάρτῳ μέρει τῶν φόρων εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ μὴ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποστῆναι .
⁹⁶ while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation.	⁹⁶ Idumaea and all Judea and Samaria belonged to the ethnarchy of Archelaus, though Samaria was relieved of a quarter of its taxes, for not having rebelled with the rest of the nation.
⁹⁶ Archelaus’ ethnarchy^[1] consisted of Idumaea, all Judea, and Samaria—the latter having its taxes reduced by one-fourth as a reward for not joining the revolt with the others.

^[1]Archelaus was Ethnarch from 4 BC to 6 AD.

⁹⁷ Πόλεις δ’ ὑπηκόους παρέλαβεν Στράτωνος πύργον καὶ Σεβαστὴν καὶ Ἰόππην καὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα · τὰς γὰρ Ἑλληνίδας Γάζαν καὶ Γάδαρα καὶ Ἵππον ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βασιλείας προσέθηκεν Συρίᾳ . Πρόσοδος ἦν τῆς Ἀρχελάῳ δοθείσης χώρας τετρακοσίων ταλάντων .
⁹⁷ He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents.	⁹⁷ He subjected to him the cities of Strato's Tower and Sebaste and Joppa and Jerusalem, but annexed from the kingdom the Greek cities of Gaza and Gadara and Hippos, giving them to Syria. The land assigned to Archelaus produced a revenue of four hundred talents.
⁹⁷ The cities subject to him were Strato’s Tower (Caesarea), Sebaste, Joppa, and Jerusalem. As for the Greek cities of Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos, Caesar cut them off from the kingdom and added them to the province of Syria. The revenue of the country given to Archelaus was four hundred talents.

⁹⁸ Σαλώμη δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις κατέλιπεν Ἰαμνείας τε καὶ Ἀζώτου καὶ Φασαηλίδος ἀποδείκνυται δεσπότις , χαρίζεται δ’ αὐτῇ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὰ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι βασίλεια · συνήγετο δ’ ἐκ πάντων ἑξήκοντα προσόδου τάλαντα · τὸν δὲ οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τὴν Ἀρχελάου τοπαρχίαν ἔταξεν .
⁹⁸ Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus.	⁹⁸ And besides what the king had left her in his will, Salome was now made mistress of Jamnia and Azotus and Phasaelis, and Caesar also gave her the royal palace of Ascalon as a gift. From all of this she had a total revenue of sixty talents, though he placed her estate under the rulership of Archelaus.
⁹⁸ Salome (Herod’s sister), in addition to what the king left her in his will, was appointed mistress of Jamnia, Ashdod, and Phasaelis; Caesar also granted her the palace in Ascalon. Her total revenue was sixty talents, and her house was placed under the jurisdiction of Archelaus.

⁹⁹ Τῆς δ’ ἄλλης Ἡρώδου γενεᾶς ἕκαστος τὸ καταλειφθὲν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἐκομίζετο . Δυσὶ δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατράσι παρθένοις Καῖσαρ ἔξωθεν χαρίζεται πεντήκοντα μυριάδας ἀργυρίου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς Φερώρα παισίν .
⁹⁹ And for the rest of Herod’s offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras:	⁹⁹ The rest of Herod's offspring received what was bequeathed to them in his will. Furthermore, Caesar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand silver pieces and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras.
⁹⁹ Each of the rest of Herod’s family received what was left to them in the will. To Herod’s two virgin daughters, Caesar additionally granted five hundred thousand pieces of silver and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras (Herod’s brother).

¹⁰⁰ μετὰ δὲ τὸν οἶκον ἐπιδιένειμεν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἑαυτῷ καταλειφθεῖσαν ὑφ’ Ἡρώδου δωρεὰν οὖσαν χιλίων ταλάντων , εὐτελῆ τινα τῶν κειμηλίων εἰς τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου τιμὴν ἐξελόμενος .
¹⁰⁰ but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased.	¹⁰⁰ After this family distribution, he shared between them what Herod had left to him, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some small gifts, in honour of the deceased.
¹⁰⁰ After settling the estate, he distributed among them the legacy of one thousand talents left to him by Herod, choosing for himself only some small items of the heirlooms in honor of the deceased.

Chapter 7
[vv. 101-116]
An imposter claims to be Alexander.
Archelaus is banished and Glaphyra dies.

☜ ☞

¹⁰¹ Κἀν τούτῳ νεανίας τις Ἰουδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος , τραφεὶς δὲ ἐν Σιδῶνι παρά τῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπελευθέρῳ , δι’ ὁμοιότητα μορφῆς ψευδόμενος ἑαυτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν ἀναιρεθέντα ὑφ’ Ἡρώδου κατ’ ἐλπίδα τοῦ λήσειν ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην .
¹⁰¹ In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freedmen, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected.	¹⁰¹ Meanwhile a young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freedmen, on account of a facial resemblance falsely claimed to be the Alexander whom Herod had killed and came to Rome, in the hope of deceiving people.
¹⁰¹ Meanwhile, a certain young man, a Jew by birth but raised in Sidon by a Roman freedman, relied on his physical resemblance to claim falsely that he was that Alexander who had been put to death by Herod. In the hope of escaping detection, he came to Rome.

¹⁰² Συνεργὸς δ’ ἦν τις ὁμόφυλοςof the same race αὐτῷ πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπιστάμενος , ὑφ’ οὗ διδαχθεὶς ἔλεγεν , ὡς οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτοῦ‎ τε καὶ Ἀριστοβούλου δι’ οἶκτον ἐκκλέψειαν αὐτοὺς ὁμοίων ὑποβολῇ σωμάτων .
¹⁰² He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places.	¹⁰² He had an accomplice of his own nation, who knew all about the kingdom and taught him to say how the men sent to kill him and Aristobulus had taken pity on them and slipped them away, putting similar bodies in their place.
¹⁰² He had a fellow countryman as an accomplice who knew everything about the palace. Instructed by him, he claimed that the men sent to execute him and Aristobulus had stolen them away out of pity, substituting similar bodies in their place.

¹⁰³ Τούτοις γοῦν τοὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ Ἰουδαίους ἐξαπατήσας καὶ λαμπρῶς ἐφοδιασθεὶς διέπλευσεν εἰς Μῆλον · ἔνθα συναγείρας πολλῷ πλέον δι’ ὑπερβολὴν ἀξιοπιστίας ἀνέπεισεν καὶ τοὺς ἰδιοξένους εἰς Ῥώμην αὐτῷ συνεκπλεῦσαι .
¹⁰³ This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome.	¹⁰³ With this story he deceived the Jews in Crete and got a lot of money from them, allowing him to travel in splendor, and from there sailed to Melos, where he was certainly convincing that he got a lot more money and persuaded his fellow exiles to sail with him to Rome.
¹⁰³ Having deceived the Jews in Crete with this story and being lavishly provided with travel funds, he sailed to Melos. There, by the sheer force of his credibility, he collected far more wealth and persuaded his hosts to sail with him to Rome.

¹⁰⁴ Καταχθεὶς δὲ εἰς Δικαιάρχειαν δῶρά τε παμπληθῆ παρὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ Ἰουδαίων λαμβάνει καὶ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τῶν πατρῴων προεπέμφθη φίλων . Προεληλύθει δ’ εἰς τοσοῦτον πίστεως τὸ τῆς μορφῆς ὅμοιον , ὥστε τοὺς ἑωρακότας Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ σαφῶς ἐπισταμένους διόμνυσθαι τοῦτον εἶναι .
¹⁰⁴ So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father’s friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countenance procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person.	¹⁰⁴ So he landed at Dicearchia, and got large gifts from the Jews who lived there and was treated like a king by his father's friends, and his resemblance was so believable that those who had seen Alexander and had known him well, swore that it was he.
¹⁰⁴ Landing at Puteoli (Dicaearchia), he received immense gifts from the Jews there and was escorted forward by his “father’s” friends as if he were a king. The physical likeness had produced such a degree of belief that those who had seen Alexander and knew him well swore that this was he.

¹⁰⁵ Τό γε μὴν Ἰουδαικὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἅπαν ἐξεχύθη πρὸς τὴν θέαν αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἦν περὶ τοὺς στενωπούς , δι’ ὧν ἐκομίζετο · καὶ γὰρ προῆλθον εἰς τοσοῦτον φρενοβλαβείας οἱ Μήλιοι , ὥστε φορείῳ τε αὐτὸν κομίζειν καὶ θεραπείαν βασιλικὴν ἰδίοις παρασχεῖν ἀναλώμασιν .
¹⁰⁵ Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges.	¹⁰⁵ The whole Jewish population in Rome ran out in crowds to see him and thronged the narrow streets through which he was carried, for the foolish Meliots carried him in a sedan and gave him royal honours at their own expense.
¹⁰⁵ Indeed, the entire Jewish population in Rome poured out to see him, and an infinite crowd gathered in the narrow streets through which he was carried. For the Melians had reached such a point of madness that they carried him in a litter and provided royal attendance at their own expense.

¹⁰⁶ Καῖσαρ δὲ γινώσκων [ἀκριβῶς] τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου χαρακτῆρας , κατηγόρητο γὰρ ὑφ’ Ἡρώδου παρ’ αὐτῷ , συνεώρα μὲν καὶ πρὶν ἰδεῖν τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὴν τῆς ὁμοιότητος ἀπάτην , διδοὺς δέ τι καὶ πίστεως ταῖς ἱλαρωτέραις ἐλπίσιν Κέλαδόν τινα πέμπει τῶν σαφῶς ἐπισταμένων Ἀλέξανδρον , κελεύσας ἀγαγεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν νεανίσκον .
¹⁰⁶ But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander’s face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him.	¹⁰⁶ Caesar, however, knew well the appearance of Alexander, who had been accused before him by Herod, and even before seeing the man he realised that the thing was a fraud; but to give a chance to the claim being made about him, he sent Celadus, who knew Alexander well, to bring the young man to him.
¹⁰⁶ But Caesar (Augustus), who knew Alexander’s features exactly—since he had been accused by Herod before him—perceived the fraud of the resemblance even before seeing the man. Yet, granting something to the more cheerful hopes of belief, he sent a certain Celadus, one of those who knew Alexander well, with orders to bring the young man to him.

¹⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ ὡς εἶδεν , ἐτεκμήρατο μὲν τάχιστα καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τοῦ προσώπου τό τε ὅλον σῶμα σκληρότερόν τε καὶ δουλοφανὲς καταμαθὼν ἐνόησεν πᾶν τὸ σύνταγμα ,
¹⁰⁷ But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance.	¹⁰⁷ This man, on seeing him, instantly noted a difference in his appearance, and noting how his physique was robust and like that of a slave, he understood the whole thing was a ruse.
¹⁰⁷ As soon as Celadus saw him, he immediately detected the differences in his face; noticing that his whole body was of a rougher, slave-like quality, he understood the whole plot.

¹⁰⁸ Πάνυ δὲ αὐτὸν παρώξυνεν ἡ τόλμα τῶν παρ’ αὐτοῦ‎ λεγομένων · τοῖς γὰρ πυνθανομένοις περὶ Ἀριστοβούλου σώζεσθαι μὲν κἀκεῖνον ἔλεγεν , ἀπολελεῖφθαι δὲ ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully ἐν Κύπρῳ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς φυλασσόμενον · ἧττον γὰρ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι διεζευγμένους .
¹⁰⁸ But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate.	¹⁰⁸ But the impudence of what the imposter said greatly angered him, for when asked about Aristobulus, he said that he too was kept alive and was purposely left in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for conspirators to seize them both while they remained apart.
¹⁰⁸ He was especially provoked by the audacity of the man’s words. For when asked about Aristobulus, he claimed that he also survived but had been left behind on purpose in Cyprus to guard against plots, for they were less vulnerable when separated.

¹⁰⁹ Ἀπολαβόμενος οὖν αὐτὸν κατ’ ἰδίαν μισθόν ,’ ἔφη , παρὰ Καίσαρος ἔχεις τὸ ζῆν τοῦ μηνῦσαι τὸν ἀναπείσαντά σε πλανᾶσθαι τηλικαῦτα . κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ δηλώσειν εἰπὼν ἕπεται πρὸς Καίσαρα καὶ τὸν Ἰουδαῖον ἐνδείκνυται καταχρησάμενον αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ ὁμοιότητι πρὸς ἐργασίαν · τοσαῦτα γὰρ εἰληφέναι δῶρα καθ’ ἑκάστην πόλιν ὅσα ζῶν Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἔλαβεν .
¹⁰⁹ Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him,—“I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories.” So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive.	¹⁰⁹ Then he took him aside in private and said, " Caesar will spare your life, if you just reveal who persuaded you to invent such a tale." So he agreed to tell and went with him to Caesar and pointed out the Jew who had exploited his appearance for profit, for he had received more gifts in every city than ever Alexander did in his lifetime.
¹⁰⁹ Taking him aside privately, Celadus said, “Caesar grants you your life as a reward if you disclose who it was that persuaded you to engage in such a great deception.” The man said he would reveal it and followed him to Caesar, where he pointed out the Jew who had made use of his resemblance for profit. For the impostor had received more gifts in every city than the real Alexander ever did while alive.

¹¹⁰ γελάσας δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν μὲν ψευδαλέξανδρον δι’ εὐεξίαν σώματος ἐγκατέταξεν τοῖς ἐρέταις , τὸν ἀναπείσαντα δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι · Μηλίοις δ’ ἤρκεσεν ἐπιτίμιον τῆς ἀνοίας τὰ ἀναλώματα .
¹¹⁰ Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account.	¹¹⁰ Caesar laughed at the plan and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers on account of his vigour, but put to death the one who persuaded him. The Meliots were sufficiently punished for their foolishness by the money they had spent on his account.
¹¹⁰ Caesar laughed at this; because of the man’s strong physical condition, he enrolled the False Alexander among the galley-oarsmen, but he ordered the one who had persuaded him to be executed. As for the Melians, the loss of the money they spent was a sufficient penalty for their folly.

¹¹¹ Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν Ἀρχέλαος καὶ κατὰ μνήμην τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν οὐ μόνον Ἰουδαίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι χρησάμενος ὠμῶς , πρεσβευσαμένων ἑκατέρων κατ’ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνάτῳ φυγαδεύεται μὲν αὐτὸς εἰς Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας , ἡ οὐσία δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς Καίσαρος θησαυροῖς ἐγκατατάσσεται .
¹¹¹ And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury.	¹¹¹ Archelaus took over his ethnarchy and cruelly treated not only the Jews but also the Samaritans, because of their quarrels with him in the past; so both groups sent envoys against him to Caesar, and in the ninth year of his rule he was banished to Vienne, a city of Gaul, and his property went into Caesar's treasury.
¹¹¹ When Archelaus took over the ethnarchy, he remembered old quarrels and treated not only the Jews but also the Samaritans cruelly. Both groups sent embassies to Caesar against him, and in the ninth year of his rule, he was banished to the city of Vienne in Gaul, and his property was confiscated into Caesar’s treasury.

¹¹² Πρὶν κληθῆναι δ’ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὄναρ ἰδεῖν φασιν τοιόνδε · ἔδοξεν ὁρᾶν στάχυς ἐννέα πλήρεις καὶ μεγάλους ὑπὸ βοῶν καταβιβρωσκομένους . Μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς μάντεις καὶ τῶν Χαλδαίων τινὰς ἐπυνθάνετο , τί σημαίνειν δοκοῖεν .
¹¹² But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended;	¹¹² They say that before he was sent for by Caesar, he had a dream where he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, devoured by oxen; so he sent for his diviners and some Chaldeans to ask what they thought it portended.
¹¹² They say that before he was summoned by Caesar, he saw a dream of this kind: he seemed to see nine ears of grain, full and large, being devoured by oxen. He sent for the diviners and some of the Chaldeans to ask what they thought it signified.

¹¹³ ἄλλων δ’ ἄλλως ἐξηγουμένων Σίμων τις Ἐσσαῖος τὸ γένος ἔφη τοὺς μὲν στάχυς ἐνιαυτοὺς νομίζειν , βόας δὲ μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν χώραν ἀροτριῶντας ἀλλάσσειν · ὥστε βασιλεύσειν μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀσταχύων ἀριθμόν , ἐν ποικίλαις δὲ πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς γενόμενον τελευτήσειν . Ταῦτα ἀκούσας Ἀρχέλαος μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκλήθη .
¹¹³ and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.	¹¹³ As they offered various interpretations, an Essene named Simon explained the ears of corn as years and the oxen as a change of affairs, since by their ploughing they changed the land. So he would reign as many years as there were ears of corn, and would die after going through various alterations of fortune; and five days after Archelaus heard this he was called to trial.
¹¹³ While others gave various explanations, a certain Simon, an Essene by sect, said that he considered the ears of grain to be years, and the oxen to be a change of affairs, because by plowing the land they change it. Therefore, he would rule for a number of years equal to the ears of grain and would die after passing through various changes of fortune. Five days after hearing this, Archelaus was summoned to his trial.

¹¹⁴ Ἄξιον δὲ μνήμης ἡγησάμην καὶ τὸ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ‎ Γλαφύρας ὄναρ , ἥπερ ἦν θυγάτηρ μὲν Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως , γυνὴ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου γεγονυῖα τὸ πρῶτον , ὃς ἦν ἀδελφὸς Ἀρχελάου περὶ οὗ διέξιμεν , Ναχώρης δὲ Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως , ὑφ’ οὗ καὶ ἀνῃρέθη , καθάπερ δεδηλώκαμεν .
¹¹⁴ I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related.	¹¹⁴ I think worthy of note the dream of his wife Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and former wife of Alexander, a brother of the aforementioned Archelaus and son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have said.
¹¹⁴ I also thought the dream of his wife, Glaphyra, worthy of mention. She was the daughter of Archlaus (the King of Cappadocia) and had first been the wife of Alexander—the brother of the Archelaus we are discussing and son of King Herod—who had been executed by his father, as we have shown.

¹¹⁵ μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου θάνατον συνῴκησεν Ἰόβᾳ τῷ βασιλεύοντι Λιβύης , οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἐπανελθοῦσαν αὐτὴν καὶ χηρεύουσαν παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ θεασάμενος ὁ ἐθνάρχης Ἀρχέλαος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἔρωτος ἦλθεν , ὥστε παραχρῆμα τὴν συνοικοῦσανto dwell together αὐτῷ Μαριάμμην ἀποπεμψάμενος ἐκείνην ἀγαγέσθαι .
¹¹⁵ This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, and married her.	¹¹⁵ After his death she married Juba, king of Libya, and, when he died, returned home and lived as a widow with her father. At that time the ethnarch Archelaus saw her and was so enamoured that he divorced his wife Mariamne to marry her.
¹¹⁵ After Alexander’s death, she married Juba, the King of Libya (Mauretania). When he died, she returned to live as a widow with her father. There, the Ethnarch Archelaus saw her and fell so deeply in love that he immediately divorced his wife, Mariamne, to marry her.

¹¹⁶ Παραγενομένη τοίνυν εἰς Ἰουδαίαν μετ’ ὀλίγον τῆς ἀφίξεως χρόνον ἔδοξεν ἐπιστάντα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτῇ λέγειν «Ἀπέχρη μὲν ὁ κατὰ Λιβύην σοι γάμος , σὺ δὲ οὐκ ἀρκεσθεῖσα τούτῳ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνακάμπτεις ἑστίανhome, hearth , τρίτον ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα τὸν ἀδελφόν , ὦ τολμηρά , τὸν ἐμὸν ᾑρημένη . Πλὴν οὐ περιόψομαι τὴν ὕβριν , ἀπολήψομαι δέ σε καὶ μὴ θέλουσαν.» Τοῦτο διηγησαμένη τὸ ὄναρ μόλις δύο ἡμέρας ἐβίω.
¹¹⁶ When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her,—“Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or no.” Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days.	¹¹⁶ After coming to Judea and living there a little while, she thought she saw Alexander standing beside her and saying to her; "Your marriage with the king of Libya should have satisfied you, but not content with him you have come back to my family, to a third husband, and brashly chosen my own brother. I shall not overlook your insult to me, but shall have you again, with or without your consent!" After explaining this dream, she lived for only two more days.
¹¹⁶ Shortly after her arrival in Judea, she dreamed that Alexander stood over her and said: “Your marriage in Libya was enough; but not content with that, you return to my hearth and have chosen a third husband—and that too my own brother, you audacious woman! However, I will not overlook this insult, but I will take you back even against your will.” After she related this dream, she lived barely two days.

Chapter 8
[vv. 117-166]
Judas and his Galilean Rebels.
Lifestyle of the Essenes

☜ ☞

¹¹⁷ Τῆς δὲ Ἀρχελάου χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν περιγραφείσης ἐπίτροπος τῆς ἱππικῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τάξεως Κωπώνιος πέμπεται μέχρι τοῦ κτείνειν λαβὼν παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν .
¹¹⁷ And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar.	¹¹⁷ Archelaus's territory was reduced to an eparchy and Coponius, a Roman knight, was quickly sent as procurator, entrusted by Caesar with the power of life and death.
¹¹⁷ When the territory of Archelaus was reduced to a province (6 AD), Coponius,^[1] a man of the Roman equestrian order, was sent as procurator, having received from Caesar (Augustus) the power of life and death.

^[1]Coponius was the first Roman Prefect/Procurator of Judea (from 6 AD to 9 AD). He was recalled to Rome and was replaced by Marcus Ambivulus.

¹¹⁸ Ἐπὶ τούτου τις ἀνὴρ Γαλιλαῖος Ἰούδας ὄνομα εἰς ἀπόστασινa revolt ἐνῆγε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους κακίζων , εἰ φόρον τε Ῥωμαίοις τελεῖν ὑπομενοῦσιν καὶ μετὰ τὸν θεὸν οἴσουσι θνητοὺς δεσπότας . ἠν δ’ οὗτος σοφιστὴς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις προσεοικώς .
¹¹⁸ Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders.	¹¹⁸ Under him a Galilean named Judas incited his people to rebel, calling them cowards if they paid tax to the Romans and let themselves be ruled by mortal men, having formerly served God alone. This deceiver had his own sect, quite different from the others.
¹¹⁸ Under his administration, a certain Galilean named Judas^[1] (of Galilee) incited the natives to revolt, reviling them if they continued to endure paying tribute to the Romans and acknowledged mortal masters after God. This man was a teacher (sophist) of a peculiar sect of his own, having nothing in common with the others.

^[1]Judas of Galilee was a pivotal revolutionary figure. He founded what Josephus elsewhere calls the “Fourth Philosophy,” which combined Pharisaic theology with a radical refusal to serve any king but God. His tax revolt in 6 AD is mentioned in the New Testament (Acts 5:37).

¹¹⁹ Τρία γὰρ παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται , καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι , τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι , τρίτον δέ , ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν , Ἐσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται , Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες , φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον .
¹¹⁹ For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have.	¹¹⁹ Among the Jews there are three kinds of philosophical trends. Members of the first group are called Pharisees, the second are Sadducees, and the third are Essenes, Jews who live a more communitarian life than others.
¹¹⁹ For there are three forms of philosophy pursued among the Jews: the followers of the first are the Pharisees, of the second the Sadducees, and the third—which is reputed to practice a more holy life—are called Essenes.^[1] These last are Jews by birth, but they show a greater affection for one another than the other sects.

^[1]Most scholars identify the Essenes with the community that produced the Dead Sea Scrolls at Qumran. Josephus’ description matches many details found in those scrolls, such as the communal meals, white robes, and the three-year initiation process.

¹²⁰ Οὗτοι τὰς μὲν ἡδονὰς ὡς κακίαν ἀποστρέφονται , τὴν δὲ ἐγκράτειαν καὶ τὸ μὴ τοῖς πάθεσιν ὑποπίπτειν ἀρετὴν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν . Καὶ γάμου μὲν παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὑπεροψία , τοὺς δ’ ἀλλοτρίους παῖδας ἐκλαμβάνοντες ἁπαλοὺς ἔτι πρὸς τὰ μαθήματα συγγενεῖς ἡγοῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν αὐτῶν ἐντυποῦσι ,
¹²⁰ These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners.	¹²⁰ These reject pleasures as an evil, but find virtue in continence and the control of the passions. They scorn marriage but adopt other people's children, while they are simple and teachable, treating them as relatives and educating them in their own customs.
¹²⁰ They reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem temperance and the conquest of the passions as a virtue. They disdain marriage, but they adopt other men’s children while they are still supple and susceptible to instruction; they regard them as their kin and mold them according to their own principles.

¹²¹ τὸν μὲν γάμον καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ διαδοχὴν οὐκ ἀναιροῦντες , τὰς δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀσελγείας φυλαττόμενοι καὶ μηδεμίαν τηρεῖν πεπεισμένοι τὴν πρὸς ἕνα πίστιν .
¹²¹ They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man.	¹²¹ They do not condemn marriage and its continuation of the human race but they guard against the caprices of women, convinced that none of them keeps faithful to one man.
¹²¹ They do not absolutely do away with marriage and the succession of the race resulting from it, but they guard against the lasciviousness of women, being persuaded that none of them preserves her fidelity to (only) one man.

¹²² Καταφρονηταὶ δὲ πλούτου , καὶ θαυμάσιον αὐτοῖς τὸ κοινωνικόν , οὐδὲ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν κτήσει τινὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὑπερέχοντα · νόμος γὰρ τοὺς εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν εἰσιόντας δημεύειν τῷ τάγματι τὴν οὐσίαν , ὥστε ἐν ἅπασιν μήτε πενίας ταπεινότητα φαίνεσθαι μήθ’ ὑπεροχὴν πλούτου , τῶν δ’ ἑκάστου κτημάτων ἀναμεμιγμένων μίαν ὥσπερ ἀδελφοῖς ἅπασιν οὐσίαν εἶναι .
¹²² These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren.	¹²² They despise riches and admirably share their goods, so that none of them owns more than any other. Their law requires anyone joining them to hand over his property to the order, so that among them there is no abject poverty or excess riches, but each one’s possessions are mixed in with the others, like a shared patrimony among brothers.
¹²² They are despisers of wealth, and their community of goods is truly wonderful; it is impossible to find anyone among them who exceeds others in possessions. For it is a law that those who enter the sect must surrender their property to the order, so that among them all there appears neither the humiliation of poverty nor the excess of wealth, but the possessions of each being mingled, there is one treasury for all as brothers.

¹²³ Κηλῖδα δ’ ὑπολαμβάνουσι τὸ ἔλαιον , κἂν ἀλειφθῇ τις ἄκων , σμήχεται τὸ σῶμα · τὸ γὰρ αὐχμεῖν ἐν καλῷ τίθενται λευχειμονεῖν τε διαπαντός . Χειροτονητοὶ δ’ οἱ τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ καὶ ἀδιαίρετοι πρὸς ἁπάντων εἰς τὰς χρείας ἕκαστοι .
¹²³ They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all.	¹²³ They regard oil as a defilement, and that even an accidental rub must be wiped from the body, for they think dry skin is preferable, and always wear white clothing. Stewards are appointed to take care of their common affairs, the task of each being assigned by them all.
¹²³ They consider oil to be a defilement, and if anyone is anointed against his will, he wipes his body clean; for they think it a point of honor to have a dry skin and to always be dressed in white. The stewards of their communal affairs are elected by vote, each being chosen by the whole body for specific needs.

¹²⁴ Μία δ’ οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῶν πόλις ἀλλ’ ἐν ἑκάστῃ μετοικοῦσιν πολλοί . Καὶ τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἥκουσιν αἱρετισταῖς πάντ’ ἀναπέπταται τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια , καὶ πρὸς οὓς οὐ πρότερον εἶδον εἰσίασιν ὡς συνηθεστάτους ·
¹²⁴ They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them.	¹²⁴ They are not just in one town only, but in every town several of them form a colony. They welcome members from out of town as equal brothers, and greet total strangers as though they were old acquaintances.
¹²⁴ They do not occupy a single city, but many of them settle in every town. To those of the sect who come from elsewhere, all their resources are open as if they were their own, and they enter the houses of people they have never seen before as if they were the most intimate friends.

¹²⁵ Διὸ καὶ ποιοῦνται τὰς ἀποδημίαςan absence, journey οὐδὲν μὲν ὅλως ἐπικομιζόμενοι , διὰ δὲ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔνοπλοι . Κηδεμὼν δ’ ἐν ἑκάστῃ Βηθήλῃ τοῦ τάγματος ἐξαιρέτως τῶν ξένων ἀποδείκνυται ταμιεύων ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια .
¹²⁵ For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them.	¹²⁵ Thus they carry nothing with them when they travel, though they are armed against brigands. In every city where they live, one is appointed especially to take care of strangers and provide them with clothes and other essentials.
¹²⁵ For this reason, they carry nothing at all with them when they travel, though they go armed because of robbers. In every city, a special officer of the order is appointed to care for strangers and to provide them with clothing and supplies.

¹²⁶ Καταστολὴ δὲ καὶ σχῆμα σώματος ὅμοιον τοῖς μετὰ φόβου παιδαγωγουμένοις παισίν . Οὔτε δὲ ἐσθῆτας οὔτε ὑποδήματα ἀμείβουσι πρὶν διαρραγῆναι τὸ πρότερον παντάπασιν ἢ δαπανηθῆναι τῷ χρόνῳ .
¹²⁶ But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time.	¹²⁶ The clothing and management of their bodies is like that of children under strict discipline. They do not change their clothing or shoes until they have completely worn out with use.
¹²⁶ Their dress and general appearance are like those of children disciplined by fear. They change neither garments nor shoes until they are entirely torn to shreds or worn out by time.

¹²⁷ Οὐδὲν δ’ ἐν ἀλλήλοις οὔτ’ ἀγοράζουσιν οὔτε πωλοῦσιν , ἀλλὰ τῷ χρῄζοντι διδοὺς ἕκαστος τὰ παρ’ αὐτῷ τὸ παρ’ ἐκείνου χρήσιμον ἀντικομίζεται · καὶ χωρὶς δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως ἀκώλυτος ἡ μετάληψις αὐτοῖς παρ’ ὧν ἂν θέλωσιν .
¹²⁷ Nor do they either buy or sell anything to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please.	¹²⁷ They neither buy nor sell anything among themselves. They give to each other freely and feel no need to repay anything in exchange. They are fully allowed to take what they need, from whomever they please.
¹²⁷ They neither buy nor sell anything among themselves; but each gives what he has to the one who lacks it and receives in return what is useful. Even without this reciprocal exchange, they are allowed to take from whomever they wish without hindrance.

¹²⁸ πρός γε μὴν τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖς ἰδίως · πρὶν γὰρ ἀνασχεῖν τὸν ἥλιον οὐδὲν φθέγγονται τῶν βεβήλων , πατρίους δέ τινας εἰς αὐτὸν εὐχὰς ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντες ἀνατεῖλαι .
¹²⁸ And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising.	¹²⁸ Their piety toward the Deity is extraordinary. Before sunrise they say not a word about mundane matters, but offer traditional prayers as if praying for its rising.
¹²⁸ Regarding the Deity, their piety is unique: before the sun rises, they speak of nothing profane but offer certain ancestral prayers to it, as if entreating it to rise.

¹²⁹ Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται , καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον , ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν , καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν , ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν · αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον .
¹²⁹ After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple,	¹²⁹ Then each is sent off by their directors, to work at their various crafts, and they work hard until the fifth hour. Then they assemble again into one place, and when they have clothed themselves in white robes, they bathe their bodies in cold water. After this purification they all meet together in a special apartment where non-members may not enter. Then, purified, they go into the dining-room, as into a holy temple.
¹²⁹ After this, they are dismissed by their overseers to the crafts they each understand; having worked diligently until the fifth hour (11:00 am), they assemble again in one place. Girding themselves with linen cloths, they wash their bodies in cold water. After this purification, they meet in a private room where no one of another faith is permitted to enter. Being pure, they approach the dining hall as if into some holy precinct.

¹³⁰ Καὶ καθισάντων μεθ’ ἡσυχίας ὁ μὲν σιτοποιὸς ἐν τάξει παρατίθησι τοὺς ἄρτους , ὁ δὲ μάγειρος ἓν ἀγγεῖον ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐδέσματος ἑκάστῳ παρατίθησιν .
¹³⁰ and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them;	¹³⁰ When they have seated quietly, the baker sets out the loaves in order and the cook sets a single plate of one sort of food before each of them.
¹³⁰ When they have sat down in silence, the baker serves the loaves in order, and the cook sets before each person a single plate with a single kind of food.

¹³¹ Προκατεύχεται δ’ ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς τροφῆς τροφῆς , καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον · ἀριστοποιησάμενος δ’ ἐπεύχεται πάλιν · ἀρχόμενοί τε καὶ παυόμενοι γεραίρουσι θεὸν ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς . Ἔπειθ’ ὡς ἱερὰς καταθέμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας πάλιν ἐπ’ ἔργα μέχρι δείλης τρέπονται .
¹³¹ but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening;	¹³¹ First a priest says grace before the meal, and none may taste the food before grace is said. He also says grace after the meal, so that before and after they praise God, as the source of life. Afterward they lay aside their holy vesture and return to work again until the evening.
¹³¹ The priest says grace before the meal, and it is unlawful for anyone to taste the food before the prayer. After the meal, he says another grace; at the beginning and the end, they honor God as the giver of life. Then, laying aside their garments as if they were sacred, they return to their labors until evening.

¹³² Δειπνοῦσι δ’ ὁμοίως ὑποστρέψαντες συγκαθεζομένων τῶν ξένων , εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοῖς παρόντες . Οὔτε δὲ κραυγή ποτε τὸν οἶκον οὔτε θόρυβος μιαίνει , τὰς δὲ λαλιὰς ἐν τάξει παραχωροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις .
¹³² then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn;	¹³² They return home to take supper in the same way, and if any guests are there, they sit down with them. There is never any shouting or disturbance to pollute their house, but they allow each one to speak in due turn.
¹³² They dine in the same manner upon their return, with any strangers who happen to be present sitting with them. Neither clamor nor disturbance ever pollutes the house; they grant each other the right to speak in turn.

¹³³ Καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν ὡς μυστήριόν τι φρικτὸν ἡ τῶν ἔνδον σιωπὴ καταφαίνεται , τούτου δ’ αἴτιον ἡ διηνεκὴς νῆψις καὶ τὸ μετρεῖσθαι παρ’ αὐτοῖς τροφὴν καὶ ποτὸν μέχρι κόρου .
¹³³ which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them.	¹³³ This silence observed in their house seems a tremendous mystery to outsiders but its source is their perpetual sobriety and limiting their measure of food and drink to what is really needed.
¹³³ To those outside, the silence of those within appears like some awesome mystery; the cause of this is their constant sobriety and the fact that their food and drink are measured only to satisfy their hunger.

¹³⁴ Τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι μὴ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν προσταξάντων ἐνεργοῦσι , δύο δὲ ταῦτα παρ’ αὐτοῖς αὐτεξούσια , ἐπικουρία καὶ ἔλεος · βοηθεῖν τε γὰρ τοῖς ἀξίοις , ὁπόταν δέωνται , καὶ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἐφίεται καὶ τροφὰς ἀπορουμένοις ὀρέγειν . Τὰς δὲ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς μεταδόσεις οὐκ ἔξεστι ποιεῖσθαι δίχα τῶν ἐπιτρόπων .
¹³⁴ And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone’s own free will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators.	¹³⁴ In all other things, they do nothing but by direction of their superiors, with just two things left to each one’s discretion: assistance and mercy. They may of their own accord help the deserving as need dictates and give food to people in distress, but they cannot give gifts to their relatives without permission from those in charge.
¹³⁴ In other matters, they do nothing without the orders of their overseers; but two things are left to their own discretion: acts of assistance and mercy. They are permitted to help the deserving when they are in need and to provide food to the impoverished on their own. However, they may not give anything to their own relatives without the permission of the stewards.

¹³⁵ Ὀργῆς ταμίαι δίκαιοι , θυμοῦ καθεκτικοί , πίστεως προστάται , εἰρήνης ὑπουργοί . Καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότερον ὅρκου , τὸ δὲ ὀμνύειν αὐτοῖς περιίσταται χεῖρον τῆς ἐπιορκίαςfalse oath, perjury ὑπολαμβάνοντες · ἤδη γὰρ κατεγνῶσθαί φασιν τὸν ἀπιστούμενον δίχα θεοῦ .
¹³⁵ They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned.	¹³⁵ Fully in control of their anger and mastering their temper, they are outstanding for fidelity and are ministers of peace. Their word is more reliable than any oath, since they avoid swearing, considering it worse than perjury. For them, whoever cannot be believed without appealing to God is already condemned.
¹³⁵ They are just dispensers of anger, restrainers of passion, champions of fidelity, and ministers of peace. Every word they speak is more powerful than an oath; indeed, they avoid swearing, regarding it as worse than perjury. For they say that a man who cannot be believed without appealing to God is already condemned.

¹³⁶ Σπουδάζουσι δ’ ἐκτόπως περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν συντάγματα μάλιστα τὰ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἐκλέγοντες · ἔνθεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς θεραπείαν παθῶν ῥίζαι τε ἀλεξητήριον καὶ λίθων ἰδιότητες ἀνερευνῶνται .
¹³⁶ They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers.	¹³⁶ They are devoted to the study of ancient lore and focus in particular on what promotes health of soul and body, and the medicinal properties of roots and stones for curing ailments are a special study of theirs.
¹³⁶ They are extraordinary students of the writings of the ancients, selecting especially those that benefit soul and body. From these, they investigate roots for the healing of diseases and the properties of stones.

¹³⁷ Τοῖς δὲ ζηλοῦσιν τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἡ πάροδος , ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔξω μένοντι τὴν αὐτὴν ὑποτίθενται δίαιταν ἀξινάριόν τε καὶ τὸ προειρημένον περίζωμα καὶ λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα δόντες .
¹³⁷ But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment.	¹³⁷ Whoever wants to join their sect is not admitted immediately, but for a year must follow their lifestyle as an outsider; while they give him a small hatchet and the loincloth and the white garment mentioned above.
¹³⁷ To those who desire to join their sect, the entrance is not immediate. For a year, the candidate remains outside the order, following the same rule of life; they give him a small hatchet, the aforementioned loincloth, and a white garment.

¹³⁸ Ἐπειδὰν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πεῖραν ἐγκρατείας δῷ , πρόσεισιν μὲν ἔγγιον τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ καθαρωτέρων τῶν πρὸς ἁγνείαν ὑδάτων μεταλαμβάνει , παραλαμβάνεται δὲ εἰς τὰς συμβιώσεις οὐδέπω . μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς καρτερίας ἐπίδειξιν δυσὶν ἄλλοις ἔτεσιν τὸ ἦθος δοκιμάζεται καὶ φανεὶς ἄξιος οὕτως εἰς τὸν ὅμιλον ἐγκρίνεται .
¹³⁸ And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society.	¹³⁸ When over that time he has proven his continence, they draw him closer to their rule and he may share the purity of their sanctified waters. However he is still not admitted to their common life, for after this test of fortitude, his mettle is tried for two years more and if found worthy, he is then admitted into their society.
¹³⁸ When he has given proof of his self-control during this time, he approaches closer to their way of life and shares in the waters of purification, which are of a holier kind, but he is not yet admitted to their communal life. For after this display of endurance, his character is tested for two more years, and if he appears worthy, he is then enrolled in the society.

¹³⁹ Πρὶν δὲ τῆς κοινῆς ἅψασθαι τροφῆς τροφῆς τροφῆς ὅρκους αὐτοῖς ὄμνυσι φρικώδεις , πρῶτον μὲν εὐσεβήσειν τὸ θεῖον , ἔπειτα τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κατὰ γνώμην βλάψειν τινὰ μήτε ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος , μισήσειν δ’ ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδήλων καὶ συναγωνιεῖσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις ·
¹³⁹ And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous;	¹³⁹ Before being allowed to join their shared meals, he must take great vows: to be devout toward the Deity and to observe justice toward human beings, and to harm no one, either of his own accord or at the command of others, and always to hate the wicked and help the righteous.
¹³⁹ Before he may touch the communal food, he must swear tremendous oaths: first, that he will be pious toward the Deity; then, that he will observe justice toward men; that he will harm no one, either of his own intent or by command; and that he will always hate the wicked and take the side of the righteous.

¹⁴⁰ τὸ πιστὸν ἀεὶ πᾶσιν παρέξειν , μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν · οὐ γὰρ δίχα θεοῦ περιγενέσθαι τινὶ τὸ ἄρχειν · κἂν αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ , μηδέποτε ἐξυβρίσειν εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν μηδ’ ἐσθῆτί τινι ἢ πλείονι κόσμῳ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους ὑπερλαμπρύνεσθαι .
¹⁴⁰ that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery;	¹⁴⁰ He must always keep faith with all, especially those in authority, since no one comes to authority without God's help, and if he comes to be leader, never to abuse his authority or surpass his subjects either in dress or any other adornment.
¹⁴⁰ That he will always show fidelity to all, especially to those in authority, for no one obtains power without God’s will; and that if he himself should be in power, he will never abuse his authority nor outshine his subjects in dress or superior finery.

¹⁴¹ Τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους προβάλλεσθαι · χεῖρας κλοπῆς καὶ ψυχὴν ἀνοσίου κέρδους καθαρὰν φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κρύψειν τι τοὺς αἱρετιστὰς μήθ’ ἑτέροις αὐτῶν τι μηνύσειν , κἂν μέχρι θανάτου τις βιάζηται .
¹⁴¹ that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life.	¹⁴¹ He must always love truth and attempt to reproach those who tell lies, keep his hands from theft and his soul from unlawful profit, and neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor reveal any of their doctrines to others, even if tortured to death.
¹⁴¹ That he will always love the truth and expose liars; that he will keep his hands clean from theft and his soul from unholy gain; and that he will neither hide anything from the members of his sect nor reveal any of their secrets to others, even if tortured to death.

¹⁴² Πρὸς τούτοις ὄμνυσιν μηδενὶ μὲν μεταδοῦναι τῶν δογμάτων ἑτέρως ἢ ὡς αὐτὸς μετέλαβεν , ἀφέξεσθαι δὲ λῃστείας καὶ συντηρήσειν ὁμοίως τά τε τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν βιβλία καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ὀνόματα . Τοιούτοις μὲν ὅρκοις τοὺς προσιόντας ἐξασφαλίζονται .
¹⁴² Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves.	¹⁴² He must further swear to pass on their doctrines exactly as he received them himself, to abstain from robbery, and to safeguard the books of their sect and the names of the messengers. These are the vows by which they bind their candidates.
¹⁴² In addition, he swears to transmit their doctrines exactly as he received them, to abstain from robbery, and to preserve with equal care the books of their sect and the names of the messengers [angels]. By such oaths, they secure their new members.

¹⁴³ Τοὺς δ’ ἐπ’ ἀξιοχρέοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ἁλόντας ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ τάγματος . Ὁ δ’ ἐκκριθεὶς οἰκτίστῳ πολλάκις μόρῳ διαφθείρεται · τοῖς γὰρ ὅρκοις καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐνδεδεμένος οὐδὲ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις τροφῆς τροφῆς τροφῆς δύναται μεταλαμβάνειν , ποηφαγῶν δὲ καὶ λιμῷ τὸ σῶμα τηκόμενος διαφθείρεται .
¹⁴³ But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish;	¹⁴³ Anyone found guilty of sin is expelled from their society, and if so expelled one often dies in misery, because bound by the vows and customs he has practiced, he is not free to share the food he meets elsewhere, but must eat herbs and may starve to death of hunger.
¹⁴³ Those who are caught in serious sins they cast out of the order. The one thus expelled often perishes by a most miserable fate; for, being bound by his oaths and customs, he cannot partake of the food of others, but eating only grass and having his body wasted by hunger, he perishes.

¹⁴⁴ Διὸ δὴ πολλοὺς ἐλεήσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἀναπνοαῖς ἀνέλαβον , ἱκανὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν τὴν μέχρι θανάτου βάσανον ἡγούμενοι .
¹⁴⁴ for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of.	¹⁴⁴ Therefore out of mercy they receive back many at their last gasp, reckoning what they have endured up to the very brink of death as a sufficient atonement for their sins.
¹⁴⁴ For this reason, they have out of pity taken back many in their last gasps, considering the agony they suffered until they were near death to be sufficient punishment for their sins.

¹⁴⁵ Περὶ δὲ τὰς κρίσεις ἀκριβέστατοι καὶ δίκαιοι , καὶ δικάζουσι μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑκατὸν συνελθόντες , τὸ δ’ ὁρισθὲν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀκίνητον . Σέβας δὲ μέγα παρ’ αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὸν θεὸν τοὔνομα τοῦ νομοθέτου , κἂν βλασφημήσῃ τις εἰς τοῦτον κολάζεται θανάτῳ .
¹⁴⁵ But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally.	¹⁴⁵ In trying cases, they are precise and fair, and do not pass sentences with less than a hundred votes, but if a thing is once decided it is unalterable. The name they honour most, under God, is that of their Legislator, and anyone blaspheming him would lose his life.
¹⁴⁵ In their judgments, they are most accurate and just; they pass sentence only when at least a hundred have assembled, and their decision is unalterable. Next to God, they hold the name of the Lawgiver (Moses) in greatest awe, and if anyone blasphemes him, he is punished with death.

¹⁴⁶ Τοῖς δὲ πρεσβυτέροις ὑπακούουσιν καὶ τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐν καλῷ · δέκα γοῦν συγκαθεζομένων οὐκ ἂν λαλήσειέν τις ἀκόντων τῶν ἐννέα .
¹⁴⁶ They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it.	¹⁴⁶ They also think it virtuous to obey their elders and the majority, so if ten of them confer together, one will not speak if the other nine are against it.
¹⁴⁶ They obey their elders and the majority; if ten are sitting together, no one would speak if the other nine were unwilling.

¹⁴⁷ Καὶ τὸ πτύσαι δὲ εἰς μέσους ἢ τὸ δεξιὸν μέρος φυλάσσονται καὶ ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἔργων ἐφάπτεσθαι διαφορώτατα Ἰουδαίων ἁπάντων · οὐ μόνον γὰρ τροφὰς ἑαυτοῖς πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας παρασκευάζουσιν , ὡς μὴ πῦρ ἐναύοιεν ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν , ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ σκεῦός τι μετακινῆσαι θαρροῦσιν οὐδὲ ἀποπατεῖν .
¹⁴⁷ They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon.	¹⁴⁷ They also avoid spitting in company, or to one’s right side. They are stricter than any other Jews in resting from their labours on the sabbath. Not only do they get their food ready the day before, so as not to have to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not move any vessel from its place, nor defecate in it.
¹⁴⁷ They are careful not to spit in the middle of a group or to the right side, and they are stricter than all other Jews in abstaining from work on the seventh day. For they not only prepare their food the day before, so as not to kindle a fire on that day, but they do not even dare to move a vessel or go to the stool.^[1]

^[1]to use the “toilet” (i.e., to have a bowel movement)

¹⁴⁸ Ταῖς δ’ ἄλλαις ἡμέραις βόθρον ὀρύσσοντες βάθος ποδιαῖον τῇ σκαλίδι , τοιοῦτον γάρ ἐστιν τὸ διδόμενον ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀξινίδιον τοῖς νεοσυστάτοις , καὶ περικαλύψαντες θοιμάτιον , ὡς μὴ τὰς αὐγὰς ὑβρίζοιεν τοῦ θεοῦ , θακεύουσιν εἰς αὐτόν .
¹⁴⁸ Nay, on theother days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit,	¹⁴⁸ On other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a kind of hatchet given to them when they are first admitted, and covering themselves with their garment, so as not to insult the divine sunlight, they defecate into the pit.
¹⁴⁸ On other days, they dig a trench a foot deep with a mattock—for such is the small hatchet given to the new members—and wrapping their cloak around them so as not to insult the rays of God, they relieve themselves into it.

¹⁴⁹ Ἔπειτα τὴν ἀνορυχθεῖσαν γῆν ἐφέλκουσιν εἰς τὸν βόθρον · καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦσι τοὺς ἐρημοτέρους τόπους ἐκλεγόμενοι . Καίπερ δὴ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς τῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ’ αὐτὴν καθάπερ μεμιασμένοις ἔθιμον .
¹⁴⁹ after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them.	¹⁴⁹ Then they put back into the pit the earth they dug out; and even this they do only in places set apart for this purpose; and although this relief of the body is natural, it is their rule to wash themselves after it, as though defiled by it.
¹⁴⁹ Then they push the excavated earth back into the trench; they choose the most deserted places for this purpose. Although the secretion of waste is a natural function, it is their custom to wash afterward as if they had been defiled.

¹⁵⁰ Διῄρηνται δὲ κατὰ χρόνον τῆς ἀσκήσεως εἰς μοίρας τέσσαρας , καὶ τοσοῦτον οἱ μεταγενέστεροι τῶν προγενεστέρων ἐλαττοῦνται , ὥστ’ εἰ ψαύσειαν αὐτῶν , ἐκείνους ἀπολούεσθαι καθάπερ ἀλλοφύλῳ συμφυρέντας .
¹⁵⁰ 1Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner.	¹⁵⁰ In this time of training they are divided into four classes, and the juniors are so far inferior to the seniors that if a senior were touched by a junior, he must wash himself as if he had mixed in company with a foreigner.
¹⁵⁰ They are divided into four grades according to the duration of their discipline; and the junior members are so far inferior to the seniors that if a senior is touched by a junior, he washes himself as if he had been contaminated by a foreigner.

¹⁵¹ Καὶ μακρόβιοι μέν , ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν παρατείνειν ἔτη , διὰ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς διαίτης ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν , καταφρονηταὶ δὲ τῶν δεινῶν , καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀλγηδόνας νικῶντες τοῖς φρονήμασιν , τὸν δὲ θάνατον , εἰ μετ’ εὐκλείας πρόσεισι , νομίζοντες ἀθανασίας ἀμείνονα .
¹⁵¹ They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always;	¹⁵¹ They are long-lived too, many living to more than a hundred years, because of the simplicity of their diet, and also, I think, because of their orderly life. They scorn life's hardships and are above pain by their generosity of spirit, seeing death as bringing them glory, and thinking eternity best of all.
¹⁵¹ They are long-lived, most of them passing a hundred years, which I attribute to the simplicity of their diet and their regular habits. They despise dangers and triumph over pain by their high spirit; as for death, if it comes with glory, they consider it better than immortality.

¹⁵² Διήλεγξεν δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν ἅπασιν τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμος , ἐν ᾧ στρεβλούμενοί τε καὶ λυγιζόμενοι καιόμενοί τε καὶ κλώμενοι καὶ διὰ πάντων ὁδεύοντες τῶν βασανιστηρίων ὀργάνων , ἵν’ ἢ βλασφημήσωσιν τὸν νομοθέτην ἢ φάγωσίν τι τῶν ἀσυνήθων , οὐδέτερον ὑπέμειναν παθεῖν , ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ κολακεῦσαί ποτε τοὺς αἰκιζομένους ἢ δακρῦσαι .
¹⁵² and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear;	¹⁵² Our war with the Romans provided abundant evidence of their magnanimity in their trials, when, though tortured and mangled, burnt and torn to pieces with every instrument of torment, to force them either to blaspheme their Legislator, or to eat what was forbidden to them, they could not be made to do either, or flatter their tormentors, or shed a tear.
¹⁵² Their strength of soul was tested in every way in the war against the Romans, in which they were racked and twisted, burnt and broken, and subjected to every instrument of torture to force them to blaspheme the Lawgiver or eat forbidden food. They submitted to neither, nor did they ever cringe before their tormentors or shed a tear.

¹⁵³ Μειδιῶντες δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀλγηδόσιν καὶ κατειρωνευόμενοι τῶν τὰς βασάνους προσφερόντων εὔθυμοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἠφίεσαν ὡς πάλιν κομιούμενοι .
¹⁵³ but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again.	¹⁵³ They smiled through their pains and scorned those who inflicted the torments upon them and cheerfully handed over their souls, expecting to receive them back again.
¹⁵³ Smiling in their agonies and scoffing at those who applied the tortures, they cheerfully resigned their souls, as if they would receive them back again.

¹⁵⁴ Καὶ γὰρ ἔρρωται παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἥδε ἡ δόξα , φθαρτὰ μὲν εἶναι τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν ὕλην οὐ μόνιμον αὐτῶν , τὰς δὲ ψυχὰς ἀθανάτους ἀεὶ διαμένειν , καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ λεπτοτάτου φοιτώσας αἰθέρος ὥσπερ εἱρκταῖς τοῖς σώμασιν ἴυγγί τινι φυσικῇ κατασπωμένας ,
¹⁵⁴ 1For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement;	¹⁵⁴ For they cherish the view that while bodies are corruptible and made of impermanent matter, souls are immortal and continue for ever, having come from above and being chained in their bodies as in prisons, into which they are drawn by a natural affinity.
¹⁵⁴ For the opinion is firmly held among them that bodies are corruptible and their matter not permanent, but that souls are immortal and continue forever. They say that souls, emanating from the finest ether, become entangled with bodies as if in prisons, drawn down by a certain natural spell.

¹⁵⁵ Ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἀνεθῶσι τῶν κατὰ σάρκα δεσμῶν , οἷα δὴ μακρᾶς δουλείας ἀπηλλαγμένας τότε χαίρειν καὶ μετεώρους φέρεσθαι . Καὶ ταῖς μὲν ἀγαθαῖς ὁμοδοξοῦντες παισὶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποφαίνονται τὴν ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν δίαιταν ἀποκεῖσθαι καὶ χῶρον οὔτε ὄμβροις οὔτε νιφετοῖς οὔτε καύμασι βαρυνόμενον , ἀλλ’ ὃν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ πραὺς ἀεὶ ζέφυρος ἐπιπνέων ἀναψύχει · ταῖς δὲ φαύλαις ζοφώδη καὶ χειμέριον ἀφορίζονται μυχὸν γέμοντα τιμωριῶν ἀδιαλείπτων .
¹⁵⁵ but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments.	¹⁵⁵ Once they are set free from the chains of the flesh, then as if released from long slavery they joyfully mount upward. In this they share the view of the Greeks that good souls will dwell beyond the ocean, in a region not oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, in a place refreshed by the gentle west wind, always blowing from the ocean, while wicked souls are relegated to a dark and stormy den, full of never-ceasing punishments.
¹⁵⁵ But when they are released from the bonds of the flesh, as if set free from a long bondage, they then rejoice and are carried upward. Sharing the belief of the sons of the Greeks, they declare that for the good souls there is a habitation beyond the ocean, in a place burdened neither by rain nor snow nor heat, but refreshed by a gentle breeze blowing from the ocean. To the base souls, however, they allot a dark and wintry pit, full of unceasing punishments.

¹⁵⁶ Δοκοῦσι δέ μοι κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔννοιαν Ἕλληνες τοῖς τε ἀνδρείοις αὐτῶν , οὓς ἥρωας καὶ ἡμιθέους καλοῦσιν , τὰς μακάρων νήσους ἀνατεθεικέναι , ταῖς δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ψυχαῖς καθ’ ᾅδου τὸν ἀσεβῶν χῶρον , ἔνθα καὶ κολαζομένους τινὰς μυθολογοῦσιν , Σισύφους καὶ Ταντάλους Ἰξίονάς τε καὶ Τιτυούς , πρῶτον μὲν ἀιδίους ὑφιστάμενοι τὰς ψυχάς , ἔπειτα εἰς προτροπὴν ἀρετῆς καὶ κακίας ἀποτροπήν .
¹⁵⁶ And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected;	¹⁵⁶ It seems to me that the Greeks hold the same view, allotting the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods, and the region of the ungodly, Hades, to the souls of the wicked, where they hold that some are punished, like Sisyphus and Tantalus and Ixion and Tityus, on the principle that souls are immortal, for this promotes virtue and warns against vice.
¹⁵⁶ It seems to me that the Greeks had the same concept when they assigned the Isles of the Blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods, and to the souls of the wicked the region of the ungodly in Hades, where their mythologies tell of the punishments of men like Sisyphus, Tantalus, Ixion, and Tityus. They establish this first by supposing souls to be eternal, and then to encourage virtue and deter vice.

¹⁵⁷ Τούς τε γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς γίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸν βίον ἀμείνους ἐλπίδι τιμῆς καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν , τῶν τε κακῶν ἐμποδίζεσθαι τὰς ὁρμὰς δέει προσδοκώντων , εἰ καὶ λάθοιεν ἐν τῷ ζῆν , μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν ἀθάνατον τιμωρίαν ὑφέξειν .
¹⁵⁷ whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death.	¹⁵⁷ By this the good are moved to a better life by the hope of reward after death, and the passions of the wicked are restrained by the fear that, although they escaped detection in this life, they would be punished eternally after their death.
¹⁵⁷ For they say that good men become better in this life through the hope of a reward after death, and that the impulses of the wicked are restrained by the fear that, even if they escape detection while living, they will suffer immortal punishment after their dissolution.

¹⁵⁸ Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ἐσσηνοὶ περὶ ψυχῆς θεολογοῦσιν ἄφυκτον δέλεαρ τοῖς ἅπαξ γευσαμένοις τῆς σοφίας αὐτῶν καθιέντες .
¹⁵⁸ These are the Divine doctrines of the Essenes about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy.	¹⁵⁸ This is the Essene theology about the soul, strongly attractive to those who have once had a taste of their philosophy.
¹⁵⁸ These, then, are the theological views of the Essenes concerning the soul, laying an inescapable bait for those who have once tasted their wisdom.

¹⁵⁹ Εἰσὶν δ’ ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται , βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι · σπάνιον δ’ εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν .
¹⁵⁹ 1There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.	¹⁵⁹ There are among them some who dare to foretell the future, by reading the holy books and using various sorts of purifications and always poring over the words of the prophets, and they seldom or never are wrong in their predictions.
¹⁵⁹ There are also among them those who undertake to foretell the future, being well-versed in the holy books, various purifications, and the sayings of the prophets; it is rare that they ever fail in their predictions.

¹⁶⁰ Ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ἕτερον Ἐσσηνῶν τάγμα , δίαιταν μὲν καὶ ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοφρονοῦν , διεστὼς δὲ τῇ κατὰ γάμον δόξῃ · μέγιστον γὰρ ἀποκόπτειν οἴονται τοῦ βίου μέρος , τὴν διαδοχήν , τοὺς μὴ γαμοῦντας , μᾶλλον δέ , εἰ πάντες τὸ αὐτὸ φρονήσειαν , ἐκλιπεῖν ἂν τὸ γένος τάχιστα .
¹⁶⁰ 1Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail.	¹⁶⁰ There is another group of Essenes who agree with the rest about diet, customs and laws, but hold a different view on marriage, thinking that celibacy excludes the major dimension of human life regarding heredity and that if all followed it the human race would become extinct.
¹⁶⁰ There is also another order of Essenes who agree with the rest in their way of life, customs, and laws, but differ in their view on marriage. For they think that those who do not marry cut off the most important part of life, which is succession; moreover, if everyone held the same opinion, the race would very quickly disappear.

¹⁶¹ Δοκιμάζοντες μέντοι τριετίᾳ τὰς γαμετάς , ἐπειδὰν τρὶς καθαρθῶσιν εἰς πεῖραν τοῦ δύνασθαι τίκτειν , οὕτως ἄγονται . Ταῖς δ’ ἐγκύμοσιν οὐχ ὁμιλοῦσιν , ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὸ μὴ δι’ ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ τέκνων χρείαν γαμεῖν . Λουτρὰ δὲ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀμπεχομέναις ἐνδύματα , καθάπερ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐν περιζώματι . Τοιαῦτα μὲν ἔθη τοῦδε τοῦ τάγματος .
¹⁶¹ However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes.	¹⁶¹ These test their spouses for three years, and marry them only if they have periods three times, to show that they can bear children. They have no intercourse during pregnancy, to show that marriage is not for pleasure, but for child-bearing. Their women use the baths half clothed, as the men do, wearing loin-cloths. These are the customs of this group.
¹⁶¹ However, they test their brides for three years, and when they have been purified three times as a proof of their ability to bear children, they then marry them. They do not have intercourse with them during pregnancy, demonstrating that they marry not for pleasure but for the necessity of children. The women wash themselves while wearing a garment, just as the men wear a loincloth. Such are the customs of this order.

¹⁶² Δύο δὲ τῶν προτέρων Φαρισαῖοι μὲν οἱ μετὰ ἀκριβείας δοκοῦντες ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πρώτην ἀπάγοντες αἵρεσιν εἱμαρμένῃ τε καὶ θεῷ προσάπτουσι πάντα ,
¹⁶² But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God,	¹⁶² Of the other two groups mentioned, the Pharisees are deemed most skilled in expounding their laws and form the primary sect, who attribute all things to destiny and to God.
¹⁶² Of the two other sects, the Pharisees are those who are considered the most accurate interpreters of the laws and hold the position of the leading sect; they attribute everything to Fate and to God.

¹⁶³ Καὶ τὸ μὲν πράττειν τὰ δίκαια καὶ μὴ κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις κεῖσθαι , βοηθεῖν δὲ εἰς ἕκαστον καὶ τὴν εἱμαρμένην · ψυχήν τε πᾶσαν μὲν ἄφθαρτον , μεταβαίνειν δὲ εἰς ἕτερον σῶμα τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν μόνην , τὰς δὲ τῶν φαύλων ἀιδίῳ τιμωρίᾳ κολάζεσθαι .
¹⁶³ and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment.	¹⁶³ They grant that it is within one’s power to do what is right, and yet destiny has a hand in every action. For them all souls are imperishable, but only the soul of a good person passes into another body, while those of the wicked are eternally punished.
¹⁶³ They say that to do what is right or wrong rests for the most part with men, but that Fate also assists in every action. They believe every soul is imperishable, but that only the souls of the good pass into another body, while the souls of the wicked are punished with eternal retribution.

¹⁶⁴ Σαδδουκαῖοι δέ , τὸ δεύτερον τάγμα , τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην παντάπασιν ἀναιροῦσιν καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἔξω τοῦ δρᾶν τι κακὸν ἢ ἐφορᾶν τίθενται ·
¹⁶⁴ But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil;	¹⁶⁴ The second group, the Sadducees, entirely do away with fate and think that whether we do good or evil God is not involved.
¹⁶⁴ The Sadducees, the second order, do away with Fate altogether and place God beyond the doing or even the sight of evil.

¹⁶⁵ φασὶν δ’ ἐπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἐκλογῇ τό τε καλὸν καὶ τὸ κακὸν προκεῖσθαι καὶ κατὰ γνώμην ἑκάστου τούτων ἑκατέρῳ προσιέναι . Ψυχῆς τε τὴν διαμονὴν καὶ τὰς καθ’ ᾅδου τιμωρίας καὶ τιμὰς ἀναιροῦσιν .
¹⁶⁵ and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades.	¹⁶⁵ They say it is man's own choice to do what is good or what is evil, so that all may act as they please, and they reject the immortality of the soul and in Hades and future punishments and rewards.
¹⁶⁵ They say that the choice between good and evil lies with men and that it is according to each man’s will that they follow one or the other. They deny the permanence of the soul and the punishments and rewards in Hades.

¹⁶⁶ Καὶ Φαρισαῖοι μὲν φιλάλληλοί τε καὶ τὴν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ὁμόνοιαν ἀσκοῦντες , Σαδδουκαίων δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὸ ἦθος ἀγριώτερον αἵ τε ἐπιμιξίαι πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους ἀπηνεῖς ὡς πρὸς ἀλλοτρίους . Τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἰουδαίοις φιλοσοφούντων εἶχον εἰπεῖν.
¹⁶⁶ Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.	¹⁶⁶ The Pharisees are friendly toward each other and strive for harmony and the common good, while the Sadducees are somewhat ruder to each other and they treat those of their own party as harshly as they do strangers. This is all I need to say about the Jewish philosophies.
¹⁶⁶ The Pharisees are affectionate to one another and cultivate harmonious relations with the community. The Sadducees, however, are even toward one another rather more boorish in their behavior, and their social interactions with their peers are as harsh as if they were dealing with foreigners. This is what I have to say concerning the philosophical schools among the Jews.

Chapter 9
[vv. 167-183]
Pilate the procurator causes riots.
Tiberius imprisons Agrippa but Gaius frees him.
Herod Antipas is banished.

☜ ☞

¹⁶⁷ Τῆς Ἀρχελάου δ’ ἐθναρχίας μεταπεσούσης εἰς ἐπαρχίαν οἱ λοιποί , Φίλιππος καὶ Ἡρώδης ὁ κληθεὶς Ἀντίπας , διῴκουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν τετραρχίας · Σαλώμη γὰρ τελευτῶσα Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ γυναικὶ τήν τε αὐτῆς τοπαρχίαν καὶ Ἰάμνειαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν Φασαηλίδι φοινικῶνας κατέλιπεν .
¹⁶⁷ And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis.	¹⁶⁷ As the ethnarchy of Archelaus was downgraded to a protectorate, the other sons of Herod, Philip and Herod called Antipas, continued with their own tetrarchies. Then Salome at her death bequeathed her district to Julia, the wife of Augustus, along with Jamnia and the palm-groves in Phasaelis.
¹⁶⁷ After the ethnarchy of Archelaus was changed into a province, the others, Philip and Herod (who was called Antipas), continued to govern their own tetrarchies. Salome (Herod the Great’s sister), upon her death, bequeathed her toparchy—including Jamnia and the palm groves of Phasaelis—to Julia (Livia), the wife of Augustus.

¹⁶⁸ Μεταβάσης δὲ εἰς Τιβέριον τὸν Ἰουλίας υἱὸν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας μετὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου τελευτήν , ἀφηγησαμένου τῶν πραγμάτων ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ πεντήκοντα πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ἓξ καὶ ἡμέραις δύο , διαμείναντες ἐν ταῖς τετραρχίαις ὅ τε Ἡρώδης καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος , ὁ μὲν πρὸς ταῖς τοῦ Ἰορδάνου πηγαῖς ἐν Πανεάδι πόλιν κτίζει Καισάρειαν κἀν τῇ κάτω Γαυλανιτικῇ Ἰουλιάδα , Ἡρώδης δ’ ἐν μὲν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Τιβεριάδα , ἐν δὲ τῇ Περαίᾳ φερώνυμον Ἰουλίας .
¹⁶⁸ But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Caesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias.	¹⁶⁸ When Augustus died, after reigning for fifty-seven years, six months and two days, the empire of the Romans passed to Tiberius, son of Julia, and both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies. The latter built the city of Caesarea, at the springs of the Jordan near Paneas, and Julias in lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city of Tiberius in Galilee and another city called Julias in Perea.
¹⁶⁸ When the Roman sovereignty passed to Tiberius (Tiberius Caesar Augustus), the son of Julia, following the death of Augustus (14 AD)—who had presided over affairs for fifty-seven years, six months, and two days—Herod and Philip remained in their tetrarchies. Philip built the city of Caesarea (Caesarea Philippi) at the sources of the Jordan in Paneas, and Julias in lower Gaulanitis. Herod built Tiberias in Galilee and a city named after Julia in Perea.

¹⁶⁹ Πεμφθεὶς δὲ εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἐπίτροπος ὑπὸ Τιβερίου Πιλᾶτος νύκτωρ κεκαλυμμένας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα εἰσκομίζει τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας , αἳ σημαῖαι καλοῦνται .
¹⁶⁹ Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem.	¹⁶⁹ Pilate, who was sent by Tiberius as procurator to Judea, brought into Jerusalem by night the images of Caesar that are called ensigns.
¹⁶⁹ Pilate,^[1] being sent as procurator to Judea by Tiberius, introduced by night into Jerusalem the images of Caesar, which are called standards (signa), covered up.

^[1]Pontius Pilate was governor from 26 to 36 AD

¹⁷⁰ Τοῦτο μεθ’ ἡμέραν μεγίστην ταραχὴν ἤγειρεν Ἰουδαίοις · οἵ τε γὰρ ἐγγὺς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐξεπλάγησαν ὡς πεπατημένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων , οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τῇ Βηθήλῃ δείκηλον τίθεσθαι , καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἄθρους ὁ ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς συνέρρευσεν .
¹⁷⁰ This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden underfoot: for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country.	¹⁷⁰ After daybreak this roused a great riot among the Jews, for those nearby them were amazed, seeing them as the trampling under foot of their laws, which forbid any sort of image to being set up in the city. Besides, the fury of the citizens caused large numbers to stream in from the countryside.
¹⁷⁰ This, when day broke, aroused a massive disturbance among the Jews; for those who were near were struck with consternation at the sight, seeing their laws as having been trampled upon—for they allow no image to be set up in the city—and in addition to the indignation of those in the city, a multitude from the countryside streamed together.

¹⁷¹ ὁρμήσαντεςto set in motion δὲ πρὸς Πιλᾶτον εἰς Καισάρειαν ἱκέτευον ἐξενεγκεῖν ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων τὰς σημαίας καὶ τηρεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰ πάτρια . Πιλάτου δὲ ἀρνουμένουto deny, contradict περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν πρηνεῖς καταπεσόντες ἐπὶ πέντε ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας ἴσας ἀκίνητοι διεκαρτέρουν .
¹⁷¹ These came zealously to Pilate to Caesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable; but upon Pilate’s denial of their request, they fell down prostrate upon the ground, and continued immovable in that posture for five days and as many nights.	¹⁷¹ These came to Pilate to Caesarea and implored him to remove those ensigns from Jerusalem and to protect their ancient laws. When Pilate denied their request, they fell prostrate upon the ground and continued motionless for five days and nights.
¹⁷¹ Hastening to Pilate at Caesarea, they entreated him to remove the standards from Jerusalem and to preserve their ancestral customs. When Pilate refused, they fell prostrate around his house and remained motionless for five days and an equal number of nights.

¹⁷² Τῇ δ’ ἑξῆς ὁ Πιλᾶτος καθίσας ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ σταδίῳ καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ἀποκρίνασθαι δῆθεν αὐτοῖς θέλων , δίδωσιν τοῖς στρατιώταις σημεῖον ἐκ συντάγματος κυκλώσασθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις .
¹⁷² On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal, in the open marketplace, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers, that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons;	¹⁷² The following day, Pilate sat upon his tribunal in the large stadium and called the people, apparently to answer them, then signalled to his armed soldiers, who quickly surrounded the Jews.
¹⁷² On the following day, Pilate sat upon his tribunal in the great stadium and summoned the multitude, as if he truly intended to give them an answer. He gave a prearranged signal to the soldiers to surround the Jews with their weapons.

¹⁷³ Περιστάσης δὲ τριστιχεὶ τῆς φάλαγγος Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν ἀχανεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὸ ἀδόκητον τῆς ὄψεως , Πιλᾶτος δὲ κατακόψειν εἰπὼν αὐτούς , εἰ μὴ προσδέξαιντο τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας , γυμνοῦν τὰ ξίφη τοῖς στρατιώταις ἔνευσεν .
¹⁷³ so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Caesar’s images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their naked swords.	¹⁷³ With three ranks of soldiers around them the Jews were struck dumb by that sight, and Pilate told them they would be cut in pieces unless they admitted Caesar's images and signalled to the soldiers to draw their swords.
¹⁷³ When the phalanx stood around them three deep, the Jews were speechless at the unexpected sight. Pilate, declaring that he would cut them to pieces if they did not accept the images of Caesar, signaled the soldiers to draw their swords.

¹⁷⁴ Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι καθάπερ ἐκ συνθήματος ἀθρόοι καταπεσόντες καὶ τοὺς αὐχένας παρακλίναντες ἑτοίμους ἀναιρεῖν σφᾶς ἐβόων μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν νόμον παραβῆναι . Ὑπερθαυμάσας δὲ ὁ Πιλᾶτος τὸ τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἄκρατον ἐκκομίσαι μὲν αὐτίκα τὰς σημαίας Ἱεροσολύμων κελεύει .
¹⁷⁴ Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently carried out of Jerusalem.	¹⁷⁴ As though at a single signal the Jews fell to the ground, baring their necks and shouting that they would rather die than have that law broken. Pilate was amazed at their religious fervour and ordered that the ensigns be removed from Jerusalem.
¹⁷⁴ But the Jews, as if by a preconcerted signal, fell down together in a body and extended their necks, crying out that they were ready to be killed rather than transgress the Law. Pilate, marvelling beyond measure at the intensity of their religious devotion, ordered the standards to be carried out of Jerusalem immediately.

¹⁷⁵ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ταραχὴν ἑτέραν ἐκίνει τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρόν , καλεῖται δὲ κορβωνᾶς , εἰς καταγωγὴν ὑδάτων ἐξαναλίσκων · κατῆγενto lead down δὲ ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων σταδίων . Πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ πλήθους ἀγανάκτησις ἦν , καὶ τοῦ Πιλάτου παρόντος εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα περιστάντες τὸ βῆμα κατεβόων .
¹⁷⁵ After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it.	¹⁷⁵ Later he provoked another disturbance, by spending the sacred treasury, called Corban, on aqueducts to bring in water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. The crowd was angry at this, and when Pilate came to Jerusalem, they surrounded his tribunal and complained about it.
¹⁷⁵ After this, he stirred up another disturbance by exhausting the sacred treasure—which is called Corbonas (the Corban)—for the construction of an aqueduct; he brought the water from a distance of four hundred stadia (74 km). At this, there was indignation among the multitude, and when Pilate came to Jerusalem, they stood around his tribunal and shouted against him.

¹⁷⁶ Ὁ δέ , προῄδει γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν ταραχήν , τῷ πλήθει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐνόπλους ἐσθῆσιν ἰδιωτικαῖς κεκαλυμμένους ἐγκαταμίξας καὶ ξίφει μὲν χρήσασθαι κωλύσας , ξύλοις δὲ παίειν τοὺς κεκραγότας ἐγκελευσάμενος σύνθημα δίδωσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος .
¹⁷⁶ Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal (to do as he had bidden them).	¹⁷⁶ Expecting a disturbance he put armed soldiers among the people telling them to dress as private citizens and not to use their swords but sticks against the rioters, at his signal from the tribunal.
¹⁷⁶ He, however, having foreseen their disturbance, had mixed among the multitude soldiers armed but concealed in civilian dress, and having forbidden them to use their swords, he commanded them to beat the rioters with clubs. He then gave the signal from his tribunal.

¹⁷⁷ Τυπτόμενοι δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν , πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καταπατηθέντες ἀπώλοντο . Πρὸς δὲ τὴν συμφορὰν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἐσιώπησεν .
¹⁷⁷ Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace.	¹⁷⁷ The Jews were so badly beaten that many died from the blows and many others from being trodden while trying to flee. The people were so shocked by these deaths that they were silenced.
¹⁷⁷ The Jews were beaten, and many perished from the blows, while many others were trodden to death by their own people in the flight. Overwhelmed by the calamity of those who were slain, the multitude became silent.

¹⁷⁸ Κἀν τούτῳ κατήγορος Ἡρώδου τοῦ τετραρχοῦντος Ἀγρίππας Ναχώρης Ἀριστοβούλου , ὃν ὁ πατὴρ Ἡρώδης ἀπέκτεινεν , παραγίνεται πρὸς Τιβέριον . Τοῦ δὲ μὴ προσδεξαμένου τὴν κατηγορίαν μένων ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τούς τε ἄλλους τῶν γνωρίμων ἐθεράπευεν καὶ μάλιστα τὸν Γερμανικοῦ παῖδα Γάιον ἰδιώτην ἔτι ὄντα .
¹⁷⁸ In the meantime Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to accuse Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person.	¹⁷⁸ Meanwhile Agrippa (the son of Aristobulus who had been killed by his father Herod) came to Tiberius, to bring a charge against Herod the tetrarch. When the emperor rejected this accusation, he stayed in Rome and became friends with other men of note, but mainly with Gaius the son of Germanicus, who was still a private citizen.
¹⁷⁸ Meanwhile, Agrippa (Herod Agrippa I), the son of Aristobulus (whom his father Herod [the Great] had killed), came to Tiberius to accuse Herod the Tetrarch. When the Emperor did not accept the accusation, Agrippa remained in Rome and cultivated the friendship of the other leading men, especially Gaius (Caligula), the son of Germanicus, who was still a private citizen.

¹⁷⁹ Καὶ δή ποτε ἑστιῶν αὐτὸν τά τε ἄλλα ποικίλως ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο καὶ τελευταῖον τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας φανερῶς ηὔξατο θᾶττον αὐτὸν θεάσασθαι τῶν ὅλων δεσπότην ἀποθανόντος Τιβερίου .
¹⁷⁹ Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world.	¹⁷⁹ One day he gave a feast for Gaius, and after paying him lavish compliments finally stretched out his hands and publicly prayed that he would soon see him emperor of the world after Tiberius died.
¹⁷⁹ Once, while entertaining him, Agrippa flattered him in various ways and finally, stretching out his hands, openly prayed that he might soon see him as master of the world upon the death of Tiberius.

¹⁸⁰ Τοῦτό τις τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ‎ διαγγέλλει τῷ Τιβερίῳ , καὶ ὃς ἀγανακτήσαςto be aroused, indignant εἵργνυσιν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ μετ’ αἰκίας εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ , μέχρις αὐτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν ἡγεμονεύσας ἔτη δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μησὶν ἕξ .
¹⁸⁰ This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa’s domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.	¹⁸⁰ One of Agrippa's servants told this to Tiberius, who was very angry and had Agrippa chained up and in hard imprisonment for six months. Then Tiberius died, after reigning for twenty-two years, six months and three days.
¹⁸⁰ One of his servants reported this to Tiberius, who, being indignant, imprisoned Agrippa and kept him in bonds in prison for six months under harsh treatment, until he himself died (37 AD), having reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.

¹⁸¹ Ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἀνίησίν τε τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ τῆς Φιλίππου τετραρχίας , θνήσκει γὰρ οὗτος , καθίστησι βασιλέα . Παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἀγρίππας φθόνῳ τὰς Ἡρώδου τοῦ τετράρχου διήγειρεν ἐπιθυμίας .
¹⁸¹ But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip’s tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch,	¹⁸¹ When Gaius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his chains and gave him the tetrarchy of Philip who had died, making him king. But Agrippa's royal status inflamed the envy and ambition of Herod the tetrarch.
¹⁸¹ When Gaius Caesar (Caligula) was appointed Emperor, he released Agrippa from his bonds and appointed him king of the tetrarchy of Philip (who had died). When Agrippa arrived to take his rule, he stirred up the envy of Herod the Tetrarch (Antipas).

¹⁸² Ἐνῆγε δὲ μάλιστα τοῦτον εἰς ἐλπίδα βασιλείας Ἡρωδιὰς ἡ γυνὴ κατονειδίζουσα τὴν ἀργίαν καὶ φαμένη παρὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι πλεῖν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα στερίσκεσθαι μείζονος ἀρχῆς · ὅπου μὲν γὰρ Ἀγρίππαν ἐξ ἰδιώτου βασιλέα πεποίηκεν , ἦπου γ’ ἂν ἐκεῖνον διστάσειεν ἐκ τετράρχου ; τούτοις ἀναπεισθεὶς Ἡρώδης ἧκεν πρὸς Γάιον ,
¹⁸² who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity.	¹⁸² He was mainly urged by his wife Herodias to seek the crown, for she reproached him for his sloth and said it was only because he would not sail to pay court to Caesar that he had lost out, for if Caesar had raised Agrippa from private citizen to king, how much more would he confer that title on a tetrarch.
¹⁸² He was incited to hope for a kingdom mainly by his wife Herodias,^[1] who reproached him for his inactivity, saying that he was being deprived of a greater rule simply because he was unwilling to sail to Caesar. For since Caesar had made Agrippa a king from a private station, surely he would not hesitate to make him a king from a tetrarch. Persuaded by these words, Herod went to Gaius.

^[1]Herodias, the wife of Herod Antipas and sister of Agrippa I, is famous in the New Testament (Matt. 14) for her role in the death of John the Baptist. Josephus notes her loyalty in following her husband into exile.

¹⁸³ ὑφ’ οὗ τῆς πλεονεξίας ἐπιτιμᾶται φυγῇ εἰς Γαλλίαν · ἠκολούθησεν γὰρ αὐτῷ κατήγορος Ἀγρίππας , ᾧ καὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου προσέθηκεν Γάιος . Καὶ Ἡρώδης μὲν ἐν Γαλλίᾳ συμφυγούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτᾷ.
¹⁸³ These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.	¹⁸³ Persuaded by this, Herod went to Gaius, by whom he was punished for his ambition by being banished to Spain. For Agrippa followed to accuse him and to him Gaius gave the other's tetrarchy, by way of a bonus. So Herod died in Spain, where his wife had fled along with him.
¹⁸³ By him, however, he was punished for his greed by exile to Gaul; for Agrippa followed him as an accuser, and Gaius added Herod’s tetrarchy to Agrippa’s own. Thus Herod died in Gaul, his wife having followed him into exile.

Chapter 10
[vv. 184-203]
Gaius wants his statue set up in the Temple.
Petronius dares to protest, and survives

☜ ☞

¹⁸⁴ Γάιος δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην , ὥστε θεὸν ἑαυτὸν καὶ δοκεῖν βούλεσθαι καὶ καλεῖσθαι τῶν τε εὐγενεστάτων ἀνδρῶν ἀκροτομῆσαι τὴν πατρίδα , ἐκτεῖναι δὲ τὴν ἀσέβειαν καὶ ἐπὶ Ἰουδαίαν .
¹⁸⁴ Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews.	¹⁸⁴ Gaius Caesar pushed his good luck so far as to want to appear as, and be called, a god. Not only did he cut down the noblest people in his own country, but he extended his impiety as far as the Jews.
¹⁸⁴ Now Gaius Caesar [Caligula]^[1] so abused his good fortune that he wished to be thought of and called a god. He cut off the most noble men of his country and extended his impiety even to Judea.

^[1]Roman emperor from 37 to 41 AD

¹⁸⁵ Πετρώνιον μὲν οὖν μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ἔπεμψεν ἐγκαθιδρύσοντα τῷ ναῷ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας αὐτοῦ‎ , προστάξας , εἰ μὴ δέχοιντο Ἰουδαῖοι , τούς τε κωλύοντας ἀνελεῖν καὶ πᾶν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔθνος ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι .
¹⁸⁵ Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity:	¹⁸⁵ He sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, with orders to place statues of him in the temple, and if the Jews would not accept it to kill whoever tried to prevent it and enslave the rest of the nation.
¹⁸⁵ He sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem to install his statues in the temple, commanding that if the Jews did not receive them, he should kill those who resisted and reduce the rest of the nation to slavery.

¹⁸⁶ θεῷ δ’ ἄρα τῶν προσταγμάτων ἔμελεν . Καὶ Πετρώνιος μὲν σὺν τρισὶ τάγμασι καὶ πολλοῖς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχοις εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἤλαυνεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ,
¹⁸⁶ but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries.	¹⁸⁶ God, however, was watching these commands. Petronius marched from Antioch into Judea, with three legions and many Syrian allies.
¹⁸⁶ But God, it seems, was concerned with these commands. Petronius, with three legions and many allies from Syria, marched from Antioch into Judea.

¹⁸⁷ Ἰουδαίων δὲ οἱ μὲν ἠπίστουν ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου φήμαις , οἱ δὲ πιστεύοντες ἦσαν ἐν ἀμηχάνῳ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν · ταχὺ δ’ ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων τὸ δέος ἤδη παρούσης εἰς Πτολεμαίδα τῆς στρατιᾶς .
¹⁸⁷ Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.	¹⁸⁷ Some of the Jews could not believe the rumours of a war, but those who believed them were at a loss how to defend themselves and terror soon affected them all, for the army had already reached Ptolemais.
¹⁸⁷ Some of the Jews disbelieved the rumors of war; others who did believe were at a loss for how to defend themselves. Fear quickly spread through everyone, as the army was already present at Ptolemais.

¹⁸⁸ Πόλις δ’ ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας παράλιος κατὰ τὸ μέγα πεδίον ἐκτισμένη , περιέχεται δὲ ὄρεσιν ἐκ μὲν τοῦ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν κλίματος ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα τῷ τῆς Γαλιλαίας , ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μεσημβρινοῦ τῷ Καρμήλῳ διέχοντι σταδίους ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι , τῷ δ’ ὑψηλοτάτῳ κατ’ ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north , ὃ καλοῦσιν κλίμακα Τυρίων οἱ ἐπιχώριοι ·
¹⁸⁸ This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs.	¹⁸⁸ This coastal city in Galilee is built on the edge of the great plain and is surrounded by mountains. To the east, sixty furlongs off, are the Galilean mountains, to the south is Carmel, a hundred and twenty furlongs away, and the highest range of them all, called by the local people The Ladder of the Tyre, is a hundred furlongs to the north.
¹⁸⁸ Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built at the Great Plain and surrounded by mountains. To the east, sixty furlongs away, is the mountain of Galilee; to the south is Carmel, 120 furlongs away; and to the north is the highest mountain, called “the Ladder of the Tyrians” by the locals.

¹⁸⁹ Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ σταδίους ἀφέστηκεν ἑκατόν . Τοῦ δ’ ἄστεος ὅσον ἀπὸ δύο σταδίων ὁ καλούμενος Βήλεος ποταμὸς παραρρεῖ παντάπασιν ὀλίγος , παρ’ ᾧ τὸ Μέμνονος μνημεῖόν ἐστιν ἔχονto have, hold ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ‎ τόπον ἑκατονταπήχη θαύματος ἄξιον ·
¹⁸⁹ The very small river Belus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon’s monument, and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration;	¹⁸⁹ The little river Beleus runs past it, just two furlongs away, on the banks of which is Memnon's tomb, and nearby is a remarkable natural spot, no more than a hundred feet in diameter.
¹⁸⁹ This mountain is 100 furlongs away. About two furlongs from the city flows the so-called Belus, a very small river, near which is the monument of Memnon,^[1] having near it a place 100 cubits in size that is worthy of wonder.

^[1]In mythology, Memnon was a king of Aethiopia and son of Tithonus and Eos.

¹⁹⁰ Κυκλοτερὴς μὲν γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κοῖλος , ἀναδίδωσιν δὲ τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον , ἣν ὅταν ἐκκενώσῃ πολλὰ πλοῖα προσσχόντα , πάλιν ἀντιπληροῦται τὸ χωρίον , κατασυρόντων μὲν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully τότε τῶν ἀνέμων εἰς αὐτὸ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀργὴν ψάμμον , τοῦ δὲ μετάλλου πᾶσαν εὐθέως μεταβάλλοντος εἰς ὕελον .
¹⁹⁰ for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand.	¹⁹⁰ It is a circular hollow which produces sand that can be made into glass. When it is emptied - for many ships stop there to take it on board - the hollow is filled again by the winds, which as though on purpose, blow into it ordinary sand from elsewhere, which this mine turns it into raw glass.
¹⁹⁰ It is circular and hollow, and it yields glassy sand. When many ships have come and emptied it, the place is filled up again, as the winds purposefully blow the common sand into it from the outside, and the mine immediately changes it all into glass.

¹⁹¹ Θαυμασιώτερον δὲ τούτου μοι δοκεῖ τὸ τὴν ὑπερχυθεῖσαν ὕελον ἐκ τοῦ τόπου πάλιν ψάμμον γίνεσθαι εἰκαίαν . Τὸ μὲν οὖν χωρίον τοῦτο τοιαύτην εἴληχεν φύσιν .
¹⁹¹ And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.	¹⁹¹ What seems even stranger to me is that any excess amount of the glassy stuff which overflows from the place again reverts to common sand. Such is the peculiar nature of this spot.
¹⁹¹ Even more wonderful to me is that the glass which has overflowed from that spot turns back into ordinary sand. Such is the nature of this place.

¹⁹² Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἀθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ πρὸς Πτολεμαίδι καθικέτευον τὸν Πετρώνιον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πρῶτον , ἔπειτα ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν . Ὁ δὲ πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ἐνδοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς στρατιὰς ἐν Πτολεμαίδι λείπει ,
¹⁹² But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and statues at Ptolemais,	¹⁹² The Jews with their wives and children crowded into the plain near Ptolemais and petitioned Petronius, first regarding their laws, and then regarding themselves. Persuaded by the crowd and their prayers, he left his army and the statues at Ptolemais.
¹⁹² Now the Jews, gathered with their wives and children in the plain near Ptolemais, entreated Petronius first for their ancestral laws and then for themselves. He yielded to the multitude and their pleas, leaving the statues and the armies in Ptolemais.

¹⁹³ Προελθὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ συγκαλέσας τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς γνωρίμους πάντας εἰς Τιβεριάδα τήν τε Ῥωμαίων διεξῄει δύναμιν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἀπειλάς , ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἀπέφαινεν ἀγνώμονα ·
¹⁹³ and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because,	¹⁹³ Proceeding into Galilee, he summoned the people and all the notables to Tiberias and emphasised to them the power of the Romans and Caesar's threats, and showed that their petition was a reckless one.
¹⁹³ Advancing into Galilee and summoning both the multitude and all the notable men to Tiberias, he explained the power of the Romans and the threats of Caesar, and he pointed out that their request was unreasonable.

¹⁹⁴ πάντων γὰρ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐθνῶν κατὰ πόλιν συγκαθιδρυκότων τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος εἰκόνας τὸ μόνους ἐκείνους ἀντιτάσσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦτο σχεδὸν ἀφισταμένων εἶναι καὶ μεθ’ ὕβρεως .
¹⁹⁴ while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods,—for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.	¹⁹⁴ If all other subject nations had placed the images of Caesar among the rest of their gods in their various cities, for them alone to oppose it would practically amount to an insolent rebellion.
¹⁹⁴ For since all the subject nations in every city had established the images of Caesar alongside the other gods, for them alone to oppose it was nearly an act of rebellion and was insulting.

¹⁹⁵ Τῶν δὲ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος προτεινομένων καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ θεοῦ τι δείκηλον , οὐχ ὅπως ἀνδρός , οὐ κατὰ τὸν ναὸν μόνον ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἐν εἰκαίῳ τινὶ τόπῳ τῆς χώρας θέσθαι θεμιτὸν εἴη , ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Πετρώνιος «Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐμοὶ φυλακτέος ὁ τοὐμοῦ δεσπότου νόμος,» ἔφη · «παραβὰς γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ φεισάμενος ὑμῶν ἀπολοῦμαι δικαίως . Πολεμήσει δ’ ὑμᾶς ὁ πέμψας με καὶ οὐκ ἐγώ· καὶ γὰρ αὐτός , ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς , ἐπιτάσσομαι .»
¹⁹⁵ And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, “And am not I also,” said he, “bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you.”	¹⁹⁵ When they insisted on their law and ancestral custom and how they were not allowed to place in the temple, or anywhere in their country, an image of God or even of a man, Petronius rejoined, "For like you, I too am under command." Am I not also bound to keep the law of my own master? If I transgress it and spare you, justice will demand my death, and the one who will declare war on you will not be myself but the one who sent me.
¹⁹⁵ When they pleaded their law and ancestral custom—that it was not lawful to place an image even of God, much less of a man, not only in the temple but even in any common place in the land—Petronius interrupted: “But I also must keep the law of my master. For if I transgress it and spare you, I shall perish justly. He who sent me will make war on you, not I; for I myself, just like you, am under orders.”

¹⁹⁶ ππρὸς ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος πάντ’ ἐβόα πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάσχειν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν . καταστείλας δ’ αὐτῶν ὁ Πετρώνιος τὴν βοήν , «πολεμήσετε, εἶπεν , ἄρα Καίσαρι ;»
¹⁹⁶ Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, “Will you then make war against Caesar?”	¹⁹⁶ To this the whole crowd shouted that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius silenced the shouting and asked, " Would you make war on Caesar?"
¹⁹⁶ At this, the multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer anything for their law. Petronius, having quieted their shouting, said: “Will you then make war against Caesar?”

¹⁹⁷ καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι « περὶ μὲν Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας θύειν ἔφασαν , εἰ δὲ βούλεται τὰς εἰκόνας ἐγκαθιδρύειν , πρότερον αὐτὸν δεῖν ἅπαν τὸ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος προθύσασθαι · παρέχειν δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὴν σφαγὴν ἅμα τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξίν .»
¹⁹⁷ The Jews said, “We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;” but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain.	¹⁹⁷ The Jews said that they offered sacrifices twice a day for Caesar and for the Roman people, but that if he wanted to place the statues among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation, for they were ready for death, along with their children and wives.
¹⁹⁷ The Jews replied that they offered sacrifice twice a day for Caesar and the Roman people; but if he wished to install the images, he must first sacrifice the entire Jewish nation. They offered themselves ready for slaughter, along with their children and wives.

¹⁹⁸ Ἐπὶ τούτοις θαῦμα καὶ οἶκτος εἰσῄει τὸν Πετρώνιον τῆς τε ἀνυπερβλήτου θρησκείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοίμου παραστήματος . Καὶ τότε μὲν ἄπρακτοιdisabling διελύθησαν .
¹⁹⁸ At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.	¹⁹⁸ At this Petronius felt awe and pity for their incomparable religious devotion and the courage that made them ready to die for it. So they were dismissed without a decision.
¹⁹⁸ At this, wonder and pity overcame Petronius because of the unsurpassed religion of these men and their readiness to face death. And so, for that time, they were dismissed with nothing accomplished.

¹⁹⁹ Ταῖς δ’ ἑξῆς ἀθρόους τε τοὺς δυνατοὺς κατ’ ἰδίαν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐν κοινῷ συλλέγων ποτὲ μὲν παρεκάλει , ποτὲ δὲ συνεβούλευεν , τὸ πλέον μέντοι διηπείλει τήν τε Ῥωμαίων ἐπανατεινόμενος ἰσχὺν καὶ τοὺς Γαίου θυμοὺς τήν τε ἰδίαν πρὸς τούτοις ἀνάγκην .
¹⁹⁹ But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined].	¹⁹⁹ Subsequently he met privately with leading figures and publicly with the crowd, now persuading and now advising, but mainly stressing the power of the Romans and the anger of Gaius, and the fact that he had no choice.
¹⁹⁹ During the following days, he gathered the powerful men privately and the multitude publicly, sometimes entreating, sometimes advising, but mostly threatening, holding over them the strength of the Romans and the wrath of Gaius, as well as his own necessity.

²⁰⁰ Πρὸς δὲ μηδεμίαν πεῖραν ἐνδιδόντων ὡς ἑώρα καὶ τὴν χώραν κινδυνεύουσαν ἄσπορον μεῖναι , κατὰ γὰρ ὥραν σπόρου πεντήκοντα ἡμέρας ἀργὰ προσδιέτριβεν αὐτῷ τὰ πλήθη , τελευταῖον ἀθροίσας αὐτοὺς
²⁰⁰ But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together,	²⁰⁰ When they could not be persuaded and he saw that the country was in danger of lying untilled, for it was the time for sowing, for the people had not worked for fifty days in succession, he finally got them together and said,
²⁰⁰ But seeing that they would not yield, and that the land was in danger of remaining unsown—for the multitude had remained idle with him for fifty days during the sowing season—he finally gathered them and said:

²⁰¹ «καὶ παρακινδυνευτέον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον,» εἰπών, «ἢ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ συνεργοῦντος πείσας Καίσαρα σωθήσομαι μεθ’ ὑμῶν ἡδέως ἢ Παροξυνθέντος ὑπὲρ τοσούτων ἑτοίμως ἐπιδώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχήν , » διαφῆκεν τὸ πλῆθος πολλὰ κατευχομένων αὐτῷ , καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν .
²⁰¹ and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; “for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be a matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are.” Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch;	²⁰¹ " It is better for me to take the risk first. Either, with God's help, I shall persuade Caesar and will be spared along with you, which will please us both, or if Caesar goes on raging, I am putting my life on the line for so many of you." He dismissed the people, who prayed greatly for his prosperity, and taking the army from Ptolemais he returned to Antioch.
²⁰¹ “I must take the risk.” He said, “Either, with God’s help, I will persuade Caesar and be saved with you gladly; or, if he is provoked, I will readily give my own life for so many.” He then dismissed the multitude, who offered many prayers for him. He took his army from Ptolemais and returned to Antioch.

²⁰² Ἔνθεν εὐθέως ἐπέστελλεν Καίσαρι τήν τε ἐμβολὴν τὴν εἰς Ἰουδαίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἱκεσίας τοῦ ἔθνους , ὅτι τε , εἰ μὴ βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολέσαι , δέοι φυλάττειν τε αὐτοὺς τὸν νόμον καὶ παριέναι τὸ πρόσταγμα .
²⁰² from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction.	²⁰² From there he immediately wrote to Caesar to report his campaign in Judea and the petitions of the nation, saying that unless he wished to lose both the men and the country he must let them keep their law and countermand his previous orders.
²⁰² From there he immediately wrote to Caesar, informing him of his invasion of Judea and the pleas of the nation, and that unless he wished to lose the country as well as the men, he must allow them to keep their law and rescind his order.

²⁰³ Ταύταις ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐ σφόδρα μετρίως ἀντέγραψεν ὁ Γάιος , ἀπειλῶν Πετρωνίῳ θάνατον , ὅτι τῶν προσταγμάτων αὐτοῦ‎ βραδὺς ὑπηρέτης ἐγίνετο . Ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν τούτων γραμματοφόρους συνέβη χειμασθῆναι τρεῖς μῆνας ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ , τὸν δὲ Γαίου θάνατον ἄλλοι καταγγέλλοντες εὐπλόουν . Ἔφθη γοῦν τὰς περὶ τούτων Πετρώνιος λαβὼν ἐπιστολὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις ἢ τὰς καθ’ ἑαυτοῦ .
²⁰³ Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius’s epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius’s death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself.	²⁰³ Gaius answered that letter in a rage, threatening to have Petronius put to death for being so slow in carrying out his orders. But those who brought Gaius's letter were caught in a storm and were delayed at sea for three months, while others who brought the news of Gaius's death had a successful voyage, so that Petronius had received the letter about Gaius twenty seven days before he received the one against himself.
²⁰³ To these letters Gaius replied in no moderate fashion, threatening Petronius with death because he had been a slow servant to his commands. But it happened that the letter-carriers were storm-tossed for three months at sea, while others announcing the death of Gaius had a fair voyage. Thus Petronius received the news of Gaius’s death twenty-seven days before the letter ordering his own execution.

Chapter 11
[vv. 204-222]
The reign of Claudius and the reign of Agrippa.
Descendants of the Herods.

☜ ☞

²⁰⁴ Γαίου δὲ ἡγεμονεύσαντος ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ καὶ δολοφονηθέντος ἁρπάζεται μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ στρατευμάτων [εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν] Κλαύδιος ,
²⁰⁴ Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him;	²⁰⁴ When Gaius was murdered after reigning for three years and eight months, the military in Rome pressed Claudius to take over the government.
²⁰⁴ After Gaius [Caligula] had ruled for three years and eight months and was assassinated,^[1] the armies in Rome hurried to seize Claudius and carry him off to the sovereignty.

^[1]Gaius Caesar (Caligula) was assassinated on January 24, 41 AD.

²⁰⁵ ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐξηγουμένων τῶν ὑπάτων Σεντίου Σατορνίνου καὶ Πομπωνίου Σεκούνδου τρισὶν ταῖς συμμενούσαις σπείραις ἐπιτρέψασα φυλάττειν τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἠθροίσθη καὶ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα τὴν Γαίου Κλαυδίῳ πολεμεῖν ἐψηφίζετο · καταστήσεσθαι γὰρ δι’ ἀριστοκρατίας , ὥσπερ οὖν πάλαι διῳκεῖτο , τὴν ἀρχὴν ἢ κρινεῖν ψήφῳ τὸν ἄξιον τῆς ἡγεμονίας .
²⁰⁵ but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.	²⁰⁵ so the senate, on the advice of the consuls Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, commanded their remaining three regiments of soldiers to protect the city and assembled in the Capitol, where they opted to oppose Claudius by force. After the savagery of Gaius, they decided to either put the nation under its former system of government, aristocracy, or vote for someone worthy to become emperor.
²⁰⁵ However, the Senate—led by the consuls Sentius Saturninus^[1] and Pomponius Secundus^[2]—entrusted the protection of the city to the three cohorts remaining with them. They gathered at the Capitol and, due to the cruelty of Gaius, voted to oppose Claudius.^[3] They intended to restore the government to an aristocracy, as it had been administered of old, or to choose by vote a person worthy of the leadership.

^[1]Gaius Sentius Saturninus (Consul in 41 AD)
^[2]Quintus Pomponius Secundus (Consul in 41 AD)
^[3]Full name: Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus.

²⁰⁶ Συνέβη Τηνικαῦτα πρὸς ἐπιδημοῦντα τὸν Ἀγρίππαν τήν τε σύγκλητον καλοῦσαν εἰς συμβουλίαν πέμψαι καὶ Κλαύδιον ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς , ὅπως πρὸς ἃ δέοι χρήσιμος αὐτοῖς γένοιτο . Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν τὸν ἤδη τῇ δυνάμει Καίσαρα πρὸς Κλαύδιον ἄπεισιν .
²⁰⁶ Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him,	²⁰⁶ As Agrippa was in Rome at this time, the senate called on him for his advice, and from the camp, Claudius also sent to him saying that he needed his help. Knowing that in effect Claudius had already become Caesar, he went to him.
²⁰⁶ It happened at this time that Agrippa [I] was staying in Rome. The Senate sent for him to act as a counselor, and Claudius sent for him from the camp, so that he might be of use to them as the situation required. Agrippa, perceiving that Claudius was already Caesar by the power of the army, went to him.

²⁰⁷ Ὁ δ’ αὐτὸν πρεσβευτὴν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀναπέμπει δηλοῦντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν , ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄκων ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁρπαγείη , καὶ οὔτε τὴν ἐκείνων σπουδὴν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν δίκαιον οὔτε ἀσφαλὲς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην κρίνοι · καὶ γὰρ τὸ τυχεῖν τῆς ἡγεμονικῆς κλήσεως ἐπικίνδυνον εἶναι ·
²⁰⁷ who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were: that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire.	²⁰⁷ He in turn sent him as his envoy to the senate to tell them how he had been hurried away by the soldiers against his will and still thought he would be unsafe and in the wrong if he rejected their devotion to him and the good fortune that had come to him, since to have been called to rule was itself a dangerous thing.
²⁰⁷ Claudius sent him back as an ambassador to the Senate to explain his intentions: first, that he had been seized by the soldiers against his will; and that he judged it neither just to desert their enthusiasm nor safe to abandon his own fortune, for even the mere title of Emperor was dangerous.

²⁰⁸ ἔπειθ’ ὅτι διοικήσει τὴν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ ἀγαθὸς προστάτης , οὐχ ὡς τύραννος · ἀρκεῖσθαι γὰρ τῇ τιμῇ τῆς προσηγορίας , τὴν δ’ ἐφ’ ἑκάστῳ τῶν πραγμάτων βουλὴν πᾶσιν ἀποδώσειν . Καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ φύσει μέτριος ἦν , ἱκανὸν ὑπόδειγμα σωφροσύνης αὐτῷ προκεῖσθαι τὸν Γαίου θάνατον .
²⁰⁸ He added further, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station.	²⁰⁸ He would, however, administer it as a good prince and not a tyrant, and would limit himself to using the imperial title, while being willing to let each of them advise him on public matters. He added that even if he were not temperate by nature, the death of Gaius would be a sufficient warning to him, to act with sobriety.
²⁰⁸ Secondly, he promised to administer the government like a good protector, not a tyrant; he would be satisfied with the honor of the title, while giving back to everyone a share in the council regarding every matter of state. He claimed that even if he were not moderate by nature, the death of Gaius provided a sufficient example for self-restraint.

²⁰⁹ Ταῦτ’ ἀπήγγειλεν Ἀγρίππας . ἡ δὲ βουλὴ ἀπεκρίνατο καὶ στρατῷ καὶ γνώμαις ἀγαθαῖς πεποιθυῖα δουλείαν ἑκούσιον οὐχ ὑπομενεῖν . Καὶ Κλαύδιος ὡς ἤκουσεν τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς , πάλιν ἔπεμψεν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἀπαγγελοῦντα αὐτοῖς ὅτι προδοῦναι μὲν τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν ὁμονοήσαντας οὐχ ὑπομένοι , πολεμήσειν δ’ ἄκων πρὸς οὓς ἥκιστα βούλοιτο .
²⁰⁹ This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight;	²⁰⁹ When Agrippa reported this, the senate replied that supported by an army and their own wisdom they would not submit to slavery. When Claudius heard the senate's answer, he sent Agrippa to them again to say that he would not think of betraying those who had pledged fidelity to him and so, however unwillingly, he must fight those who never wished to fight.
²⁰⁹ Agrippa reported these things. The Senate replied that, trusting in their army and their noble principles, they would not submit to voluntary slavery. When Claudius heard the Senate’s reply, he sent Agrippa back again to tell them that he could not bear to betray those who had united in his favor, and that he would be forced to go to war—though unwillingly—against those with whom he least desired to fight.

²¹⁰ Δεῖν μέντοι προαποδειχθῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως · οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον διὰ τὴν αὐτῶν κακοβουλίαν ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ μιαίνεσθαι τὰ τεμένη τῆς πατρίδος . Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀκούσας ταῦτα τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἀπήγγειλεν .
²¹⁰ that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.	²¹⁰ For this battle they should choose a place outside the city, as it would be wrong to pollute their national shrines with the blood of their own countrymen on account of their imprudence; this message he passed on to the senators.
²¹⁰ He added that a place outside the city should be chosen for the battle, for it would be a sacrilege to stain the sacred precincts of the fatherland with the blood of fellow countrymen because of their own stubbornness. Agrippa reported this to the senators.

²¹¹ Μεταξὺ δὲ τῶν μετὰ τῆς συγκλήτου στρατιωτῶν τις σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος " ἄνδρες , ἐβόησεν , συστρατιῶται , τί παθόντες ἀδελφοκτονεῖν βουλόμεθα καὶ κατὰ τῶν μετὰ Κλαυδίου συγγενῶν ὁρμᾶν , ἔχοντες μὲν αὐτοκράτορα μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι δυνάμενον , τοσαῦτα δὲ τὰ δίκαια πρὸς οὓς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων χωρεῖν μέλλομεν;
²¹¹ In the meantime, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, “O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government]! and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight!”	²¹¹ Then a soldier of the senate drew his sword and shouted, " Men, what has gotten into us if we plan to kill our brothers and attack our colleagues who support Claudius? We may have as emperor a blameless man who has such a just claim to it! Is it against such people we should be fighting?"
²¹¹ Meanwhile, one of the soldiers standing with the Senate drew his sword and shouted: “Fellow soldiers, what has happened to us that we wish to commit fratricide and attack our own kinsmen who are with Claudius? We have an Emperor against whom no complaint can be made, so what right do we have to march in arms against those with whom we share so much?”

²¹² ταῦτα εἰπὼν διὰ μέσης ὥρμησεν τῆς βουλῆς πάντας τοὺς συστρατιώτας ἐφελκόμενος . Οἱ δ’ εὐπατρίδαι παραχρῆμα μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόλειψιν περιδεῶς ἔσχον , αὖθις δ’ ὡς ἀποστροφὴ σωτήριος οὐ κατεφαίνετο , τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁδὸν ἠπείγοντο πρὸς Κλαύδιον .
²¹² When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius.	²¹² Saying this, he marched right through the senate and brought all the soldiers with him. The patricians were in a sudden panic at being so deserted, and as there seemed no safe alternative, they hurried after the soldiers to go to Claudius.
²¹² Having said this, he rushed through the middle of the Senate, followed by all his fellow soldiers. The aristocrats were immediately terrified by this desertion, and as no other way of safety appeared, they followed the path of the soldiers and hurried to Claudius.

²¹³ ὑπήντων δ’ αὐτοῖς πρὸ τοῦ τείχους γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν οἱ σφοδρότερον κολακεύοντες τὴν τύχην · κἂν συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι τοὺς προάγοντας πρὶν γνῶναι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν Κλαύδιον , εἰ μὴ προσδραμὼν Ἀγρίππας αὐτῷ τὸ κινδύνευμαhazard, venture τῆς πράξεως ἐδήλωσεν , ὅτι τε εἰ μὴ κατάσχοι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐπατρίδας λελυσσηκότων , ἀπολέσας δι’ οὓς τὸ κρατεῖν ἐστι περίοπτον ἐρημίας ἔσοιτο βασιλεύς .
²¹³ But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa run before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert.	²¹³ Those who had more quickly seized the tide of fortune met them outside the ramparts with swords drawn. Indeed there was reason to fear that those in front might be in danger before Claudius even knew of the soldiers' anger, if Agrippa had not gone ahead and told him the dangerous situation, and that unless he restrained them in their fury at the patricians, he would lose those whose help he would need in order to rule, and would be left to govern a desert.
²¹³ Those who were more aggressive in flattering Fortune met them before the walls with drawn swords. The leaders of the Senate would have been in danger before Claudius knew of the soldiers’ violent impulse, had not Agrippa run to him and shown him the danger of the deed. He warned that if he did not restrain the impulse of those maddened against the aristocrats, he would lose those who made his power distinguished and would become a king of a wilderness.

²¹⁴ Ταῦτ’ ἀκούσας Κλαύδιος κατέσχεν τὰς ὁρμὰς τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ προσδέχεταί τε τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενος ἐξῄει σὺν αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα θύσων τῷ θεῷ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας χαριστήρια .
²¹⁴ When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire.	²¹⁴ When Claudius heard it he restrained the soldiers' violence, and after welcoming the senate into the camp and treating them cordially, he soon went out with them to sacrifice to God on his accession to the imperial power.
²¹⁴ Hearing this, Claudius restrained the impulses of the soldiery and received the Senate into the camp. After greeting them kindly, he went out with them immediately to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for his accession to the sovereignty.

²¹⁵ Καὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ‎ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ’ Αὐγούστου δοθείσας Ἡρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν , χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην .
²¹⁵ Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias.	²¹⁵ To Agrippa he immediately granted all of his grandfather's kingdom, adding to it the countries that were given to Herod by Augustus, Trachonitis and Auranitis and what was known as the kingdom of Lysanias.
²¹⁵ He immediately gifted Agrippa with all his ancestral kingdom, adding to it those regions given to Herod [the Great] by Augustus: Trachonitis and Auranitis, and besides these, another kingdom called the kingdom of Lysanias.

²¹⁶ Καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ διατάγματι τὴν δωρεὰν ἐδήλου , τοῖς ἄρχουσιν δὲ προσέταξεν ἐγχαράξαντας δέλτοις χαλκαῖς τὴν δόσιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀναθεῖναι ·
²¹⁶ This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol.	²¹⁶ This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass and set up in the capitol.
²¹⁶ He announced this gift to the people by an edict and commanded the magistrates to engrave the grant on bronze tablets and dedicate them in the Capitol.

²¹⁷ Δωρεῖται δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἡρώδην , ὁ δ’ αὐτὸς καὶ γαμβρὸς ἦν Βερνίκῃ συνοικῶν , βασιλείᾳ τῇ Χαλκίδι.
²¹⁷ He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.	²¹⁷ He gave to Herod, Agrippa's brother, who was also his son-in-law through his marriage to Berenice, the kingdom of Chalcis.
²¹⁷ He also gifted Agrippa’s brother, Herod^[1]—who was also his son-in-law, being married to Berenice—with the kingdom of Chalcis.

^[1]This is Herod Pollio of Chalcis, the brother of Agrippa I.

²¹⁸ Ταχέως δ’ ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοσαύτης ἀρχῆς πλοῦτος Ἀγρίππᾳ προσέρρει , καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν κατεχρήσατο · τηλικοῦτον γὰρ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις περιβαλεῖν ἤρξατο τεῖχος , ἡλίκον ἂν τελεσθὲν ἀνήνυτον Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίησεν τὴν πολιορκίαν .
²¹⁸ So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege;	²¹⁸ From such an extensive realm, money flowed into Agrippa and he soon set about spending it. He began to surround Jerusalem with a wall so large that, if completed, it would have made it impossible for the Romans to take it by siege.
²¹⁸ Wealth soon flowed to Agrippa from such a vast dominion, but he did not use his money for long; for he began to surround Jerusalem with a wall so great that, had it been completed, it would have made a Roman siege impossible.

²¹⁹ Ἀλλ’ ἔφθη πρὶν ὑψῶσαι τὸ ἔργον τελευτήσας ἐν Καισαρείᾳ , βεβασιλευκὼς μὲν ἔτη τρία , πρότερον δὲ τῶν τετραρχιῶν τρισὶν ἑτέροις ἔτεσιν ἀφηγησάμενος .
²¹⁹ but his death (44 AD), which happened at Caesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years.	²¹⁹ However, before he had raised the ramparts to their full height he died in Caesarea, after being three years king and having ruled his tetrarchies an additional three years.
²¹⁹ But he died in Caesarea before the work could be raised to its full height, having reigned for three years, after having previously governed his tetrarchies for three other years.

²²⁰ Καταλείπει δὲ τρεῖς μὲν θυγατέρας ἐκ Κύπρου γεγενημένας , Βερνίκην καὶ Μαριάμμην καὶ Δρουσίλλαν , υἱὸν δὲ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς Ἀγρίππαν . Οὗ παντάπασιν ὄντος νηπίου πάλιν τὰς βασιλείας Κλαύδιος ἐπαρχίαν ποιήσας ἐπίτροπον πέμπει Κούσπιον Φᾶδον , ἔπειτα Τιβέριον Ἀλέξανδρον , οἳ μηδὲν παρακινοῦντες τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξαν .
²²⁰ He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility.	²²⁰ He left behind him three daughters, Berenice, Mariamne and Drusilla, born to him by Cypros, and a son named Agrippa. Since this boy was a very young child (about 17), Claudius made the country a Roman province and sent Cuspius Fadus as its procurator and after him Tiberius Alexander, who did not interfere with the ancient laws, and kept the nation in peace.
²²⁰ He left behind three daughters born of Cypros: Berenice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son named Agrippa [II] by the same mother. Since the son was quite a young child, Claudius again made the kingdoms a province and sent Cuspius Fadus as procurator, and then Tiberius Alexander,^[1] who, by not disturbing the local customs, kept the nation in peace.

^[1]Tiberius Julius Alexander was an apostate Jew and the nephew of Philo of Alexandria.

²²¹ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ὁ βασιλεύων τῆς Χαλκίδος Ἡρώδης τελευτᾷ , καταλιπὼν ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἀδελφιδῆς Βερνίκης δύο παῖδας Βερνικιανόν τε καὶ Ὑρκανόν , ἐκ δὲ τῆς προτέρας Μαριάμμης Ἀριστόβουλον . Τεθνήκει δ’ αὐτῷ καὶ ἕτερος ἀδελφὸς Ἀριστόβουλος ἰδιώτης καταλιπὼν ἸωτάπηνJotape θυγατέρα .
²²¹ Now, after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother’s daughter Bernice; their names were Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape:	²²¹ Then Herod the king of Chalcis died, leaving behind two sons, Bernicianus and Hyrcanus, born to him of his brother's daughter Berenice, and Aristobulus, a son by his previous wife Mariamne. There was another brother, also called Aristobulus, who died a private citizen, who left a daughter named Jotape.
²²¹ After this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, leaving behind two sons by his niece Berenice: Bernicianus and Hyrcanus, and by his first wife Mariamne, a son named Aristobulus. Another brother, Aristobulus, had died as a private citizen, leaving a daughter Jotape.

²²² Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἦσαν , ὡς προεῖπον , Ἀριστοβούλου τοῦ Ἡρώδου παῖδες , Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκ Μαριάμμης Ἡρώδῃ γεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς , οὓς ὁ πατὴρ ἀνεῖλεν · ἡ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου γενεὰ τῆς μεγάλης ἈρμενίαςArmenia ἐβασίλευσεν .
²²² and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as for Alexander’s posterity, they reigned in Armenia.	²²² All these, as I have said, were descended from Herod's son Aristobulus; that Aristobulus and Alexander were Herod's sons by Mariamne and were killed by him. Alexander's descendants ruled greater Armenia.
²²² These, as I said before, were the children of Aristobulus (son of Herod the Great). Aristobulus and Alexander were the sons born to Herod by Mariamne [the Hasmonean], whom their father [Herod the Great] executed; but the descendants of Alexander ruled over Greater Armenia.

Chapter 12
[vv. 223-249]
Riots under Cumanus, settled by Quadratus.
Felix is procurator of Judea.

☜ ☞

²²³ Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἡρώδου τελευτήν , ὃς ἦρχε τῆς Χαλκίδος , καθίστησιν Κλαύδιος εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θείου τὸν Ἀγρίππαν υἱὸν Ἀγρίππα · τῆς δ’ ἄλλης ἐπαρχίας διαδέχεται τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἀπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου ΚουμανόςCumanus , ἐφ’ οὗ θόρυβοί τε ἤρξαντο καὶ φθορὰ πάλιν Ἰουδαίων ἐγένετο .
²²³ Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews’ ruin came on;	²²³ After the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius put Agrippa's son Agrippa in charge of his uncle's kingdom, while in succession to Alexander, Cumanus took over as procurator of the rest of the province, and under him began the troubles that led to the destruction of the Jews.
²²³ After the death of Herod [of Chalcis], who ruled Chalcis, Claudius appointed Agrippa [II], the son of Agrippa [I], to the kingdom of his uncle. Cumanus^[1] succeeded [Tiberius] Alexander as procurator of the rest of the province; under him, disturbances began and the destruction of the Jews occurred once again.

^[1]Ventidius Cumanus was procurator from 48 to 52 AD

²²⁴ Συνεληλυθότος γὰρ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τῆς ῬωμαικῆςRoman σπείρας ὑπὲρ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοὰν ἐφεστώσης , ἔνοπλοι δ’ ἀεὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς παραφυλάττουσιν , ὡς μή τι νεωτερίζοι τὸ πλῆθος ἠθροισμένον , εἷς τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνασυράμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ κατακύψας ἀσχημόνωςshamefully, ugly προσαπέστρεψεν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τῷ σχήματι φωνὴν ὁμοίαν ἐπεφθέγξατο .
²²⁴ for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple(for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture.	²²⁴ For when the crowd had gathered in Jerusalem for the feast of unleavened bread and a Roman cohort was stationed on the porticoes of the temple, for they always kept an armed guard at the festivals, to prevent any revolt among such crowded gatherings, one of the soldiers pulled back his robe, squatted down, turned his backside indecently to the Jews and made the appropriate sound for such a posture.
²²⁴ While the multitude was gathered in Jerusalem for the Feast of Unleavened Bread (49 AD), and the Roman cohort stood on guard above the portico of the temple—for armed men always watch the festivals to prevent the gathered crowd from rioting—one of the soldiers pulled up his garment, bent over indecently, and turned his backside toward the Jews, making a sound to match the gesture.

²²⁵ Πρὸς τοῦτο ἅπαν μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἠγανάκτησεν , καὶ κατεβόων τοῦ ΚουμανοῦCumanus κολάζειν τὸν στρατιώτην , οἱ δὲ ἧττον νήφοντες τῶν νέων καὶ τὸ φύσει στασιῶδες ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ μάχην λίθους τε ἁρπάσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔβαλλον .
²²⁵ At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers.	²²⁵ This enraged the whole crowd who called out for Cumanus to punish the soldier; while the more hot-headed youths and the more rebellious of the crowd wanted a fight and took up stones to throw at the soldiers.
²²⁵ At this, the whole multitude was enraged and cried out for Cumanus to punish the soldier. Some of the younger men, less sober and naturally prone to faction, rushed into a fight; they snatched up stones and threw them at the soldiers.

²²⁶ Καὶ Κουμανὸς δείσας μὴ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὁρμὴ γένοιτο , πλείους ὁπλίταςarmed warrior μεταπέμπεται . Τῶν δὲ ταῖς στοαῖς ἐπιχεομένων φόβος ἐμπίπτει τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἀκατάσχετος , καὶ τραπέντες ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διέφευγον εἰς τὴν πόλιν .
²²⁶ Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city;	²²⁶ Cumanus was afraid the whole people would attack him and sent for more infantry, who came in great numbers into the porticoes and put the Jews in a panic and drove them running from the temple into the city.
²²⁶ Cumanus, fearing the whole people would rush upon him, sent for more heavy-armed troops. As these poured into the porticoes, an uncontrollable fear fell upon the Jews; they turned and fled from the temple into the city.

²²⁷ Τοσαύτη δὲ περὶ τὰς ἐξόδους βία συνωθουμένων ἐγένετο , ὥστε πατηθέντας ὑπ’ ἀλλήλων καὶ συντριβέντας ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους ἀποθανεῖν , γενέσθαι δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν πένθος μὲν ὅλῳ τῷ ἔθνει θρῆνον δὲ καθ’ ἑκάστην οἰκίαν .
²²⁷ and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented [their own relations].	²²⁷ Such was the violence with which they crowded to escape that they trampled and crushed each other, until thirty thousand of them were killed, so that this feast was turned to mourning for the whole nation and every family lamented.
²²⁷ Such violence occurred at the exits as they were crowded together that more than thirty thousand died, trampled by one another and crushed. Thus the festival became a time of mourning for the whole nation and a lamentation in every house.

²²⁸ Μετελάμβανεν δὲ ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἄλλος λῃστρικὸς θόρυβος . Κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Βαιθωρὼ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν Στεφάνου τινὸς δούλου Καίσαρος ἀποσκευὴν κομιζομένην διήρπασαν λῃσταὶ προσπεσόντες .
²²⁸ Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized.	²²⁸ Soon after came another disaster arising from a riot caused by brigands. On the public road at Beth-horon, a slave of Caesar named Stephen was bringing some equipment, which the brigands attacked and seized.
²²⁸ This calamity was followed by another riot involving brigands. Along the public road of Beth-horon, brigands fell upon and plundered the baggage of a certain Stephen, a servant of Caesar, which he was carrying.

²²⁹ Κουμανὸς δὲ περιπέμψας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πλησίον κωμῶν δεσμώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνάγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν , ἐπικαλῶν ὅτι μὴ διώξαντες τοὺς λῃστὰς συλλάβοιεν . Ἔνθα τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις εὑρὼν ἔν τινι κώμῃ τὸν ἱερὸν νόμον διέρρηξέν τε τὸ βιβλίον καὶ εἰς πῦρ κατέβαλεν .
²²⁹ Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire.	²²⁹ Cumanus sent men around to the neighbouring villages to bring their inhabitants to him as prisoners, in penalty for not following and catching the thieves. In the process, one of the soldiers found our sacred law and tore the book to pieces and threw it into the fire.
²²⁹ Cumanus sent troops around to the neighboring villages and ordered the inhabitants to be brought to him in chains, accusing them of not pursuing and capturing the brigands. There, one of the soldiers, finding the Holy Law in a certain village, tore the book to pieces and threw it into the fire.

²³⁰ Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ὡς ὅλης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας καταφλεγείσης συνεχύθησαν , καὶ καθάπερ ὀργάνῳ τινὶ τῇ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ συνελκόμενοι πρὸς ἓν κήρυγμα πάντες εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐπὶ ΚουμανὸνCumanus συνέδραμον ἱκετεύοντες τὸν οὕτως εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν νόμον αὐτῶν ἐξυβρίσαντα μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀτιμώρητον .
²³⁰ Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done.	²³⁰ This so angered the Jews that it seemed to set the whole country ablaze, and their religious zeal like some instrument drew many of them to rush to Caesarea, to complain with one voice to Cumanus and beg him not to let this man, who had offered such an insult to God and to his law, go unpunished.
²³⁰ The Jews were as shaken as if their whole country had been consumed by flames. Drawn together by their religious devotion as if by some engine, they all ran at once to Caesarea to see Cumanus, entreating him not to leave unpunished the man who had so insulted God and their Law.

²³¹ Ὁ δέ , οὐ γὰρ ἠρέμει τὸ πλῆθος , εἰ μὴ τύχοι παραμυθίας , ἠξίου τε προάγειν τὸν στρατιώτην καὶ διὰ μέσων τῶν αἰτιωμένων ἀπαχθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κελεύει . Καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι μὲν ἀνεχώρουν .
²³¹ Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.	²³¹ Seeing that the people would not rest unless they got a satisfactory answer from him, he had the soldier dragged through his critics to be executed, and then the Jews went away.
²³¹ Since the multitude would not be quieted without satisfaction, he decided to bring out the soldier and ordered him to be led to execution through the midst of his accusers. And so the Jews departed.

²³² Αὖθις δὲ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Σαμαρέων γίνεται συμβολή . Κατὰ γὰρ Γήμαν καλουμένην κώμην , ἥτις ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κεῖται τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος , πολλῶν ἀναβαινόντων Ἰουδαίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναιρεῖταί τις Γαλιλαῖος .
²³² After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain;	²³² Then there was a battle between the Galileans and the Samaritans, at a village called Geman, in the great plain of Samaria, where a Galilean was killed at a time when many Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast.
²³² Next, a conflict arose between the Galileans and the Samaritans (51-52 AD). At a village called Gema, situated in the great plain of Samaria, a certain Galilean was murdered as many Jews were going up to the festival.

²³³ Πρὸς τοῦτο πλεῖστοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας συνέδραμον ὡς πολεμήσοντες τοῖς ΣαμαρεῦσινSamaritans , οἱ γνώριμοι δ’ αὐτῶν ἐλθόντες πρὸς ΚουμανὸνCumanus ἠντιβόλουν πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν διαβάντα τιμωρήσασθαιto avenge, punish τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου · μόνως γὰρ ἂν οὕτως διαλυθῆναι πρὸ πολέμου τὸ πλῆθος . Κουμανὸς μὲν οὖν ἐν δευτέρῳ τὰς ἐκείνων ἱκεσίας τῶν ἐν χειρὶ πραγμάτων θέμενος ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψεν τοὺς ἱκέτας .
²³³ and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success.	²³³ Many people hurried there from Galilee to fight the Samaritans, but their leaders came to Cumanus and asked him, before the damage became irreversible, to come to Galilee and punish the murderers, for there was no other way to separate the people, short of war. But Cumanus had other things in hand, so he postponed hearing them and sent the petitioners away unsatisfied.
²³³ At this, many gathered from Galilee to make war on the Samaritans. Their notable men came to Cumanus and begged him, before an incurable calamity occurred, to go to Galilee and punish the perpetrators of the murder; for only in this way could the multitude be dispersed without war. But Cumanus, putting their petitions second to the business in hand, dismissed the petitioners without success.

²³⁴ Ἀγγελθὲν δὲ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τὸ πάθος τοῦ πεφονευμένου τὰ πλήθη συνετάραξεν καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀφέμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαμάρειαν ἐξώρμων ἀστρατήγητοι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατέχοντι πειθόμενοι .
²³⁴ But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them,	²³⁴ But when word of this murder was spread in Jerusalem, it horrified the people and they left the feast, and dashed off leaderless against Samaria, unwilling to listen to any of their magistrates.
²³⁴ When the news of the murder reached Jerusalem, the multitudes were thrown into confusion. Abandoning the festival, they rushed toward Samaria without a general and without obeying any of the magistrates who tried to restrain them.

²³⁵ Τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ δ’ αὐτῶν καὶ στασιώδους Δειναίου τις Ναχώρης Ἐλεάζαρος καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξῆρχον , οἳ τοῖς ὁμόροιςhaving common border τῆς ἈκραβατηνῆςAcrabatene τοπαρχίας προσπεσόντες αὐτούς τε ἀνῄρουν μηδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φειδὼ ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν .
²³⁵ but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire.	²³⁵ The thieves and rebels went out under Eleazar, son of Dineus, and Alexander and murderously attacked the region of Acrabatene, without distinction of age, setting the villages on fire.
²³⁵ Their brigand and factional element was led by a certain Eleazar son of Deinaeus and Alexander; they fell upon the neighbors of the Acrabatenne toparchy, killing them without sparing any age and burning the villages.

²³⁶ Κουμανὸς δὲ ἀναλαβὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Καισαρείας μίαν ἴλην ἱππέων καλουμένην Σεβαστηνῶν ἐξεβοήθει τοῖς πορθουμένοις καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον πολλοὺς μὲν συνέλαβεν , πλείστους δ’ ἀπέκτεινεν .
²³⁶ But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Caesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them.	²³⁶ Cumanus went to the help of those who were being ravaged, with a troop of cavalry, called the Sebastians, from Caesarea and seized many of the followers of Eleazar and killed most of them.
²³⁶ Cumanus, taking a troop of cavalry called “Sebastenians” from Caesarea, went to the aid of those whose lands were being ravaged; he captured many of Eleazar’s followers and killed many others.

²³⁷ Πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν πολεμεῖν τοῖς ΣαμαρεῦσινSamaritans ὡρμημένων οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐκδραμόντες σάκκους ἀμπεχόμενοι καὶ τέφραν τῶν κεφαλῶν καταχέοντες ἱκέτευον ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν εἰς Σαμαρεῖς ἄμυναν ἐπὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα Ῥωμαίους παροξύνειν , ἐλεῆσαί τε τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ναὸν τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἰδίας , ἃ πάντα κινδυνεύειν δι’ ἑνὸς ἐκδικίαν ΓαλιλαίουGalilee παραπολέσθαι .
²³⁷ And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only.	²³⁷ Regarding the rest of the men who were so eager to fight with the Samaritans, the leaders of Jerusalem ran out dressed in sackcloth and with ashes on their head, to beg them to leave before their reprisals against the Samaritans provoked the Romans to attack Jerusalem. They should pity their country, the temple, their children and their wives, and not put them in danger of destruction, to take revenge for a single Galilean.
²³⁷ As for the rest of the multitude who had rushed to war with the Samaritans, the leaders of Jerusalem ran out dressed in sackcloth and with ashes on their heads, entreating them to return and not provoke the Romans against Jerusalem for the sake of revenge on the Samaritans. They begged them to have pity on their country, the temple, and their own wives and children, all of which were at risk of being destroyed for the sake of avenging a single Galilean.

²³⁸ Τούτοις πεισθέντες Ἰουδαῖοι διελύθησαν · ἐτράποντο δὲ πολλοὶ πρὸς λῃστείαν διὰ τὴν χρόνου , καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν ἁρπαγαί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν θρασυτέρων ἐπαναστάσειςa rising, insurrection .
²³⁸ The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country.	²³⁸ The Jews acceded and dispersed, but still there were many who went into banditry unpunished. Looting and disorder of the worst kind took place all over the country.
²³⁸ Persuaded by these words, the Jews dispersed. However, many turned to brigandage because they felt they could act with impunity, and throughout the whole country, there were robberies and uprisings by the more daring.

²³⁹ Καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων οἱ δυνατοὶ πρὸς ΟὐμμίδιονUmmidius Κουαδρᾶτον , ὃς ἦν ἡγεμὼν τῆς Συρίας , εἰς Τύρον παραγενόμενοι δίκην τινὰ παρὰ τῶν πορθησάντων τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν λαβεῖν .
²³⁹ And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished:	²³⁹ The Samaritan notables came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the ruler of Syria to ask him to punish those who had ravaged their country.
²³⁹ The powerful men of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the governor of Syria, at Tyre, and demanded punishment for those who had ravaged their country.

²⁴⁰ Παρόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ γνώριμοι τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἰωνάθης Ναχώρης ἈνάνουAnanus κατάρξαι μὲν ἔλεγον τῆς ταραχῆς ΣαμαρέαςSamaritans διὰ τὸν φόνον , αἴτιον δὲ τῶν ἀποβεβηκότων ΚουμανὸνCumanus γεγονέναι μὴ θελήσαντα τοὺς αὐθέντας τοῦ σφαγέντος ἐπεξελθεῖν .
²⁴⁰ the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder.	²⁴⁰ The best known of the Jews and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, also came and said that by murdering people the Samaritans had begun the trouble, and that Cumanus was also responsible by being unwilling to punish the murderers.
²⁴⁰ The notable Jews and the high priest Jonathan son of Ananus were also present. They said the Samaritans had started the trouble by the murder, but that Cumanus was responsible for what followed by refusing to punish the murderers.

²⁴¹ Κουαδρᾶτος δὲ τότε μὲν ἑκατέρους ὑπερτίθεται Φήσας , ἐπειδὰν εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραγένηται , διερευνήσειν ἕκαστα , αὖθις δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Καισάρειαν τοὺς ὑπὸ ΚουμανοῦCumanus ζωγρηθέντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν πάντας .
²⁴¹ But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive;	²⁴¹ Quadratus deceived both parties at the time, saying he would come to those places and enquire into all the details; then he went to Caesarea and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive.
²⁴¹ Quadratus postponed a decision for both parties, saying that when he came to those places, he would investigate every detail. Later, arriving at Caesarea, he crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive.

²⁴² Ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Λύδδα παραγενόμενος πάλιν διήκουσεν τῶν Σαμαρέων , καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ὀκτωκαίδεκα τῶν Ἰουδαίων , οὓς ἐπέπυστο μετεσχηκέναι τῆς μάχης , πελέκει διεχειρίσατο ·
²⁴² and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them;	²⁴² From there he went to Lydda, where he heard about the Samaritans and sent for eighteen of the Jews that he heard had been involved in the fight and beheaded them.
²⁴² From there he went to Lydda and heard the Samaritans again. He sent for eighteen of the Jews who he learned had taken part in the fight and had them beheaded.

²⁴³ δύο δ’ ἑτέρους τῶν δυνατωτάτων καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς Ἰωνάθην καὶ Ἀνανίαν τόν τε τούτου παῖδα ἌνανονAnanus καί τινας ἄλλους Ἰουδαίων γνωρίμους ἀνέπεμψεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα , ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Σαμαρέων τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους .
²⁴³ but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, as also Ananus the son of this Ananias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans.	²⁴³ Two others of the most prominent of them he sent to Caesar, along with the high priests Jonathan and Ananias, and Ananus his son and some other Jewish notables, and did similarly with the most prominent of the Samaritans.
²⁴³ He sent two other powerful men, along with the high priests Jonathan and Ananias, and Ananus the son of Ananias, and some other notable Jews to Caesar; he likewise sent the most distinguished Samaritans.

²⁴⁴ Παρήγγειλεν δὲ καὶ ΚουμανῷCumanus καὶ ΚέλεριCeler τῷ χιλιάρχῳ πλεῖν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης δώσοντας Κλαυδίῳ λόγον ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγενημένων . Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπὸ ΛύδδωνLydda ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα , καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἄγον τὴν τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτὴν ἀθορύβως εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπανῄει .
²⁴⁴ He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch.	²⁴⁴ He also commanded Cumanus and Celer the tribune to sail to Rome, to report to Caesar on what had been done. When he had settled these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem and finding the people celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any rioting, returned to Antioch.
²⁴⁴ He also ordered Cumanus and Celer the tribune to sail for Rome to give an account to Claudius of what had happened. Having done these things, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating the Feast of Unleavened Bread peacefully, he returned to Antioch.

²⁴⁵ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ΚουμανοῦCumanus καὶ Σαμαρέων , παρῆν δὲ καὶ Ἀγρίππας ἐκθύμως ὑπεραγωνιζόμενος Ἰουδαίων ἐπειδὴ καὶ ΚουμανῷCumanus πολλοὶ τῶν δυνατῶν παρίσταντο , Σαμαρέων μὲν καταγνοὺς τρεῖς ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους , ΚουμανὸνCumanus δὲ ἐφυγάδευσεν .
²⁴⁵ Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus,	²⁴⁵ When Caesar in Rome had heard Cumanus and the Samaritans, in the hearing of Agrippa who championed the cause of the Jews, while many people of influence supported Cumanus, he condemned the Samaritans and ordered the execution of three of the most powerful among them, and banished Cumanus.
²⁴⁵ In Rome, Caesar heard Cumanus and the Samaritans. Agrippa [II] was also present, advocating zealously for the Jews, while many of the powerful men stood by Cumanus. Caesar, having condemned the Samaritans, ordered three of their most powerful men to be executed and sent Cumanus into exile.

²⁴⁶ ΚέλεραCeler δὲ δεσμώτην ἀναπέμψας εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα παραδοθῆναι Ἰουδαίοις πρὸς αἰκίαν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ περισυρέντα τὴν πόλιν οὕτω τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι .
²⁴⁶ and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded.	²⁴⁶ He sent Celer as a prisoner to Jerusalem, to be handed over to the Jews and be abused, then dragged around the city and beheaded.
²⁴⁶ He ordered Celer to be sent back to Jerusalem in chains to be delivered to the Jews for torture, and after being dragged around the city, to have his head cut off.

²⁴⁷ μετὰ ταῦτα Ἰουδαίας μὲν ἐπίτροπον ΦήλικαFelix τὸν ΠάλλαντοςPallas ἀδελφὸν ἐκπέμπει τῆς τε Σαμαρείας καὶ Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας , ἐκ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος Ἀγρίππαν εἰς μείζονα βασιλείαν μετατίθησιν , δοὺς αὐτῷ τήν τε Φιλίππου γενομένην ἐπαρχίαν , αὕτη δ’ ἦν ΤραχωνῖτιςTrachonitis καὶ Βατανέα καὶ ΓαυλανῖτιςGaulonitis , προσέθηκεν δὲ τήν τε Λυσανίου βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν Οὐάρου γενομένην τετραρχίαν .
²⁴⁷ After this Caesar sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed.	²⁴⁷ After this he sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, as procurator to Galilee and Samaria and Perea and moved Agrippa from Chalcis to a greater kingdom, for he gave him the tetrarchy that had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis and Gaulonitis, adding on the kingdom of Lysanias and the tetrarchy which Varus had ruled.
²⁴⁷ After this, he sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, as procurator of Judea, Samaria, Galilee, and Perea. He moved Agrippa from Chalcis to a larger kingdom, giving him the former province of Philip (Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis), and added the kingdom of Lysanias and the former tetrarchy of Varus.

²⁴⁸ αὐτὸς δὲ διοικήσας τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔτεσι τρισκαίδεκα , πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν ΝέρωναNero τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον ,
²⁴⁸ But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina’s delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia,	²⁴⁸ Then, after ruling for thirteen years, eight months and twenty days, he died, leaving Nero as his successor in the empire.
²⁴⁸ Claudius himself died (Oct. 13, 54 AD) after ruling the empire for thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, leaving Nero as his successor.

²⁴⁹ ὃν ταῖς Ἀγριππίνης τῆς γυναικὸς ἀπάταις ἐπὶ κληρονομίᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰσεποιήσατο καίπερ υἱὸν ἔχων γνήσιον ΒρεττανικὸνBritannicus ἐκ Μεσσαλίνης τῆς προτέρας γυναικὸς καὶ ὈκταουίανOctavia θυγατέρα τὴν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ‎ ζευχθεῖσαν Νέρωνι · γεγόνει δ’ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ Παιτίνης ἈντωνίαAntonia.
²⁴⁹ whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia.	²⁴⁹ Led astray by his wife Agrippina, he had adopted him as his successor, though he had a son of his own named Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife and a daughter named Octavia, whom he had given in marriage to Nero. He also had another daughter by Paetina, named Antonia.
²⁴⁹ He had adopted Nero to inherit the empire through the deceptions of his wife Agrippina, even though he had a legitimate son, Britannicus, by his former wife Messalina, and a daughter, Octavia, whom he had married to Nero. He also had a daughter, Antonia, by Paetina.

Chapter 13
[vv. 250-270]
The Sicarii flourish in Nero's time.
Syrians persecute the Jews in Caesarea

☜ ☞

²⁵⁰ Ὅσα μὲν οὖν ΝέρωνNero δι’ ὑπερβολὴν εὐδαιμονίας τε καὶ πλούτου παραφρονήσας ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην , ἢ τίνα τρόπον τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν μητέρα διεξῆλθεν , ἀφ’ ὧν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους μετήνεγκεν τὴν ὠμότητα ,
²⁵⁰ Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him;	²⁵⁰ I will pass over the many mad antics of Nero, his huge prosperity and riches and how he misused his good fortune, killing his own brother and wife and mother, and how his savagery later reached out to others of the aristocracy;
²⁵⁰ Now, as for how many things Nero^[1] did—having lost his mind through an excess of good fortune and wealth—or how he abused his luck, or in what manner he did away with his brother, his wife, and his mother, and how his cruelty then transferred to the most noble men;

^[1]Nero (Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus) reigned from 54 to 68 AD

²⁵¹ Καὶ ὡς τελευταῖον ὑπὸ φρενοβλαβείας ἐξώκειλεν εἰς σκηνὴν καὶ θέατρον , ἐπειδὴ δι’ ὄχλου πᾶσίν ἐστιν , παραλείψω , τρέψομαι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ Ἰουδαίοις κατ’ αὐτὸν γενόμενα .
²⁵¹ and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater,—I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects everywhere; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned.	²⁵¹ and finally, about his foolish performances on the stage and the theatre, since lots of people have written of them. I shall limit myself to the events of his time in which the Jews were concerned.
²⁵¹ and how at last, driven by madness, he ended up on the stage and in the theater—since these things are common talk for everyone, I shall pass over them and turn to what happened to the Jews during his time.

²⁵² Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν Ἀρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν Ἀριστοβούλῳ τῷ Ἡρώδου , τῇ δ’ Ἀγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις , ἌβελαAbila μὲν καὶ Ἰουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν , Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας , εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν Ἰουδαίαν ΦήλικαFelix κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον .
²⁵² Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator.	²⁵² He gave the throne of Lesser Armenia to Herod's son, Aristobulus, and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with their districts: Abila and Julias in Perea, and Tarichea and Tiberias of Galilee. Over the rest of Judea he appointed Felix as procurator.
²⁵² Nero gave Lesser Armenia to Aristobulus [son of Herod of Chalcis] to rule as king. To the kingdom of Agrippa [II], he added four cities along with their districts: Abila and Julias in Perea, and Tarichaeae and Tiberias in Galilee. In the rest of Judea, he appointed Felix as procurator (c. 52-59 AD).

²⁵³ Οὗτος τόν τε ἀρχιλῃστὴνchief robber Ἐλεάζαρον ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι τὴν χώραν λῃσάμενον καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ζωγρήσας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς Ῥώμην · τῶν δ’ ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ‎ λῃστῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ φωραθέντων δημοτῶν οὓς ἐκόλασεν , ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος ἦν .
²⁵³ This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated.	²⁵³ This Felix captured alive the arch-brigand Eleazar and many of his group, who had ravaged the country for twenty years and sent them to Rome. He also had many brigands crucified, and took prisoner and punished an untold number of ordinary people who were involved with them.
²⁵³ Felix captured the arch-brigand Eleazar [son of Deinaeus], who had ravaged the country for twenty years, along with many of his associates, and sent them to Rome. The number of brigands he crucified, and of common people caught in conspiracy with them whom he punished, was beyond count.

²⁵⁴ Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο , οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι , μεθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ Βηθήλῃ φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους ,
²⁵⁴ When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city;	²⁵⁴ With the country purged of these, another sort of brigands called Sicarii grew up in Jerusalem, who killed people in broad daylight even in the city itself.
²⁵⁴ After the country was cleared of these, a different kind of brigand sprang up in Jerusalem, called the Sicarii.^[1] They committed murders in broad daylight and in the middle of the city.

^[1]The Sicarii were named after the sica which is a curved dagger and they were murdering from about 56 to 58 AD

²⁵⁵ μάλιστα [δὲ] ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια , τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους , ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες , διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι .
²⁵⁵ this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered.	²⁵⁵ This was mainly during the festivals, when they mingled among the people with daggers concealed under their clothing to stab their enemies, and when the victim fell, joined in the protest against it, to make them seem trustworthy, so they could not be found out.
²⁵⁵ Especially during the festivals, they would mingle with the crowd, hiding small daggers (sicae) under their garments; with these they would stab their enemies. Then, when the victims fell, the murderers themselves were among the first to express indignation. Because of this plausible behavior, they were entirely undiscoverable.

²⁵⁶ Πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν Ἰωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται , μετὰ δ’ αὐτὸν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί · καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος , ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ’ ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου .
²⁵⁶ The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself;	²⁵⁶ The first to be killed by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whom many were killed daily, resulting in a terror that was worse than the event itself, and as everyone faced the prospect of death at any moment, the same as in wartime.
²⁵⁶ The first to be butchered by them was Jonathan the High Priest; after him, many were slain daily. The fear of these disasters was more grievous than the disasters themselves, as everyone, as if in war, expected death at every hour.

²⁵⁷ προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους , καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν , ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο · τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη .
²⁵⁷ and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.	²⁵⁷ People had to be on guard and keep their distance, no longer daring to trust even friends who were approaching them, but despite all precautions and security, they were still killed, so quickly and cunningly did the conspirators come at them.
²⁵⁷ Men watched their enemies from afar, and they did not even trust their friends who approached them. Yet, in the midst of their suspicions and precautions, they were still murdered—so great was the speed of the conspirators and their art of concealment.

²⁵⁸ Συνέστη δὲ πρὸς τούτοις στῖφος ἕτερον πονηρῶν χειρὶ μὲν καθαρώτερον , ταῖς γνώμαις δὲ ἀσεβέστερον , ὅπερ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σφαγέων τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς πόλεως ἐλυμήνατο .
²⁵⁸ There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers.	²⁵⁸ Another band of the wicked gathered, purer in their actions, but even worse in their intentions, which ruined the prosperity of the city no less than did these murderers.
²⁵⁸ In addition to these, there arose another gang of villains, with “cleaner hands” but more impious intentions, who ruined the city’s prosperity no less than the murderers.

²⁵⁹ Πλάνοι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἀπατεῶνες προσχήματι θειασμοῦ νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγματευόμενοι δαιμονᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθον καὶ προῆγον εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ὡς ἐκεῖ τοῦ θεοῦ δείξοντος αὐτοῖς σημεῖα ἐλευθερίας .
²⁵⁹ These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty.	²⁵⁹ These were the sort who deceived the people under pretext of divine inspiration, but were in favour of revolt and upheaval and drove the people mad and led them into the wilderness, claiming that God would there show them signs of liberation.
²⁵⁹ These were deceivers and impostors who, under the pretense of divine inspiration, fostered revolutionary changes. They persuaded the multitude to act like madmen and led them out into the wilderness, claiming that God would show them signs of liberty there.

²⁶⁰ Ἐπὶ τούτοις Φῆλιξ , ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀποστάσεως εἶναι καταβολή , πέμψας ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ὁπλίταςarmed warrior πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειρεν .
²⁶⁰ But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them.	²⁶⁰ Felix saw this as the start of a revolt, so he sent some cavalry and armed infantry, who killed many of them.
²⁶⁰ At this, Felix—believing this was the beginning of a revolt—sent a large body of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry and destroyed a great number of them.

²⁶¹ μείζονι δὲ τούτου πληγῇ Ἰουδαίους ἐκάκωσεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ψευδοπροφήτης · παραγενόμενος γὰρ εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄνθρωπος γόης καὶ προφήτου πίστιν ἐπιθεὶς ἑαυτῷ περὶ τρισμυρίους μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἠπατημένων ,
²⁶¹ But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him;	²⁶¹ Even more harm was done to the Jews by an Egyptian charlatan claiming to be a prophet who led astray a throng of thirty thousand who put their trust in him.
²⁶¹ But a greater blow than this was dealt to the Jews by the Egyptian false prophet.^[1] Appearing in the country as a charlatan and laying claim to the credit of a prophet, he gathered about thirty thousand of those he had deceived.

^[1]This Egyptian (c.54-58 AD) is also mentioned in the New Testament (Acts 21:38).

²⁶² περιαγαγὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐρημίας εἰς τὸ ἐλαιῶν καλούμενον ὄρος ἐκεῖθεν οἷός τε ἦν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα παρελθεῖν βιάζεσθαι καὶ κρατήσας τῆς τε ῬωμαικῆςRoman φρουρᾶς καὶ τοῦ δήμου τυραννεῖν χρώμενος τοῖς συνεισπεσοῦσιν δορυφόροις .
²⁶² these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him.	²⁶² These he led round from the wilderness to what is called the Mount of Olives intending to force his way into Jerusalem, and if he defeated the Roman garrison he would tyrannise the people, with his fellow invaders as his bodyguard.
²⁶² Leading them around from the wilderness to the mountain called the Mount of Olives, he was prepared to force an entrance into Jerusalem from there, to overpower the Roman garrison, and to set himself up as a tyrant, using those who broke in with him as his bodyguards.

²⁶³ Φθάνει δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν ὁρμὴν Φῆλιξ ὑπαντήσας μετὰ τῶν ῬωμαικῶνRoman ὁπλιτῶν , καὶ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνεφήψατο τῆς ἀμύνης , ὥστε συμβολῆς γενομένης τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον φυγεῖν μετ’ ὀλίγων , διαφθαρῆναι δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι πλείστους τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ , τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος σκεδασθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον διαλαθεῖν .
²⁶³ But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.	²⁶³ Felix thwarted his attempt and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people joined in his attack. But in the battle, the Egyptian fled with a few others, while most of his supporters were either killed or taken alive, and the rest of the people scattered to their homes and hid themselves.
²⁶³ But Felix anticipated his attack by meeting him with the Roman infantry; all the people joined in the defense. In the resulting clash, the Egyptian fled with a few followers, but most of his associates were either killed or captured alive. The rest of the multitude scattered, each escaping to their own home.

²⁶⁴ Κατεσταλμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων ὥσπερ ἐν νοσοῦντι σώματι πάλιν ἕτερον μέρος ἐφλέγμαινεν . Οἱ γὰρ γόητες καὶ λῃστρικοὶ Συναχθέντες πολλοὺς εἰς ἀπόστασινa revolt ἐνῆγον καὶ πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρεκρότουν θάνατον ἐπιτιμῶντες τοῖς πειθαρχοῦσιν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ πρὸς βίαν ἀφαιρήσεσθαι λέγοντες τοὺς ἑκουσίως δουλεύειν προαιρουμένους .
²⁶⁴ Now, when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations;	²⁶⁴ After this had calmed down, the sickness broke out in another place, as in a diseased body. A company of deceivers and brigands got together and persuaded the Jews to revolt and urged them to assert their liberty, punishing with death any who stayed submissive to Roman rule and saying that those who chose slavery should be forestalled.
²⁶⁴ When these disturbances were suppressed, another part of the body politic became inflamed, as happens in a diseased body. Charlatans and brigands joined together and urged many to revolt, inciting them toward “liberty.” They threatened with death those who obeyed the Roman government and said they would forcibly remove those who chose voluntary slavery.

²⁶⁵ Μεριζόμενοι δὲ εἰς τὴν χώραν κατὰ λόχους διήρπαζόν τε τὰς τῶν δυνατῶν οἰκίας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀνῄρουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν , ὥστε τῆς ἀπονοίας αὐτῶν πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ἀναπίμπλασθαι . Καὶ οὗτος μὲν ὁ πόλεμος καθ’ ἡμέραν ἀνερριπίζετο .
²⁶⁵ for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war.	²⁶⁵ These divided up into groups and prowled up and down the country, looting the houses of the great and killing their owners and setting villages on fire, until all Judea was full of their madness. So the flame of war was fanned daily more and more.
²⁶⁵ Dividing into companies throughout the country, they plundered the houses of the powerful, killed the owners, and burned the villages. The whole of Judea was filled with the effects of their madness, and this war was fanned into flame more and more every day.

²⁶⁶ Ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ συνίσταται περὶ Καισάρειαν τῶν ἀναμεμιγμένων Ἰουδαίων πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Σύρους στασιασάντων . Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν σφετέραν εἶναι τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖον γεγονέναι τὸν κτίστην αὐτῆς λέγοντες · ἦν δὲ Ἡρώδης ὁ βασιλεύς · οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι τὸν οἰκιστὴν μὲν προσωμολόγουν Ἰουδαῖον , αὐτὴν μέντοι γε τὴν πόλιν Ἑλλήνων ἔφασαν · οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνδριάντας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγκαθιδρῦσαι Ἰουδαίοις αὐτὴν ἀνατιθέντα .
²⁶⁶ There was also another disturbance at Caesarea:—those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews.	²⁶⁶ There was another disturbance in Caesarea when the Jews who were there mixed in with the Syrians rioted against them. The Jews claimed the city as theirs since it had been built by a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians admitted that its builder was a Jew, but said that it was a Greek city, since whoever set up statues and temples in it could not have intended it for Jews.
²⁶⁶ Another disturbance arose in Caesarea, where the Jewish inhabitants rioted against the Syrians there. The Jews claimed the city was theirs because its founder, King Herod, was a Jew. The Syrians admitted the founder was a Jew, but argued the city belonged to the Greeks, for Herod would not have set up statues and temples if he had intended it for Jews.

²⁶⁷ Διὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἠμφισβήτουν ἑκάτεροι · προῄει δ’ αὐτοῖς τὸ φιλόνεικον εἰς ὅπλα καὶ καθ’ ἡμέραν οἱ θρασύτεροι παρ’ ἀμφοῖν προεπήδων ἐπὶ μάχην · οὔτε γὰρ Ἰουδαίων οἱ γεραιοὶ τοὺς ἰδίους στασιαστὰς κατέχειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αἶσχος ἐδόκει Ἰουδαίων ἐλαττοῦσθαι .
²⁶⁷ On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews.	²⁶⁷ So both parties went on until it finally came to open conflict and the braver souls marched out to battle. For the elders of the Jews were unable to curb their own people who were disposed to rebellion and the Greeks thought it would be shameful to be overcome by the Jews.
²⁶⁷ Because of this, both sides disputed. The rivalry proceeded to arms, and daily the bolder men on both sides rushed out to fight. The Jewish elders were unable to restrain their own rioters, and the Greeks thought it a disgrace to be bested by the Jews.

²⁶⁸ Προεῖχον δ’ οἱ μὲν πλούτῳ καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκῇ , τὸ δὲ ἙλληνικὸνGreek τῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμύνῃ · τὸ γὰρ πλέον Ῥωμαίοις τῆς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἐκ Συρίας ἦν κατειλεγμένον καὶ καθάπερ συγγενεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὰς βοηθείας ἕτοιμοι .
²⁶⁸ Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it.	²⁶⁸ The former exceeded the others in riches and physical strength, but the Greeks had the advantage of support from the soldiers, for most of the Roman garrison came from Syria, and being so related to the Syrian side, were ready to help them.
²⁶⁸ The Jews had the advantage in wealth and physical strength, but the Greek element had the defense of the soldiers; for the bulk of the Roman force there was recruited from Syria, and being kinsmen, they were ready to help them.

²⁶⁹ Τοῖς γε μὴν ἐπάρχοις Φροντὶς ἦν ἀναστέλλειν τὴν ταραχὴν καὶ τοὺς μαχιμωτέρους ἀεὶ συλλαμβάνοντες ἐκόλαζον μάστιξι καὶ δεσμοῖς . Οὐ μὴν τὰ πάθη τῶν συλλαμβανομένων ἐνεποίει τοῖς καταλειπομένοις ἀνακοπὴν ἢ δέος , ἀλλ’ ἔτι μᾶλλον παρωξύνοντο πρὸς τὴν στάσιν .
²⁶⁹ However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition.	²⁶⁹ The city rulers wanted to quell the trouble and whenever they caught those who were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with beating and chains. Yet the sufferings of those who were caught did not scare the rest, or make them stop, but spurred them still more to revolt.
²⁶⁹ The governors [officers] were concerned to suppress the riot and constantly caught the more combative men, punishing them with scourging and bonds. But the sufferings of those arrested caused no check or fear in those left behind; instead, they were provoked even more to factionalism.

²⁷⁰ Νικῶντας δέ ποτε τοὺς Ἰουδαίους προελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ὁ Φῆλιξ μετ’ ἀπειλῆς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν . Τῶν δὲ μὴ πειθομένων ἐπιπέμψας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναιρεῖ συχνούς , ὧν διαρπαγῆναι συνέβη καὶ τὰς οὐσίας . μενούσης δὲ τῆς στάσεως ἐπιλέξας ἑκατέρωθεν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἔπεμψεν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ ΝέρωναNero διαλεξομένους περὶ τῶν δικαίων.
²⁷⁰ And as Felix came once into the marketplace, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges.	²⁷⁰ Once when the Jews had defeated the Syrians, Felix came into the agora and ordered them with threats to go away. When they would not obey he set his soldiers on them, who killed many of them and looted whatever they had. When the rebellion still continued, he sent the influential people on both sides as envoys to Nero, to argue about their rights.
²⁷⁰ Once, when the Jews were winning, Felix came into the marketplace and commanded them to withdraw with threats. When they did not obey, he sent in his soldiers and killed many of them, and it happened that their property was plundered. As the factionalism continued, he selected the notable men from both sides and sent them as ambassadors to Nero to argue the merits of their case.

Chapter 14
[vv. 271-308]
Succession of Procurators: Felix, Festus, Albinus.
Florus whose savagery drives the Jews to revolt

☜ ☞

²⁷¹ Διαδεξάμενος δὲ παρὰ τούτου τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὁ ΦῆστοςFēstus τὸ μάλιστα λυμαινόμενον τὴν χώραν ἐπεξῄει · τῶν γοῦν λῃστῶν συνέλαβέν τε πλείστους καὶ διέφθειρεν οὐκ ὀλίγους .
²⁷¹ Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them.	²⁷¹ When Festus succeeded Felix as procurator he made it his business to check the people who were troubling the country the most, so he caught and killed many of the brigands.
²⁷¹ Festus,^[1] having succeeded [Felix] in the procuratorship, set out to attack the principal plague of the country; he captured a great many of the brigands and destroyed not a few.

^[1]Porcius Festus (60-62 AD) also mentioned in the New Testament, Acts 24l-26

²⁷² Ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὁ μετὰ ΦῆστονFēstus ἈλβῖνοςAlbinus τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐξηγήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων , οὐκ ἔστιν δὲ ἥντινα κακουργίας ἰδέαν παρέλειπεν .
²⁷² But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it.	²⁷² But Albinus, who came after Festus, did not handle affairs in the same way, and there was no sort of imaginable evil that he left untried.
²⁷² But Albinus,^[1] who followed Festus, did not lead in the same manner; indeed, there was no form of wickedness he left untouched.

^[1]Lucceius Albinus (62-64 AD)

²⁷³ Οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς πράγμασιν ἔκλεπτεν καὶ διήρπαζεν τὰς ἑκάστων οὐσίας , οὐδὲ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐβάρει ταῖς εἰσφοραῖς , ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ δεδεμένους ὑπὸ τῆς παρ’ ἑκάστοις βουλῆς ἢ τῶν προτέρων ἐπιτρόπων ἀπελύτρου τοῖς συγγενέσιν , καὶ μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμωτηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο .
²⁷³ Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing.	²⁷³ Not only did he , in his political capacity, steal and loot every one’s property and burden the whole nation with taxes, but he allowed people who had been imprisoned for robbery by the city council or by earlier procurators, to be ransomed for money by their relatives, so that the only ones remaining in prison for their crimes were those who did not pay up.
²⁷³ Not only did he steal and plunder private property in public affairs, or burden the whole nation with taxes, but he also released for a ransom to their relatives those imprisoned for brigandage by local councils or former procurators; only the man who could not pay was left in prison as a criminal.

²⁷⁴ Τηνικαῦτα καὶ τῶν νεωτερίζειν βουλομένων ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐθάρσησαν αἱ τόλμαι , καὶ χρήμασιν μὲν οἱ δυνατοὶ τὸν ἈλβῖνονAlbinus προσελάμβανον ὥστε τοῦ στασιάζειν αὐτοῖς παρέχειν χρόνου , τοῦ δημοτικοῦ δὲ τὸ μὴ χαῖρον ἡσυχίᾳ πρὸς τοὺς ἈλβίνουAlbinus κοινωνοὺς ἀπέκλινεν .
²⁷⁴ At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus;	²⁷⁴ At the same time those who planned rebellion in Jerusalem became more daring, and their leaders bought permission from Albinus to go on with their plotting, while those of the people who cared nothing for peace joined forces with the Albinus party.
²⁷⁴ At that time, the audacity of the revolutionaries in Jerusalem grew bold. The powerful used bribes to win over Albinus so they could carry out their sedition with impunity, while the section of the populace that disliked peace turned toward those associated with Albinus.

²⁷⁵ Ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ἴδιον στῖφος ὑπεζωσμένος αὐτὸς μὲν ὥσπερ ἀρχιλῃστὴς ἢ τύραννος προανεῖχεν ἐκ τοῦ λόχου , τοῖς δορυφοροῦσι δὲ πρὸς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν μετρίων κατεχρῆτο .
²⁷⁵ and everyone of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly.	²⁷⁵ Each of these ruffians had his own gang over which he lorded, like a pirate chief or tyrant, using his bodyguards to loot the peaceful citizens.
²⁷⁵ Each villain, surrounded by his own band of henchmen, stood out among his troop like a master-brigand or a tyrant, using his bodyguards to plunder the moderate citizens.

²⁷⁶ Συνέβαινεν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀφῃρημένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτεῖν ἐχρῆν σιωπᾶν , τοὺς ἄπληγας δὲ δέει τοῦ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ παθεῖν καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἄξιον κολάσεως . καθόλου δὲ ἡ μὲν παρρησία πάντων περικέκοπτο , τυραννὶς δ’ ἦν διὰ πλειόνων , καὶ τὰ σπέρματα τῆς μελλούσης ἁλώσεως ἔκτοτεthereafter, then τῇ Βηθήλῃ κατεβάλλετο .
²⁷⁶ The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction.	²⁷⁶ In practice, those who lost their property were forced to stay silent, though they had cause for wrath at what they suffered, while the people who were unharmed were forced to flatter the gangsters, for fear of suffering the same. All told, no one dared speak out, for tyranny was everywhere, and this was when the seeds were sown that brought the city to destruction.
²⁷⁶ It happened that those who were robbed were forced to keep silent when they should have complained, while those who had not yet been struck flattered the one worthy of punishment for fear of suffering the same. In short, all freedom of speech was cut off, and tyranny was everywhere; from that time, the seeds of the coming destruction were sown in the city.

²⁷⁷ Τοιοῦτον δ’ ὄντα τὸν ἈλβῖνονAlbinus ἀπέδειξεν ὁ μετ’ αὐτὸν ἐλθὼν ΓέσσιοςGessius ΦλῶροςFlorus ἀγαθώτατον κατὰ σύγκρισιν . Ὁ μέν γε λάθρα τὰ πολλὰ καὶ μεθ’ ὑποστολῆς ἐκακούργησεν , ΓέσσιοςGessius δὲ τὰς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομίας ἐπόμπευσεν καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ κατακρίτων πεμφθεὶς δήμιος οὔτε ἁρπαγῆς τινα τρόπον οὔτε αἰκίας παρέλιπεν .
²⁷⁷ And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation;	²⁷⁷ Such was the character of Albinus, but his successor Gessius Florus made him look like a paragon by comparison. For while the former did his crimes secretly and with some discretion, Gessius flaunted his outrages against the nation, and as though sent as executioner to punish condemned criminals, he stopped short at no sort of plunder or wrongdoing.
²⁷⁷ Though Albinus was such a man, the one who followed him, Gessius Florus (64-66 AD), made him appear most excellent by comparison. For while Albinus did most of his mischief in secret and with some concealment, Gessius paraded his lawless acts against the nation and, as if sent as an executioner to punish condemned criminals, left no form of plunder or cruelty untouched.

²⁷⁸ ἠν δὲ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ἐλεεινοῖς ὠμότατος , ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰσχροῖς ἀναιδέστατος . Οὔτε δὲ πλείω τις ἀπιστίαν τῆς ἀληθείας κατέχεεν οὔτε ἐν τῷ πανουργεῖν δολιωτέρας ὁδοὺς ἐπενόησεν . ᾯ τὸ μὲν κατ’ ἄνδρα κερδαίνειν μικρὸν ἐδόκει , πόλεις δ’ ὅλας ἐξεδίδυσκε καὶ δήμους ἀθρόους ἐλυμαίνετο καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐκήρυξεν ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν πᾶσιν ἐξεῖναι λῃστεύειν ἐφ’ ᾧ μέρος αὐτὸς λήψεται τῶν λαφύρων .
²⁷⁸ where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could anyone outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could anyone contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got.	²⁷⁸ Where situations were most pitiful he was most cruel, and was quite shameless regarding any vice. No one could outdo him in concealing the truth, or plan more subtle ways of deceit. He thought it too petty to take money from private individuals, so he stripped whole cities and ruined entire groups and as good as proclaimed to the entire country that all could turn to robbing, so long as he got a share in the spoils.
²⁷⁸ He was most cruel in piteous cases and most shameless in disgraceful ones. No man ever poured more deceit over the truth or devised more treacherous ways of villainy. To him, making a profit from individuals seemed small; he stripped whole cities, ruined entire populations, and virtually proclaimed throughout the land that everyone was free to be a brigand provided he received a share of the loot.

²⁷⁹ Διὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐκείνου πλεονεξίαν πάσας ἐρημωθῆναι συνέβη τὰς πόλεις καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν πατρίων ἠθῶν ἐξαναστάντας φυγεῖν εἰς τὰς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαρχίας .
²⁷⁹ Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces.	²⁷⁹ His greed for gain brought ruin to whole cities and many left behind their paternal inheritance, to flee to foreign provinces.
²⁷⁹ Because of his greed, whole cities were desolated, and many abandoned their ancestral customs to flee to foreign provinces.

²⁸⁰ Μέχρι μὲν οὖν ἐν Συρίᾳ ΚέστιοςCestius Γάλλος ἦν διέπων τὴν ἐπαρχίαν , οὐδὲ πρεσβεύσασθαί τις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐτόλμησεν κατὰ τοῦ ΦλώρουFlorus · παραγενόμενον δὲ εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης περιστὰς ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἐλάττους τριακοσίων μυριάδων ἱκέτευον ἐλεῆσαι τὰς τοῦ ἔθνους συμφορὰς καὶ τὸν λυμεῶνα τῆς χώρας ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐκεκράγεσαν ·
²⁸⁰ And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions: these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country.	²⁸⁰ While Cestius Gallus was inspecting the province of Syria, no one dared to send a delegation to him against Florus, but when he came to Jerusalem for the feast of unleavened bread, no fewer than three million people came round him, imploring him to pity the plight of their nation and denouncing Florus as the bane of the country.
²⁸⁰ As long as Cestius Gallus was administering the province in Syria, no one dared to send an embassy to him against Florus. But when he came to Jerusalem for the Feast of Unleavened Bread, the people, numbering no fewer than three million, surrounded him and begged him to have pity on the nation’s calamities, shouting that Florus was the ruin of the country.

²⁸¹ Ὁ δὲ παρὼν καὶ τῷ Κεστίῳ παρεστὼς διεχλεύαζεν τὰς φωνάς . Ὅ Ὅ γε μὴν ΚέστιοςCestius τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους καταστείλας καὶ δοὺς ἔμφασιν ὡς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον αὐτοῖς τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus κατασκευάσειεν μετριώτερον , ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν .
²⁸¹ But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch.	²⁸¹ But he, standing alongside Cestius, just laughed at their words. Cestius, however, after calming the people and telling them he would ensure that Florus treated them more moderately in future, returned to Antioch.
²⁸¹ Florus, who was present and standing next to Cestius, laughed at their words. Cestius, however, quieted the multitude and gave them the impression that he would make Florus act more moderately in the future, then returned to Antioch.

²⁸² Προέπεμπε δὲ αὐτὸν μέχρι Καισαρείας ΦλῶροςFlorus ἐξαπατῶν καὶ πόλεμον ἤδη τῷ ἔθνει σκοπούμενος , ᾧ μόνῳ συγκρύψειν τὰς ἑαυτοῦ παρανομίας ὑπελάμβανεν ·
²⁸² Florus also conducted him as far as Caesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities;	²⁸² Florus conducted him as far as Caesarea, duping him, for already he intended to make war on the nation as the only way of concealing his crimes.
²⁸² Florus escorted him as far as Caesarea, deceiving him, for he was already contemplating war against the nation—the only way he believed he could conceal his own crimes.

²⁸³ εἰρήνης μὲν γὰρ οὔσης κατηγόρους ἕξειν ἐπὶ Καίσαρος Ἰουδαίους προσεδόκα , πραγματευσάμενος δὲ ἀπόστασινa revolt αὐτῶν τῷ μείζονι κακῷ περισπάσειν τὸν ἔλεγχον ἀπὸ τῶν μετριωτέρων . Ὁ μὲν οὖν , ὡς ἂν ἀπορραγείη τὸ ἔθνος , καθ’ ἡμέραν ἐπέτεινεν αὐτοῖς τὰς συμφοράς .
²⁸³ for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.	²⁸³ He guessed that if the peace continued, the Jews would accuse him before Caesar, but that if he could get them to revolt, this larger crime would divert attention from lesser charges. So to induce them to a rebellion he daily increased their woes.
²⁸³ For if peace continued, he expected the Jews to accuse him before Caesar; but if he brought about their revolt, he would distract from his smaller crimes with a much greater evil. Thus, to make the nation break away, he intensified their calamities daily.

²⁸⁴ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ ΚαισαρέωνCaesarea Ἕλληνες νικήσαντες παρὰ Νέρωνι τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν τὰ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκόμισαν γράμματα , καὶ προσελάμβανεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ πόλεμος δωδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας , ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς Ἀγρίππα βασιλείας , ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium μηνός .
²⁸⁴ Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar].	²⁸⁴ Meanwhile the Greeks from Caesarea had been granted by Nero control of the city and brought his legal judgment back with them. It was now that the war began, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius.
²⁸⁴ In the meantime, the Greeks of Caesarea had won their case before Nero to govern the city and brought back the written decree. The war began in the twelfth year of Nero’s reign and the seventeenth year of Agrippa’s [II] reign, in the month of Artemisius (May 66 AD).

²⁸⁵ Πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ συμφορῶν οὐκ ἀξίαν ἔσχεν πρόφασιν · οἱ γὰρ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ Ἰουδαῖοι , συναγωγὴν ἔχοντες παρὰ χωρίον , οὗ δεσπότης ἦν τις Ἕλλην Καισαρεύς , πολλάκις μὲν κτήσασθαι τὸν τόπον ἐσπούδασαν τιμὴν πολλαπλασίονα τῆς ἀξίας διδόντες ·
²⁸⁵ Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price;	²⁸⁵ The cause of this war was by no means proportional to the awful effects it brought upon us. The Jews in Caesarea had a synagogue near a site owned by a Caesarean Greek. and had often tried to purchase the site, even offering to pay many times its value.
²⁸⁵ The pretext for the war was not equal to the magnitude of the resulting disasters. The Jews in Caesarea had a synagogue next to a plot of land owned by a Greek Caesarean. They had often tried to purchase the site, offering many times its value.

²⁸⁶ ὡς δ’ ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς , τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον .
²⁸⁶ but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there;	²⁸⁶ The owner not only refused their offers, but continued building on the site, and as an insult arranged them as workshops, leaving only a narrow and difficult passage through them. Then some hot-blooded Jewish youth prevented them from going on with the building.
²⁸⁶ Disregarding their pleas, the owner further insulted them by building workshops on the plot, leaving them only a very narrow and difficult passage. At first, the more hot-headed youths rushed out to block the construction.

²⁸⁷ ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας ΦλῶροςFlorus , ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων , σὺν οἷς Ἰωάννης ὁ τελώνης . πείθουσι τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον .
²⁸⁷ but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work.	²⁸⁷ When Florus stopped them from using force, the Jewish leaders, along with John the tax-collector, unsure what to do, persuaded Florus with a bribe of eight talents to put a stop to the work.
²⁸⁷ When Florus stopped this violence, the powerful Jews, including John the tax-collector, persuaded Florus with eight talents of silver to halt the work.

²⁸⁸ Ὁ δὲ πρὸς μόνον τὸ λαβεῖν ὑποσχόμενος πάντα συμπράξειν , λαβὼν ἔξεισιν τῆς Καισαρείας εἰς Σεβαστὴν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν στάσιν αὐτεξούσιον , ὥσπερ χρόνου πεπρακὼς Ἰουδαίοις τοῦ μάχεσθαι .
²⁸⁸ He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out.	²⁸⁸ Interested only in money, he promised to do as they asked and left Caesarea to go to Sebaste, leaving the riot to take its course, as if he had sold the Jews a license to fight it out.
²⁸⁸ He promised to do everything provided he received the money; but having taken it, he left Caesarea for Sebaste, leaving the sedition to run its course, as if he had sold the Jews the right to fight.

²⁸⁹ Τῆς δ’ ἐπιούσηςthe next day ἡμέρας ἑβδομάδος οὔσης τῶν Ἰουδαίων εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν συναθροισθέντων στασιαστής τις Καισαρεὺς γάστραν καταστρέψας καὶ παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῶν θέμενος ἐπέθυεν ὄρνεις . Τοῦτο τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀνηκέστως παρώξυνεν ὡς ὑβρισμένων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων , μεμιασμένου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου .
²⁸⁹ Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted.	²⁸⁹ The following day, the sabbath when the Jews were crowding to their synagogue, a mischief-making Caesarean got a pottery vessel and set it at the entrance of the synagogue with its base upward and sacrificed birds on it. This extremely provoked the Jews, as an affront to their laws and a desecration of the place.
²⁸⁹ The next day, which was the Sabbath, when the Jews gathered at the synagogue, a certain Caesarean rioter turned over a jar at the entrance and sacrificed birds on it. This enraged the Jews beyond remedy, for their laws were insulted and the place defiled.

²⁹⁰ Τὸ μὲν οὖν εὐσταθὲς καὶ πρᾷον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀναφεύγειν ᾤετο χρῆναι , τὸ στασιῶδες δὲ καὶ ἐν νεότητι φλεγμαῖνον ἐξεκαίετο πρὸς μάχην . Παρεσκευασμένοι δὲ εἱστήκεσαν οἱ τῶν ΚαισαρέωνCaesarea στασιασταί , τὸν γὰρ ἐπιθύσοντα προπεπόμφεσαν ἐκ συντάγματος , καὶ ταχέως ἐγένετο συμβολή .
²⁹⁰ Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditious also among [the Gentiles of] Caesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him] so that it soon came to blows.	²⁹⁰ It stirred the sober moderates among them to again have recourse to the authorities, while the rebels and those in the fervour of their youth, were hot for a fight. The rebels among the Gentiles of Caesarea were also ready for it, for they had purposely sent the man to sacrifice, and so it soon came to blows.
²⁹⁰ The stable and peaceable men thought they should appeal to the governors, but the seditious and hot-blooded youth were inflamed for battle. The Caesarean rioters stood ready, for they had sent the man to sacrifice by a prearranged plan, and a clash quickly occurred.

²⁹¹ Προσελθὼν δὲ ἸούκουνδοςJucundus ὁ διακωλύειν τεταγμένος ἱππάρχης τήν τε γάστραν αἴρει καὶ καταπαύειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν στάσιν . Ἡττωμένου δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς τῶν ΚαισαρέωνCaesarea βίας Ἰουδαῖοι τοὺς νόμους ἁρπάσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς Νάρβατα · χώρα τις αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖται σταδίους ἑξήκοντα διέχουσα τῆς Καισαρείας ·
²⁹¹ Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs.	²⁹¹ Jucundus, the cavalry captain who was responsible for keeping order, came and took away the pottery vessel and tried to put a stop to the rebellion, but was unable for the violence of the Caesareans, so the Jews took their books of the law and retreated to Narbata, a place of theirs sixty furlongs from Caesarea.
²⁹¹ Jucundus, the cavalry commander assigned to prevent such things, came up, removed the jar, and tried to stop the riot. But being overcome by the violence of the Caesareans, the Jews snatched up their Laws [the Torah scrolls] and withdrew to Narbata, a place sixty furlongs from Caesarea.

²⁹² Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην δυνατοὶ δώδεκα πρὸς ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐλθόντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἀπωδύροντο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ βοηθεῖν ἱκέτευον , αἰδημόνως ὑπομιμνήσκοντες τῶν ὀκτὼ ταλάντων . Ὁ δὲ καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τοὺς ἄνδρας αἰτιώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς νόμους ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς Καισαρείας .
²⁹² But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea.	²⁹² John and twelve of the leaders went to Sebaste, to Florus, and complained bitterly of their situation and begged his help, reminding him discretely of the eight talents they had given him, but he had them seized and put in prison, for taking the books of the law away from Caesarea.
²⁹² John [the tax-collector] and twelve other powerful men went to Florus at Sebaste to complain and beg for help, modestly reminding him of the eight talents. He, however, arrested and imprisoned the men, accusing them of removing the Laws from Caesarea.

²⁹³ Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν , ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον . Ὁ δὲ ΦλῶροςFlorus ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον , πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας .
²⁹³ Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them.	²⁹³ While the citizens of Jerusalem took this very badly, they restrained their rage, but Florus, like a man hired to fan the flames of war, sent men to take seventeen talents from the sacred treasury, claiming Caesar needed them.
²⁹³ This caused great indignation in Jerusalem, yet they still restrained their anger. But Florus, as if he had contracted to fan the war into flame, sent to the sacred treasury and took out seventeen talents, pretending they were for Caesar’s needs.

²⁹⁴ Σύγχυσις δ’ εὐθέως εἶχεν τὸν δῆμον , καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν βοαῖς διαπρυσίοις τὸ Καίσαρος ἀνεκάλουν ὄνομα καὶ τῆς ΦλώρουFlorus τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦν σφᾶς ἱκέτευον .
²⁹⁴ At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus.	²⁹⁴ This instantly stirred up the people, who rushed to the temple, loudly calling upon the name of Caesar and imploring him to free them from the tyranny of Florus.
²⁹⁴ Confusion immediately seized the people; they ran to the temple with piercing cries, calling on the name of Caesar and begging him to free them from the tyranny of Florus.

²⁹⁵ Ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στασιαστῶν λοιδορίας αἰσχίστους εἰς τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐκεκράγεσαν καὶ κανοῦν περιφέροντες ἀπῄτουν αὐτῷ κέρματα καθάπερ ἀκλήρῳ καὶ ταλαιπώρῳ . Τούτοις οὐκ ἀνετράπη τὴν φιλαργυρίαν , ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὸ μᾶλλον χρηματίσασθαι παρωργίσθη .
²⁹⁵ Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more;	²⁹⁵ Some of the rebels also cried out against Florus and heaped the greatest insults on him and carried a basket about, imploring for some coins for him, as for a pitiable pauper. Even this did not shame him out of his love of money, but provoked him to get still more.
²⁹⁵ Some of the rioters shouted the most shameful insults against Florus and carried around a basket, mockingly asking for coins for him as if he were a beggar and a wretched man. This did not turn him from his greed, but rather provoked him to make even more money.

²⁹⁶ Δέον γοῦν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθόντα σβέσαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πῦρ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρχόμενον καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς ἀνελεῖν τὰς αἰτίας , ἐφ’ ᾧ καὶ μισθὸν ἔλαβεν , ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἐπὶ Ἱεροσολύμων ὥρμησεν , ἵνα τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅπλοις ἐργάσηται καὶ τῷ δέει καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς περιδύσῃ τὴν πόλιν .
²⁹⁶ and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.	²⁹⁶ Instead of coming to Caesarea as he ought, to quench the flames of war starting from there, and so remove the cause of any trouble, for a bribe of eight talents he quickly marched against Jerusalem instead, with an army of cavalry and infantry, to impose his will by Roman arms and fear and threats, and subdue the city.
²⁹⁶ Instead of going to Caesarea to extinguish the fire of war that was starting there—which was what he was paid for—he marched with an army of horse and foot against Jerusalem, so that he might use Roman arms and fear to strip the city.

²⁹⁷ Ὁ δὲ δῆμος προδυσωπῆσαι τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ‎ βουλόμενος ὑπαντᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις μετ’ εὐφημίας καὶ τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus θεραπευτικῶς ἐκδέχεσθαι παρεσκευάσατο .
²⁹⁷ But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively.	²⁹⁷ The people were eager to make Florus ashamed of this and met his soldiers with acclamations and lined up to receive him submissively.
²⁹⁷ The people, wishing to shame his approach, met the soldiers with cheers and prepared to receive Florus submissively.

²⁹⁸ Κἀκεῖνος προπέμψας σὺν ἱππεῦσιν πεντήκοντα Καπίτωνα ἑκατοντάρχην ἀναχωρεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσεν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ὃν οὕτως ἐλοιδόρησαν αἰσχρῶς εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὰς νῦν φιλοφρονήσεις ·
²⁹⁸ But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before;	²⁹⁸ But he sent a centurion, Capito, ahead with fifty soldiers, to tell them go back and not to pretend now to receive him cordially, after so foully insulting him before.
²⁹⁸ He, however, sent ahead Capito, a centurion, with fifty horsemen, ordering them to go back and not mock with present friendliness the man they had so shamefully insulted.

²⁹⁹ Δεῖν γὰρ αὐτούς , εἴπερ γενναῖοί εἰσιν καὶ παρρησιασταί , σκώπτειν μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ παρόντα , φαίνεσθαι δὲ μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς Λόγοις , ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ὅπλοις φιλελευθέρους .
²⁹⁹ and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also.	²⁹⁹ If they had generous souls and felt free to speak, they should mock him to his face and show their love of freedom, not just with words, but with weapons.
²⁹⁹ He said that if they were truly brave and outspoken, they should mock him to his face and show themselves lovers of liberty not only in words but in arms.

³⁰⁰ Τούτοις καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος , ἅμα καὶ τῶν περὶ Καπίτωνα ἱππέων εἰς μέσον φερομένων , διεσκεδάσθη πρὶν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φανερὸν ποιῆσαι τὸ πειθήνιον . Ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας μετὰ δέους καὶ ταπεινότητος ἐνυκτέρευσαν .
³⁰⁰ With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face.	³⁰⁰ This message stunned the people and when Capito's cavalry came the crowd scattered without greeting Florus, or showing their submission to him. They retired to their own houses and spent that night in fear and embarrassment.
³⁰⁰ The multitude was terrified by this, and as Capito’s horsemen charged into their midst, they scattered before they could greet Florus. They returned to their houses and spent the night in fear and humility.

³⁰¹ ΦλῶροςFlorus δὲ τότε μὲν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐλίζεται , τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ βῆμα πρὸ αὐτῶν θέμενος καθέζεται , καὶ προσελθόντες οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ δυνατοὶ τό τε γνωριμώτατον τῆς πόλεως παρέστησαν τῷ βήματι .
³⁰¹ Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal;	³⁰¹ Florus took up his quarters at the palace. The next day he had his tribunal set in front of it and took his seat. The high priests, the nobles and the notables of the city all came before the tribunal.
³⁰¹ Florus stayed that night in the palace, and the next day he set up a tribunal before it and took his seat. The high priests, the powerful men, and the most notable of the city stood before the tribunal.

³⁰² Τούτοις ὁ ΦλῶροςFlorus ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς λοιδορήσαντας αὐτὸν ἐκδοῦναι , φάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπολαύσειν τῆς ἀμύνης , εἰ μὴ προάγοιεν τοὺς αἰτίους . Οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἀπέφηναν εἰρηνικὰ φρονοῦντα , τοῖς δὲ παραφθεγξαμένοις ᾐτοῦντο συγγνώμην ·
³⁰² upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss;	³⁰² Florus ordered them to hand over to him those who had insulted him and said they would share in their penalty if they did not produce them. They argued that the people were peaceably disposed and begged pardon for those who had spoken amiss.
³⁰² Florus commanded them to hand over those who had insulted him, saying they would feel his vengeance if they did not produce the guilty. They declared the people were peaceable and asked for pardon for those who had spoken out.

³⁰³ ἐν γὰρ τοσούτῳ πλήθει θαυμαστὸν μὲν οὐδὲν εἶναί τινας θρασυτέρους καὶ δι’ ἡλικίαν ἄφρονας , ἀμήχανον δὲ τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων τὴν διάκρισιν ἑκάστου μετανοοῦντος καὶ δι’ ἃ δέδρακεν ἀρνουμένουto deny, contradict .
³⁰³ for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow:	³⁰³ It was no wonder that among so many some would be more daring than was right, in youthful imprudence. Those who had offended could not be singled out from the rest, for all were sorry for what was done and denied it, for fear of the consequences.
³⁰³ They argued that in such a large crowd, it was not surprising that some were bold and foolish because of their age, and that it was impossible to distinguish the guilty when everyone was repenting and denying what they had done.

³⁰⁴ Δεῖν μέντοι γε ἐκεῖνον , εἰ προνοεῖ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἔθνος εἰρήνης καὶ βούλεται Ῥωμαίοις περισώζειν τὴν πόλιν , μᾶλλον διὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀκαταιτιάτους συγγνῶναι καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις πλημμελήσασιν ἢ δι’ ὀλίγους πονηροὺς ταράξαι δῆμον ἀγαθὸν τοσοῦτον .
³⁰⁴ that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder.	³⁰⁴ Instead he ought to provide for the peace of the nation and take advice that would keep the city for the Romans, and forgive a few guilty people for the sake of the many who were innocent, rather than harm so many good people for the sake of a few wrongdoers.
³⁰⁴ They urged him, if he cared for the peace of the nation and wished to preserve the city for Rome, to forgive the few for the sake of the many innocent, rather than disturbing such a great and good people for the sake of a few wicked ones.

³⁰⁵ Πρὸς ταῦτα μᾶλλον παροξυνθεὶς ἐμβοᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν τὴν ἄνω καλουμένην ἀγορὰν καὶ κτείνειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας . Οἱ δ’ ἐπιθυμίᾳ κέρδους προσλαβόντες ἡγεμονικὴν παρακέλευσιν οὐ μόνον ἐφ’ ὃν ἐπέμφθησαν τόπον ἥρπαζον , ἀλλ’ εἰς πάσας ἐμπηδῶντες τὰς οἰκίας ἔσφαζον τοὺς οἰκήτορας .
³⁰⁵ Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants;	³⁰⁵ Florus was further provoked by this and called aloud to the soldiers to loot the so-called Upper Marketplace, killing anyone they met. Taking their commander's urging as a licence for looting, the soldiers not only looted the place they were sent to, but forced their way into each house and killed its inhabitants.
³⁰⁵ Enraged by this, he shouted to the soldiers to plunder the “Upper Market” and kill those they met. The soldiers, adding their greed for gain to the governor’s command, plundered not only the designated place but burst into all the houses and butchered the inhabitants.

³⁰⁶ Φυγὴ δ’ ἦν ἐκ τῶν στενωπῶν καὶ φωραθέντων τῶν καταλαμβανομένων , τρόπος τε ἁρπαγῆς οὐδεὶς παρελείπετο , καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν μετρίων συλλαβόντες ἐπὶ τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἀνῆγον · οὓς μάστιξιν προαικισάμενος ἀνεσταύρωσεν .
³⁰⁶ so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified.	³⁰⁶ As the citizens fled along the narrow lanes the soldiers killed whoever they caught and no source of loot was neglected. They caught many peaceful people and brought them to Florus, who first chastised them with whipping and then crucified them.
³⁰⁶ There was flight through the narrow streets and slaughter of those caught; no form of plunder was omitted. They caught many of the moderate citizens and brought them to Florus, who first had them scourged and then crucified.

³⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ σύμπας τῶν ἐκείνης ἀπολομένων τῆς ἡμέρας ἀριθμὸς σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις , οὐδὲ γὰρ νηπίων ἀπέσχοντο , περὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑξακοσίους συνήχθη .
³⁰⁷ Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred.	³⁰⁷ The whole number of people killed that day, with their wives and children, for not even the infants were spared, was about three thousand, six hundred.
³⁰⁷ The total number of those who perished that day, including women and children—for they did not spare even infants—was about six hundred and thirty.

³⁰⁸ βαρυτέραν τε ἐποίει τὴν συμφορὰν τὸ καινὸν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ὠμότητος · ὃ γὰρ μηδεὶς πρότερον τότε ΦλῶροςFlorus ἐτόλμησεν , ἄνδρας ἱππικοῦ τάγματος μαστιγῶσαί τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ σταυρῷ προσηλῶσαι , ὧν εἰ καὶ τὸ γένος Ἰουδαίων ἀλλὰ γοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα ῬωμαικὸνRoman ἦν.
³⁰⁸ And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding.	³⁰⁸ What made the disaster worse was this new level of Roman savagery, for Florus dared to do what none had done before, and had people of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal, men who, though Jews by birth, held that Roman dignity.
³⁰⁸ A new and unprecedented Roman cruelty made the calamity even heavier: for Florus dared to do what no one had done before—to scourge and nail to a cross men of the equestrian order; for even if they were Jews by birth, they held the Roman rank.

Chapter 15
[vv. 309-332]
Berenice fails to get Florus to spare the Jews.
He further kindles the flames of war.

☜ ☞

³⁰⁹ Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας ἔτυχεν εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πεπορευμένος , ὅπως Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνησθείη πεπιστευμένῳ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ Νέρωνος καὶ πεμφθέντι διέπειν .
³⁰⁹ About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero;	³⁰⁹ About this time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander on being entrusted by Nero as governor of Egypt.
³⁰⁹ At this time, King Agrippa happened to have journeyed to Alexandria to congratulate Alexander, who had been entrusted with the government of Egypt by Nero and sent to manage it.

³¹⁰ Τὴν ἀδελφὴν δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ Βερνίκην παροῦσαν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ τὴν παρανομίαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν θεωμένην δεινὸν εἰσῄει πάθος , καὶ πολλάκις τούς τε ἱππάρχους ἑαυτῆς καὶ σωματοφύλακαςbodyguard πέμπουσα πρὸς ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐδέετο παύσασθαι τοῦ φόνου .
³¹⁰ but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters;	³¹⁰ When his sister Berenice visited Jerusalem and saw the lawlessness of the soldiers, she was angry and several times sent her cavalry officers and bodyguards to Florus with the request to stop the slaughter.
³¹⁰ But his sister Bernice, being present in Jerusalem and witnessing the outrages of the soldiers, was overcome by a terrible distress. She frequently sent her masters of the horse and bodyguards to Florus,^[1] entreating him to stop the slaughter.

^[1]Gessius Florus was the Roman Prourator of Judea (64-66 AD)

³¹¹ Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὔτε εἰς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀναιρουμένων οὔτε εἰς τὴν εὐγένειαν τῆς παρακαλούσης , ἀλλ’ εἰς μόνον τὸ λυσιτελὲς τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἁρπαγῶν ἀποβλέπωνto look away from παρήκουσεν .
³¹¹ but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering;	³¹¹ But he ignored her, heeding neither the number of the murders nor the rank of the intercessor, but only the profit he would make from this looting.
³¹¹ But he, regarding neither the number of those being slain nor the noble rank of her who entreated him, but looking only to the profit gained from plunder, ignored her.

³¹² ἡ δ’ ὁρμὴ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐλύσσησεν καὶ κατὰ τῆς βασιλίδος · οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν ὄμμασιν αὐτῆς ᾐκίζοντο τοὺς ἁλισκομένους καὶ διέφθειρον , ἀλλὰ κἂν αὐτὴν ἀνεῖλον , εἰ μὴ καταφυγεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν αὐλὴν ἔφθη , κἀκεῖ διενυκτέρευσεν μετὰ φυλακῆς δεδοικυῖα τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔφοδον .
³¹² nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers.	³¹² The violence of the soldiers reached out even to the queen herself, for not only did they torture and kill their captives under her very eyes, but would have killed her too, if she had not hurried to safety in the palace and stayed there all night, under guard, for fear of the soldiers' violence.
³¹² The fury of the soldiers even raged against the Queen; for not only did they torture and destroy their captives before her eyes, but they would have killed her as well, had she not escaped into the royal palace and spent the night there with a guard, fearing an attack by the soldiers.

³¹³ Ἐπεδήμειto be at home δ’ ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις εὐχὴν ἐκτελοῦσα τῷ θεῷ · τοὺς γὰρ ἢ νόσῳ καταπονουμένους ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις ἀνάγκαις ἔθος εὔχεσθαι πρὸ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν ἧς ἀποδώσειν μέλλοιεν θυσίας οἴνου τε ἀφέξεσθαι καὶ ξυρήσεσθαι τὰς κόμας .
³¹³ Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head.	³¹³ She was visiting Jerusalem to fulfil a vow she had made to God, for it is traditional for those who are sick of an ailment or in any other distress to make vows, and they abstain from wine and from cutting their hair for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices.
³¹³ She was staying in Jerusalem to perform a vow to God; for it is the custom for those afflicted by illness or other necessities to make a vow to abstain from wine and shave their heads for thirty days before they intend to offer a sacrifice.

³¹⁴ Ἃ δὴ καὶ τότε τελοῦσα Βερνίκη γυμνόπους τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ἱκέτευε τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus καὶ πρὸς τῷ μὴ τυχεῖν αἰδοῦς αὐτὴν τὸν περὶ τοῦ ζῆν κίνδυνον ἐπείρασεν .
³¹⁴ Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus’s tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself.	³¹⁴ These things Berenice was now performing and she would stand barefoot to beg before Florus's tribunal without being shown any respect and in some danger of being killed.
³¹⁴ Performing these very rites at that time, Bernice stood barefoot before the tribunal (bema) and entreated Florus; but she not only failed to receive respect, but even ran the risk of losing her life.

³¹⁵ Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἑξκαιδεκάτῃ μηνὸς ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium συνηνέχθη , τῇ δ’ ἐπιούσῃ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑπερπαθῆσαν εἰς τὴν ἄνω συνέρρευσεν ἀγορὰν καὶ βοαῖς ἐξαισίοις περὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀνωδύρετο · τὸ πλέον δὲ ἦσαν εἰς τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐπίφθονοι φωναί .
³¹⁵ This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Marketplace, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus;	³¹⁵ This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius. The following day, the people, who were in a highly stressed state, ran together to the upper market loudly lamenting those who had died, and most of the cries were of a kind insulting to Florus.
³¹⁵ These events took place on the sixteenth day of the month of Artemisius.^[1] On the following day, the multitude, overwhelmed with grief, rushed together to the Upper Market and lamented with frantic cries those who had perished; but the greater part of their shouts were directed in hatred against Florus.

^[1]May/June of 66 AD

³¹⁶ Πρὸς ὃ δείσαντες οἱ δυνατοὶ σὺν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν τὰς ἐσθῆτας περιερρήξαντο καὶ προσπίπτοντες ἕκαστος ἐδέοντο παύσασθαι καὶ μὴ πρὸς οἷς πεπόνθασιν εἰς ἀνήκεστόν τι τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus ἐρεθίζειν .
³¹⁶ at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered.	³¹⁶ This made the influential people nervous, and they, with the high priests, rent their clothing and fell down before each person, imploring them to stop and not to provoke Florus to something worse than what they had already suffered.
³¹⁶ Fearing this, the powerful men together with the high priests rent their garments and, falling down before them, entreated each person to stop and not provoke Florus to some incurable remedy in addition to what they had already suffered.

³¹⁷ Ἐπείσθη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ταχέως αἰδοῖ τε τῶν παρακαλούντων καὶ κατ’ ἐλπίδα τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν ΦλῶρονFlorus εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομήσειν .
³¹⁷ Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries.	³¹⁷ The people soon complied out of respect for those who had asked them and hoping that Florus would do them no more outrages.
³¹⁷ The multitude was quickly persuaded, out of respect for those entreating them and in the hope that Florus would commit no further outrages against them.

³¹⁸ Ὁ δὲ σβεσθείσης τῆς ταραχῆς ἤχθετο καὶ πάλιν αὐτὴν ἀνάψαι πραγματευόμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς σὺν τοῖς γνωρίμοις μεταπέμπεται καὶ μόνον ἔφη τεκμήριον ἔσεσθαι τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν δῆμον νεωτερίσειν , εἰ προελθόντες ὑπαντήσουσιν τοῖς ἀπὸ Καισαρείας ἀνιοῦσιν στρατιώταις · παρεγίνοντο δὲ δύο σπεῖραι .
³¹⁸ So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this,—that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Caesarea, whence two cohorts were coming;	³¹⁸ He was annoyed that the trouble was over and tried to fan the flames again and sent for the high priests and the notables and said that the only way to prove that the people intended no further revolt was if they went out to greet the two cohorts of soldiers who were coming up from Caesarea.
³¹⁸ But he [Florus] was annoyed that the disturbance had been quenched and, maneuvering to kindle it again, he summoned the high priests along with the notable men and said that the only proof the people would no longer rebel was if they went out and met the soldiers coming up from Caesarea—for two cohorts were approaching.

³¹⁹ Τῶν δ’ ἔτι συγκαλούντων τὸ πλῆθος προπέμψας διεδήλου τοῖς τῶν σπειρῶν ἑκατοντάρχοις , ὅπως παραγγείλωσιν τοῖς ὑφ’ ἑαυτοὺς μήτε ἀντασπάσασθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους κἄν τι κατ’ αὐτοῦ‎ φθέγξωνται , χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις .
³¹⁹ and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews’ salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons.	³¹⁹ While these were urging the people to do so, he sent directions in advance to the centurions of the cohorts, to tell those under them not to return the salutations of the Jews, and to use their weapons if they made any comment against him.
³¹⁹ While they were still calling the multitude together, he sent word ahead to the centurions of the cohorts to tell their men not to return the Jews’ greetings, and if they said anything against him, to use their weapons.

³²⁰ Οἱ δ’ ἀρχιερεῖς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὴν πληθὺν συναγαγόντες ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παρεκάλουν καὶ πρὸ ἀνηκέστου πάθους τὰς σπείρας δεξιοῦσθαι . Τούτοις τὸ στασιῶδες ἠπείθει , καὶ διὰ τοὺς ἀπολωλότας τὸ πλῆθος ἔρρεπεν πρὸς τοὺς θρασυτέρους .
³²⁰ Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action.	³²⁰ The high priests assembled the people in the temple and asked them to go to meet the Romans and greet the cohorts very civilly, before their wretched state should go beyond repair. The rebel group would not take this advice as the thought of those who had been killed attracted them to those who were the boldest for action.
³²⁰ The high priests, having gathered the crowd into the temple, urged them to meet the Romans and to welcome the cohorts before any incurable disaster occurred. But the seditious party refused to obey, and because of those who had been lost, the multitude leaned toward the bolder men.

³²¹ Ἔνθα δὴ πᾶς μὲν ἱερεὺς πᾶς δ’ ὑπηρέτης τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ἅγια σκεύη προκομίσαντες καὶ τὸν κόσμον , ἐν ᾧ λειτουργεῖν ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς , ἀναλαβόντες κιθαρισταί τε καὶ ὑμνῳδοὶ μετὰ τῶν ὀργάνων προσέπιπτον καὶ κατηντιβόλουν φυλάξαι τὸν ἱερὸν κόσμον αὐτοῖς καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἁρπαγὴν τῶν θείων κειμηλίων Ῥωμαίους ἐρεθίσαι .
³²¹ At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things.—The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures.	³²¹ So all the priests and ministers of God brought out the holy vessels and ornaments they normally used in their liturgy. The harpers and the hymn-singers came with their instruments and fell prostrate and begged them to spare their holy ornaments and not provoke the Romans to take away such sacred treasures.
³²¹ Then every priest and every servant of God brought out the holy vessels and, taking up the vestments in which they were accustomed to minister—along with the harpers and singers with their instruments—fell down and implored them to preserve the holy ornaments for them and not provoke the Romans to plunder the divine treasures.

³²² Τοὺς δ’ ἀρχιερεῖς αὐτοὺς ἦν ἰδεῖν καταμωμένους μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν κόνει , γυμνοὺς δὲ τὰ στέρνα τῶν ἐσθήτων διερρηγμένων . Ὀνομαστὶ δ’ ἕκαστον τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ κοινῇ τὸ πλῆθος ἱκέτευον μὴ δι’ ἐλαχίστης πλημμελείας προδοῦναι τὴν πατρίδα τοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν πορθῆσαι ·
³²² You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste;	³²² Even the high priests were seen with dust sprinkled thickly on their heads, wearing torn clothing and imploring each of the prominent men and the general population, not to betray their country for the sake of a small offense, to those who wanted to see it looted.
³²² One could see the high priests themselves casting dust upon their heads and with breasts bared, their garments torn. They entreated each of the notable men by name and the multitude in common not to betray their country to those who desired to sack it for the sake of a minor offense.

³²³ τίνα γὰρ ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φέρειν ὠφέλειαν τὸν ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίων ἀσπασμὸν ἢ διόρθωσιν αὐτοῖς τῶν συμβεβηκότων τὸ μὴ νῦν προελθεῖν ;
³²³ saying, “What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them?	³²³ They said, "What benefit will it be to the soldiers to be saluted by the Jews? What do you gain if you now refuse to go out to meet them?"
³²³ For what benefit would a greeting from the Jews bring the soldiers, or what correction of past events would be achieved by not going out now?

³²⁴ Εἰ δὲ δὴ δεξιώσαιντο τοὺς προσιόντας ὡς ἔθος , ΦλώρῳFlorus μὲν ἀποκοπήσεσθαι τὴν ἀφορμὴν τοῦ πολέμου , κερδήσειν δ’ αὐτοὺς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν πλέον . ἄλλως τε καὶ τὸ πείθεσθαι στασιάζουσιν ὀλίγοις , δέον αὐτοὺς δῆμον ὄντας τοσοῦτον συναναγκάζειν κἀκείνους συνευγνωμονεῖν , δεινῆς ἀκρασίας εἶναι .
³²⁴ and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.”	³²⁴ For if they greeted them civilly, Florus would lose his excuse for starting a war and thereby they would save their country and avoid further sufferings. It would also show a great lack of self-control if they yielded to a few rebels, when it was better for such a people to make the others act soberly.
³²⁴ If they would welcome those approaching as was the custom, Florus would be deprived of a pretext for war, and they would gain their country and suffer no further harm. Moreover, they said it was a sign of terrible lack of self-control to yield to a few seditious men when they, being such a great multitude, ought to compel those others to act wisely.

³²⁵ Τούτοις μειλισσόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ἅμα καὶ τῶν στασιαστῶν οὓς μὲν ἀπειλαῖς οὓς δὲ αἰδοῖ κατέστειλαν . Ἔπειτα ἐξηγούμενοι μεθ’ ἡσυχίας τε καὶ κόσμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπήντων καὶ πλησίον γενομένους ἠσπάσαντο · τῶν δὲ μηδὲν ἀποκριναμένων οἱ στασιασταὶ ΦλώρουFlorus κατεβόων .
³²⁵ By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them.	³²⁵ With such urging, spoken to the people and the rebels, they restrained some by threats and others by the reverence shown to them. Then they led them out and met the soldiers in a peaceful, orderly manner and came up to greet them. When they made no answer, the rebels shouted against Florus, which was the signal given in order to attack them.
³²⁵ With these words, they soothed the multitude and restrained the seditious, some with threats and others with appeals to their honor. Then, leading them out in silence and order, they met the soldiers and greeted them as they drew near; but when the soldiers made no reply, the seditious began to shout against Florus.

³²⁶ Τοῦτο ἦν σύνθημα κατ’ αὐτῶν δεδομένον · αὐτίκα γοῦν οἱ στρατιῶται περισχόντες αὐτοὺς ἔπαιον ξύλοις , καὶ φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς καταδιώκοντες συνεπάτουν . Ἔπιπτον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων τυπτόμενοι , πλείους δ’ ὑπ’ ἀλλήλων βιαζόμενοι .
³²⁶ The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another.	³²⁶ The soldiers quickly surrounded them and beat them with their clubs, and the cavalry trampled them as they fled, so that many died from the blows of the Romans and more by pressing on each other in the crush.
³²⁶ This was the signal that had been given against them; for immediately the soldiers surrounded them and beat them with clubs, and the horsemen pursued those who fled and trampled them. Many fell, struck by the Romans, but even more were crushed by one another.

³²⁷ Δεινὸς δὲ περὶ τὰς πύλας ὠθισμὸς ἦν , καὶ φθάνειν ἑκάστου σπεύδοντος βραδυτέρα μὲν ἡ φυγὴ πᾶσιν ἐγίνετο , τῶν δὲ σφαλέντων ἀπώλεια δεινή · πνιγόμενοι γὰρ καὶ κλώμενοι πλήθει τῶν ἐπιβαινόντων ἠφανίζοντο , καὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ταφήν τις γνώριμος τοῖς ἰδίοις κατελείπετο .
³²⁷ Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while everybody was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral;	³²⁷ There was terrible crowding about the gates, with all hurrying to get out and all were held back. There was a terrible loss of life among those who fell down, for they were suffocated and crushed by the crowd above them, so that one could be unidentifiable by his relatives, for burial.
³²⁷ There was a terrible crowding at the gates, and as each person hurried to get ahead, the flight was slowed for everyone, and the destruction of those who stumbled was terrible; for they were suffocated and crushed by the multitude of those treading upon them and disappeared, and not even a single person was left recognizable to their kin for burial.

³²⁸ Συνέπιπτον δὲ καὶ στρατιῶται παίοντες ἀνέδην τοὺς καταλαμβανομένους καὶ διὰ τῆς Βεθεζὰ καλουμένης ἀνεώθουν τὸ πλῆθος βιαζόμενοι παρελθεῖν καὶ κρατῆσαι τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀντωνίας · ὧν καὶ ΦλῶροςFlorus ἐφιέμενος ἐξῆγε τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸ φρούριον ἐλθεῖν ἠγωνίζετο .
³²⁸ the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king’s palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia];	³²⁸ The soldiers thrust in with them, beating without mercy anyone they caught, and pushing the people through the place called Bezatha, as they surged forward, trying to enter and seize the temple and the Antonia tower. Since Florus also wanted to take those places, he brought his troops from the king's palace and tried to reach the fortress.
³²⁸ The soldiers also fell upon them, beating without restraint those they caught, and pushed the multitude through the place called Bezetha, forcing their way to get past and seize the Temple and the Antonia [fortress]. Florus, desiring these same things, led those with him out of the royal palace and struggled to reach the fortress.

³²⁹ Διήμαρτέν γε μὴν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς · ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ἄντικρυς ἐπιστραφεὶς εἶργεν τῆς ὁρμῆς , καὶ διαστάντες ἐπὶ τῶν τεγῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἔβαλλον . Καταπονούμενοι δὲ τοῖς ὕπερθεν βέλεσιν καὶ διακόψαι τὸ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἐμφράξαν πλῆθος ἀσθενήσαντες ἀνεχώρουν εἰς τὸ πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις στρατόπεδον .
³²⁹ but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace.	³²⁹ But his attempt failed, for the people turned back against him and stopped his rush, and then went up on the roofs of their houses and hurled things at the Romans. These weapons from above posed a problem since they could not make their way through the people blocking the narrow alleys, so they retreated to their camp near the palace.
³²⁹ However, he failed in his attempt; for the people turned and blocked his onset, and standing on the roofs, they threw missiles at the Romans. Being worn down by the weapons from above and unable to break through the crowd blocking the narrow streets, they retreated to the camp at the palace.

³³⁰ Οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ δείσαντες μὴ πάλιν ἐπελθὼν ὁ ΦλῶροςFlorus κρατήσῃ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διὰ τῆς Ἀντωνίας , ἀναβάντες εὐθέως τὰς συνεχεῖς στοὰς τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν Ἀντωνίαν διέκοψαν .
³³⁰ But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down.	³³⁰ The rebels were afraid that Florus might again come through the Antonia tower and seize the temple, so they immediately got up into the porticoes joining the temple to the Antonia and cut them down.
³³⁰ The seditious, fearing that Florus might return and seize the Temple through the Antonia, immediately went up and cut down the continuous porticoes of the Temple that led to the Antonia.

³³¹ Τοῦτ’ ἔψυξεν τὴν ΦλώρουFlorus πλεονεξίαν · τῶν γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῶν ἐφιέμενος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παρελθεῖν ἐπιθυμῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀντωνίαν , ὡς ἀπερράγησαν αἱ στοαί , τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀνετράπη , καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τὴν βουλὴν αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξιέναι τῆς πόλεως ἔφη , φρουρὰν δ’ ἐγκαταλείψειν αὐτοῖς ὅσην ἂν ἀξιώσωσιν .
³³¹ This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire.	³³¹ This cooled the greed of Florus, for whereas he wished to get into Antonia in order to seize the sacred treasury, he gave up on this as soon as the porticoes were broken down, and sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin and told them he was going to leave the city, but would leave them as large a garrison as they desired.
³³¹ This cooled the greed of Florus; for he was lusting after the treasures of God and for this reason desired to get into the Antonia; but when the porticoes were broken off, his impulse was thwarted. He summoned the high priests and the council and said he would leave the city himself, but would leave them as large a garrison as they requested.

³³² Τῶν δὲ πάντα περὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν ὑποσχομένων , εἰ μίαν αὐτοῖς καταλείποι σπεῖραν , μὴ μέντοι τὴν μαχεσαμένην · πρὸς γὰρ ταύτην ἀπεχθῶς δι’ ἃ πέπονθεν ἔχειν τὸ πλῆθος · ἀλλάξας τὴν σπεῖραν , ὡς ἠξίουν , μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Καισάρειαν .
³³² Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Caesarea.	³³² They promised to keep good order if he would leave them one cohort, though not the one that had fought the Jews, as the people resented what they had suffered from that cohort, so he changed the cohort as they asked, and returned to Caesarea with the rest of his forces.
³³² When they promised everything regarding security and that there would be no revolt if he left them one cohort—though not the one that had fought, for the people had a hatred for it because of what they had suffered—he changed the cohort as they requested and returned with the rest of his force to Caesarea.

Chapter 16
[vv. 333-404]
Cestius sends a tribune to report on Judea.
Agrippa argues: Don't Rebel Against Rome

☜ ☞

³³³ Ἑτέραν δὲ ἐπιβολὴν τῷ πολέμῳ ποριζόμενος ἐπέστελλεν Κεστίῳ Ἰουδαίων ἀπόστασινa revolt καταψευδόμενος τήν τε ἀρχὴν τῆς μάχης περιθεὶς αὐτοῖς καὶ δρᾶσαι λέγων ἐκείνους ἃ πεπόνθεσαν . Οὐ μὴν οὐδ’ οἱ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἄρχοντες ἐσίγησαν , ἀλλ’ αὐτοί τε καὶ Βερνίκη τῷ Κεστίῳ περὶ ὧν ΦλῶροςFlorus εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρηνόμησεν ἔγραφον .
³³³ However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city;	³³³ Florus arranged another way to force the Jews to begin a war and sent a false message to Cestius accusing the Jews of rebelling, blaming them for starting the recent strife, and portraying them as the cause of the troubles in which they were really the victims. But the leaders of Jerusalem did not stay silent about this, but wrote to Cestius, as did Berenice too, about the crimes of Florus against the city.
³³³ Seeking another impulse for the war, [Florus] wrote to Cestius, falsely accusing the Jews of revolt, attributing the start of the fighting to them and claiming they had done what they had actually suffered. However, the rulers of Jerusalem did not remain silent; they and Berenice wrote to Cestius regarding the illegal outrages Florus had committed against the city.

³³⁴ Ὁ δὲ τὰ παρ’ ἀμφοῖν ἀναγνοὺς μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐβουλεύετο . Τοῖς μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐδόκει Κέστιον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἀναβαίνειν ἢ τιμωρησόμενον τὴν ἀπόστασινa revolt , εἰ γέγονεν , ἢ βεβαιοτέρους καταστήσοντα Ἰουδαίους καὶ συμμένοντας , αὐτῷ δὲ προπέμψαι τῶν ἑταίρων τὸν κατασκεψόμενον τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰ φρονήματα τῶν Ἰουδαίων πιστῶς ἀναγγελοῦντα .
³³⁴ who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews.	³³⁴ Reading both accounts, he consulted his officers, some of whom thought Cestius should bring up his army either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to establish Roman rule more firmly, if the Jews stayed peaceful under them. He decided to send one of his friends ahead, to evaluate and give him a true account of the mind of the Jews.
³³⁴ Cestius, having read the reports from both sides, consulted with his commanders. Some thought Cestius should march up with an army to punish the revolt, if it had occurred, or to confirm the Jews in their loyalty. But he decided to first send one of his companions to investigate the situation and report faithfully on the sentiments of the Jews.

³³⁵ Πέμπει δή τινα τῶν χιλιάρχων Νεαπολιτανόν , ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ὑποστρέφοντι περιτυχὼν Ἀγρίππᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ Ἰάμνειαν τόν τε πέμψαντα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἐδήλωσεν .
³³⁵ Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errand he was sent.	³³⁵ Neopolitanus the tribune was sent and in Jamnia he met king Agrippa who was returning from Alexandria, and explained his mission and its purpose.
³³⁵ He sent Neapolitanus, one of the tribunes, who met King Agrippa [II] at Jamnia as the king was returning from Alexandria, and informed him of who had sent him and why.

³³⁶ Ἔνθα καὶ Ἰουδαίων οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἡ βουλὴ παρῆν δεξιουμένη τὸν βασιλέα . μετὰ δὲ τὴν εἰς ἐκεῖνον θεραπείαν ἀπωδύροντο τὰς ἑαυτῶν συμφορὰς καὶ τὴν ΦλώρουFlorus διεξῄεσαν ὠμότητα .
³³⁶ And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrin, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus.	³³⁶ Then the high priests and notables among the Jews, and the Sanhedrin, came to salute the king, and after paying their respects, they lamented their own troubles and related to him the cruel treatment they had received from Florus.
³³⁶ There, the high priests, the powerful men, and the council^[1] of the Jews were present to greet the king. After paying their respects, they lamented their misfortunes and detailed the cruelty of Florus.

^[1]Lit. “boule”

meaning the Sanhedrin.

³³⁷ Πρὸς ἣν ἠγανάκτει μὲν Ἀγρίππας , στρατηγικῶς δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς οὓς ἠλέει Ἰουδαίους μετέφερεν , ταπεινοῦν αὐτῶν βουλόμενος τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀδίκως τι παθεῖν τῆς ἀμύνης ἀποτρέπων .
³³⁷ At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves.	³³⁷ Agrippa was furious about this savagery, but subtly shifted his anger toward the Jews, whom he really pitied, in order to reduce their anger, lessening their sense of grievance, in order to dissuade them from revenge.
³³⁷ Agrippa was indignant at this, but he diplomatically turned his anger toward the Jews whom he actually pitied, wishing to humble their pride and discourage them from revenge by making it seem they had not been treated so unjustly.

³³⁸ Οἱ μὲν οὖν , ὡς ἂν ὄντες ἔκκριτοι καὶ διὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κτήσεις ἐπιθυμοῦντες εἰρήνης , συνίεσαν εὐνοϊκὴν τὴν ἐπίπληξιν τοῦ βασιλέως · ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπὶ ἑξήκοντα προελθὼν σταδίους ἐδεξιοῦτο τὸν Ἀγρίππαν καὶ τὸν Νεαπολιτανόν .
³³⁸ So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus;	³³⁸ These men, being property-owners and of better judgment than the others and wanting peace, understood that this reproach by the king was for their good, and the people came out sixty furlongs from Jerusalem to welcome Agrippa and Neopolitanus.
³³⁸ The elite, who desired peace for the sake of their property, understood the king’s rebuke was well-intended; but the common people went out sixty stadia (11 km) from Jerusalem to welcome Agrippa and Neapolitanus.

³³⁹ Ἐκώκυον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπεσφαγμένων αἱ γυναῖκες προεκθέουσαι , καὶ πρὸς τὴν τούτων οἰμωγὴν ὁ δῆμος εἰς ὀλοφυρμοὺς τραπόμενος ἐπικουρεῖν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἱκέτευεν , τοῦ τε Νεαπολιτανοῦ κατεβόων ὅσα πάθοιεν ὑπὸ ΦλώρουFlorus καὶ παρελθοῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε ἀγορὰν ἠρημωμένην ἐπεδείκνυσαν καὶ πεπορθημένας τὰς οἰκίας .
³³⁹ but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the marketplace was made desolate, and the houses plundered.	³³⁹ However, the wives of people who had been killed came running in advance and wailing, and when the people heard their mourning, they also wailed and begged Agrippa to help them, while shouting at Neopolitanus and complaining of all they had endured under Florus. When they arrived in the city, they showed them how the Marketplace had been wrecked and the houses looted.
³³⁹ And the wives of those who had been slaughtered wailed as they ran forward; at their lamentation, the common people turned to outcries of grief and began to implore Agrippa to come to their aid. They cried out to Neapolitanus regarding all they had suffered under Florus, and as they entered the city, they showed them the marketplace left desolate and the houses plundered.

³⁴⁰ Ἔπειτα δι’ Ἀγρίππα πείθουσι τὸν Νεαπολιτανὸν σὺν ἑνὶ θεράποντι περιελθεῖν μέχρι τοῦ ΣιλωᾶSiloam τὴν πόλιν , ἵνα γνῷ Ἰουδαίους τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις Ῥωμαίοις ἅπασιν εἴκοντας , μόνῳ δ’ ἀπεχθανομένους ΦλώρῳFlorus δι’ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς ὠμότητος . Ὁ δὲ ὡς διοδεύσας πεῖραν ἱκανὴν ἔλαβεν τῆς πραότητος αὐτῶν , εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναβαίνει .
³⁴⁰ They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple,	³⁴⁰ Through Agrippa, they then persuaded Neopolitanus to walk round the city, with just one servant, as far as Siloam, to let him see that the Jews submitted to all the other Romans and only objected to Florus, because of his excessive savagery to them. So he walked around and saw the mild temper of the populace and then went up to the temple.
³⁴⁰ Then, through Agrippa, they persuaded Neapolitanus to walk around the city as far as Siloam with only a single servant, so he might see that the Jews were submissive to all other Romans and only hated Florus for his extreme cruelty. Having walked through the city and received sufficient proof of their mildness, he went up to the Temple.

³⁴¹ Ἔνθα συγκαλέσας τὸ πλῆθος , καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εἰς πίστιν αὐτοὺς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐπαινέσας , πολλὰ δὲ εἰς τὸ τηρεῖν τὴν εἰρήνην προτρεψάμενος καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνήσας ὅθεν ἐξῆν τὰ ἅγια πρὸς Κέστιον ἐπανῄει .
³⁴¹ where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.	³⁴¹ Calling the people together, he praised them highly for their fidelity to the Romans and urged them to keep the peace. Then after worshipping God from the area of the temple that he was allowed to visit, he returned to Cestius.
³⁴¹ There he called the multitude together, praised them for their loyalty to Rome, exhorted them to keep the peace, and—having worshipped in the court of the Temple as far as was permitted for a non-Jew—he returned to Cestius.

³⁴² Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐπί τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς τραπόμενον πέμπειν κατὰ ΦλώρουFlorus πρέσβεις ἠξίου πρὸς ΝέρωναNero καὶ μὴ σιωπῶντας ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ καταλιπεῖν ἑαυτοῖς ὑπόνοιαν ἀποστάσεως · δόξειν γὰρ αὐτοὶ κατάρξαι τῶν ὅπλων , εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες ἐνδείξαιντο τὸν κατάρξαντα ·
³⁴² But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it;	³⁴² The majority of the Jews asked the king and the high priests for permission to send envoys to Nero against Florus, so as not by their silence after such killings, to have him suspect them of starting a revolt. They felt that they might be seen as instigators of the war, if they did not get in early and show who really began it.
³⁴² But the multitude of Jews turned to the king and the high priests, demanding they send ambassadors against Florus to Nero, so that by remaining silent about such a massacre, they might not leave a suspicion of revolt against themselves.

³⁴³ φανεροὶ δ’ ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες , εἰ τὴν πρεσβείαν τις ἀποκωλύει . Ἀγρίππᾳ δὲ τὸ μὲν χειροτονεῖν ΦλώρουFlorus κατηγόρους ἐπίφθονον , τὸ περιιδεῖν δὲ Ἰουδαίους εἰς πόλεμον ἐκριπισθέντας οὐδὲ αὐτῷ λυσιτελὲς κατεφαίνετο .
³⁴³ and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if anybody should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war.	³⁴³ It was also clear that they would not stay peaceful, if anyone stopped them from sending such a delegation. Agrippa thought it dangerous for them to send men to accuse Florus, but did not want to ignore them, as they were in a mood for war.
³⁴³ It was clear they would not remain quiet if anyone blocked the embassy. For Agrippa, appointing accusers against Florus was a hateful task, but to allow the Jews to be fanned into war seemed equally disadvantageous to him.

³⁴⁴ Προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ εἰς τὸν ξυστὸν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ παραστησάμενος ἐν περιόπτῳ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Βερνίκην ἐπὶ τῆς ἈσαμωναίωνHasmonean οἰκίας , αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἐπάνω τοῦ ξυστοῦ πρὸς τὸ πέραν τῆς ἄνω πόλεως , καὶ γέφυρα τῷ ξυστῷ τὸ ἱερὸν συνῆπτεν , Ἀγρίππας ἔλεξεν τοιάδε .
³⁴⁴ He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery), and spake to them as follows:—	³⁴⁴ So he summoned the people into the Xystus (large gallery) and placing his sister Berenice in their sight, on the roof of the Hasmonean palace above the Xystus, across from the upper town, where a bridge joined the temple to the gallery, Agrippa addressed them as follows:
³⁴⁴ Therefore, he called the multitude to the Xystus [a gymnasium/public square] and placed his sister Berenice in a conspicuous position upon the Palace of the Asamonaeans [Hasmoneans], which was above the Xystus on the opposite side of the Upper City; a bridge joined the Temple to the Xystus. There, Agrippa spoke as follows:

³⁴⁵ «Εἰ μὲν ἑώρων πάντας ὑμᾶς πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ὡρμημένους καὶ μὴ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον καὶ εἰλικρινέστατον εἰρήνην ἄγειν προῃρημένους , οὔτ’ ἂν παρῆλθον εἰς ὑμᾶς οὔτε συμβουλεύειν ἐθάρρησα · περισσὸς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν πᾶς λόγος , ὅταν ᾖ τῶν ἀκουόντων πάντων [ ἡ ] πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ὁμόνοια .
³⁴⁵ “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary.	³⁴⁵ " If I saw you all eager for war with the Romans, instead of the better and more sincere part of you preferring to live in peace, I would not have come out to you, or dared to advise you, for any speech attempting to persuade people to do their duty is wasted if the hearers are bent on a worse course.
³⁴⁵ “If I saw that you were all set upon war with the Romans, and that the purest part of the people were not inclined toward peace, I would not have come to you nor dared to give advice, for any speech concerning what ought to be done is superfluous when there is a universal consensus among the listeners toward the worse course of action.

³⁴⁶ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τινὰς μὲν ἡλικία τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κακῶν ἄπειρος , τινὰς δὲ ἐλπὶς ἀλόγιστος ἐλευθερίας , ἐνίους δὲ πλεονεξία τις παροξύνει καὶ τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων , ἐὰν τὰ πράγματα συγχυθῇ , κέρδος , ὅπως αὐτοί τε σωφρονισθέντες μεταβάλωνται καὶ μὴ τῆς ἐνίωνsome κακοβουλίας οἱ ἀγαθοὶ παραπολαύσωσιν , ᾠήθην δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας ὑμᾶς συναγαγὼν εἰπεῖν ἃ νομίζω συμφέρειν .
³⁴⁶ But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others.	³⁴⁶ But some young folk are eager for war because they have no experience of the evils it brings, and some are for it from an empty hope of regaining the liberty, and others want it because they hope for profit, by seizing the property of the weak, once all is in confusion; and therefore, so that the former may wisely change their minds and the virtuous suffer no harm from the misdeeds of others, I thought to gather you together and tell you what I think to be for your good.
³⁴⁶ But since some, through their youth, are inexperienced in the evils of war, and others are stirred by an irrational hope for liberty, while some are incited by greed and the prospect of personal gain from the weak should affairs be thrown into chaos—I thought it necessary to assemble you all together to tell you what I believe is for your benefit; this is so that those [who are misguided] might be brought to their senses and change their ways, and that the good among you might not suffer the consequences of the recklessness of a few.

³⁴⁷ Θορυβήσῃ δέ μοι μηδείς , ἐὰν μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούῃ · τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀνηκέστως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασινa revolt ὡρμημένοις ἔνεστι καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν ταῦτα φρονεῖν , ἐμοὶ δὲ διαπίπτει καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐθέλοντας ὁ λόγος , ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ πάντων ἡσυχία γένηται .
³⁴⁷ And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence.	³⁴⁷ Let no one shout me down, even if annoyed at what I say, if there are any who are incurably bent on revolt, they may persist in that view when my exhortation is done. But my words will be lost, even for those who wish to hear me, unless you all keep silent.
³⁴⁷ Let no one interrupt me if they hear something that does not please them. For those who are incurably set upon revolt are free to hold those same opinions even after my exhortation; yet my words will be lost even on those who wish to listen unless there is silence from everyone.

³⁴⁸ οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτι πολλοὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ὕβρεις καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐγκώμια τραγῳδοῦσιν , ἐγὼ δὲ πρὶν ἐξετάζειν τίνες ὄντες καὶ τίσιν ἐπιχειρεῖτε πολεμεῖν , πρῶτον διαζεύξω τὴν συμπλοκὴν τῶν προφάσεων .
³⁴⁸ I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together;	³⁴⁸ I know the outcry of many about the wrongs done to you by your procurators and the glories of liberty. But before examining those against whom you propose to fight, I would first distinguish among the claims which some have jumbled together.
³⁴⁸ I know many make a tragedy of the insults of the procurators and the praises of liberty. But before I examine who you are and whom you are attempting to fight, I will first separate these two excuses.

³⁴⁹ Εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀμύνεσθε τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας , τί σεμνύνετε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ; εἰ δὲ τὸ δουλεύειν ἀφόρητον ἡγεῖσθε , περισσὴ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἡ μέμψις · καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνων μετριαζόντων αἰσχρὸν ὁμοίως τὸ δουλεύειν .
³⁴⁹ for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude.	³⁴⁹ If revenge on those who have done you wrong is what you want, why talk of liberty? But if you find slavery intolerable, why complain against particular officers? For even if they treated you fairly, to be slaves would still be unworthy.
³⁴⁹ If you are avenging yourselves against those who wrong you, why do you speak so grandly of liberty? But if you think slavery is intolerable, then your complaint against your rulers is superfluous; for even if they were moderate, slavery would be equally disgraceful.

³⁵⁰ Σκοπεῖτε δὲ καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον τούτων ὡς ἔστιν μικρὰ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἡ ὑπόθεσις , καὶ πρῶτά γε τὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐγκλήματα · θεραπεύειν γάρ , οὐκ ἐρεθίζειν χρὴ τὰς ἐξουσίας ·
³⁵⁰ Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation;	³⁵⁰ Considered one by one you will see how weak are your reasons for going to war; and first, the complaints against your procurators. You should be submissive to the authorities and not irritate them.
³⁵⁰ Consider how small is your basis for war. First, regarding the charges against the procurators: you should flatter, not provoke, those in power.

³⁵¹ ὅταν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τοὺς ἐξονειδισμοὺς ποιῆσθε μεγάλους , καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τοὺς ὀνειδιζομένους ἀπελέγχετε , καὶ παρέντες τὸ λάθρα καὶ μετ’ αἰδοῦς ὑμᾶς βλάπτειν πορθοῦσι φανερῶς . Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως τὰς πληγὰς ὡς τὸ φέρειν ἀναστέλλει , καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἡσύχιον τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι γίνεται διατροπή .
³⁵¹ but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly.	³⁵¹ Men reprimanded for minor offenses become more hostile toward those who rebuke them, and instead of harming you secretly and with shame they will openly lay waste whatever you have. Nothing dampens the force of blows so much as patiently bearing them, and a calm response curbs the doing of still more harm.
³⁵¹ But when you make the reproaches for small offenses great, you only convict yourselves in the eyes of those you reproach; and they, ceasing to injure you in secret and with shame, will instead plunder you openly. Nothing checks the force of a blow like endurance, and the quiet resignation of the wronged becomes a source of shame to the wrongdoers.

³⁵² Φέρε δ’ εἶναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ὑπηρέτας ἀνηκέστως χαλεπούς · οὔπω Ῥωμαῖοι πάντες ἀδικοῦσιν ὑμᾶς οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ , πρὸς οὓς αἱρεῖσθε τὸν πόλεμον · οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἥκει τις πονηρὸς ἀπ’ ἐκείνων , οὐδέ γε τοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οἱ ἀφ’ ἑσπέρας ἐπιβλέπουσιν · ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ταχέως τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ ῥᾴδιον .
³⁵² Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts.	³⁵² Even if the Roman officials are intolerably harsh, not all of the Romans, or Caesar himself, have been unjust to you, and it is against them you are going to war. It is not at their orders that an oppressor came to you, for they in the west cannot see those sent to the east. Over there it is not easy even to hear news from these parts.
³⁵² Suppose, indeed, that the Roman officials are incurably harsh; yet not all Romans wrong you, nor does Caesar, against whom you are choosing to wage war. For it is not by their command that some wicked man comes from them [to rule here], nor can those in the West see those in the East; indeed, it is not even easy for news from here to reach them quickly there.

³⁵³ ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ δι’ ἕνα πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μικρὰς αἰτίας τηλικούτοις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσιν ἃ μεμφόμεθα πολεμεῖν .
³⁵³ Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain:	³⁵³ It is absurd to attack so many for the sake of one, or go to war with such a people for a small cause, before they even know our complaints.
³⁵³ It is absurd to go to war with many because of one, and with such great people for small causes, especially when they do not even know what we are complaining about!

³⁵⁴ Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων ἐγκλημάτων ταχεῖα γένοιτ’ ἂν διόρθωσις · οὔτε γὰρ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος μένει διὰ παντός , καὶ τοὺς διαδεξομένους εἰκὸς ἐλεύσεσθαι μετριωτέρους · κινηθέντα δ’ ἅπαξ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε ἀποθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον δίχα συμφορῶν οὔτε βαστάζειν .
³⁵⁴ nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith.	³⁵⁴ The crimes we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not last for ever, and his successors may come in a more temperate spirit. Once begun, war is not easily ended, nor waged without risk of disaster.
³⁵⁴ Furthermore, a correction of our grievances could be achieved quickly; for the same procurator does not remain [in office] forever, and it is likely that those who succeed him will come with a more moderate disposition. But once a war has been set in motion, it is neither easy to lay it aside without disaster, nor is it easy to sustain it.

³⁵⁵ Ἀλλὰ μὴν τό γε νῦν ἐλευθερίας ἐπιθυμεῖν ἄωρον , δέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ ἀποβαλεῖνto throw off αὐτὴν ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρότερον · ἡ γὰρ πεῖρα τῆς δουλείας χαλεπή , καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδ’ ἄρξασθαι ταύτης ὁ ἀγὼν δίκαιος .
³⁵⁵ However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just;	³⁵⁵ Your present thirst for liberty is untimely; you should have struggled harder in the past never to lose it. For slavery is hard and it would have been right to struggle not to let it begin.
³⁵⁵ Furthermore, it is untimely to desire liberty now, when one ought rather to have fought previously to avoid losing it in the first place. For the experience of servitude is a bitter thing, and the struggle to prevent it from ever beginning is a just one.

³⁵⁶ Ὁ δ’ ἅπαξ χειρωθείς , ἔπειτα ἀφιστάμενος , αὐθάδης δοῦλός ἐστιν , οὐ φιλελεύθερος . Τότε τοιγαροῦν ἐχρῆν πάνθ’ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δέξασθαι Ῥωμαίους ποιεῖν , ὅτε ἐπέβαινεν τῆς χώρας Πομπήιος .
³⁵⁶ but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country.	³⁵⁶ But when one has been enslaved and runs away, he is a headstrong slave rather than a lover of liberty. The proper time to have done everything to keep out the Romans was when Pompey first invaded the country.
³⁵⁶ For he who has once been subdued and then later revolts is merely a stubborn slave, not a lover of liberty. Therefore, the time when you ought to have done everything to keep from receiving the Romans was when Pompey first set foot in the country.

³⁵⁷ Ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν καὶ χρήμασιν καὶ σώμασιν καὶ ψυχαῖς ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πολλῷ διακείμενοι πρὸς μοῖραν ὀλίγην τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀντέσχον · ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὸ μὲν ὑπακούειν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρειληφότες , τοῖς πράγμασιν δὲ τῶν πρώτων ὑπακουσάντων τοσοῦτον ἐλαττούμενοι , πρὸς ὅλην ἀνθίστασθε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ;
³⁵⁷ But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans.	³⁵⁷ But our ancestors and their kings, who were better off than you in riches and in strength of body and soul, did not hold off even a small part of the Roman army. Yet you, after generations of obedience and so less well supplied than those who first submitted, can you withstand the whole Roman empire?
³⁵⁷ But our ancestors and their kings, who were far better provided than you in terms of wealth, physical strength, and spirit, could not hold out against even a small fraction of the Roman power; yet you, who have inherited submission as a matter of succession, and who are so much inferior in resources to those who first submitted, will you resist the entire Roman Empire?

³⁵⁸ Καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν , οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον ΞέρξηνXerxes διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν , πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα , οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες , περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην Ἀσίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν Ῥωμαίοις , καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς ἙλλάδοςGreece πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly προστάγματα .
³⁵⁸ While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece.	³⁵⁸ The Athenians once set fire to their own city, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece. They pursued Xerxes, that proud prince who ‘sailed upon land and walked on the sea’ and for whom the seas were too narrow and whose army was wider than Europe, and made him flee like a fugitive in a single ship and broke the power of Asia off the coast of little Salamis, but these are now slaves to the Romans and instructions from Italy become laws for the city that once ruled Greece.
³⁵⁸ Consider even the Athenians: those who once, for the sake of Greek liberty, gave their own city to the flames; those who pursued the arrogant Xerxes—who ‘sailed over the land and marched over the sea’ and whom the very oceans could not contain, leading an army wider than Europe—chasing him like a runaway in a single ship; those who shattered the might of all Asia at tiny Salamis. Even they now serve the Romans, and the city that was once the leader of Greece is now governed by orders sent from Italy.

³⁵⁹ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ ΘερμοπύλαςThermopylae καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ τὸν ἐρευνήσαντα τὴν Ἀσίαν ἈγησίλαονAgesilaus ἀγαπῶσιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεσπότας ,
³⁵⁹ Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords.	³⁵⁹ The Spartans too, despite Thermopylae and Platea and Agesilaus, who explored Asia, are content under the same masters.
³⁵⁹ Even the Lacedaemonians (Spartans), after Thermopylae and Plataea and Agesilaus who searched through Asia, are now content to serve the same masters;

³⁶⁰ Καὶ Μακεδόνες ἔτι φανταζόμενοι Φίλιππον καὶ τὴν σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παρασπείρουσαν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ὁρῶντες , φέρουσιν τὴν τοσαύτην μεταβολὴν καὶ πρὸς οὓς μεταβέβηκεν ἡ τύχη προσκυνοῦσιν .
³⁶⁰ These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead.	³⁶⁰ The Macedonians too, who still cherish the image of Philip and how Fortune along with Alexander spread their empire over the world, what a change they suffered now to have to obey those whom fortune has favoured in their place.
³⁶⁰ and the Macedonians, who still dream of Philip and see the hegemony of the inhabited world which was sown for them alongside Alexander, endure such a great change and bow down to those to whom Fortune has shifted.

³⁶¹ ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει · μόνοι δ’ ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα . Ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις ; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς Ῥωμαίων θαλάσσας ; ποῦ δ’ οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί ;
³⁶¹ Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings?	³⁶¹ Myriads of other nations with a fuller claim to freedom than ours, are subjected. Are you the only people who disdain to serve those to whom the universe has yielded? What are the troops and the armour you depend on? Where is your fleet, to take over the Roman seas? Where are the treasuries to support your undertakings?
³⁶¹ A thousand other nations, full of a greater pride for liberty, have yielded; will you alone think it a disgrace to serve those to whom all things are subjected? On what army, on what weapons do you rely? Where is your fleet to take possession of the Roman seas? Where are the treasures sufficient for such undertakings?

³⁶² Πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ἄρα καὶ πρὸς Ἄραβας οἴεσθε κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον ; οὐ περισκέψεσθε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ; οὐ μετρήσετε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσθένειαν ; οὐ τὰ μὲν ἡμέτερα καὶ τῶν προσοίκων ἐθνῶν ἡττήθη πολλάκις , ἡ δὲ ἐκείνων ἰσχὺς διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀνίκητος ;
³⁶² Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth?	³⁶² Is it with the Egyptians or the Arabs do you think you are going to war? Will you not reflect on the Roman empire? Will you not measure your own weakness? Has your army not often been defeated even by your neighbouring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the world?
³⁶² Do you think you are moving for war against Egyptians or Arabs? Will you not look around at the Roman Empire? Will you not measure your own weakness? Has not our nation and the neighboring nations been defeated many times, while their strength is undefeated throughout the whole world?

³⁶³ μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησάν τι πλέον · οὐ γὰρ ἐξήρκεσεν αὐτοῖς ὅλος Εὐφράτης ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οὐδὲ τῶν προσαρκτίων ὁ ἼστροςIstros; Danube ἥ τε μεσημβρινὴ μέχρι τῶν ἀοικήτων ἐρευνηθεῖσα Λιβύη καὶ ΓάδειραCadiz πρὸς ἑσπέραν , ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν ἑτέραν ἐζήτησαν οἰκουμένην καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνιστορήτων πρότερον ΒρεττανῶνBritish διήνεγκαν τὰ ὅπλα .
³⁶³ nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before.	³⁶³ They even seek still further, for not content to have the Euphrates as their eastern border and the Danube on the north, they seek further habitable earth beyond their southern limit, Libya, and beyond Cadiz, their western extreme, and have carried their weapons across the ocean as far as the British, previously unknown to history.
³⁶³ Indeed, they have sought something even beyond this; for the whole Euphrates was not enough for them in the East, nor the Danube in the North, nor Libya explored as far as the uninhabited regions in the South, nor Gades in the West; but they sought another world beyond the ocean and carried their arms even as far as the Britons, who were previously unknown to history.

³⁶⁴ Τί οὖν ; ὑμεῖς πλουσιώτεροι ΓαλατῶνGalatian , ἰσχυρότεροι ΓερμανῶνGermnas , Ἑλλήνων συνετώτεροι , πλείους τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐστὲ πάντων ; τί τὸ πεποιθὸς ὑμᾶς κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐπαίρει ; χαλεπὸν τὸ δουλεύειν , ἐρεῖ τις .
³⁶⁴ What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans?	³⁶⁴ What therefore do you aim to achieve? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all people in the world? What inspires you to rise against the Romans?
³⁶⁴ What then? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, or more numerous than all the people in the world? What is it that inspires your confidence against the Romans? Someone will say: ‘Service is hard.’

³⁶⁵ Πόσῳ μᾶλλον Ἕλλησιν , οἳ τῶν ὑφ’ ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ Ῥωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις , τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι .
³⁶⁵ Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have.	³⁶⁵ "One might say, 'Slavery is hard to endure.' But how much harder is this for the Greeks, deemed the noblest of all people under the sun, who though they live in a large country, are ruled by the six Roman fasces. The same for the Macedonians, who have more reason than you to claim their liberty.
³⁶⁵ How much more so for the Greeks, who, being the most noble of all people under the sun and occupying so great a land, submit to six Roman rods (the lictors of a praetor); and the Macedonians likewise, who have a more just claim to liberty than you.

³⁶⁶ Τί δ’ αἱ πεντακόσιαι τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεις ; οὐ δίχα φρουρᾶς ἕνα προσκυνοῦσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς ῥάβδους ; τί χρὴ λέγειν Ἡνιόχους τε καὶ Κόλχους καὶ τὸ τῶν Ταύρων φῦλον , ΒοσπορανούςBosphorus τε καὶ τὰ περίοικα τοῦ ΠόντουPontus καὶ τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἔθνη ;
³⁶⁶ What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis,	³⁶⁶ What of the five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not, without a garrison, submit to a single ruler and the consular fasces? Need I speak of the Heniochi and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, the people of the Bosphorus and the nations around Pontus and Meotis?
³⁶⁶ What of the five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not, without a garrison, bow down to a single governor and the consular rods? Why need I speak of the Heniochi, the Colchians, and the tribe of the Tauri, the Bosporans and the nations surrounding the Black Sea and Lake Maeotis?

³⁶⁷ Παρ’ οἷς πρὶν μὲν οὐδ’ οἰκεῖος ἐγιγνώσκετοto know δεσπότης , νῦν δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταιςarmed warrior ὑποτάσσεται , καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς μακραὶ τὴν πρὶν ἄπλωτον καὶ ἀγρίαν εἰρηνεύουσι θάλασσαν .
³⁶⁷ who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous?	³⁶⁷ Formerly they recognised no master even among their own, but are now in subjection to three thousand infantry, while forty long ships keep the peace in a sea that formerly was unnavigated and wild!
³⁶⁷ Among these, where previously not even a native master was known, they are now subjected to three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, and forty long ships keep peace on a sea that was formerly unnavigable and wild.

³⁶⁸ Πόσα ΒιθυνίαBithynia καὶ ΚαππαδοκίαCappadocia καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ ΚίλικεςCilicians ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται ; τί δαί ; ΘρᾷκεςThracians οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες , τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν , οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις Ῥωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς ;
³⁶⁸ How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons?	³⁶⁸ What a strong claim for liberty have Bithynia and Cappadocia and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians and Cilicians - but they pay tax without recourse to arms. The Thracians, whose country is five days' journey broad and seven in length, and is more rugged and much more defensible than yours, and the depth of whose cold prevents armies from attacking them… are they not obedient to a Roman garrison of two thousand men?
³⁶⁸ How much have Bithynia, Cappadocia, the Pamphylian nation, the Lycians, and the Cilicians to say for their liberty, yet they pay tribute without arms? And what of the Thracians, who possess a land five days’ journey in width and seven in length—a land harsher and much more fortified than yours, which turns back invaders with deep frost—do they not obey two thousand Roman guards?

³⁶⁹ Οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τούτων Ἰλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας ἀποτεμνομένην ἼστρῳIstros; Danube κατοικοῦντες , οὐ δυσὶν μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσιν , μεθ’ ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰς Δακῶν ἀνακόπτουσιν ὁρμάς ;
³⁶⁹ Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the	³⁶⁹ And the Illyrians, their neighbours, are they not ruled from Dalmatia to the Danube, by just two legions, with whom they also block the attacks of the Dacians?
³⁶⁹ And the Illyrians, who dwell from there as far as Dalmatia, bounded by the Danube, do they not yield to only two legions, with whom they themselves check the raids of the Dacians?

³⁷⁰ Οἱ δὲ τοσαυτάκιςso great, so large, so many πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν ἀναχαιτίσαντες Δαλμάται καὶ πρὸς τὸ μόνον ἀεὶ χειρωθέντες τότε συλλεξάμενοι τὴν ἰσχὺν πάλιν ἀποστῆναι , νῦν οὐχ ὑφ’ ἑνὶ τάγματι Ῥωμαίων ἡσυχίαν ἄγουσιν ;
³⁷⁰ Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion.	³⁷⁰ And the Dalmatians, who so often rebelled for their freedom and were never so subdued in the past but that they always regrouped and rebelled again, are they not now at peace under a single Roman legion?
³⁷⁰ And the Dalmatians, who so often reared up for liberty and were always defeated only to gather their strength to revolt again, do they not now live in peace under a single Roman legion?

³⁷¹ Ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γέ τινας εἰς ἀπόστασινa revolt ὤφειλον ἀφορμαὶ μεγάλαι παροξύνειν , μάλιστα Γαλάτας ἐχρῆν τοὺς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως τετειχισμένους , ἐξ ἀνατολῆς μὲν ταῖς ἌλπεσινAlps πρὸς ἄρκτῳ δὲ ῬήνῳRhine ποταμῷ , μεσημβρινοῖς δὲ τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν , ὠκεανῷ δὲ πρὸς δυσμῶν .
³⁷¹ Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean.	³⁷¹ If great advantages could prompt any people to rebel, the Gauls were best equipped of all, with such strong natural defences: the Alps on the east, the river Rhine on the north, the Pyrenees mountains on the south, and the ocean on the west.
³⁷¹ Truly, if great resources ought to provoke anyone to revolt, it should most of all be the Gauls, who are so well walled-in by nature: on the east by the Alps, on the north by the Rhine river, on the south by the Pyrenees mountains, and on the west by the ocean.

³⁷² Ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι , πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν , τὰς δὲ πηγάς , ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι , τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην , ἀνέχονται Ῥωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ’ αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν .
³⁷² Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them;	³⁷² But though these Gauls are surrounded by such obstacles to prevent them being attacked, and include no fewer than three hundred and five nations, and have in their land, one may say, the very sources of prosperity, and flood nearly all the world with their plentiful goods, they accept to pay tax to the Romans and have their own economy meted out by them.
³⁷² Yet despite being surrounded by such great barriers, and numbering three hundred and five nations, and possessing the very springs of prosperity within their land and flooding almost the whole world with their goods, they endure being a source of revenue for the Romans and have their own prosperity managed by them.

³⁷³ Καὶ τοῦθ’ ὑπομένουσιν οὐ διὰ φρονημάτων μαλακίαν οὐδὲ δι’ ἀγένειαν , οἵ γε διήνεγκαν ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας , ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὴν τύχην καταπλαγέντες , ἥτις αὐτοῖς κατορθοῖ πλείονα τῶν ὅπλων . Τοιγαροῦν ὑπὸ χιλίοις καὶ διακοσίοις στρατιώταις δουλεύουσιν , ὧν ὀλίγου δεῖν πλείους ἔχουσι πόλεις .
³⁷³ and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities;	³⁷³ They tolerate this, not because of cowardice or ignoble lineage, for they fought for their freedom for all of eighty years, but because they were overwhelmed by the power of the Romans and for fate, which supports them even more than their weapons. Therefore they are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, though they have as many cities as that.
³⁷³ And they endure this not through softness of mind or ignobility—they who maintained war for eighty years for their liberty—but being struck with awe by the power of the Romans and their Fortune, which achieves more for them than their arms. Therefore they serve under one thousand two hundred soldiers, though they have almost more cities than that.

³⁷⁴ Οὐδὲ ἼβηρσινIberians ὁ γεωργούμενος χρυσὸς εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐξήρκεσεν πόλεμον οὐδὲ τὸ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης διάστημα φῦλά τε Λουσιτανῶν καὶ Καντάβρων ἀρειμάνια οὐδὲ γείτων ὠκεανὸς φοβερὰν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἄμπωτιν ἐπάγων ,
³⁷⁴ nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants.	³⁷⁴ The Iberians found that the gold dug from their mines was not enough to support their war for liberty, nor their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea, nor the tribes of the Lusitanians and Cantabrians with their mania for war, nor the ocean, sucked by its tides, so feared by the natives.
³⁷⁴ Neither did the gold mined by the Iberians (Spaniards) suffice for a war for liberty, nor did the great distance from Rome by land and sea, nor the warlike tribes of the Lusitanians and Cantabrians, nor the neighboring ocean with its tides so terrifying even to the locals.

³⁷⁵ ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ τὰς Ἡρακλείους στήλας ἐκτείναντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διὰ νεφῶν ὁδεύσαντες τὰ Πυρηναῖα ὄρη καὶ τούτους ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι · φρουρὰ δ’ ἤρκεσεν τῶν οὕτως δυσμάχων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπῳκισμένων ἓν τάγμα .
³⁷⁵ Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome.	³⁷⁵ The Romans have brought their armies beyond the pillars of Hercules, and walked through the clouds on the Pyrenean mountains, and subdued these nations. One legion is enough to guard these people, although they were so hard to defeat and at such a distance from Rome.
³⁷⁵ But the Romans, extending their arms beyond the Pillars of Hercules and marching through the clouds over the Pyrenean mountains, enslaved these people also; and one legion sufficed as a garrison for those who were so hard to fight and lived so far away.

³⁷⁶ Τίς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀκοῇ παρείληφεν τὸ ΓερμανῶνGermnas πλῆθος ; ἀλκὴν μὲν γὰρ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων εἴδετε δήπου πολλάκις , ἐπεὶ πανταχοῦ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς τούτων αἰχμαλώτους ἔχουσιν .
³⁷⁶ Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere;	³⁷⁶ Which of you has not heard of the German hordes ? Surely you have often seen how strong and tall they are, since everywhere the Romans have them among their slaves?
³⁷⁶ Which of you has not heard of the multitude of the Germans? For you have surely often seen their strength and the size of their bodies, since the Romans have their captives everywhere.

³⁷⁷ Ἀλλ’ οὗτοι γῆν μὲν ἄπειρον νεμόμενοι , μείζω δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἔχοντες τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν θανάτου καταφρονοῦσαν , τοὺς δὲ θυμοὺς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων σφοδροτέρους , ῬῆνονRhine τῆς ὁρμῆς ὅρον ἔχουσιν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὀκτὼ τάγμασιν δαμαζόμενοι δουλεύουσιν μὲν ἁλόντες , τὸ δ’ ὅλον αὐτῶν ἔθνος φυγῇ διασώζεται .
³⁷⁷ yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight.	³⁷⁷ But though living in an immense country, these Germans, whose minds are even larger than their bodies and souls that despise death, and who can rage more fiercely than wild beasts, are kept bordered behind the Rhine and are tamed by eight Roman legions, with their captives enslaved, and all the rest of the nation forced to flee.
³⁷⁷ Yet these people, who occupy an infinite land, whose pride is greater than their bodies, whose souls despise death, and whose rage is more violent than the wildest beasts, have the Rhine as the limit of their rush; and being tamed by eight Roman legions, those captured serve, while the rest of their nation is saved by flight.

³⁷⁸ Σκέψασθε δὲ καὶ τὸ ΒρεττανῶνBritish τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμων τείχεσιν πεποιθότες · καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν καὶ τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι , τέσσαρα δὲ τάγματα τὴν τοσαύτην νῆσον φυλάσσει .
³⁷⁸ Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island:	³⁷⁸ You who depend on the ramparts of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had, for the Romans sailed across and subdued them, though they were surrounded by the ocean and inhabited an island no less in size than the land we live in, and four legions are enough to guard so large an island.
³⁷⁸ Consider also the wall of the Britons, you who trust in the walls of Jerusalem; for the Romans sailed to them—though they are surrounded by the ocean and inhabit an island no smaller than the world we know—and enslaved them, and four legions guard so great an island.

³⁷⁹ Καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν , ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι , τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον , τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν Ῥωμαίοις , καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν .
³⁷⁹ And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them.	³⁷⁹ What more need I say, when even that most warlike race, the Parthians, lords of so many nations and endowed with such strength, send hostages to the Romans? In Italy one may see how the noblest nation of the East, in order to have peace, submits to serve them.
³⁷⁹ And why say more, when even the Parthians, the most warlike tribe, who rule over so many nations and are surrounded by such great power, send hostages to the Romans; and one can see in Italy, under the pretext of peace, the nobility of the East serving as slaves.

³⁸⁰ Πάντων δὴ σχεδὸν τῶν ὑφ’ ἡλίῳ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα προσκυνούντων ὑμεῖς μόνοι πολεμήσετε μηδὲ τὸ Καρχηδονίων τέλος σκοποῦντες , οἳ τὸν μέγαν αὐχοῦντες Ἀννίβαν καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Φοινίκων εὐγένειαν ὑπὸ τὴν ΣκιπίωνοςScipio δεξιὰν ἔπεσον ;
³⁸⁰ Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio.	³⁸⁰ So, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people to make war on them? Do you forget the fate of the Carthaginians, who boasted of the great Hannibal and the nobility of their Phoenician origins, but fell by the hand of Scipio?
³⁸⁰ When almost all things under the sun bow down to Roman arms, will you alone go to war, not even considering the end of the Carthaginians, who, boasting of the great Hannibal and their noble Phoenician descent, fell beneath the right hand of Scipio?

³⁸¹ Οὔτε δὲ Κυρηναῖοι , τὸ Λακώνων γένος , οὔτε Μαρμαρίδαι , τὸ μέχρι τῆς διψάδος ἐκτεταμένον φῦλον , οὔθ’ αἱ φοβεραὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν ΣύρτειςSyrtes Νασαμῶνές τε καὶ Μαῦροι καὶ τὸ Νομάδων ἄπειρον πλῆθος τὰς Ῥωμαίων ἀνέκοψαν ἀρετάς .
³⁸¹ Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor.	³⁸¹ The Cyrenians, derived from the Spartans, and the Marmaridites, whose nation extends to regions uninhabitable for lack of water, and the Syrtes, a place fearful to those who barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors and the immense throng of the Numidians, none of these could resist the Roman bravery.
³⁸¹ Neither the Cyrenaeans, the race of the Lacedaemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a tribe extended as far as the desert, nor the Syrtes—fearful even to those who hear of them—nor the Nasamones, nor the Moors, nor the infinite multitude of the Numidians could check the Roman virtues.

³⁸² Τὴν δὲ τρίτην τῆς οἰκουμένης μοῖραν , ἧς οὐδὲ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι τὰ ἔθνη ῥᾴδιον , ὁριζομένην ἈτλαντικῷAtlantic τε πελάγει καὶ στήλαις Ἡρακλείοις καὶ μέχρι τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης τοὺς ἀπείρους νέμουσαν Αἰθίοπας ἐχειρώσαντο μὲν ὅλην ,
³⁸² And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely.	³⁸² This third part of the world, whose nations are countless and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and supports innumerable Ethiopians as far as the Red Sea, these too the Romans have entirely subdued.
³⁸² And the third part of the world (Africa), whose nations it is not easy even to enumerate, bounded by the Atlantic sea and the Pillars of Hercules, and containing the infinite Ethiopians as far as the Red Sea—they have subdued it all.

³⁸³ χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν , οἳ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τὸ κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην πλῆθος τρέφουσιν , καὶ ἔξωθεν παντοίως φορολογοῦνται καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας παρέχουσιν ἑτοίμους τὰς εἰσφοράς , οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιταγμάτωνan injunction, command ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς ὕβριν ἡγούμενοι καίπερ ἑνὸς τάγματος αὐτοῖς παραμένοντος .
³⁸³ And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them.	³⁸³ Besides the annual crops, which maintain the Roman population for eight months in the year, this region also pays all sorts of tax and revenues for the maintenance of the empire. Unlike you, they do not regard such regulations as any disgrace, although they have just one Roman legion living among them.
³⁸³ Besides the annual harvests which feed the multitude of Rome for eight months, they are taxed in all other ways and readily provide contributions for the needs of the empire, not considering any of these commands an insult as you do, even though only one legion remains among them.

³⁸⁴ Καὶ τί δεῖ πόρρωθεν ὑμῖν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὑποδεικνύναι δύναμιν παρὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τῆς γειτνιώσης ,
³⁸⁴ And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood?	³⁸⁴ What need is there to show you the power of the Romans in distant places, when it is seen so close at hand, in Egypt?
³⁸⁴ And why must I point out the Roman power to you from afar, when it is possible to see it from neighboring Egypt?

³⁸⁵ ἥτις ἐκτεινομένη μέχρις Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος Ἀραβίας ὅρμος τε οὖσα τῆς Ἰνδικῆς , πεντήκοντα πρὸς ταῖς ἑπτακοσίαις ἔχουσα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων δίχα τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατοικούντων , ὡς ἔνεστιν ἐκ τῆς καθ’ ἑκάστην κεφαλὴν εἰσφορᾶς τεκμήρασθαι , τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἀδοξεῖ , καίτοι πηλίκον ἀποστάσεως κέντρον ἔχουσα τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πλήθους τε ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου πρὸς δὲ μεγέθους ·
³⁸⁵ This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large,	³⁸⁵ This reaches as far as Ethiopia and Happy Arabia, the port for India, and has a population of seven million five hundred thousand, besides the people of Alexandria, as the revenues of the poll tax show, yet it is not ashamed to submit to the rule of Rome, despite the great temptation to rebel it has in Alexandria, so full of people and riches.
³⁸⁵ Egypt, which extends as far as the Ethiopians and Arabia Felix, and is the port for India, having seven and a half million people (excluding the inhabitants of Alexandria, as can be estimated from the head-tax), does not think it a disgrace to be under Roman rule, even though it has a great center for revolt in Alexandria, because of its multitude of men, its wealth, and its size.

³⁸⁶ μῆκος μέν γε αὐτῆς τριάκοντα σταδίων , εὖρος δ’ οὐκ ἔλαττον δέκα , τοῦ δὲ ἐνιαυσιαίου παρ’ ὑμῶν φόρου καθ’ ἕνα μῆνα πλέον Ῥωμαίοις παρέχει καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξωθεν τῇ Ῥώμῃ σῖτον μηνῶν τεσσάρων · τετείχισται δὲ πάντοθεν ἢ δυσβάτοις ἐρημίαις ἢ θαλάσσαις ἀλιμένοις ἢ ποταμοῖς ἢ ἕλεσιν .
³⁸⁶ its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes;	³⁸⁶ This huge city, thirty furlongs in length and no less than ten wide, pays more tax to the Romans in one month than you do in a year, and besides its money-tax it sends to Rome the corn that supports it for four months each year. It is protected on all sides by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no harbours, or by rivers, or by lakes.
³⁸⁶ Its length is thirty stades and its width no less than ten;^[1] it provides more to the Romans in one month than your annual tribute, and besides money, it provides Rome with grain for four months; and it is walled-in on all sides by impassable deserts, or harborless seas, or rivers, or marshes.

^[1]30 x 10 stadia = 6 x 2 km

³⁸⁷ Ἀλλ’ οὐδὲν τούτων ἰσχυρότερον εὑρέθη τῆς Ῥωμαίων τύχης , δύο δ’ ἐγκαθήμενα τῇ Βηθήλῃ τάγματα τὴν βαθεῖαν Αἴγυπτον ἅμα τῇ Μακεδόνων εὐγενείᾳ χαλινοῖ .
³⁸⁷ yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians.	³⁸⁷ Yet none of these was too strong for the Roman fortune, and two legions based in that city are a curb both on the remoter parts of Egypt and on the parts inhabited by the nobler Macedonians.
³⁸⁷ But none of these things was found stronger than the Fortune of Rome; and two legions stationed in the city bridle the depths of Egypt along with the Macedonian nobility.

³⁸⁸ Τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους ; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν Ῥωμαῖοι , εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἈδιαβηνῆςAdiabene ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν ,
³⁸⁸ Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance	³⁸⁸ " What allies will you have in this war? Will you get them from the uninhabited wilds, since all in the inhabited world are Romans? Do any of you hope for help from beyond the Euphrates and imagine that your relatives in Adiabene will come to your help?
³⁸⁸ Whom then will you take as allies for the war from the uninhabited world? For everyone in the inhabited world is Roman—unless someone extends his hopes beyond the Euphrates and thinks those of the same race from Adiabene will help.

³⁸⁹ οἱ δ’ οὔτε δι’ αἰτίαν ἄλογον τηλικούτῳ πολέμῳ συνεμπλέξουσιν ἑαυτούς , οὔτε βουλευσαμένοις κακῶς ὁ Πάρθος ἐπιτρέψει · πρόνοια γὰρ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκεχειρίας , καὶ παραβαίνειν οἰήσεται τὰς σπονδάς , ἄν τις τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἴῃ .
³⁸⁹ (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them, if any under their government march against the Romans.	³⁸⁹ These will not for a foolish reason involve themselves in such a war, and even if they were so ill advised, the Parthian king would not let them to do so, for he is concerned to maintain the truce with Rome and would be deemed to break the treaty if any under his rule went against the Romans.
³⁸⁹ But they will not involve themselves in such a great war for an irrational cause, nor will the Parthian allow them to plan so poorly; for he is careful to maintain the truce with the Romans, and will think he is violating the treaty if any of those under him go against the Romans.

³⁹⁰ λοιπὸν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν καταφευκτέον . Ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τέτακται · δίχα γὰρ θεοῦ συστῆναι τηλικαύτην ἡγεμονίαν ἀδύνατον .
³⁹⁰ What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence.	³⁹⁰ " The only recourse left is to the help of God. But this is already on the side of the Romans, since so vast an empire could not possibly be built without God.
³⁹⁰ It remains, then, to flee to the alliance of God. But even this is stationed on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that such a great empire could be established without God.

³⁹¹ Σκέψασθε δ’ ὡς ὑμῖν τὸ τῆς θρησκείας ἄκρατον , εἰ καὶ πρὸς εὐχειρώτους πολεμοίητε , δυσδιοίκητον , καὶ δι’ ἃ μᾶλλον τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζετε σύμμαχον , ταῦτ’ ἀναγκαζόμενοι παραβαίνειν ἀποστρέψετε .
³⁹¹ Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you?	³⁹¹ Reflect how your religious customs cannot be maintained in time of war, even if you fight an easier foe. So how can you hope for God's special help, when, being forced to break his law, you make him turn his face away from you?
³⁹¹ Consider how difficult your strict religious practice would be to maintain if you were at war, even against an easy enemy; and the very things for which you hope to have God as an ally, you will be forced to violate, and so turn Him away.

³⁹² Τηροῦντές γε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἑβδομάδων ἔθη καὶ πρὸς μηδεμίαν πρᾶξιν κινούμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἁλώσεσθε , καθάπερ οἱ πρόγονοι Πομπηίῳ ταύτας μάλιστα τὰς ἡμέρας ἐνεργοὺς ποιησαμένῳ τῆς πολιορκίας , ἐν αἷς ἤργουν οἱ πολιορκούμενοι ·
³⁹² and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested.	³⁹² But if you do observe the sabbath customs and do no action on that day, you will be taken as easily as were your ancestors by Pompey, who pressed his siege most busily on those very days when the besieged rested.
³⁹² For if you observe the customs of the Sabbath and refuse to take any action, you will be easily captured, just as your ancestors were by Pompey, who made those days the most active for his siege, while the besieged remained idle.

³⁹³ παραβαίνοντες δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν πάτριον νόμον οὐκ οἶδ’ ὑπὲρ ὅτου λοιπὸν ποιήσεσθε τὸν ἀγῶνα · σπουδὴ γὰρ ὑμῖν μία τὸ μὴ τῶν πατρίων τι καταλῦσαι .
³⁹³ But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers;	³⁹³ If in time of war you transgress your ancestral law I wonder why you go to war at all, if your concern is to protect your ancestral customs?
³⁹³ But if you violate the ancestral law in the war, I do not know what else you will be fighting for; for your one great concern is not to destroy any of your ancestral customs.

³⁹⁴ Πῶς δὲ ἐπικαλέσεσθε τὸ θεῖον πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οἱ παραβάντες ἑκουσίως τὴν εἰς αὐτὸ θεραπείαν ; ἐπαναιροῦνται δὲ ἕκαστοι πόλεμον ἢ θείᾳ πεποιθότες ἢ ἀνθρωπίνῃ βοηθείᾳ · ὅταν δὲ τὴν παρ’ ἀμφοῖν τὸ εἰκὸς ἀποκόπτῃ , φανερὰν ἅλωσιν οἱ πολεμοῦντες αἱροῦνται .
³⁹⁴ and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction.	³⁹⁴ How will you call upon the Deity to help you, while deliberately neglecting his worship? Everyone going to war does so depending on either divine or human help, but since your proposed war will deprive you of both those helps, those who are for war are evidently choosing destruction.
³⁹⁴ How will you call upon the Divine for defense if you have voluntarily violated the service due to Him? Everyone who undertakes war relies on either divine or human help; but when the probability of both is cut off, those who go to war choose manifest destruction.

³⁹⁵ Τί δὴ κωλύει ταῖς ἑαυτῶν χερσὶν διαχρήσασθαι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περικαλλεστάτην πατρίδα ταύτην καταφλέξαι ; μανέντες γὰρ οὕτως τό γε τῆς ἥττης ὄνειδος κερδήσετε .
³⁹⁵ What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten.	³⁹⁵ What is to stop you from killing your children and wives with your own hands and burning this splendid place of yours? For only by such a mad step will you escape the shame of being defeated.
³⁹⁵ What then prevents you from killing your children and wives with your own hands and burning this most beautiful fatherland? For by acting so madly, you would at least save yourselves the reproach of defeat.

³⁹⁶ καλόν , ὦ φίλοι , καλόν , ἕως ἔτι ἐν ὅρμῳ τὸ σκάφος προσκέπτεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα μηδ’ εἰς μέσας τὰς θυέλλας ἀπολουμένουςto destroy ἀναχθῆναι · τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀδήλων ἐπιπεσοῦσιν δεινοῖς τὸ γοῦν ἐλεεῖσθαι περίεστιν , ὁ δ’ εἰς πρόδηλον ἀπώλειαν ὁρμήσας καὶ προσονειδίζεται .
³⁹⁶ But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration].	³⁹⁶ But it would be best, my friends, it would be best, while the boat is still in the harbour, to foresee the impending gale and not sail out into the middle of the storm, to be lost. For if it is right to pity those who fall into great unforeseen troubles, any who rush to foreseeable ruin deserve only our contempt.
³⁹⁶ It is good, my friends, it is good, while the ship is still in the harbor, to foresee the coming storm, and not to set sail into the midst of the tempests to perish; for those who fall into unforeseen dangers at least have pity left to them, but he who rushes into manifest destruction is also reproached.

³⁹⁷ Πλὴν εἰ μή τις ὑπολαμβάνει κατὰ συνθήκας πολεμήσειν καὶ Ῥωμαίους κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν μετριάσειν , ἀλλ’ οὐκ εἰς ὑπόδειγμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καταφλέξειν μὲν τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν , ἀναιρήσειν δὲ πᾶν ὑμῶν τὸ φῦλον · οὐδὲ γὰρ περιλειφθέντες φυγῆς εὑρήσετε τόπον ἁπάντων ἐχόντων Ῥωμαίους δεσπότας ἢ δεδοικότων σχεῖν .
³⁹⁷ But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter.	³⁹⁷ "Can anyone imagine that you can enter into a war governed by treaty, or that when the Romans defeat you they will treat you with fairness? No indeed, but as an example to other nations they will burn your holy city and utterly destroy your nation. Those of you who survive the war will be unable to find a place to flee, since all people already serve the Romans or are afraid of doing so, later.
³⁹⁷ Unless, perhaps, someone supposes that you will wage war according to agreements, and that the Romans, when they have conquered you, will show moderation, and not burn the holy city and destroy your entire race as an example to other nations. For even if you survive, you will find no place for flight, since everyone either has the Romans as masters or fears to have them.

³⁹⁸ Ὁ δὲ κίνδυνος οὐ τῶν ἐνθάδε μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας κατοικούντων πόλεις · οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης δῆμος ὁ μὴ μοῖραν ἡμετέραν ἔχων .
³⁹⁸ Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them,	³⁹⁸ Indeed, the danger concerns not only the Jews here, but also those living in other cities. For there is no nation in the world which does not have some of our race.
³⁹⁸ And the danger is not only for those here, but also for those dwelling in other cities; for there is no people in the inhabited world who do not have a portion of our race.

³⁹⁹ Οὓς ἅπαντας πολεμησάντων ὑμῶν κατασφάξουσιν οἱ διάφοροι , καὶ δι’ ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν κακοβουλίαν πᾶσα πλησθήσεται πόλις ἸουδαικοῦJewish φόνου . Καὶ συγγνώμη μὲν τοῖς τοῦτο πράξασιν · ἂν δὲ μὴ πραχθῇ , λογίσασθε , πῶς πρὸς οὕτω φιλανθρώπους ὅπλα κινεῖν ἀνόσιον .
³⁹⁹ whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you.	³⁹⁹ Your enemies will kill all of them if you go to war; so that for the sake of a few men every city will be filled with slaughtered Jews. And whoever kills them will be pardoned. And if that did not take place, how wrong it would be to take arms against such humane opponents.
³⁹⁹ All of these will be slaughtered by their enemies if you go to war, and because of the bad counsel of a few men, every city will be filled with the blood of Jews. One might forgive those who do this; but if it does not happen, consider how unholy it is to take up arms against those who are so humane.

⁴⁰⁰ Εἰσελθέτω δ’ οἶκτος ὑμᾶς εἰ καὶ μὴ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν , ἀλλὰ τῆς γε μητροπόλεως ταύτης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν περιβόλων . φείσασθε τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἑαυτοῖς μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων τηρήσατε · ἀφέξονται γὰρ οὐκέτι Ῥωμαῖοι τούτων κρατήσαντες , ὧν φεισάμενοι πρότερον ἠχαρίστηνται .
⁴⁰⁰ Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited.	⁴⁰⁰ Have pity, therefore, not only on your children and wives, but on this your metropolis and its sacred walls. Spare for yourselves the temple and the sanctuary, with its holy furnishings. For if the Romans lay hands on them, they will not spare them, seeing that their fairness in the past was so ungratefully repaid.
⁴⁰⁰ Let pity enter your hearts, if not for your children and wives, then at least for this mother-city and the sacred enclosures. Spare the holy place and preserve the Temple for yourselves with its holy things; for the Romans, once they have conquered these, will no longer refrain from them, after their previous sparing of them has been met with ingratitude.

⁴⁰¹ Μαρτύρομαι δὲ ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια καὶ τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρίδα τὴν κοινήν , ὡς οὐδὲν τῶν σωτηρίων ὑμῖν καθυφηκάμην , ὑμεῖς δὲ βουλευσάμενοι μὲν τὰ δέοντα κοινὴν σὺν ἐμοὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἕξετε , προαχθέντες δὲ τοῖς θυμοῖς χωρὶς ἐμοῦ κινδυνεύσετε .»
⁴⁰¹ I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.”	⁴⁰¹ I call as witness your sanctuary and the holy angels of God and this country shared by us all, that I have held back nothing that can contribute to your safety. If you follow my advice as you should, you will enjoy the blessings of peace with me, but if you are driven by your passions, you will run those risks without me."
⁴⁰¹ I call to witness your holy things, and the holy angels of God, and our common fatherland, that I have withheld nothing that might save you; if you deliberate on what is necessary, you will have peace in common with me, but if you are led away by your rages, you will face danger without me.”

⁴⁰² Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἐπεδάκρυσέν τε μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ πολὺ τῆς ὁρμῆς αὐτῶν ἔπαυσεν τοῖς δακρύοις . Ἀνεβόων δὲ οὐ Ῥωμαίοις , ἀλλὰ ΦλώρῳFlorus δι’ ἃ πεπόνθασιν πολεμεῖν .
⁴⁰² When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means.	⁴⁰² When he said this both he and his sister wept and by their tears curbed much of the public violence, but still the people shouted that the war was not against the Romans, but against Florus, for what they had suffered under him.
⁴⁰² Having said these things, he wept along with his sister, and by his tears he stayed much of their impulse. But they cried out that they were not at war with the Romans, but with Florus because of what they had suffered.

⁴⁰³ Πρὸς τοῦτο βασιλεὺς Ἀγρίππας " ἀλλὰ τὰ ἔργα , ἔφη , Ῥωμαίοις ἤδη πολεμούντων ἐστίν · οὔτε γὰρ Καίσαρι δεδώκατε τὸν φόρον καὶ τὰς στοὰς ἀπεκόψατε τῆς Ἀντωνίας .
⁴⁰³ To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; “for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia.	⁴⁰³ To this king Agrippa replied that what they had done already looked like making war on the Romans. "For you have not paid the tax due to Caesar and have cut off the porticoes from the Antonia.
⁴⁰³ To this King Agrippa said: “But your deeds are already those of people at war with the Romans; for you have not given the tribute to Caesar, and you have cut off the porticoes of the Antonia.

⁴⁰⁴ Ἀποσκευάσαισθε δ’ ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως , εἰ ταύτας τε συνάψετε πάλιν καὶ τελέσετε τὴν εἰσφοράν · οὐ γὰρ δή γε ΦλώρουFlorus τὸ φρούριόν ἐστιν ἢ ΦλώρῳFlorus τὰ χρήματα δώσετε ."
⁴⁰⁴ You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.”	⁴⁰⁴ You can end the revolt by joining these again and paying your tax. Remember, the fortress does not belong to Florus, nor is it to Florus that your tax money will go."
⁴⁰⁴ You would put away the cause for revolt if you would join these again and pay the contribution; for the fortress does not belong to Florus, nor is it to Florus that you will give the money.”

Chapter 17
[vv. 405-456]
How the war began.
Masada and Jerusalem.
Eleazar's act of treachery

☜ ☞

⁴⁰⁵ Τούτοις ὁ δῆμος ἐπείθετο , καὶ μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῆς τε Βερνίκης ἀναβάντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κατήρξαντο τῆς τῶν στοῶν δομήσεως , εἰς δὲ τὰς κώμας οἵ τε ἄρχοντες καὶ βουλευταὶ μερισθέντες τοὺς φόρους συνέλεγον . Ταχέως δὲ τὰ τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα , τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἔλειπεν , ἠθροίσθη .
⁴⁰⁵ This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient.	⁴⁰⁵ The people took this advice and going up to the temple with the king and Berenice they began to rebuild the porticoes, and their officers and senators went out into the villages and soon collected the forty talents of taxes that were in arrears.
⁴⁰⁵ The people were persuaded by these words, and ascending into the Temple with the King and Berenice, they began the reconstruction of the porticoes; meanwhile, the magistrates and councilors distributed themselves among the villages and collected the tribute. Quickly, the forty talents—for that was the amount lacking—were gathered.

⁴⁰⁶ Καὶ τοῦ μὲν πολέμου τότε οὕτω τὴν ἀπειλὴν κατεῖχεν Ἀγρίππας , αὖθις δὲ ἐπειρᾶτο πείθειν τὸ πλῆθος ὑπακούειν ΦλώρῳFlorus , μέχρις ἀντ’ αὐτοῦ‎ πέμψει Καῖσαρ διάδοχον · πρὸς ὃ παροξυνθέντες ἐβλασφήμουν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτὸν ἐξεκήρυσσον , ἐτόλμων δέ τινες τῶν στασιαστῶν καὶ λίθους ἐπ’ αὐτὸν βάλλειν .
⁴⁰⁶ And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him.	⁴⁰⁶ So, for the moment, Agrippa averted the danger of war. Moreover, he tried to persuade the people to obey Florus, until Caesar should send his successor. This provoked them again and they cursed the king and banished him from the city, and some of the rebels even dared to throw stones at him.
⁴⁰⁶ In this way, King Agrippa II restrained the threat of war at that time. But afterward, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Gessius Florus until Caesar (Nero) should send a successor to replace him. Incensed at this, they heaped insults upon the King and formally banished him from the city; some of the insurgents even dared to throw stones at him.

⁴⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἰδὼν τὴν ὁρμὴν ἤδη τῶν νεωτεριζόντων ἀκατάσχετον καὶ χαλεπήνας ἐφ’ οἷς προπεπηλάκισται , τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας αὐτῶν ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἔπεμπε πρὸς ΦλῶρονFlorus εἰς Καισάρειαν , ἵν’ ἐκεῖνος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποδείξῃ τοὺς τὴν χώραν φορολογήσοντας , αὐτὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν .
⁴⁰⁷ So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Caesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom.	⁴⁰⁷ The king, seeing how he could not restrain the rebels from violence and very angry at the abuse he had received, sent the officers and notables to Florus in Caesarea, to have him appoint whoever he pleased to collect the taxes, while he returned to his own kingdom.
⁴⁰⁷ The King, seeing that the impulse of the revolutionaries was now uncontrollable and being angry at the outrages committed against him, sent their magistrates and the men of power to Gessius Florus at Caesarea, so that he might appoint from among them those who would collect the taxes for the country; he himself then withdrew to his own kingdom.

⁴⁰⁸ Κἀν τούτῳ τινὲς τῶν μάλιστα κινούντων τὸν πόλεμον συνελθόντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ φρούριόν τι καλούμενον ΜασάδανMasada , καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτὸ λάθρα τοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίων φρουροὺς ἀπέσφαξαν , ἑτέρους δ’ ἐγκατέστησαν ἰδίους .
⁴⁰⁸ And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it.	⁴⁰⁸ Some of the main promoters of the war attacked a fortress called Masada and took it by stealth, killing the Romans who were there and putting others of their own party to hold it.
⁴⁰⁸ Meanwhile, some of those most bent on instigating the war came together and made an assault on a fortress called Masada. Having taken it by stratagem, they slaughtered the Roman guards and installed a garrison of their own.

⁴⁰⁹ ἅμα δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν Ἐλεάζαρος Ναχώρης ἈνανίαAnanias τοῦ ἀρχιερέως , νεανίας θρασύτατος , στρατηγῶν τότε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν λατρείαν μελλούσης ἀναπείθει μηδενὸς ἀλλοτρίου δῶρον ἢ θυσίαν προσδέχεσθαι . Τοῦτο δ’ ἦν τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου καταβολή · τὴν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων θυσίαν Καίσαρος ἀπέρριψαν .
⁴⁰⁹ At the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account;	⁴⁰⁹ At the same time Eleazar, son of Ananias the high priest, a very brave youth who was then captain of the temple, persuaded those who officiated in the divine service to accept no gift or sacrifice from any foreigner. This was the true beginning of our war with the Romans, for they put an end to the sacrifice for them and for Caesar.
⁴⁰⁹ At the same time in the Temple, Eleazar son of Ananias (the High Priest), a very bold young man who was then the Temple Governor (strategos), persuaded those who officiated in the divine service to accept no gift or sacrifice from any foreigner. This was the true beginning of the war against the Romans, for they rejected the sacrifice offered on behalf of Caesar (Nero).

⁴¹⁰ Καὶ πολλὰ τῶν τε ἀρχιερέων καὶ τῶν γνωρίμων παρακαλούντων μὴ παραλιπεῖν τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἔθος οὐκ ἐνέδοσαν , πολὺ μὲν καὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ πλήθει πεποιθότες , καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἀκμαιότατον τῶν νεωτεριζόντων συνήργει , μάλιστα δ’ ἀφορῶντες εἰς τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον στρατηγοῦντα .
⁴¹⁰ and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.	⁴¹⁰ Even when the high priests and men of repute begged them not to omit the sacrifice which it was traditional to offer for their princes, they would not be persuaded, confident in their numbers, for they were supported by the rebel party and highly regarded Eleazar, captain of the temple.
⁴¹⁰ And though many of the high priests and notable men pleaded with them not to omit the customary sacrifice for their rulers, they did not yield—relying heavily on their own numbers (for the most vigorous of the revolutionaries supported them) and looking especially to Eleazar, the Governor.

⁴¹¹ Συνελθόντες γοῦν οἱ δυνατοὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων γνωρίμοις ὡς ἐπ’ ἀνηκέστοις ἤδη συμφοραῖς ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν ὅλων · καὶ δόξαν ἀποπειραθῆναι τῶν στασιαστῶν Λόγοις πρὸ τῆς χαλκῆς πύλης ἀθροίζουσι τὸν δῆμον , ἥτις ἦν τοῦ ἔνδον ἱεροῦ τετραμμένη πρὸς ἀνατολὰς ἡλίου .
⁴¹¹ Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was the gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked towards the sunrising.	⁴¹¹ At this, seeing everything at stake and that the disaster seemed irreparable, the influential people gathered with the high priests and the leading Pharisees and discussed what was to be done. They decided to try speaking with the rebels and assembled the people before the bronze gate of the inner temple, which faced eastward.
⁴¹¹ Therefore, the men of power, having met together with the high priests and the notable men of the Pharisees, deliberated on the entire situation as if facing incurable disasters. Deciding to try words with the insurgents, they gathered the people before the Bronze Gate, which was the entrance to the inner Temple facing the rising sun.

⁴¹² Καὶ πρῶτον αὐτῶν πολλὰ πρὸς τὴν τόλμαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως χαλεπήναντες καὶ τὸ τηλικοῦτον ἐπισείειν τῇ πατρίδι πόλεμον , ἔπειτα τὸ τῆς προφάσεως ἄλογον διήλεγχον , φάμενοι τοὺς μὲν προγόνους αὐτῶν κεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων τὸ πλέον ἀεὶ προσδεχομένους τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐθνῶν δωρεάς ,
⁴¹² And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations;	⁴¹² First they expressed their anger at this attempted revolt and for bringing such a war upon their country. Then they confuted its pretext as groundless and said that their ancestors had adorned their temple in great part with donations given by foreigners and had always accepted the offerings of foreign nations.
⁴¹² First, they expressed great indignation at the audacity of the revolt and at bringing such a massive war upon the fatherland. Then, they exposed the irrationality of the pretext, saying that their ancestors had adorned the sanctuary primarily by always accepting gifts from foreigners and the offerings of outside nations.

⁴¹³ Καὶ οὐ μόνον οὐ διακεκωλυκέναι θυσίας τινῶν , τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἀσεβέστατον , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ βλεπόμενα καὶ τὰ παραμένοντα τοσοῦτον χρόνον ἀναθήματα περὶ τῷ ἱερῷ καθιδρυκέναι .
⁴¹³ and that they had been so far from rejecting any person’s sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety), that they had themselves placed those donations about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time;	⁴¹³ So far were they from rejecting anyone’s sacrifice, which would be the height of impiety, they had themselves set around the temple those dedications which were still visible and had been there so long a time.
⁴¹³ They argued that not only had the ancestors never forbidden anyone’s sacrifices—which would be most impious—but they had also set up throughout the Temple the votive offerings that were still visible and had remained there for so long.

⁴¹⁴ Αὐτοὺς δὲ νῦν ἐρεθίζοντας τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα καὶ μνηστευομένους τὸν ἀπ’ ἐκείνων πόλεμον καινοτομεῖν θρησκείαν ξένην καὶ μετὰ τοῦ κινδύνου καταψηφίσασθαι τῆς πόλεως ἀσέβειαν , εἰ παρὰ μόνοις Ἰουδαίοις οὔτε θύσει τις ἀλλότριος οὔτε προσκυνήσει .
⁴¹⁴ that they did now irritate the Romans to take up arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein.	⁴¹⁴ Now they were provoking the Romans to take arms and courting war with them by bringing up novel rules for worship. They risked having their city condemned for impiety, by not allowing any foreigner, but Jews alone, to sacrifice or to worship in it.
⁴¹⁴ But now, they [the rebels] were provoking the Roman arms and courting a war with them by introducing a strange innovation in religion; and in addition to the danger, they were condemning the city for impiety, if among the Jews alone no foreigner were permitted to sacrifice or worship.

⁴¹⁵ Κἂν μὲν ἐπὶ ἰδιώτου τις ἑνὸς τοῦτον εἰσφέρῃ τὸν νόμον , ἀγανακτεῖν ὡς ὁριζομένης ἀπανθρωπίας , περιορᾶν δ’ ὅτε Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔκσπονδος γίνεται .
⁴¹⁵ And if such a law should ever be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbade even their oblations to be received also;	⁴¹⁵ If such a law were applied to a private citizen, he would spurn it as an unfair discrimination against him, but they think nothing of excluding the Romans or even Caesar himself.
⁴¹⁵ If such a law were introduced against even a single private individual, they would be indignant at the defined inhumanity; yet they stood by while the Romans and Caesar were placed under an interdict.

⁴¹⁶ Δεδοικέναι μέντοι , μὴ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ἀπορρίψαντες θυσίας κωλυθῶσι θύειν καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν γένηταί τε ἔκσπονδος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἡ πόλις , εἰ μὴ ταχέως σωφρονήσαντες ἀποδώσουσιν τὰς θυσίας καὶ πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν ἐφ’ οὓς ὑβρίκασιν τὴν φήμην διορθώσονται τὴν ὕβριν .
⁴¹⁶ that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they have offered to foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured.	⁴¹⁶ The danger was that, by so rejecting sacrifices from them, they would not be allowed to offer their own, and that this city would be excluded, unless they quickly grow wiser and restore the sacrifices as before and make good the insult before it was reported to those so insulted.
⁴¹⁶ Furthermore, they feared that by rejecting the sacrifices for the Romans, they might be forbidden to sacrifice even for themselves, and that the city would be placed outside the protection of the Empire, unless they quickly recovered their senses, restored the sacrifices, and corrected the insult before the news reached those they had offended.

⁴¹⁷ Ἅμα ταῦτα λέγοντες παρῆγον τοὺς ἐμπείρους τῶν πατρίων ἱερεῖς ἀφηγουμένους , ὅτι πάντες οἱ πρόγονοι τὰς παρὰ τῶν ἀλλογενῶν θυσίας ἀπεδέχοντο . Προσεῖχεν δὲ οὐδεὶς τῶν νεωτεριζόντων , ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ προσίεσαν οἱ λῃστρικοὶ καὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου καταβολὴν ἐνσκευαζόμενοι .
⁴¹⁷ And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war.	⁴¹⁷ To support their words, they produced priests skilled in the customs of their country, who reported that their ancestors had all accepted sacrifices from foreigners. But none of the innovators would heed what was said, and the liturgical ministers neglected their duties and thereby abetted the outbreak of war.
⁴¹⁷ While saying these things, they brought forward the priests most experienced in ancestral customs, who related that all their forefathers had accepted sacrifices from foreigners. But none of the revolutionaries paid any attention, nor did the “brigand” faction—those who were orchestrating the start of the war—even approach them.

⁴¹⁸ Συνιδόντες οὖν οἱ δυνατοὶ τήν τε στάσιν ἤδη δυσκαθαίρετον ὑπ’ αὐτῶν οὖσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων κίνδυνον ἐπὶ πρώτους αὐτοὺς ἀφιξόμενον ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας , καὶ πρέσβεις οὓς μὲν πρὸς ΦλῶρονFlorus ἔπεμπον , ὧν ἦρχεν Ναχώρης ἈνανίουAnanias Σίμων , οὓς δὲ πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν , ἐν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπίσημοι ΣαῦλόςSaul τε καὶ Ἀντίπας καὶ ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus προσήκοντες τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ γένος .
⁴¹⁸ So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king’s kindred;	⁴¹⁸ Realising that they could not contain the revolt and that the danger from the Romans would affect them before all others, the influential people tried to save themselves by sending envoys, some to Florus, in particular Simon the son of Ananias, and others to Agrippa, among whom were Saul and Antipas and Costobarus, from among the king's relatives.
⁴¹⁸ The men of power, seeing that the sedition was now difficult for them to suppress and that the danger from Rome would reach them first, sought to clear themselves of blame. They sent ambassadors: some to Gessius Florus, led by Simon son of Ananias; others to King Agrippa II, among whom were the distinguished Saul, Antipas, and Costobarus, who were related to the King by birth.

⁴¹⁹ Ἐδέοντο δὲ ἀμφοτέρων ἀναβῆναι μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ πρὶν γενέσθαι δυσκαθαίρετον ἐπικόψαι τὴν στάσιν .
⁴¹⁹ and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the sedition before it should be too hard to be subdued.	⁴¹⁹ They requested both of them to come with an army to the city and put a stop to the rebellion before it became too hard to subdue.
⁴¹⁹ They begged both to come up to the city with an armed force and to strike down the sedition before it became impossible to suppress.

⁴²⁰ ΦλώρῳFlorus μὲν οὖν δεινὸν εὐαγγέλιον ἦν , καὶ προῃρημένος ἐξάπτειν τὸν πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ·
⁴²⁰ Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all.	⁴²⁰ This message was good news to Florus, and wanting to fan the flames of war he gave no answer at all to the envoys.
⁴²⁰ To Gessius Florus, this was “terrible good news” (deinon euangelion); having already resolved to kindle the war, he gave no answer to the ambassadors.

⁴²¹ Ἀγρίππας δὲ κηδόμενος ἐπίσης τῶν τε ἀφισταμένων καὶ πρὸς οὓς ὁ πόλεμος ἠγείρετο , βουλόμενός τε Ῥωμαίοις μὲν Ἰουδαίους σώζεσθαι , Ἰουδαίοις δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν μητρόπολιν , ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ἑαυτῷ λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ταραχὴν ἐπιστάμενος , ἔπεμπεν τοὺς ἐπαμυνοῦντας τῷ δήμῳ δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς , Αὐρανίτας τε καὶ Βαταναίους καὶ Τραχωνίτας , ὑπὸ Δαρείῳ μὲν ἱππάρχῃ , στρατηγῷ δὲ τῷ Ἰακίμου Φιλίππῳ .
⁴²¹ But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.	⁴²¹ Agrippa grieved both for the rebellious people and for those against whom they were going to war, as he wished to keep the Jews under Roman rule and preserve the temple and metropolis for the Jews. He knew that it would not be good for him if the disturbances went any further, so from Auranitis and Batanea and Trachonitis he sent three thousand cavalry to the help of the citizens, under Darius, the master of his cavalry and with Philip, son of Jacimus, as general.
⁴²¹ But King Agrippa II, caring equally for those revolting and those against whom the war was being raised, and wishing for the Jews to be saved for the Romans, and the Temple and the metropolis for the Jews—and knowing that the turmoil would not benefit himself—sent two thousand cavalry to aid the people. These were Auranites, Bataneans, and Trachonites, under the command of Darius (the Master of the Horse) and Philip son of Jacimus (the General).

⁴²² Τούτοις θαρσήσαντες οἱ δυνατοὶ σὺν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ πᾶν ὅσον τοῦ πλήθους εἰρήνην ἠγάπα τὴν ἄνω καταλαμβάνονται πόλιν · τῆς κάτω γὰρ τὸ στασιάζον ἐκράτει καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ .
⁴²² Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion]; for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power;	⁴²² Encouraged by this, the influential people, the high priests, and all the people who wanted peace, seized the upper city, for the rebel party held the lower city and the temple.
⁴²² Encouraged by these reinforcements, the men of power, along with the high priests and all the common people who loved peace, seized the Upper City; for the rebel faction held the Lower City and the Temple.

⁴²³ Χερμάσιν μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς ἑκηβόλοις ἀδιαλείπτως ἐχρῶντο , καὶ συνεχεῖς ἦσαν βελῶν ἀφέσεις ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν κλιμάτων · ἔστιν δ’ ὅτε καὶ κατὰ λόχους ἐκτρέχοντες συστάδην ἐμάχοντο , τόλμαις μὲν οἱ στασιασταὶ προέχοντες , ἐμπειρίᾳ δὲ οἱ βασιλικοί .
⁴²³ so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts continually on both sides; and sometimes it happened that they made incursions by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness, but the king’s soldiers in skill.	⁴²³ They were always using stones and slings against each other and rained spears from both sides, and at times they attacked by troops and fought hand to hand, the rebels proving more daring, but the king's soldiers more skilled.
⁴²³ They used slings and missiles incessantly, and there were constant discharges of arrows from both sides. Occasionally, they made sorties in companies and fought hand-to-hand—the insurgents excelling in daring, and the King’s troops in military skill.

⁴²⁴ Καὶ τούτοις μὲν ἦν ἀγὼν τοῦ ἱεροῦ κρατῆσαι μάλιστα καὶ τοὺς μιαίνοντας τὸν ναὸν ἐξελάσαι , τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον στασιασταῖς πρὸς οἷς ἔσχον καὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν προσλαβεῖν . Ἑπτὰ μὲν οὖν ἡμέραις συχνὸς ἀμφοτέρων φωραθέντων ἐγίνετο , καὶ οὐδέτεροι τοῦ καταληφθέντος μέρους εἶκον .
⁴²⁴ These last strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar (besides what they had already) labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days’ time; but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized upon.	⁴²⁴ The latter mainly aimed to take the temple and expel those who profaned it, while Eleazar and the rebels tried to take the upper city along with what they already held. For seven whole days there was slaughter on both sides, but neither side would yield up the areas they had seized.
⁴²⁴ The goal of the King’s troops was primarily to gain control of the Temple and drive out those polluting the sanctuary; for Eleazar and the insurgents, the goal was to capture the Upper City in addition to what they already held. For seven days, there was a great slaughter of both sides, and neither yielded their captured section.

⁴²⁵ Τῇ δ’ ἑξῆς τῆς τῶν ξυλοφορίων ἑορτῆς οὔσης , ἐν ᾗ πᾶσιν ἔθος ἦν ὕλην τῷ βωμῷ προσφέρειν , ὅπως μήποτε τροφὴ τῷ πυρὶ λείποι , διαμένει γὰρ ἄσβεστον ἀεί , τοὺς μὲν διαφόρους τῆς θρησκείας ἐξέκλεισαν , τῷ δ’ ἀσθενεῖ λαῷ συνεισρυέντας πολλοὺς τῶν σικαρίων , οὕτως γὰρ ἐκάλουν τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔχοντας ὑπὸ τοῖς κόλποις ξίφη , προσλαβόντες θαρραλεώτερον ἥπτοντο τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως .
⁴²⁵ Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning). Upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people (that was the name for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae), they grew bolder, and carried their undertaking further;	⁴²⁵ The eighth day was the festival of Wood-carrying, when by custom everyone brought wood for the altar so that fuel might never be lacking to keep alight the eternal flame. That day they barred the opposing party from the ceremony, and then, emboldened by being joined by some weakminded people and of the so-called Sicarii , brigands who carried a dagger in their bosoms, they carried their aggression further.
⁴²⁵ On the following day, it being the Festival of Wood-Carrying (on which it was the custom for all to bring wood for the altar so that fuel for the fire might never fail, for it remains unquenched forever), they [the rebels] excluded their opponents from the religious service. But many of the Sicarii (for so they called the brigands who carried daggers under their garments) slipped in with the weaker folk and, having gained reinforcements, they attacked the enterprise more boldly.

⁴²⁶ Ἡττῶντο δ’ οἱ βασιλικοὶ πλήθει τε καὶ τόλμῃ , καὶ βιασαμένοις εἶκον ἐκ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως . Οἱ δὲ ἐπιπεσόντες τήν τε ἈνανίουAnanias τοῦ ἀρχιερέως οἰκίαν καὶ τὰ Ἀγρίππα καὶ Βερνίκης ὑποπιμπρᾶσιν βασίλεια ·
⁴²⁶ insomuch that the king’s soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice;	⁴²⁶ The king's men, overpowered by their numbers and audacity, gave way and were forced from the upper city. The others then set on fire the house of Ananias the high priest and the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice.
⁴²⁶ The King’s troops were overcome by numbers and daring, and yielding to the pressure, they were driven out of the Upper City. The rebels then rushed in and set fire to the house of Ananias the High Priest and the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice.

⁴²⁷ Μεθ’ ἃ τὸ πῦρ ἐπὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα ἔφερον ἀφανίσαι σπεύδοντες τὰ συμβόλαια τῶν δεδανεικότων καὶ τὰς εἰσπράξεις ἀποκόψαι τῶν χρεῶν , ὅπως αὐτοί τε πλῆθος προσλάβωσιν τῶν ὠφεληθέντων καὶ μετ’ ἀδείας τοῖς εὐπόροις ἐπαναστήσωσι τοὺς ἀπόρους . Φυγόντων δὲ τῶν πρὸς τῷ γραμματοφυλακείῳ τὸ πῦρ ἐνίεσαν .
⁴²⁷ after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them.	⁴²⁷ After this they brought fire to where the archives were kept, intending to burn the money-lenders contracts and by cancelling the debts, to win over many who had been debtors and persuade the poorer folk to safely join in their revolt against the wealthier. They set fire to the building as soon as the record-keepers had fled.
⁴²⁷ After this, they carried the fire to the public archives, hurrying to destroy the moneylenders’ contracts and to cut off the recovery of debts, so that they might gain the support of the multitude of debtors and incite the poor against the wealthy with impunity. The keepers of the record office having fled, they set fire to the building.

⁴²⁸ Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ νεῦρα τῆς πόλεως καταφλέξαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐχώρουν , ἔνθα δὴ τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων οἱ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ὑπονόμους καταγγέλλοντες διελάνθανον ,
⁴²⁸ And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves,	⁴²⁸ When they had thus burned down the nerves of the city, they attacked the enemy. At that point the influential people and high priests escaped, some of them hid in the underground vaults.
⁴²⁸ After they had burned the “sinews of the city,” they advanced against their enemies. There, some of the men of power and the high priests hid themselves in sewers and escaped notice.

⁴²⁹ οἱ δὲ σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς εἰς τὴν ἀνωτέρω καταφυγόντες αὐλὴν ταχέως ἀπέκλεισαν τὰς θύρας , σὺν οἷς Ἀνανίας ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἐζεκίας τε ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ οἱ πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς Ἀγρίππαν ἦσαν . Τότε μὲν οὖν τῇ νίκῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐμπρησθεῖσιν ἀρκεσθέντες ἀνεπαύσαντο .
⁴²⁹ while others fled with the king’s soldiers to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further.	⁴²⁹ Others fled with the king's troops to the upper palace and shut the gates behind them, among them Ananias the high priest and the envoys who had been sent to Agrippa. The rebels, contented with their victory and the buildings they had burned down, called a halt.
⁴²⁹ Others, along with the King’s troops, fled to the Upper Palace and quickly barred the gates. Among these were Ananias the High Priest, his brother Hezekiah, and the ambassadors who had gone to Agrippa. For then, being satisfied with their victory and the buildings they had burned, the rebels rested.

⁴³⁰ Τῇ δ’ ἑξῆς , πεντεκαιδεκάτη δ’ ἦν ΛώουLōos μηνός , ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀντωνίαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς δυσὶν ἡμέραις πολιορκήσαντες αὐτούς τε εἷλον καὶ κατέσφαξαν καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἐνέπρησαν .
⁴³⁰ But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire;	⁴³⁰ Next day, the fifteenth of the month Lous, they attacked the Antonia and after besieging its garrison for two days they captured and killed the guards and set the fort on fire.
⁴³⁰ On the next day, which was the 15th of the month of Lous (August), they made an assault on the Antonia Fortress. After besieging the garrison there for two days, they captured them, slaughtered them, and set the fortress on fire.

⁴³¹ Ἔπειτα μετέβαινον εἰς τὴν αὐλήν , εἰς ἣν οἱ βασιλικοὶ κατέφυγον , καὶ Διανείμαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τέσσαρα μέρη τῶν τειχῶν ἐπειρῶντο . Τῶν δ’ ἔνδον πρὸς ἐκδρομὴν μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐφεστώτων , διιστάμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ θωράκια καὶ τοὺς πύργους ἔβαλλον τοὺς προσιόντας , καὶ συχνοὶ τῶν λῃστῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἔπιπτον .
⁴³¹ after which they marched to the palace, whither the king’s soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breastworks and turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls;	⁴³¹ Then they marched on the palace, where the king's men had fled and divided into four groups to attack its walls. As the attackers were so many, none of the people inside dared to sally out, but they hid behind the battlements and turrets and shot at the besiegers, felling many of the brigands underneath the ramparts.
⁴³¹ Then they moved to the [Royal] Palace where the King’s troops had fled; they divided themselves into four parts and attempted to scale the walls. None of those inside dared to make a sortie because of the multitude of the attackers, but standing on the breastworks and the towers, they pelted those who approached, and many of the “brigands” fell beneath the walls.

⁴³² Οὔτε δὲ νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρας διέλειπεν ἡ συμβολὴ τῶν μὲν στασιαστῶν ἀπαγορεύσειν τοὺς ἔνδον οἰομένων ἐνδείᾳ τροφῆς τροφῆς τροφῆς , τῶν δ’ ἔνδοθεν καμάτῳ τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας .
⁴³² nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day, while the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food, and those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the siege.	⁴³² They did not cease the fight by night or day, since the rebels expected the defenders to weaken for lack of food and these expected the others to do likewise, from the tedium of the siege.
⁴³² Neither by night nor by day did the engagement cease; the insurgents thought the defenders would give in through lack of food, while the defenders thought the besiegers would give in through exhaustion.

⁴³³ Κἀν τούτῳ Μανάημός τις , Ναχώρης Ἰούδα τοῦ καλουμένου ΓαλιλαίουGalilee , σοφιστὴς δεινότατος , ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ ΚυρινίουCyrenius, Quirinius ποτὲ Ἰουδαίους ὀνειδίσας ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις ὑπετάσσοντο μετὰ τὸν θεόν , ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ΜασάδανMasada ,
⁴³³ In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada,	⁴³³ Meanwhile a certain Manahem, son of Judas surnamed the Galilean, a shrewd debater who had formerly, under Quirinius, taunted the Jews that under God they were subject to the Romans, retreated to Masada with his company.
⁴³³ Meanwhile, a certain Menahem son of Judas of Galilee—a very clever sophist who, in the time of Quirinius, had once reproached the Jews for being subject to the Romans after God—took his notable followers and withdrew to Masada.

⁴³⁴ ἔνθα τὴν Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ὁπλοθήκην ἀναρρήξας καὶ πρὸς τοῖς δημόταις ἑτέρους λῃστὰς καθοπλίσας τούτοις τε χρώμενος δορυφόροις , οἷα δὴ βασιλεὺς ἐπάνεισιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ γενόμενος ἡγεμὼν τῆς στάσεως διέτασσεν τὴν πολιορκίαν .
⁴³⁴ where he broke open king Herod’s armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege;	⁴³⁴ There he broke open king Herod's armoury and gave out arms not only to his own people, but to other bandits. With these as his bodyguard he returned to Jerusalem in royal state to become leader of the revolt, and ordered the siege to continue.
⁴³⁴ There, he broke open the armory of King Herod the Great and, having armed other brigands in addition to his fellow townsmen, he used them as bodyguards and returned to Jerusalem like a king. Becoming the leader of the sedition, he took charge of the siege.

⁴³⁵ Ἀπορία δ’ ἦν ὀργάνων , καὶ φανερῶς ὑπορύττειν τὸ τεῖχος οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν ἄνωθεν βαλλομένους · ὑπόνομον δὴ πόρρωθεν ἐφ’ ἕνα τῶν πύργων ὑπορύξαντες ἀνεκρήμνισαν αὐτόν , ἔπειτα τὴν ἀνέχουσαν ὕλην ἐμπρήσαντες ἐξῆλθον .
⁴³⁵ but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and left it;	⁴³⁵ But they lacked the tools and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because of the missiles coming from above. Still, from a long distance they dug a mine under one of the towers and made it totter, and then lit combustible materials under it and retired.
⁴³⁵ There was a lack of siege engines, and it was impossible to openly undermine the wall while being pelted from above; therefore, they dug a mine from a distance toward one of the towers and shored it up. Then, they set fire to the supporting timbers and withdrew.

⁴³⁶ Ὑποκαέντων δὲ τῶν στηριγμάτων ὁ μὲν πύργος ἐξαίφνης κατασείεται , τεῖχος δ’ ἕτερον ἔνδοθεν ἀνῳκοδομημένον διεφάνη · τὴν γὰρ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῶν προαισθόμενοι , τάχα καὶ τοῦ πύργου κινηθέντος ὡς ὑπωρύττετο , δεύτερον ἑαυτοῖς ἔρυμα κατεσκεύασαν .
⁴³⁶ and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they provided themselves of another fortification;	⁴³⁶ Once the foundations below were burned, the tower suddenly fell down. They then encountered another wall that had been built inside, for the besieged knew in advance what was afoot, and probably the tower shook as it was being undermined, so they had provided themselves with another line of defence.
⁴³⁶ When the supports were burned away, the tower suddenly collapsed, but another wall appeared that had been built inside. For the defenders, perceiving their plan—perhaps when the tower shook as it was being undermined—had constructed a second fortification for themselves.

⁴³⁷ Πρὸς ὃ τῶν ἀδοκήτως ἰδόντων καὶ κρατεῖν ἤδη πεπεισμένων κατάπληξις ἦν . Οἱ δὲ ἔνδοθεν πρός τε τὸν Μανάημον καὶ τοὺς ἐξάρχοντας τῆς στάσεως ἔπεμπον ἀξιοῦντες ἐξελθεῖν ὑπόσπονδοι , καὶ δοθὲν μόνοις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις οἱ μὲν ἐξῄεσαν .
⁴³⁷ which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king’s soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly;	⁴³⁷ When the besiegers now saw this, after thinking they had already captured the place, they panicked, but those inside sent to Manahem and the other rebel leaders offering a surrender. This was granted only to the king's troops and their fellow nationals, who accordingly left.
⁴³⁷ Consternation seized those who saw this unexpectedly, as they had believed they were already victorious. However, the defenders sent to Menahem and the leaders of the sedition, asking to leave under a truce. This was granted only to the King’s troops and the natives of the city, who then departed.

⁴³⁸ Ἀθυμία δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καταλειφθέντας μόνους ὑπέλαβεν · οὔτε γὰρ βιάσασθαι τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἐδύναντο καὶ τὸ δεξιὰς αἰτεῖν ὄνειδος ὑπελάμβανον , πρὸς τῷ μηδὲ πιστεύειν εἰ διδοῖτο .
⁴³⁸ but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not depend upon it;	⁴³⁸ The Romans who were left behind were at a loss, unable to force their way through such a crowd and unwilling to parley with them for their lives, as they thought this would shame them, and even if a pledge were given, they dared not depend upon it.
⁴³⁸ Despair seized the Romans who were left alone; for they were neither able to force their way through such a multitude nor did they consider it honorable to ask for a pledge (truce), especially since they could not trust it even if it were given.

⁴³⁹ καταλιπόντες δὴ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὡς εὐάλωτον ἐπὶ τοὺς βασιλικοὺς ἀνέφυγον πύργους , τόν τε Ἱππικὸν καλούμενον καὶ Φασάηλον καὶ Μαριάμμην .
⁴³⁹ so they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers,—that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne.	⁴³⁹ So they abandoned their position as indefensible and retreated to the royal towers called Hippicus, Phasael and Mariamne.
⁴³⁹ Abandoning their camp as being easy to capture, they fled to the royal towers: the one called Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne.

⁴⁴⁰ Οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Μανάημον εἰσπεσόντες ὅθεν οἱ στρατιῶται διέφυγον ὅσους τε αὐτῶν κατελάμβανον μὴ φθάσαντας ἐκδραμεῖν διέφθειραν , καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν τὸ στρατόπεδον . Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἕκτῃ ΓορπιαίουGorpieus μηνὸς ἐπράχθη .
⁴⁴⁰ But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].	⁴⁴⁰ Manahem and his party attacked the place as the soldiers fled, killing as many as they could catch before they reached the towers, then they plundered what they had left behind and burned their camp. This took place on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus.
⁴⁴⁰ Menahem and his followers, rushing into the place from which the soldiers had fled, destroyed as many of them as they caught before they could escape, and having plundered their baggage, they set fire to the camp. These things were done on the 6th of the month of Gorpiaeus (September).

⁴⁴¹ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσανthe next day ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς Ἀνανίας περὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς εὔριπον διαλανθάνων ἁλίσκεται καὶ πρὸς τῶν λῃστῶν ἀναιρεῖται σὺν Ἐζεκίᾳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ , καὶ τοὺς πύργους περισχόντες οἱ στασιασταὶ παρεφύλαττον , μή τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν διαφύγοι .
⁴⁴¹ But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest anyone of the soldiers should escape.	⁴⁴¹ Next day the high priest was caught where he was hiding in an aqueduct, and he and Hezekiah his brother were killed by the brigands. Then the rebels besieged the towers and kept them guarded so none of the soldiers could escape.
⁴⁴¹ On the following day, the High Priest Ananias was caught while hiding near the canal of the royal palace and was killed by the brigands, along with his brother Hezekiah. The insurgents then surrounded the towers and kept guard lest any of the [Roman] soldiers should escape.

⁴⁴² Τὸν δὲ Μανάημον ἥ τε τῶν ὀχυρῶν καταστροφὴ χωρίων καὶ ὁ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἈνανίουAnanias θάνατος ἐτύφωσεν εἰς ὠμότητα καὶ μηδένα νομίζων ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀντίπαλον ἀφόρητος ἦν τύραννος .
⁴⁴² Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant;	⁴⁴² The destruction of the strongholds and the death of the high priest Ananias so elated Manahem that he became fiercely harsh, and seeing no one with whom he had to share power, he became an intolerable tyrant.
⁴⁴² The destruction of these fortified places and the death of the High Priest Ananias filled Menahem with such pride that he became a cruel tyrant; believing he had no rival for power, he became an unbearable ruler.

⁴⁴³ Ἐπανίστανται δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον αὐτῷ , καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις δόντες , ὡς οὐ χρὴ Ῥωμαίων ἀποστάντας δι’ ἐλευθερίας πόθον καταπροέσθαι ταύτην οἰκείῳ δήμῳ καὶ δεσπότην φέρειν , εἰ καὶ μηδὲν πράττοι βίαιον , ἀλλ’ οὖν ἑαυτῶν ταπεινότερον · εἰ γὰρ καὶ δέοι τινὰ τῶν ὅλων ἀφηγεῖσθαι , παντὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν , συντίθενται καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ ·
⁴⁴³ but Eleazar and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set someone over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to anyone rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple;	⁴⁴³ Eleazar's group, however, objected that for men who had rebelled against the Romans to win their liberty, it was not right to hand over that liberty to one of their own people and to take as their master one who, even if he did no violence, was lower than themselves, and if they had to have someone govern their affairs, they should give that privilege to anyone else rather than to him. So they planned to attack him in the temple.
⁴⁴³ But Eleazar son of Ananias and his followers rose against him. They argued among themselves that they should not have revolted against the Romans for the sake of liberty only to surrender that liberty to a member of their own people and endure a master who, even if he did nothing violent, was still inferior to themselves. They agreed that if anyone were to lead the whole cause, it should be anyone rather than him; so they conspired and attacked him in the Temple.

⁴⁴⁴ σοβαρὸς γὰρ ἀναβεβήκει προσκυνήσων ἐσθῆτί τε βασιλικῇ κεκοσμημένος καὶ τοὺς ζηλωτὰς ἐνόπλους ἐφελκόμενος .
⁴⁴⁴ for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor.	⁴⁴⁴ He went up there to worship in fine style, adorned with royal robes, with his Zealots fully armed.
⁴⁴⁴ For he [Menahem] had gone up in a pompous manner to worship, adorned in royal robes and attended by a train of armed Zealots.

⁴⁴⁵ ὡς δ’ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν , ὅ τε λοιπὸς δῆμος ἐπὶ τὰς ὀργὰς λίθους ἁρπάσαντες τὸν σοφιστὴν ἔβαλλον , οἰόμενοι τούτου καταλυθέντος διατρέψειν ὅλην τὴν στάσιν ,
⁴⁴⁵ But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground.	⁴⁴⁵ But Eleazar's group rushed at him and the rest of the people took up stones and threw them at the charlatan, thinking that with his fall the entire rebellion would collapse.
⁴⁴⁵ When Eleazar and his men rushed at him, the rest of the common people took up stones in their anger and threw them at the “sophist,” believing that if he were overthrown, the entire sedition would be quelled.

⁴⁴⁶ πρὸς ὀλίγον οἱ περὶ τὸν Μανάημον ἀντισχόντες ὡς εἶδον πᾶν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλῆθος ὁρμῆσαν , ἔφυγον ὅπη τις ἴσχυσεν , καὶ φωραθέντων μὲν ἦν τῶν καταληφθέντων , ἔρευνα δὲ τῶν ἀποκρυπτομένων .
⁴⁴⁶ Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for.	⁴⁴⁶ Manahem and his party resisted for a while, but when they saw the whole crowd attacking them, they fled however they could. Those who were caught were killed and those who hid themselves were hunted.
⁴⁴⁶ Menahem and his followers resisted for a short time, but when they saw the whole multitude rushing at them, they fled wherever they could; a slaughter ensued of those who were caught, and a search was made for those in hiding.

⁴⁴⁷ Καὶ διεσώθησαν ὀλίγοι λάθρα διαδράντες εἰς ΜασάδανMasada , σὺν οἷς Ἐλεάζαρος Ναχώρης Ἰαείρου , προσήκων τῷ Μαναήμῳ κατὰ γένος , ὃς ὕστερον ἐτυράννησεν τῆς ΜασάδαςMasada .
⁴⁴⁷ A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jarius, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward.	⁴⁴⁷ A few of them secretly escaped to Masada, among them Eleazar, son of Jairus, a relative of Manahem, who later played the tyrant in Masada.
⁴⁴⁷ A few managed to escape secretly to Masada, among whom was Eleazar son of Jairus, a kinsman of Menahem, who later became the tyrant of Masada.

⁴⁴⁸ Αὐτόν τε τὸν Μανάημον εἰς τὸν καλούμενον ὈφλᾶνOphla συμφυγόντα κἀκεῖ ταπεινῶς ὑπολανθάνοντα ζωγρήσαντες εἰς τὸ φανερὸν ἐξείλκυσαν καὶ πολλαῖς αἰκισάμενοι βασάνοις ἀνεῖλον , ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνας τόν τε ἐπισημότατον τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπηρέτην ἈψάλωμονAbsalom .
⁴⁴⁸ As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.	⁴⁴⁸ Manahem himself went into hiding in a place called Ophla, but they took him alive, brought him out in public and subjected him to many tortures and finally killed him, as well as the captains under him, including Apsalom, his main lieutenant in the tyranny.
⁴⁴⁸ As for Menahem himself, he fled to the place called Ophla (the Ophel) and lay hiding there in a lowly state; but he was caught, dragged out into the open, and after being tortured with many indignities, was put to death. His lieutenants, including Absalom, the most prominent servant of his tyranny, were executed in the same way.

⁴⁴⁹ Ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος , ὡς ἔφην , εἰς ταῦτα συνήργησεν ἐλπίζων τινὰ τῆς ὅλης στάσεως διόρθωσιν · οἱ δ’ οὐ καταλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον σπεύδοντες , ἀλλ’ ἀδεέστερον πολεμεῖν Μανάημον ἀνῃρήκεσαν .
⁴⁴⁹ 1And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they hoped this might afford some amendments to the seditious practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem.	⁴⁴⁹ As I said, the people went along with this, hoping it might bring some sense to the whole revolt, but the others were in no hurry end the war; they just hoped to continue it with less danger, now they had removed Manahem.
⁴⁴⁹ The common people, as I said, assisted in this, hoping for some correction of the whole sedition; but the others [Eleazar’s faction] had not killed Menahem to end the war, but so that they might conduct the war with more freedom.

⁴⁵⁰ Ἀμέλει πολλὰ τοῦ δήμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνεῖναι τὴν πολιορκίαν παρακαλοῦντος , οἱ δὲ προσέκειντο χαλεπώτερον , μέχρι μηκέτι ἀντέχοντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Μετίλιον , οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔπαρχος , διαπέμπονται πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον ἐξαιτούμενοι μόνας τὰς ψυχὰς ὑποσπόνδους , τὰ δ’ ὅπλα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν κτῆσιν παραδώσειν λέγοντες .
⁴⁵⁰ It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them.	⁴⁵⁰ The truth is, when the people begged them to stop besieging the soldiers, they pursued it more vigorously until the Roman general, Metilius, unable to resist any further, sent to Eleazar offering to hand over their weapons and whatever else they had in return for his assurance just to spare their lives.
⁴⁵⁰ Indeed, though the people pleaded with the soldiers to give up the siege, they [the rebels] pressed on more severely until Metilius (the Roman commander), unable to hold out any longer, sent to Eleazar asking only for their lives to be spared under a truce, promising to surrender their arms and all other property.

⁴⁵¹ Οἱ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἁρπάσαντες ἀνέπεμψαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ΓωρίονάGorion τε Νικομήδους υἱὸν καὶ Ἀνανίαν ΣαδούκιSadduk καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰωνάθου δεξιάν τε καὶ ὅρκους δώσοντας . Ὧν γενομένων κατῆγενto lead down τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁ Μετίλιος .
⁴⁵¹ The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers;	⁴⁵¹ They readily accepted this request, and sent Gorion, son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, son of Sadduk, and Judas, son of Jonathan, to give them the guarantee of their pledge and their oaths, and then Metilius brought out his soldiers.
⁴⁵¹ They [the rebels] eagerly accepted the petition and sent up to them Gorion son of Nicodemus, Ananias son of Sadduk, and Judas son of Jonathan, to give pledges and oaths. When this was done, Metilius led down his soldiers.

⁴⁵² Οἱ δὲ μέχρι μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις , οὔτ’ ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in τις τῶν στασιαστῶν αὐτοῖς οὔτ’ ἐνέφαινεν ἐπιβουλήν · ὡς δὲ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἅπαντες ἀπέθεντο τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὰ ξίφη καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι ὑποπτεύοντες ἀνεχώρουν ,
⁴⁵² which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away,	⁴⁵² These, as long as they were armed, were not meddled with by any of the rebels, who gave no sign of treachery, but as soon as they had laid down their shields and swords according to the terms of surrender, and were about to leave, suspecting nothing,
⁴⁵² As long as they were armed, none of the insurgents attacked them or showed any treachery; but as soon as they had all laid down their shields and swords according to the treaty and were withdrawing without suspicion,

⁴⁵³ ὥρμησαν ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεάζαρον καὶ περισχόντες ἀνῄρουν οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε ἱκετεύοντας , μόνας δὲ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἀναβοῶντας .
⁴⁵³ Eleazar’s men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths.	⁴⁵³ Eleazar's men attacked them violently, surrounded them and killed them, while they were defenceless, and begged for no quarter, but only cried out against the breaking of their terms of surrender and their oaths.
⁴⁵³ Eleazar’s men rushed upon them, surrounded them, and slaughtered them—while the Romans neither defended themselves nor pleaded for mercy, but only cried out the names of the treaty and the oaths.

⁴⁵⁴ Οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου , τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαίσειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον , τὸ δὲ πάθος Ῥωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον , ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι , Ἰουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν .
⁴⁵⁴ And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction,	⁴⁵⁴ All of them were cruelly butchered, except Metilius, for when he begged for mercy and promised to turn Jew and be circumcised, they let him alone live. To the Romans this was only a slight loss, since only a few from their immense army were killed, but to the Jews it seemed a prelude to the destruction.
⁴⁵⁴ In this way, they were all cruelly butchered except for Metilius, whom they saved because he pleaded and promised even to become a Jew and be circumcised. This loss was light for the Romans, as only a few out of an immense power had perished, but to the Jews, it seemed the prelude to their destruction.

⁴⁵⁵ Καὶ κατιδόντες ἀνηκέστουςincurable, fatal μὲν ἤδη τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου , τὴν δὲ πόλιν τηλικούτῳ μιάσματι πεφυρμένην , ἐξ οὗ δαιμόνιόν τι μήνιμα προσδοκᾶν εἰκὸς ἦν , εἰ καὶ μὴ τὴν ἐκ Ῥωμαίων ἄμυναν , ἐπένθουν δημοσίᾳ , καὶ πλήρης μὲν κατηφείας ἦν ἡ πόλις , ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν μετρίων ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν στασιαστῶν δίκας δώσων τετάρακτο .
⁴⁵⁵ while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious;	⁴⁵⁵ People openly grieved at seeing such irretrievable grounds for war, and the city polluted by crimes for which divine retribution must be expected, even if they escaped the vengeance of the Romans. The city was full of sadness and every sensible person in it was troubled, being likely to suffer for the sins of the rebels.
⁴⁵⁵ Seeing that the causes of the war were now incurable and that the city was defiled by such an abomination—from which they could expect divine wrath, even if they escaped Roman vengeance—they mourned publicly. The city was full of dejection, and every moderate man was troubled as if he personally would have to pay the penalty for the insurgents.

⁴⁵⁶ Καὶ γὰρ δὴ σαββάτῳ συνέβη πραχθῆναι τὸν φόνον , ἐν ᾧ διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν καὶ τῶν ὁσίων ἔργων ἔχουσιν ἐκεχειρίαν .
⁴⁵⁶ for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the Sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship.	⁴⁵⁶ For good measure, this murder was committed on the sabbath day, when the Jews rest from their works in order to worship God.
⁴⁵⁶ For this slaughter happened on the Sabbath, a day on which, because of their religion, they keep a rest even from holy works.

Chapter 18
[vv. 457-512]
Slaughter of the Jews in Caesarea.
Pogrom against them in other cities

☜ ☞

⁴⁵⁷ Τῆς δ’ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας καὶ ὥρας ὥσπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας ἀνῄρουν Καισαρεῖς τοὺς παρ’ ἑαυτοῖς Ἰουδαίους , ὡς ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀποσφαγῆναι μὲν ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους , κενωθῆναι δὲ πᾶσαν Ἰουδαίων τὴν Καισάρειαν · καὶ γὰρ τοὺς διαφεύγοντας ὁ ΦλῶροςFlorus συλλαβὼν κατῆγενto lead down δεσμώτας εἰς τὰ νεώρια .
⁴⁵⁷ Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys.	⁴⁵⁷ On the very same day and hour, the people of Caesarea killed the Jews living among them, which one imagines must have been by the will of Providence, so that within an hour more than twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish population, and Florus caught any who fled and sent them in chains to the galleys.
⁴⁵⁷ At the very same day and hour, as if by divine providence, the people of Caesarea slaughtered the Jews living among them; in one hour more than twenty thousand were butchered, and all Caesarea was emptied of Jews. Those who tried to escape were caught by Gessius Florus and sent in chains to the dockyards.

⁴⁵⁸ Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Καισαρείας πληγὴν ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἐξαγριοῦται , καὶ διαμερισθέντες τάς τε κώμας τῶν Σύρων καὶ τὰς προσεχούσας ἐπόρθουν πόλεις , ΦιλαδέλφειάνPhiladelphia τε καὶ ἘσεβωνῖτινHesebonitis καὶ ΓέρασαGerasa καὶ ΠέλλανPella καὶ Σκυθόπολιν .
⁴⁵⁸ Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Caesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis,	⁴⁵⁸ The whole Jewish nation was infuriated by this blow to their people in Caesarea, so parties of them ravaged the villages of the Syrians and their neighbouring cities, Philadelphia and Sebonitis and Gerasa and Pella and Scythopolis and later Gadara and Hippos.
⁴⁵⁸ At this blow from Caesarea, the whole nation became infuriated; dividing themselves into bands, they began to plunder the villages of the Syrians and the neighboring cities: Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa, Pella, and Scythopolis.

⁴⁵⁹ Ἔπειτα ΓαδάροιςGadara καὶ Ἵππῳ καὶ τῇ ΓαυλανίτιδιGaulonitis προσπεσόντες τὰ μὲν καταστρεψάμενοι , τὰ δ’ ὑποπρήσαντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ ΚάδασαKedasa τὴν Τυρίων καὶ Πτολεμαίδα Γάβαν τε καὶ Καισάρειαν .
⁴⁵⁹ and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Caesarea;	⁴⁵⁹ They attacked Gaulonitis, and destroyed some cities there and set others on fire, and then proceeded to Kedasa of the Tyrians, and Ptolemais and Gaba and Caesarea.
⁴⁵⁹ Then, falling upon Gadara, Hippos, and the Gaulanitis, they overthrew some and burned others, advancing to Kedasa of the Tyrians, Ptolemais, Gaba, and Caesarea.

⁴⁶⁰ Ἀντέσχον δὲ οὔτε ΣεβαστὴSebaste ταῖς ὁρμαῖς αὐτῶν οὔτε Ἀσκάλων , ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ ταύταις πυρποληθείσαις Ἀννίβαν καὶ Γάζαν κατέσκαπτον . Πολλαὶ δὲ καθ’ ἑκάστην τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀνηρπάζοντο κῶμαι , καὶ τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἀνδρῶν φωραθέντων ἦν ἄπειρος .
⁴⁶⁰ nor was either Sabaste (Samaria) or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.	⁴⁶⁰ Neither Sebaste nor Askelon could stand up to their violent attack, and when they had burned these to the ground, they demolished Anthedon and Gaza. Many of the villages round each of those cities were looted and many of their people were caught and slaughtered.
⁴⁶⁰ Neither Sebaste nor Ascalon could withstand their onset; after these were set on fire, they razed Anthedon and Gaza. Many villages around each of these cities were plundered, and the slaughter of the men captured was immense.

⁴⁶¹ Οὐ μὴν οἱ Σύροι τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλαττον πλῆθος ἀνῄρουν , ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν λαμβανομένους ἀπέσφαττον οὐ μόνον κατὰ μῖσος , ὡς πρότερον , ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ τὸν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς κίνδυνον φθάνοντες .
⁴⁶¹ However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them;	⁴⁶¹ The Syrians killed no less than a number of the Jews, killing any whom they caught in their cities not only because of their previous hatred of them but to avert any danger from them.
⁴⁶¹ Nor did the Syrians kill a smaller number of Jews; they too butchered those caught in the cities, not only out of hatred as before, but now to preempt the danger to themselves.

⁴⁶² Δεινὴ δὲ ὅλην τὴν Συρίαν ἐπεῖχεν ταραχή , καὶ πᾶσα πόλις εἰς δύο διῄρητο στρατόπεδα , σωτηρία δὲ τοῖς ἑτέροις ἦν τὸ τοὺς ἑτέρους φθάσαι .
⁴⁶² so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other;	⁴⁶² There was terrible disorder all around Syria with each city divided into two camps and one party's safety lay in the destruction of the other, so that their days were spent in bloodshed and their nights in fear, which was even worse.
⁴⁶² A terrible confusion spread over all Syria, and every city was divided into two armed camps; the safety of one side lay in anticipating the destruction of the other.

⁴⁶³ Καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον , τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας · καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαΐζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ , καὶ τὸ παρ’ ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο .
⁴⁶³ so the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners.	⁴⁶³ When the Syrians thought they had wiped out the Jews, they turned their suspicion on the Judaizers and while neither side wanted to kill people merely on suspicion they greatly feared those whom they doubted, as if they were foreigners.
⁴⁶³ They spent their days in blood and their nights in a fear even more grievous; for even when they thought they had cleared out the Jews, each had the “judaizers” (those suspected of Jewish sympathies) under suspicion. Because of the ambiguity of each person’s status, they were afraid to kill them easily, yet they feared those of mixed background as if they were certainly foreigners.

⁴⁶⁴ προεκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν διαφόρων καὶ τοὺς πάλαι πρᾳοτάτους πάνυ δοκοῦντας ἡ πλεονεξία · τὰς γὰρ οὐσίας τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀδεῶς διήρπαζον καὶ καθάπερ ἐκ παρατάξεως τὰ σκῦλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους οἴκους μετέφερον , ἔνδοξός τε ἦν ὁ πλεῖστα κερδάνας ὡς κατισχύσας πλειόνων .
⁴⁶⁴ Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies.	⁴⁶⁴ People felt provoked to kill the opposite party, even those who in the past had seemed mild and gentle toward them, for they fearlessly looted the property of the fallen and took home the loot from those whom they killed, as if it had been won in a set battle. Whoever got the largest share was held in honour, as one who had defeated more of his enemies.
⁴⁶⁴ Greed also incited even those who formerly seemed most gentle to join in the slaughter; for they plundered the property of the slain with impunity and carried the spoils of the dead to their own houses as if from a battlefield—he who gained the most was held in honor as having overcome more enemies.

⁴⁶⁵ ἠν δὲ ἰδεῖν τὰς πόλεις μεστὰς ἀτάφων σωμάτων καὶ νεκροὺς ἅμα νηπίοις γέροντας ἐρριμμένους γύναιά τε μηδὲ τῆς ἐπ’ αἰδοῖ σκέπης μετειληφότα , καὶ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἐπαρχίαν μεστὴν ἀδιηγήτων συμφορῶν , μείζονα δὲ τῶν ἑκάστοτε τολμηρά τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπειλουμένοις ἀνάτασιν .
⁴⁶⁵ It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was everywhere greater than what had been already perpetrated.	⁴⁶⁵ One saw cities full of unburied corpses, old men mixed with infants, all dead and scattered about and even female corpses, with no cover for their nakedness. The whole province was full of atrocities, while everywhere there were threats of things still more cruel than what had already taken place.
⁴⁶⁵ One could see cities full of unburied bodies—the dead thrown out, the old along with infants, and women without even enough clothing to cover their modesty. The whole province was full of unspeakable calamities, and the dread of what was threatened was even greater than the atrocities already committed.

⁴⁶⁶ Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτων Ἰουδαίοις πρὸς τὸ ἀλλόφυλον ἦσαν προσβολαί , κατατρέχοντες δὲ εἰς Σκυθόπολιν τοὺς παρ’ ἐκείνοις Ἰουδαίους ἐπείρασαν πολεμίους · ταξάμενοι γὰρ μετὰ τῶν Σκυθοπολιτῶν καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας ἐν δευτέρῳ θέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν ὁμόσε τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις ἐχώρουν . Ὑπωπτεύθη δ’ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ λίαν πρόθυμον ·
⁴⁶⁶ And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen;	⁴⁶⁶ So far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners, but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they experienced even Jews as enemies, for these stood to battle side by side with the men of Scythopolis and preferring their own safety to their relationship to us, they fought against their own countrymen.
⁴⁶⁶ Up to this point, the attacks of the Jews were against foreigners. But when they overran Scythopolis, they found the Jews there to be their enemies; for these [Scythopolitan Jews], siding with the inhabitants of Scythopolis and putting their own safety before kinship, fought against their own countrymen. Yet even this excessive zeal made them suspected [by the Syrians].

⁴⁶⁷ οἱ γοῦν Σκυθοπολῖται δείσαντες μὴ νύκτωρ ἐπιχειρήσωσι τῇ Βηθήλῃ καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης αὐτῶν συμφορᾶς τοῖς οἰκείοις ἀπολογήσωνται περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως , ἐκέλευον αὐτούς , εἰ βούλονται τὴν ὁμόνοιαν βεβαιῶσαι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς πιστὸν ἐπιδείξασθαι , μεταβαίνειν ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς εἰς τὸ ἄλσος .
⁴⁶⁷ nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the nighttime, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families, to a neighboring grove;	⁴⁶⁷ Indeed their ardour was such that the people of Scythopolis suspected them, afraid that they might attack the city at night and cause great damage in order to make amends to their own people for their disloyalty to them. So, to make them prove their allegiance and fidelity to their foreign hosts, they ordered them to leave the city and go, with their families, to a local grove.
⁴⁶⁷ Therefore, the people of Scythopolis, fearing that these Jews might attack the city at night and, by a great disaster, make amends to their own people for their desertion, ordered them—if they wished to confirm their concord and prove their loyalty to the foreigners—to move with their families into the grove.

⁴⁶⁸ Τῶν δὲ ποιησάντων τὸ προσταχθὲν χωρὶς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy . Δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἠρέμησαν οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν δελεάζοντες , τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ νυκτὶ παρατηρήσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἀφυλάκτους οὓς δὲ κοιμωμένους ἅπαντας ἀπέσφαξαν ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους , τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διήρπασαν ἁπάντων .
⁴⁶⁸ and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting anything, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some of them as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had.	⁴⁶⁸ When the Jews had done as ordered, suspecting nothing, the people of Scythopolis waited for two days, to lull them into security, but on the third night they took their opportunity and cut the throats of all thirteen thousand of them as they were unarmed and some of them asleep, and then looted all that they had.
⁴⁶⁸ The Jews did as they were commanded without suspicion. For two days, the people of Scythopolis kept quiet to bait them into trust, but on the third night, watching for them when some were off guard and others were asleep, they butchered them all—numbering more than thirteen thousand—and plundered all their possessions.

⁴⁶⁹ Ἄξιον δ’ ἀφηγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ Σίμωνος πάθος , ὃς Ναχώρης μὲν ἦν Σαούλου τινὸς τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμωνunmarked , Ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέρων ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν ὁμοφύλωνof the same race ἀμφοτέροις κατεχρήσατο ·
⁴⁶⁹ It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen;	⁴⁶⁹ Something noteworthy befell Simon, whose father, Saul, was also a well-known character. This man was distinguished from the rest by his strength of body and bravery of conduct, although he abused both, and thereby harmed his countrymen.
⁴⁶⁹ It is worth relating the fate of Simon, who was the son of Saul, a man of some distinction. He was remarkable for his bodily strength and daring, both of which he used to the detriment of his own countrymen.

⁴⁷⁰ προιὼν γοῦν ὁσημέραι πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῄρει τῶν πρὸς τῇ ΣκυθοπόλειScythopolis Ἰουδαίων , τρεπόμενος δὲ πολλάκις αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας μόνος ἦν ῥοπὴ τῆς παρατάξεως .
⁴⁷⁰ for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army’s conquering.	⁴⁷⁰ Day by day he came and killed many of the Jews of Scythopolis and often routed them and on his own caused his army's defeat.
⁴⁷⁰ Every day he went out and killed many of the Jews who were attacking Scythopolis, and by frequently putting them to flight, he was himself the deciding weight in the battle.

⁴⁷¹ περιέρχεται δ’ αὐτὸν ἀξία ποινὴ τοῦ συγγενικοῦ φόνου · ἐπεὶ γὰρ περισχόντες οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται κατηκόντιζον αὐτοὺς ἀνὰ τὸ ἄλσος , σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπ’ οὐδένα μὲν ὥρμησεν τῶν πολεμίων , καὶ γὰρ ἑώρα τὸ πλῆθος ἀνήνυτον , ἀναβοήσας δὲ μάλα ἐκπαθῶς " ἄξιά γε ὧν ἔδρασα πάσχω ,
⁴⁷¹ But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner and said,—	⁴⁷¹ But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed among his countrymen, for when the people of Scythopolis threw spears at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy, for he saw that he could do nothing against such a crowd.
⁴⁷¹ But a worthy punishment for the murder of his kin overtook him. For when the people of Scythopolis surrounded them and began to shoot them down in the grove, he drew his sword but rushed at none of the enemy, seeing their numbers were infinite. Instead, he cried out with great passion: “I suffer what I deserve for what I have done,

⁴⁷² Σκυθοπολῖται , καθ’ ὑμῶν , οἳ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ συγγενῶν τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν ἐπιστωσάμεθα . Τοιγαροῦν οἷς ἄπιστον μὲν εὐλόγως εὕρηται τὸ ἀλλόφυλον , ἠσέβηται δὲ [εἰς ἔσχατα ] τὸ οἰκεῖον , θνήσκωμεν ὡς ἐναγεῖς χερσὶν ἰδίαις · οὐ γὰρ πρέπον ἐν ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων .
⁴⁷² “O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies;	⁴⁷² Instead he cried out very movingly, "People of Scythopolis, I suffer rightly for what I have done in your regard, for proving my fidelity to you by killing so many of my own kinsmen. So now after acting so badly against our own nation it is just that we suffer the treachery of foreigners. Villain as I am, I will die by my own hand, for it is not fitting to die at the hand of our enemies.
⁴⁷² O Scythopolitans, against you—we who confirmed our goodwill toward you by so much slaughter of our own kin! Therefore, as the foreigners have naturally proven untrustworthy to us, and our own people have been most impiously treated [by us], let us die as accursed ones by our own hands; for it is not fitting to die by the hands of the enemy.

⁴⁷³ Τὸ αὐτὸ δ’ ἂν εἴη μοι καὶ ποινὴ τοῦ μιάσματος ἀξία καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἔπαινος , ἵνα μηδεὶς τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὴν ἐμὴν αὐχήσῃ σφαγὴν μηδ’ ἐπαλαζονεύσηται πεσόντι ."
⁴⁷³ and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.”	⁴⁷³ Let this one action both atone for my crimes and prove my courage, so that none of our enemies can boast of having killed me and no one may insult me as I fall."
⁴⁷³ This shall be both a penalty worthy of my defilement and a tribute to my courage, so that none of my enemies may boast of my slaughter or exult over me in my fall.”

⁴⁷⁴ Ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐλεοῦσιν ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένοις ὄμμασιν περισκέπτεται τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γενεάν · ἦν δ’ αὐτῷ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ τέκνα καὶ γηραιοὶ γονεῖς .
⁴⁷⁴ Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration, and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents);	⁴⁷⁴ Saying this, he looked round with eyes of pity and rage at his family - his wife and children and his aged parents.
⁴⁷⁴ Having said this, he looked around at his own family with eyes full of both pity and rage; he had a wife, children, and aged parents.

⁴⁷⁵ Ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν πατέρα τῆς πολιᾶς ἐπισπασάμενος διελαύνει τῷ ξίφει , μεθ’ ὃν οὐκ ἄκουσαν τὴν μητέρα κἀπὶ τούτοις τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα , μόνον οὐχ ὑπαπαντῶντος ἑκάστου τῷ ξίφει καὶ σπεύδοντος φθάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους .
⁴⁷⁵ so, in the first place, he caught his father by his gray hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies;	⁴⁷⁵ First he grasped his father by his grey hairs and ran him through with his sword and then did the same to his mother, who willingly accepted it, and later did the same to his wife and children, each one willingly accepting his sword in order to avoid being killed by the enemy.
⁴⁷⁵ First, he seized his father by his gray hair and ran him through with his sword; after him, he killed his mother (who did not resist), and then his wife and children—each of them almost running toward the sword and hastening to die before the enemy could reach them.

⁴⁷⁶ Ὁ δὲ διελθὼν πᾶσαν τὴν γενεὰν καὶ περίοπτος ἐπιστὰς τοῖς σώμασιν τήν τε δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας , ὡς μηδένα λαθεῖν , ὅλον εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σφαγὴν ἐβάπτισεν τὸ ξίφος , ἄξιος μὲν ἐλέους νεανίας δι’ ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα , τῆς δὲ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους πίστεως ἕνεκεν ἀκολούθοις πάθεσι χρησάμενος .
⁴⁷⁶ so when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.	⁴⁷⁶ When he had gone through his whole family, he stood above their bodies in full view of all and stretching out his right hand where none could fail to see, he plunged the length of his sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied for his strength of body and courage of soul, but deserved his death for putting his trust in foreigners.
⁴⁷⁶ When he had gone through his whole family, he stood over their bodies in full view and, raising his right hand so that no one might miss it, he plunged the sword entirely into his own throat. He was a young man worthy of pity for the strength of his body and the fortitude of his soul, but he suffered these things as a consequence of his misplaced loyalty to foreigners.

⁴⁷⁷ Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐν ΣκυθοπόλειScythopolis φθορὰν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις ἐπανίσταντο τοῖς καθ’ ἑαυτὴν Ἰουδαίοις ἑκάστη , καὶ πεντακοσίους μὲν ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις Ἀσκαλωνῖται , Πτολεμαεῖς δὲ δισχιλίους ἀνεῖλον ἔδησάν τ’ οὐκ ὀλίγους .
⁴⁷⁷ Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds;	⁴⁷⁷ After this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against their Jewish inhabitants. In Askelon they killed two thousand five hundred and in Ptolemais two thousand and put not a few in chains.
⁴⁷⁷ Following the massacre at Scythopolis, the other cities also rose against the Jews residing in each of them. The people of Ascalon killed two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais killed two thousand and imprisoned many others.

⁴⁷⁸ Καὶ Τύριοι συχνοὺς μὲν διεχειρίσαντο , πλείστους δ’ αὐτῶν δεσμώτας ἐφρούρουν , ἹππηνοίHippos τε καὶ Γαδαρεῖς ὁμοίως τοὺς μὲν θρασυτέρους ἀπεσκευάσαντο , τοὺς δὲ φοβεροὺς διὰ φυλακῆς εἶχον , αἵ τε λοιπαὶ πόλεις τῆς Συρίας , ὅπως ἑκάστη πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν ἢ μίσους ἢ δέους εἶχον .
⁴⁷⁸ those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they wereafraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them;	⁴⁷⁸ The people of Tyre also put many to death and put even more in chains, and those in Hippos and Gadara did the same, putting to death the boldest of the Jews, but keeping in custody others of whom they were afraid; and so did the other cities of Syria, according to whether they either hated them or merely feared them.
⁴⁷⁸ The Tyrians executed many and kept a great number in chains; similarly, the people of Hippos and Gadara made away with the more daring and kept those they feared under guard. So it was with the other cities of Syria, according to how much each hated or feared the Jewish element.

⁴⁷⁹ Μόνοι δὲ Ἀντιοχεῖς καὶ Σιδώνιοι καὶ ἈπαμεῖςApamians ἐφείσαντο τῶν μετοικούντων καὶ οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τινας Ἰουδαίων ὑπέμειναν οὔτε δῆσαι , τάχα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ σφέτερον πλῆθος ὑπερορῶντες αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ κινήματα , τὸ πλέον δὲ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν οἴκτῳ πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἑώρων νεωτερίζοντας .
⁴⁷⁹ only the Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, andthey would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think that the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations.	⁴⁷⁹ Only the Antiochians, the Sidonians and Apamians spared those living among them and would not let any of the Jews be killed or imprisoned. Perhaps they spared them because their own numbers were so large that they foresaw no danger from them, but I think it was mainly due to their mercy toward people whom they saw had made no revolt.
⁴⁷⁹ Only the people of Antioch, Sidon, and Apamea spared those who lived among them and refused either to kill or to imprison any Jews—perhaps because they felt their own numbers were so superior that they disregarded any Jewish movements, but in my opinion, it was mostly out of pity for those whom they saw were not attempting any revolution.

⁴⁸⁰ ΓερασηνοίGerasans τε οὔτε εἰς τοὺς ἐμμείναντας ἐπλημμέλησαν καὶ τοὺς ἐξελθεῖν ἐθελήσαντας προέπεμψαν μέχρι τῶν ὅρωνto see .
⁴⁸⁰ As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached.	⁴⁸⁰ The Gerasans did no harm to those who lived among them, and conducted as far as their borders any who wished to leave.
⁴⁸⁰ The people of Gerasa also did no harm to those who remained with them, and they escorted those who wished to leave as far as the borders.

⁴⁸¹ Συνέστη δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀγρίππα βασιλείαν ἐπιβουλὴ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων . Αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπεπόρευτο πρὸς Κέστιον ΓάλλονGallus εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν , καταλέλειπτο δὲ διοικεῖν τὰ πράγματα τούτου τῶν ἑταίρων τις τοὔνομα Νόαρος , ΣοαίμῳSohemus τῷ βασιλεῖ προσήκων κατὰ γένος .
⁴⁸¹ There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa’s kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus.	⁴⁸¹ There was also plotting against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom, for he had gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left Noarus, one of his companions, to take care of the public affairs, and this Noarus was related to king Sohemus.
⁴⁸¹ During the reign of Agrippa, a conspiracy also arose against the Jews. For while he had journeyed to Antioch to see Cestius Gallus, he had left one of his companions named Noarus to manage his affairs, a man who was related by birth to King Sohaemus.^[1]

^[1]Full name: Gaius Julius Sohaemus. King of Emesa and Sophene, and a Roman client king.

⁴⁸² Ἧκον δ’ ἐκ τῆς Βαταναίας ἑβδομήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἄνδρες οἱ κατὰ γένος καὶ σύνεσιν τῶν πολιτῶν δοκιμώτατοι στρατιὰν αἰτοῦντες , ἵν’ εἴ τι γένοιτο κίνημα καὶ περὶ σφᾶς , ἔχοιεν ἀξιόχρεω φυλακὴν κωλύειν τοὺς ἐπανισταμένους .
⁴⁸² Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them.	⁴⁸² Seventy men came from Batanea, the most highly considered for their family background and prudence, who asked to have an army put under them, so that if there was any rioting they would have with them a means of restraining the eventual rebels.
⁴⁸² There came from Batanaea seventy men, the most distinguished of the citizens in birth and intelligence, asking for a military force so that, if any movement occurred among them, they might have an adequate guard to restrain the insurgents.

⁴⁸³ Τούτους ὁ Νόαρος ἐκπέμψας νύκτωρ τῶν βασιλικῶν τινας ὁπλιτῶν ἅπαντας ἀναιρεῖ , τολμήσας μὲν τοὖργον δίχα τῆς Ἀγρίππα γνώμης , διὰ δὲ φιλαργυρίαν ἄμετρον εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἑλόμενος ἀσεβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν διέφθειρεν · διετέλει τε ὠμῶς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομῶν , μέχρι πυθόμενος Ἀγρίππας ἀνελεῖν μὲν αὐτὸν ᾐδέσθη διὰ ΣόαιμονSohemus , ἔπαυσεν δὲ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς .
⁴⁸³ This Noarus sent out some of the king’s armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately.	⁴⁸³ Varus sent out some of the king's warriors by night and killed all these men. He dared to take this decision without the consent of Agrippa, for such was his love of money that he chose to treat his own countrymen so badly, even though it brought ruin on the kingdom. He continued to treat that nation cruelly and illegally until Agrippa was told of it, and even then he did not dare to execute him, out of regard to Sohemus, but put an immediate end to his regime.
⁴⁸³ Noarus sent out some of the king’s heavy infantry by night and slaughtered them all; he dared this deed without Agrippa’s knowledge, choosing to act impiously toward his own countrymen and the kingdom because of his limitless greed. He continued to act lawlessly and cruelly toward the nation until Agrippa heard of it; though Agrippa felt a sense of shame about executing him because of Sohaemus, he removed him from his position as procurator.

⁴⁸⁴ Οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ καταλαβόμενοί τι φρούριον , ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Κύπρος , καθύπερθεν δ’ ἦν Ἱεριχοῦντος , τοὺς μὲν φρουροὺς ἀπέσφαξαν , τὰ δ’ ἐρύματα κατέρριψαν εἰς γῆν .
⁴⁸⁴ But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications.	⁴⁸⁴ But the rebels took the fortress called Cypros, above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison and utterly demolished the fortifications.
⁴⁸⁴ Meanwhile, the insurgents seized a fortress called Cypros, which was situated above Jericho; they cut the throats of the garrison and leveled the fortifications to the ground.

⁴⁸⁵ Κατὰ δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ τῶν ἐν Μαχαιροῦντι Ἰουδαίων τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθεν τοὺς φρουροῦντας Ῥωμαίους ἐκλείπειν τὸ φρούριον καὶ παραδιδόναι σφίσιν .
⁴⁸⁵ This was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Macherus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and deliver it up to them.	⁴⁸⁵ This was about the same time that the Jewish population at Machaerus persuaded the Roman garrison to leave the place and hand it over to them.
⁴⁸⁵ During those same days, the multitude of Jews in Machaerus persuaded the Roman garrison to leave the fortress and hand it over to them.

⁴⁸⁶ Οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐκ βίας ἀφαίρεσιν εὐλαβηθέντες συντίθενται πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐκχωρήσειν ὑπόσπονδοι , καὶ λαβόντες τὰ πιστὰ παραδιδόασι τὸ φρούριον , ὅπερ φυλακῇ κρατυνάμενοι κατεῖχον οἱ Μαχαιρῖται .
⁴⁸⁶ These Romans being in great fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions; and when they had obtained the security they desired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of Macherus put a garrison for their own security, and held it in their own power.	⁴⁸⁶ These Romans, fearing that the place would be taken by force, agreed to depart upon certain conditions, and when they had received the guarantee they asked, they handed over the fortress, into which the people of Machaerus put a garrison for their security and held it in their power.
⁴⁸⁶ In Alexandria, there had been constant strife between the local inhabitants and the Jewish population since the time when Alexander, having found the Jews most ready to assist him against the Egyptians, gave them as a reward for their alliance the right to reside in the city with a status equal to that of the Greeks.

⁴⁸⁷ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἀεὶ μὲν ἦν στάσις πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαικὸν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀφ’ οὗ χρησάμενος προθυμοτάτοις κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Ἰουδαίοις Ἀλέξανδρος γέρας τῆς συμμαχίας ἔδωκεν τὸ μετοικεῖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ ἴσου † μοίρας πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας .
⁴⁸⁷ But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves;	⁴⁸⁷ But in Alexandria, there was perpetual strife between the inhabitants and the Jews from the time when Alexander, as a reward for their readily helping him against the Egyptians, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Greeks themselves.
⁴⁸⁷ This honor was maintained for them by his successors, who also set apart a specific district for them so they might keep their way of life purer by having less mixing with foreigners; they were even permitted to be called Macedonians. And when the Romans conquered Egypt, neither the first Caesar [Julius or Augustus] nor any of those after him allowed the honors granted to the Jews by Alexander to be diminished.

⁴⁸⁸ Διέμεινεν δ’ αὐτοῖς ἡ τιμὴ καὶ παρὰ τῶν διαδόχων , οἳ καὶ τόπον ἴδιον αὐτοῖς ἀφώρισαν , ὅπως καθαρωτέραν ἔχοιεν τὴν δίαιταν ἧττον ἐπιμισγομένων τῶν ἀλλοφύλων , καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπέτρεψαν Μακεδόνας , ἐπεί τε Ῥωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον , οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος οὔτε τῶν μετ’ αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ’ Ἀλεξάνδρου τιμὰς Ἰουδαίων ἐλαττῶσαι .
⁴⁸⁸ which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor anyone that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews.	⁴⁸⁸ They kept this honourary status under his successors, who also set apart for them a special place to live in ritual purity, so that they were not as mixed with outsiders as before; and he let them call themselves Macedonians. When the Romans took power in Egypt, neither the first Caesar nor any who came after him thought of lessening the honours which Alexander had given to the Jews.
⁴⁸⁸ This honor was maintained for them by his successors, who also set apart a specific district for them so they might keep their way of life purer by having less mixing with foreigners; they were even permitted to be called Macedonians. And when the Romans conquered Egypt, neither the first Caesar [Julius or Augustus] nor any of those after him allowed the honors granted to the Jews by Alexander to be diminished.

⁴⁸⁹ Συμβολαὶ δ’ ἦσαν αὐτῶν ἀδιάλειπτοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας , καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων πολλοὺς ὁσημέραι παρ’ ἀμφοῖν κολαζόντων ἡ στάσις μᾶλλον παρωξύνετο .
⁴⁸⁹ But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse;	⁴⁸⁹ Still, conflicts were always arising with the Greeks, and although the officers regularly punished some of them, the rebellion grew worse, especially at this time when there were riots in other places too.
⁴⁸⁹ However, there were incessant conflicts between them and the Greeks, and although the governors punished many on both sides daily, the sedition only became more inflamed.

⁴⁹⁰ Τότε δ’ ὡς καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐτετάρακτο , μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ παρ’ ἐκείνοις . Καὶ δὴ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησιαζόντων περὶ ἧς ἔμελλον ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβείας ἐπὶ ΝέρωναNero συνερρύησαν μὲν εἰς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ἅμα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν συχνοὶ Ἰουδαίων ,
⁴⁹⁰ but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater;	⁴⁹⁰ These disorders among them flared up, for when the Alexandrians held a public assembly to discuss an embassy they were sending to Nero, many of Jews came flocking to the theatre,
⁴⁹⁰ At that time, when disturbances were breaking out everywhere else, the fires were lit even more fiercely among them. For while the Alexandrians were holding an assembly regarding an embassy they intended to send to Nero, a great number of Jews flocked into the amphitheater along with the Greeks.

⁴⁹¹ Κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ διάφοροι παραχρῆμα ἀνεβόων πολεμίους καὶ κατασκόπους λέγοντες · ἔπειτα ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐπέβαλλον τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς . Οἱ μὲν οὖν λοιποὶ φεύγοντες διεσπάρησαν , τρεῖς δὲ ἄνδρας συλλαβόντες ἔσυρον ὡς ζῶντας καταφλέξοντες .
⁴⁹¹ but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive;	⁴⁹¹ but seeing them, their opponents instantly shouted and called them their enemies and said they came to spy on them. Then they rushed out and violently laid hold of them, and the others were killed as they fled. There were three men whom they caught and hauled along, to burn them alive, but all the Jews came in a body to defend them.
⁴⁹¹ When their opponents caught sight of them, they immediately began shouting, calling them “enemies” and “spies”; then, jumping up, they laid hands on them. The rest fled and were scattered, but the Greeks caught three men and dragged them away to burn them alive.

⁴⁹² Ἤρθη δὲ πᾶν τὸ ἸουδαῑκὸνJews ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμυναν , καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λίθοις τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔβαλλον , αὖθις δὲ λαμπάδας ἁρπασάμενοι πρὸς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ὥρμησαν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐν αὐτῷ καταφλέξειν τὸν δῆμον αὔτανδρον . Κἂν ἔφθησαν τοῦτο δράσαντες , εἰ μὴ τοὺς θυμοὺς αὐτῶν ἀνέκοψεν ΤιβέριοςTiberius Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἡγεμών .
⁴⁹² but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions.	⁴⁹² At first they pelted the Greeks with stones, but then they took torches and rushed violently into the theatre and threatened to burn the people to a man, and would have done so if Tiberius Alexander, the ruler of the city, had not restrained their passions.
⁴⁹² The entire Jewish population rose up for vengeance; first, they threw stones at the Greeks, and then, seizing torches, they rushed toward the amphitheater, threatening to burn the entire assembly to death within it. And they would have succeeded in doing so had they not been checked by Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city.

⁴⁹³ Οὐ μὴν οὗτός γε ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἤρξατο σωφρονίζειν , ἀλλ’ ὑποπέμψας τοὺς γνωρίμους αὐτοῖς παύσασθαι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ καθ’ ἑαυτῶν ἐρεθίζειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα . Καταχλευάζοντες δὲ τῆς παρακλήσεως οἱ στασιώδεις ἐβλασφήμουν τὸν Τιβέριον .
⁴⁹³ However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing.	⁴⁹³ This man did not begin to teach them wisdom with weapons, but quietly sent some of the leaders to beg them to keep the peace and not provoke the Roman army against them. The rebels joked about the pleas of Tiberius and insulted him for making them.
⁴⁹³ He did not begin by using arms to bring them to their senses, but sent the notable men among them to appeal to them to stop and not provoke the Roman army against themselves. But the seditious party mocked his appeal and spoke blasphemies against Tiberius.

⁴⁹⁴ Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν ὡς χωρὶς μεγάλης συμφορᾶς οὐκ ἂν παύσαιντο νεωτερίζοντες , ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίων δύο τάγματα καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς δισχιλίους στρατιώτας κατὰ τύχην παρόντας εἰς τὸν Ἰουδαίων ὄλεθρον ἐκ Λιβύης · ἐπέτρεψεν δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀναιρεῖν , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κτήσεις αὐτῶν διαρπάζειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας καταφλέγειν .
⁴⁹⁴ Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses.	⁴⁹⁴ When he saw that the group for revolt would not be pacified until some disaster struck them, he sent the two Roman legions in the city and along with them five thousand other soldiers, who chanced to be there from Libya, to put an end to the Jews. They were allowed not only to kill them, but to rob them of what they had and to set fire to their houses.
⁴⁹⁴ And he, realizing that they would not stop their revolt without a great calamity, unleashed against them the two Roman legions in the city, and with them two thousand soldiers who happened to be present from Libya, to the destruction of the Jews. He permitted them not only to kill but to plunder their property and burn down their houses.

⁴⁹⁵ Οἱ δ’ ὁρμήσαντεςto set in motion εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα , συνῴκιστο γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὸ ἸουδαικόνJewish , ἐτέλουν τὰς ἐντολάς , οὐ μὴν ἀναιμωτί · συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄμεινον ὡπλισμένους ἑαυτῶν προταξάμενοι μέχρι πλείστου μὲν ἀντέσχον , ἅπαξ δ’ ἐγκλίναντες ἀνέδην διεφθείροντο .
⁴⁹⁵ These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully;	⁴⁹⁵ They rushed into the part of the city called Delta, where the Jewish people lived, and did as they were bidden, though not without blood being shed on their own side. The Jews formed up and set the best armed among them in the forefront and kept up resistance for a long time, but once these were turned aside they were killed without mercy.
⁴⁹⁵ The soldiers rushed into the district called Delta—for that was where the Jews lived—and carried out their orders, though not without bloodshed; for the Jews, having gathered together and placed their best-armed men in the front, held out for a long time, but once they gave way, they were slaughtered without restraint.

⁴⁹⁶ Καὶ παντοῖος ἦν αὐτῶν ὄλεθρος , τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καταλαμβανομένων , τῶν δ’ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας συνωθουμένων . Ὑπεπίμπρασαν δὲ καὶ ταύτας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προδιαρπάζοντες τὰ ἔνδον , καὶ οὔτε νηπίων ἔλεος αὐτοὺς οὔτε αἰδὼς εἰσῄει γερόντων ,
⁴⁹⁶ and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age,	⁴⁹⁶ Then their ruin was complete, some being caught in the open and others forced into their houses, which were first looted of everything in them and then set on fire by the Romans.
⁴⁹⁶ Their destruction took every form; some were caught in the open, others were pushed back into their houses, which the Romans then set on fire after plundering the contents. Neither mercy for infants nor respect for the aged entered their minds.

⁴⁹⁷ ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἡλικίας ἐχώρουν κτείνοντες , ὡς ἐπικλυσθῆναι μὲν αἵματι πάντα τὸν χῶρον , πέντε δὲ μυριάδες ἐσωρεύθησαν νεκρῶν , περιελείφθη δ’ ἂν οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπόν , εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἱκετηρίας ἐτράποντο . Κατοικτείρας δ’ αὐτοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν .
⁴⁹⁷ till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire;	⁴⁹⁷ No mercy was shown to the infants and no respect to the aged, but they went on slaughtering persons of every age, until the place overflowed with blood and fifty thousand of them lay dead in heaps, and none would have been spared if they had not taken to prayer. Then Alexander took pity on their condition and ordered the Romans to retreat.
⁴⁹⁷ They went through every age group killing, until the entire place was flooded with blood; fifty thousand corpses were piled up. Not even the remainder would have survived had they not turned to supplication. Taking pity on them, Alexander ordered the Romans to withdraw.

⁴⁹⁸ Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἔθους τὸ πειθήνιον ἔχοντες ἅμα νεύματι τοῦ φονεύειν ἐπαύσαντο , τὸ δημοτικὸν δὲ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων δι’ ὑπερβολὴν μίσους δυσανάκλητον ἦν καὶ μόλις ἀπεσπᾶτο τῶν σωμάτων .
⁴⁹⁸ accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies.	⁴⁹⁸ Accustomed to obeying orders, these left off killing at the first word, but the Alexandrians so hated the Jews that it was difficult to recall them and make them leave their corpses.
⁴⁹⁸ The soldiers, possessing their usual discipline, stopped the killing at once at his signal, but the Alexandrian mob was difficult to call back due to their excessive hatred, and they were torn away from the bodies with difficulty.

⁴⁹⁹ Τοιοῦτον μὲν τὸ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πάθος συνηνέχθη · Κεστίῳ δὲ οὐκέτι ἠρεμεῖν ἐδόκει πανταχοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐκπεπολεμωμένων .
⁴⁹⁹ And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms;	⁴⁹⁹ This wretched disaster befell the Jews in Alexandria at this time. Afterward Cestius no longer wanted to remain inactive while the Jews were everywhere up in arms,
⁴⁹⁹ Such was the tragedy that occurred in Alexandria (66 AD). To Cestius, it seemed it was no longer time to remain idle, as the Jews were at war everywhere.

⁵⁰⁰ Ἀναλαβὼν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας τὸ μὲν δωδέκατον τάγμα πλῆρες , ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνὰ δισχιλίους ἐπιλέκτους , πεζῶν τε ἓξ σπείρας καὶ τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων , πρὸς αἷς τὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων συμμαχίας , Ἀντιόχου μὲν δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς τρισχιλίους τοξότας πάντας , Ἀγρίππα δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν τοὺς ἴσους ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχιλίων ἐλάττους ,
⁵⁰⁰ so he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand of horsemen;	⁵⁰⁰ so he marched to Ptolemais with the entire twelfth legion from Antioch and with two thousand chosen from each of the rest, with six cohorts of infantry and four troops of cavalry, besides those allies sent by the kings. Of these, Antiochus sent two thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, with as many archers, and Agrippa sent the same number of infantry and one thousand cavalry.
⁵⁰⁰ Taking from Antioch the full Twelfth Legion, and from the others two thousand picked men, along with six cohorts of infantry and four troops of horsemen, in addition to the auxiliary forces from the kings—two thousand horsemen and three thousand infantry from Antiochus, all of them archers; and from Agrippa an equal number of infantry but fewer than two thousand horsemen.

⁵⁰¹ εἵπετο δὲ καὶ ΣόαιμοςSohemus μετὰ τετρακισχιλίων , ὧν ἦσαν ἱππεῖς ἡ τρίτη μοῖρα καὶ τὸ πλέον τοξόται , προῆλθεν εἰς Πτολεμαίδα .
⁵⁰¹ Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did he march to Ptolemais.	⁵⁰¹ Sohemus followed with four thousand, a third of them cavalry, but most were archers.
⁵⁰¹ Sohaemus also followed with four thousand men, of whom a third were horse and the rest archers, he [Cestius] advanced to Ptolemais.

⁵⁰² Πλεῖστοι δὲ κἀκ τῶν πόλεων ἐπίκουροι συνελέγησαν , ἐμπειρίᾳ μὲν ἡττώμενοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν , ταῖς δὲ προθυμίαιςreadiness, eagerness καὶ τῷ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων μίσει τὸ λεῖπον ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστήμαιςunderstanding ἀντιπληροῦντες . παρῆν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀγρίππας Κεστίῳ τῆς τε ὁδοῦ καὶ τῶν συμφερόντων ἐξηγούμενος .
⁵⁰² There were also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country, and a director of what was fit to be done;	⁵⁰² There were also many allies gathered from the cities, less skilled than the regular soldiers, but making up for it by their zeal and their hatred for the Jews. Agrippa himself came with Cestius, to guide his march across the country and to suggest what should be done.
⁵⁰² Many auxiliaries were also collected from the cities, who, though inferior in experience to the soldiers, filled the gap in skill with their enthusiasm and their hatred for the Jews. Agrippa himself was present with Cestius, acting as a guide for the march and for what was necessary.

⁵⁰³ Ἀναλαβὼν δὲ μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως ΚέστιοςCestius ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ πόλιν καρτερὰν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ΧαβουλώνZabulon , ἣ καλεῖται ἀνδρῶν , διορίζει δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους τὴν Πτολεμαίδα .
⁵⁰³ so Cestius took part of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Ptolemais from our nation;	⁵⁰³ Cestius took part of his forces and marched quickly to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee called the City of Men, separating the district of Ptolemais from our nation.
⁵⁰³ Cestius, taking a part of the force, rushed toward Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee called the City of Men, which borders Ptolemais from our nation.

⁵⁰⁴ Καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν ἔρημον μὲν ἀνδρῶν , ἀναπεφεύγει γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὰ ὄρη , πλήρη δὲ παντοίων κτημάτων , τὰ μὲν ἐφῆκεν τοῖς στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν , τὸ δὲ ἄστυ καίτοι θαυμάσας τοῦ κάλλους ἔχονto have, hold τὰς οἰκίας ὁμοίως ταῖς ἐν Τύρῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ ΒηρυτῷBerytus δεδομημένας , ἐνέπρησεν .
⁵⁰⁴ this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things; those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus.	⁵⁰⁴ He found it deserted of men, the people having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things. He let the soldiers loot these and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, with houses built like those in Tyre and Sidon and Berytus.
⁵⁰⁴ He found it empty of men, for the multitude had fled to the mountains, but it was full of all kinds of goods; he allowed the soldiers to plunder these, and although he admired the beauty of the city—its houses being built in the style of Tyre, Sidon, and Berytus—he set it on fire.

⁵⁰⁵ Ἔπειτα τὴν χώραν καταδραμὼν καὶ διαρπάσας μὲν πᾶν τὸ προσπῖπτον καταφλέξας δὲ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν Πτολεμαίδα .
⁵⁰⁵ After this he overran all the country, and seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais.	⁵⁰⁵ After this he overran all the country and seized whatever came his way and set fire to the villages round about and then returned to Ptolemais.
⁵⁰⁵ Then, having overrun the country and plundered everything in his path and burned the surrounding villages, he returned to Ptolemais.

⁵⁰⁶ Πρὸς δὲ ταῖς ἁρπαγαῖς ἔτι τῶν Σύρων ὄντων καὶ τὸ πλέον Βηρυτίων ἀναθαρσήσαντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι , καὶ γὰρ ἀποκεχωρηκότα συνίεσαν Κέστιον , τοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσιν ἀδοκήτως ἐπέπεσον καὶ περὶ δισχιλίους αὐτῶν διέφθειραν .
⁵⁰⁶ But when the Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews pulled up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and destroyed about two thousand of them.	⁵⁰⁶ But when the Syrians and especially those of Berytus, were busy looting, the Jews, knowing that Cestius had retreated, took new heart and unexpectedly attacked the stragglers, killing about two thousand of them.
⁵⁰⁶ While the Syrians, especially those of Berytus, were still busy with the plundering, the Jews took heart—realizing that Cestius had withdrawn—and unexpectedly fell upon those left behind, destroying about two thousand of them.

⁵⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ ΚέστιοςCestius ἀναζεύξας ἀπὸ τῆς Πτολεμαίδος αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἀφικνεῖται , μοῖραν δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς προέπεμψεν εἰς Ἰόππην , προστάξας , εἰ μὲν καταλαβέσθαι δυνηθεῖεν τὴν πόλιν , φρουρεῖν , εἰ δὲ προαίσθοιντο τὴν ἔφοδον , περιμένειν αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην δύναμιν .
⁵⁰⁷ 1And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Caesarea; but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa, and gave orders that if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them, that they then should stay for him, and for the rest of the army.	⁵⁰⁷ Cestius marched from Ptolemais to Caesarea, but sending part of his army ahead to Joppa with orders to hold that city if they could capture it, but if the citizens were alerted to the attack, they should wait for him and the rest of the army.
⁵⁰⁷ Cestius, having marched from Ptolemais, arrived at Caesarea, but he sent a portion of the army ahead to Joppa, ordering them that if they could seize the city, they should guard it, but if they were noticed, to wait for him and the rest of the force.

⁵⁰⁸ Τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν κατὰ θάλασσαν οἱ δὲ κατὰ γῆν ἐπειχθέντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν αἱροῦσιν τὴν πόλιν ῥᾳδίως · καὶ μηδὲ φυγεῖν φθασάντων τῶν οἰκητόρων , οὐχ ὅπως παρασκευάσασθαι πρὸς μάχην , ἐμπεσόντες ἅπαντας ἀνεῖλον σὺν ταῖς γενεαῖς καὶ τὴν πόλιν διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν ·
⁵⁰⁸ So some of them made a brisk march by the seaside, and some by land, and so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for a flight, nor had gotten anything ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the city.	⁵⁰⁸ So some made a forced march along the coast and some came overland and coming at them from both sides, they took the city with ease. Since the inhabitants had made no advance provision for flight, nor had anything ready for fighting, the soldiers attacked and killed them all, with their families and then looted and burned the city.
⁵⁰⁸ They hurried both by sea and by land and easily took the city from both sides. Since the inhabitants had no time to flee, much less prepare for battle, the soldiers fell upon them and killed them all along with their families, plundered the city, and burned it.

⁵⁰⁹ ὁ δὲ ἀριθμὸς τῶν φονευθέντων τετρακόσιοι πρὸς ὀκτακισχιλίοις . Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ὅμορον τῆς Καισαρείας Ναρβατηνὴν τοπαρχίαν ἔπεμψεν συχνοὺς τῶν ἱππέων , οἳ τήν τε γῆν ἔτεμον καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειραν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τάς τε κτήσεις διήρπασαν καὶ τὰς κώμας κατέφλεξαν .
⁵⁰⁹ The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Caesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their villages.	⁵⁰⁹ The number of the fallen was eight thousand four hundred. Similarly Cestius sent a considerable troop of cavalry to Narbatene, adjoining Caesarea, who destroyed the district and killed many of its people, looting what they had and burning their villages.
⁵⁰⁹ The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. Similarly, Cestius sent many horsemen into the neighboring toparchy of Narbatane, near Caesarea, who ravaged the land, killed a great number of the inhabitants, plundered their property, and burned their villages.

⁵¹⁰ Εἰς δὲ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἀπέστειλεν Καισέννιον ΓάλλονGallus ἡγεμόνα τοῦ δωδεκάτου τάγματος παραδοὺς δύναμιν ὅσην ἀρκέσειν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ὑπελάμβανεν .
⁵¹⁰ 1But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation.	⁵¹⁰ Cestius sent Gallus, commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee with as much of his forces as he thought sufficient to subdue that nation.
⁵¹⁰ Into Galilee, he sent Caesennius Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, giving him a force he thought sufficient to deal with the nation.

⁵¹¹ Τοῦτον ἡ καρτερωτάτη τῆς Γαλιλαίας πόλις Σέπφωρις μετ’ εὐφημίας δέχεται , καὶ πρὸς τὴν ταύτης εὐβουλίαν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις ἠρέμουν . Τὸ δὲ στασιῶδες καὶ λῃστρικὸν πᾶν ἔφυγεν εἰς τὸ μεσαίτατον τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὄρος , ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἀντικρὺ τῆς ΣεπφώρεωςSepphoris , καλεῖται δὲ ἈσαμώνAsamon . Τούτοις ὁ Γάλλος ἐπῆγε τὴν δύναμιν .
⁵¹¹ He was receivedby the strongest city of Galilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy; which wise conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet; while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against them;	⁵¹¹ He was welcomed with shouts of joy by Sepphoris, the strongest city of Galilee. The wise conduct of that city caused the rest of the cities to keep peace, while the rebels and the brigands fled to the mountain called Asamon in the centre of Galilee and is just opposite Sepphoris, so Gallus brought his forces against them.
⁵¹¹ The strongest city of Galilee, Sepphoris, received him with cheers, and following its wise example, the other cities remained quiet. But the seditious and bandit elements all fled to the mountain in the middle of Galilee, which lies opposite Sepphoris and is called Asamon.^[1] Against these, Gallus led his force.

^[1]A peek in central Galilee, probably modern Mt. Atzmon.

⁵¹² Οἱ δὲ ἕως μὲν ἦσαν ὑπερδέξιοι , ῥᾳδίως τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἠμύναντο προσιόντας καὶ πρὸς διακοσίους αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλον , περιελθόντων δὲ καὶ γενομένων ἐν τοῖς ὑψηλοτέροις ἡττῶντο ταχέως , καὶ οὔτε γυμνῆτες ὁπλίταςarmed warrior συστάδην ἔφερον οὔτε ἐν τῇ τροπῇ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐξέφευγον , ὥστε ὀλίγους μὲν ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις διαλαθεῖν , ἀναιρεθῆναι δὲ ὑπὲρ δισχιλίους .
⁵¹² but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans, they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their approaches, and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had gone round the mountains, and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten; nor could they who had only light armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over; nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemy’s horsemen; insomuch that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to be come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in number, were slain.	⁵¹² Since they were higher up than the Romans, they easily hurled spears at them as they approached and killed about two hundred of them. But when the Romans went round the mountains and got above the enemy, the latter were soon defeated. Men only lightly armed could not hold out against men fighting them in full armour, nor could they escape the enemy cavalry once they were routed. A few hid in remote places among the mountains, but the rest, more than two thousand in number, were killed.
⁵¹² As long as they held the higher ground, they easily repulsed the Romans as they approached and killed about two hundred of them. But when the Romans circled around and reached the higher peaks, the rebels were quickly defeated; being lightly armed, they could not withstand the heavy infantry in close combat, nor could they escape the horsemen during the rout, so that while a few hid in the difficult terrain, over two thousand were killed.

Chapter 19
[vv. 513-555]
Cestius' siege of Jerusalem fails.
He retreats with severe losses

☜ ☞

⁵¹³ Γάλλος μὲν οὖν ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι ἑώρα κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν νεωτεριζόμενον , ὑπέστρεφεν μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰς Καισάρειαν · ΚέστιοςCestius δὲ μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας ἐνέβαλεν εἰς ἈντιπατρίδαAntipatris , καὶ πυθόμενος ἔν τινι πύργῳ ἈφεκοῦAphek καλουμένῳ συνηθροῖσθαι Ἰουδαίων δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην προέπεμπεν τοὺς συμβαλοῦντας .
⁵¹³ And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his army to Caesarea: but Cestius removed with his whole army, and marched to Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them;	⁵¹³ Seeing no further signs of revolt in Galilee, Gallus returned with his army to Caesarea. Cestius marched with his whole army to Antipatris, and when he was told that there was a large Jewish force gathered in a tower called Aphek, he sent a party ahead to fight them.
⁵¹³ Now when Gallus saw that there was no longer any sign of revolt in Galilee, he returned with his army to Caesarea. But Cestius, having set out with his entire force, invaded Antipatris; and hearing that a considerable Jewish force had gathered in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent forward a detachment to engage them.

⁵¹⁴ Οἱ δὲ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν δέει τοὺς Ἰουδαίους διεσκέδασαν , ἐπελθόντες δὲ ἔρημον τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ἐνέπρησαν .
⁵¹⁴ but this party dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about it.	⁵¹⁴ After marching from Antipatris to Lydda, Cestius found the city empty of people, for the majority had gone up to Jerusalem to the Feast of Tents.
⁵¹⁴ But the Jews, before it came to a hand-to-hand fight, were scattered by fear; the Romans, coming upon the camp, found it deserted and burned it along with the surrounding villages.

⁵¹⁵ Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἈντιπατρίδοςAntipatris ΚέστιοςCestius εἰς Λύδδα προελθὼν κενὴν ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν καταλαμβάνει · διὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτὴν ἀναβεβήκει πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα .
⁵¹⁵ But when Cestius had marched from Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole multitude were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles;	⁵¹⁵ After marching from Antipatris to Lydda, Cestius found the city empty of people, for the majority had gone up to Jerusalem to the Feast of Tents.
⁵¹⁵ From Antipatris, Cestius advanced to Lydda and found the city empty of men; for the entire multitude had gone up to Jerusalem for the Feast of Tabernacles.

⁵¹⁶ Πεντήκοντα δὲ τῶν παραφανέντων διαφθείρας καὶ τὸ ἄστυ κατακαύσας ἐχώρει πρόσω , καὶ διὰ Βαιθώρων ἀναβὰς στρατοπεδεύεται κατά τινα χῶρον Γαβαὼ καλούμενον , ἀπέχοντα τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων πεντήκοντα σταδίους .
⁵¹⁶ yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched forwards; and ascending by Bethoron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem.	⁵¹⁶ But he killed fifty of the people who let themselves be seen and burned the city before marching on. Then ascending by Bethoron, he encamped at a place called Gabao, fifty furlongs from Jerusalem.
⁵¹⁶ After killing fifty of those who did appear and burning the town, he proceeded further; and having ascended through Beth-horon, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gibeon, fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem.

⁵¹⁷ Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατιδόντες ἤδη πλησιάζοντα τῇ μητροπόλει τὸν πόλεμον , ἀφέμενοι τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα , καὶ μέγα τῷ πλήθει θαρροῦντες ἄτακτοι μετὰ κραυγῆς ἐξεπήδων ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην μηδὲ τῆς ἀργῆς ἑβδομάδος ἔννοιαν λαβόντες · ἦν γὰρ δὴ τὸ μάλιστα παρ’ αὐτοῖς θρησκευόμενον σάββατον .
⁵¹⁷ But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath was the day to which they had the greatest regard;	⁵¹⁷ When they saw the war approaching their metropolis, the Jews abandoned their festival and took to arms, and with confidence in their numbers went out to fight in a hasty and disorderly manner, with shouting and with no consideration for the sabbath rest, although it was the day they venerated.
⁵¹⁷ The Jews, seeing the war already approaching the mother city, abandoned the feast and rushed to arms. Trusting greatly in their numbers, they leaped out to battle in a disorganized manner and with great shouting, taking no thought even for the seventh day of rest; for it was the Sabbath, the day held by them in the highest religious esteem.

⁵¹⁸ Ὁ δ’ ἐκσείσας αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐσεβείας θυμὸς ἐποίησεν πλεονεκτῆσαι καὶ κατὰ τὴν μάχην · μετὰ τοσαύτης γοῦν ὁρμῆς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προσέπεσον , ὡς διαρρῆξαι τὰς τάξεις αὐτῶν καὶ διὰ μέσων χωρεῖν ἀναιροῦντας .
⁵¹⁸ but that rage which made them forget the religious observation [of the Sabbath,] made them too hard for their enemies in the fight: with such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went,	⁵¹⁸ The same rage that made them forget their piety made them stronger in the battle. They attacked the Romans with such force that they broke through their ranks and went slaughtering through the middle of them.
⁵¹⁸ But the same rage that shook them out of their piety made them superior in the battle; for they fell upon the Romans with such a rush that they broke through their ranks and marched through the midst of them, dealing death.

⁵¹⁹ Εἰ δὲ μὴ τῷ χαλασθέντι τῆς φάλαγγος οἵ τε ἱππεῖς ἐκπεριελθόντες ἐπήμυναν καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ τὸ μὴ σφόδρα κάμνον , κἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν ὅλῃ τῇ δυνάμει ΚέστιοςCestius . Ἀπέθανον δὲ Ῥωμαίων πεντακόσιοι δεκαπέντε · τούτων ἦσαν οἱ τετρακόσιοι πεζοί , τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἱππεῖς · τῶν δὲ Ἰουδαίων δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι .
⁵¹⁹ insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen, while the Jews lost only twenty-two,	⁵¹⁹ Indeed if the cavalry and those infantry who were not yet tired by the action, had not wheeled round and helped the part of the army which had not yet broken, Cestius and his whole army would have been in danger. Five hundred and fifteen Romans were killed, of whom four hundred were infantry and the rest cavalry, while the Jews lost only twenty-two.
⁵¹⁹ Indeed, if the cavalry and the least-exhausted part of the infantry had not wheeled around and come to the aid of the broken part of the phalanx, Cestius and his entire force would have been in danger. Five hundred and fifteen Romans died—four hundred of them infantry and the rest cavalry—while the Jews lost only twenty-two men.

⁵²⁰ Γενναιότατοι δ’ αὐτῶν ἔδοξαν οἱ Μονοβάζου τοῦ τῆς ἈδιαβηνῆςAdiabene βασιλέως συγγενεῖς , Μονόβαζός τε καὶ Κενεδαῖος , μεθ’ οὓς ὁ ΠεραίτηςPersite Νίγερ καὶ Σίλας ὁ Βαβυλώνιος αὐτομολήσας εἰς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπ’ Ἀγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως ·
⁵²⁰ of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army.	⁵²⁰ The most valiant of these were relatives of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, named Monobazus and Kenedeus, after whom came Niger of Perea and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted to the Jews from king Agrippa, with whom he had formerly served.
⁵²⁰ The most valiant among the Jews appeared to be Monobazus and Kenedaios, kinsmen of Monobazus, the king of Adiabene; after them were Niger of Perea and Silas the Babylonian, who had deserted to the Jews from King Agrippa, for he had previously served in his army.

⁵²¹ Ἐστρατεύετο γὰρ παρ’ αὐτῷ . Κατὰ πρόσωπον μὲν οὖν ἀνακοπέντες Ἰουδαῖοι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὑπέστρεφον , κατόπιν δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπὶ τὴν Βεθώραν ἀνιοῦσιν προσπεσὼν ὁ τοῦ ΓιώραGioras Σίμων πολὺ τῆς οὐραγίας ἐσπάραξεν καὶ συχνὰ τῶν σκευοφόρων ἀποσπάσας ἤγαγεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν .
⁵²¹ When the front of the Jewish army had been cut off, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans, as they were ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried off many of the beasts that carried the weapons of war, and led them into the city.	⁵²¹ When the front of their army was cut off, the Jews retreated to the city; but as they were ascending up Bethoron, Simon, son of Giora, still attacked the Romans from the rear and spread panic in the rearguard of their army and took many of the pack animals, and led them into the city.
⁵²¹ The Jews, having been checked in the front, turned back toward the city; but as the Romans were ascending toward Beth-horon, Simon, son of Gioras, fell upon their rear and harassed them greatly, carrying off many of the pack animals and leading them into the city.

⁵²² μένοντος δὲ τοῦ Κεστίου κατὰ χώραν τρισὶν ἡμέραις οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὰ μετέωρα κατειληφότες ἐπετήρουν τὰς παρόδους δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες ἀρξαμένωνto be first τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁδεύειν .
⁵²² But as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march.	⁵²² While Cestius delayed there for three days, the Jews seized the higher parts of the city and set sentries at the entrances and seemed resolved not to rest whenever the Romans began to march.
⁵²² While Cestius remained in that position for three days, the Jews occupied the heights and watched the passes, making it clear that they would not remain quiet once the Romans began to move.

⁵²³ Ἔνθα δὴ κατιδὼν Ἀγρίππας οὐδὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀκίνδυνα πλήθους ἀπείρου πολεμίων τὰ ὄρη περισχόντος ἔκρινεν ἀποπειραθῆναι τῶν Ἰουδαίων Λόγοις · ἢ γὰρ πάντας πείσειν καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἢ τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἀποστήσειν τὸ μὴ συμφρονοῦν .
⁵²³ And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party.	⁵²³ When Agrippa saw the whole of the Roman force in danger, since such a huge crowd of the enemy had seized the mountains round about, he decided to try speaking to the Jews, thinking either to get them all to give up fighting, or at least to detach from the war party those who did not share their views.
⁵²³ Thereupon Agrippa, seeing that even the Roman position was not without danger while an infinite multitude of enemies surrounded the mountains, decided to try to win over the Jews with words; thinking he might either persuade all of them to lay down their arms or separate the moderates from the opposition.

⁵²⁴ Ἔπεμψεν οὖν τῶν παρ’ ἑαυτῷ τοὺς μάλιστα γνωρίμους ἐκείνοις ΒόρκιόνBorceus τε καὶ ΦοῖβονPhoebus , δεξιάς τε παρὰ Κεστίου καὶ συγγνώμην παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἀσφαλῆ περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων ὑπισχνούμενος , εἰ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες πρὸς αὐτοὺς μεταβάλοιντο .
⁵²⁴ So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the persons of his party that were the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand, to secure them of the Romans’ entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over to them;	⁵²⁴ So he sent Borceus and Phoebus, the men on his side best known to them, with a promise that Cestius would guarantee to get for them from the Romans a full amnesty for the wrongs committed, if they put aside their weapons and came over to them.
⁵²⁴ He therefore sent those of his associates who were best known to them, Borcius and Phoebus, promising them pledges of safety from Cestius and a sure pardon from the Romans for their offenses if they would throw down their arms and come over to them.

⁵²⁵ Δείσαντες δὲ οἱ στασιασταὶ μὴ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀδείας ἐλπίδι πρὸς τὸν Ἀγρίππαν μεταβάληται , τοὺς ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ‎ πρεσβεύοντας ὥρμησαν ἀνελεῖν .
⁵²⁵ but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors;	⁵²⁵ But the rebels, fearing that the whole crowd would desert to Agrippa in the hope of finding safety, decided to instantly attack and kill the envoys.
⁵²⁵ But the insurgents, fearing that the whole multitude, in hope of amnesty, would go over to Agrippa, rushed to kill his ambassadors.

⁵²⁶ Καὶ πρὶν ἢ φθέγξασθαι τὸν μὲν ΦοῖβονPhoebus διέφθειραν , ὁ δὲ ΒόρκιοςBorceus τρωθεὶς ἔφθη διαφυγεῖν · τοῦ δήμου δὲ τοὺς ἀγανακτήσαντας λίθοις καὶ ξύλοις παίοντες εἰς τὸ ἄστυ συνήλασαν .
⁵²⁶ accordingly they slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove them before them into the city.	⁵²⁶ So they killed Phoebus before he had said a word, though Borceus was merely wounded and so escaped his fate. Infuriated, the people struck the rebels with stones and clubs and drove them ahead of them into the citadel.
⁵²⁶ Before he could utter a word, they murdered Phoebus; Borcius, though wounded, managed to escape. As for those of the people who were indignant at this, the insurgents beat them with stones and clubs and drove them back into the city.

⁵²⁷ ΚέστιοςCestius δὲ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν ταραχὴν εὔκαιρον ἰδὼν εἰς ἐπίθεσιν ἅπασαν ἐπῆγεν τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τραπέντας μέχρι Ἱεροσολύμων κατεδίωξεν .
⁵²⁷ But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to Jerusalem.	⁵²⁷ But now Cestius, noting how the disturbances that had begun among the Jews gave him an opportunity to attack them, took his whole force and put the Jews to flight and pursued them as far as Jerusalem.
⁵²⁷ Cestius, seeing that their internal [mutual] disorder offered a favorable opportunity, brought up his entire force and, having turned them to flight, pursued them as far as Jerusalem.

⁵²⁸ Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ καλουμένου ΣκοποῦScopus , διέχει δ’ οὗτος ἑπτὰ τῆς πόλεως σταδίους , τρισὶ μὲν ἡμέραις οὐκ ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in τῇ Βηθήλῃ τάχα τι παρὰ τῶν ἔνδον ἐνδοθήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν , εἰς δὲ τὰς πέριξ κώμας ἐφ’ ἁρπαγὴν σίτου πολλοὺς διαφῆκεν τῶν στρατιωτῶν · τῇ τετάρτῃ δέ , ἥτις ἦν τριακὰς Ὑπερβερεταίου μηνός , διατάξας τὴν στρατιὰν εἰσῆγεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν .
⁵²⁸ He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus [or watchtower], which was distant seven furlongs from the city; yet did not he assault them in three days’ time, out of expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little; and in the meantime he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighboring villages, to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperberetaeus, [Tisri,] when he had put his army in array, he brought it into the city.	⁵²⁸ He then encamped on the height called Scopus, seven furlongs from the city, but over a period of three days did not attack them, expecting that those inside might yield a little. Meanwhile he sent out many of his soldiers into neighbouring villages to seize their corn. On the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, he paraded his army and led it into the city.
⁵²⁸ He pitched his camp at the place called Scopus [the Lookout], which is seven stadia distant from the city; for three days he did not attack the city, perhaps expecting that those within would make some surrender, and he sent many of his soldiers into the surrounding villages to forage for grain. But on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperberetaios, he marshaled his army and led it into the city.

⁵²⁹ Ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ὑπὸ τοῖς στασιασταῖς ἔμφρουρος ἦν , οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταπλαγέντες τῶν μὲν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως μερῶν εἶκον , εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐνδοτέρω καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρουν .
⁵²⁹ Now for the people, they were kept under by the seditious; but the seditious themselves were greatly affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the temple.	⁵²⁹ The populace was kept under by the rebels, but the rebels in turn were greatly frightened of the good order of the Romans and retreated from the suburbs into the inner part of the city and into the temple.
⁵²⁹ Now the common people were kept under watch by the insurgents, but the insurgents, being struck with consternation at the good order of the Romans, withdrew from the outer parts of the city and retreated into the inner quarter and the Temple.

⁵³⁰ ΚέστιοςCestius δὲ παρελθὼν ὑποπίμπρησιν τήν τε Βεθεζὰν προσαγορευομένηνto call, name καὶ τὴν ΚαινόπολινNew City καὶ τὸ καλούμενον Δοκῶν ἀγοράν , ἔπειτα πρὸς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἐλθὼν ἀντικρὺ τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς ἐστρατοπεδεύετο .
⁵³⁰ But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is also called Cenopolis, [or the new city,] on fire; as he did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace;	⁵³⁰ When Cestius entered the city, he set fire to the part called Bezatha or "New City ," and also to what is called the Timber Market; then he entered the upper city and encamped opposite the royal palace.
⁵³⁰ Cestius, having entered, set fire to the district called Bezetha [the New City] and the Timber Market, and then, coming to the Upper City, he pitched his camp opposite the royal palace.

⁵³¹ Κἂν εἴπερ ἠθέλησεν κατ’ αὐτὴν ἐκείνην τὴν ὥραν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχέων βιάσασθαι , παραυτίκα τὴν πόλιν ἔσχεν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον συνέβη καταλελύσθαι · ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅ τε στρατοπεδάρχης ΤυράννιοςTyrannius Πρῖσκος καὶ τῶν ἱππάρχων οἱ πλεῖστοι χρήμασιν ὑπὸ ΦλώρουFlorus δεκασθέντες ἀπέστρεψαν αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως .
⁵³¹ and had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once; but Tyrannius Priscus, the muster-master of the army, and a great number of the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted him from that his attempt;	⁵³¹ If at this time he had tried to get within the ramparts by force, he would soon have taken the city and the war would have been ended at once, but the quartermaster, Tyrannius Priscus, and most of the cavalry officers had been bribed by Florus and put him off this attempt.
⁵³¹ If he had been willing at that very hour to force his way within the walls, he would have taken the city immediately and the war would have been brought to an end; but Tyrannius Priscus, the camp prefect, and most of the cavalry officers, having been bribed by Florus, diverted him from the attempt.

⁵³² Καὶ παρὰ τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην ὅ τε πόλεμος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον μῆκος προύβη καὶ ἀνηκέστων Ἰουδαίους συμφορῶν ἀναπλησθῆναι συνέπεσεν .
⁵³² and that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such incurable calamities.	⁵³² That was the very reason this war lasted so long and why the Jews were overwhelmed by such dreadful woes.
⁵³² It was due to this cause that the war was prolonged to such a great length, and it resulted in the Jews being overwhelmed by incurable calamities.

⁵³³ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ πολλοὶ τῶν γνωρίμων δημοτῶν Ἀνάνῳ τῷ Ἰωνάθου παιδὶ πεισθέντες ἐκάλουν τὸν Κέστιον ὡς ἀνοίξοντες αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας .
⁵³³ In the meantime, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him;	⁵³³ Meanwhile many of the leading citizens were persuaded by Ananus, son of Jonathan, to invite Cestius into the city and were about to open the gates for him.
⁵³³ In the meantime, many of the notable citizens, being persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, called to Cestius as if they would open the gates to him.

⁵³⁴ Ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὑπεριδὼν καὶ μὴ πάνυ πιστεύσας διεμέλλησεν , ἕως οἱ στασιασταὶ τὴν προδοσίανsurrender, treason αἰσθόμενοι τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν ἌνανονAnanus ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους κατέβαλον καὶ λίθοις παίοντες συνήλασαν εἰς τὰς οἰκίας , αὐτοὶ δὲ διαστάντες ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων τοὺς ἀποπειρωμένους τοῦ τείχους ἔβαλλον .
⁵³⁴ but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall.	⁵³⁴ But he ignored them, partly out of anger and partly because he did not quite trust them, and he delayed so long that the rebels learned of the treachery and pulled Ananus and his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses. Then they stood at suitable distances in the towers and threw spears at those who tried getting over the wall.
⁵³⁴ But he, partly out of anger and partly because he did not fully trust them, delayed, until the insurgents perceived the treachery and threw Ananus and his associates down from the wall and, striking them with stones, drove them into their houses; while they themselves took their stand on the towers and shot at those who were attempting to scale the wall.

⁵³⁵ Πέντε μὲν οὖν ἡμέραις πάντοθεν ἐπιχειροῦσιν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀμήχανος ἦν ἡ προσβολή , τῇ δ’ ἐπιούσῃ ἀναλαβὼν ὁ ΚέστιοςCestius τῶν τε ἐπιλέκτων συχνοὺς καὶ τοὺς τοξότας κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in κλίμα τῷ ἱερῷ .
⁵³⁵ Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no purpose. But on the next day Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it;	⁵³⁵ For five days the Romans attacked the wall in vain, but on the next day Cestius took a band of his choicest men and his archers and attempted to break into the temple from the northern side.
⁵³⁵ For five days, the Romans attacked from all sides without success, but on the next day, Cestius, taking many of the picked men and the archers, attacked the Temple at its northern side.

⁵³⁶ Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς στοᾶς εἶργον , καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἀπεκρούσαντο τοὺς τῷ τείχει προσελθόντας , τέλος δὲ τῷ πλήθει τῶν βελῶν ἀνακοπέντες ὑπεχώρησαν .
⁵³⁶ but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire;	⁵³⁶ From the porticoes, the Jews beat them off and several times repulsed them when they got near to the wall, making them retreat under a hail of spears.
⁵³⁶ The Jews defended from the portico and many times repulsed those who reached the wall, but at last, being overwhelmed by the multitude of missiles, they gave way.

⁵³⁷ Τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ πρῶτοι τοὺς θυρεοὺς ἐξερείσαντες εἰς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ κατὰ τούτων οἱ κατόπιν ἄλλους οἵ τε ἑξῆς ὁμοίως τὴν καλουμένην παρ’ αὐτοῖς χελώνην ἐφράξαντο , καθ’ ἧς τὰ βέλη φερόμενα περιωλίσθανεν ἄπρακτα , μηδὲν δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται κακούμενοι τὸ τεῖχος ὑπέσυρον καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὴν πύλην ὑποπιμπράναι παρεσκευάζοντο .
⁵³⁷ but the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off without doing them any harm; so the soldiers undermined the wall, without being themselves hurt, and got all things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple.	⁵³⁷ But then the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall and so did those who were behind them, and those who were still further back formed a defence that they call the tortoise, against which the spears that were thrown slid off uselessly. So the soldiers were able to undermine the wall, without being harmed and got ready to set the gate of the temple on fire.
⁵³⁷ The front rank of the Romans then locked their shields against the wall, and those behind them did the same, and the next likewise, forming what they call a “testudo” [tortoise-shell formation], from which the missiles fell and glided off without effect; and the soldiers, suffering no harm, undermined the wall and prepared to set fire to the gate of the Temple.

⁵³⁸ Δεινὴ δὲ τοὺς στασιαστὰς ἔκπληξιςconsternation κατέλαβεν · ἤδη δὲ πολλοὶ διεδίδρασκον ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ὡς ἁλωσομένης αὐτίκα . Τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἐπὶ τούτοις συνέβαινεν θαρρεῖν , καὶ καθὸ παρείκοιεν οἱ πονηροί , προσῄεσαν αὐτοὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξοντες καὶ δεξόμενοι τὸν Κέστιον ὡς Εὐεργέτην .
⁵³⁸ And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the seditious, insomuch that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately; but the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did they come, in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius as their benefactor,	⁵³⁸ A terrible fear seized the rebels, so that many of them fled from the city, fearing it would soon be taken, but the people took courage from this and wherever the wicked gave ground, they came in, planning to open the gates and to admit Cestius as their benefactor.
⁵³⁸ A terrible panic seized the insurgents, and many were already running away from the city as if it were about to be captured immediately. But the common people took heart at this, and where the wicked men gave way, they themselves approached the gates to open them and receive Cestius as a benefactor.

⁵³⁹ Ὃς εἰ βραχὺ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ προσελιπάρησεν , κἂν εὐθέως τὴν πόλιν παρέλαβεν · ἀλλ’ οἶμαι διὰ τοὺς πονηροὺς ἀπεστραμμένος ὁ θεὸς ἤδη καὶ τὰ ἅγια τέλος λαβεῖν ἐπ’ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκώλυσεν τὸν πόλεμον .
⁵³⁹ who, had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city; but it was, I suppose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary, that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day.	⁵³⁹ If only he had continued the siege a little longer, he would certainly have taken the city. But I expect that God prevented the war from ending that very day because He had turned away from the city and the sanctuary.
⁵³⁹ Had he [Cestius] persisted only a little longer in the siege, he would have taken the city at once; but I suppose that because of the wicked, God had already turned away even from the holy places, and so He prevented the war from ending on that day.

⁵⁴⁰ Ὁ γοῦν ΚέστιοςCestius οὔτε τὴν τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἀπόγνωσιν οὔτε τοῦ δήμου τὸ φρόνημα συνιδὼν ἐξαίφνης ἀνεκάλεσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ καταγνοὺς ἐπ’ οὐδεμιᾷ πληγῇ τῶν ἐλπίδων παραλογώτατα ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀνέζευξεν .
⁵⁴⁰ It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world.	⁵⁴⁰ Cestius did not realise either the despair of the besieged or the courage of his own people and so he recalled his soldiers from the place and gave up without being defeated in any way, and retreated from the city against all expectation.
⁵⁴⁰ Cestius, at any rate, perceiving neither the despair of the besieged nor the mood of the people, suddenly recalled his soldiers and, having suffered no blow to his hopes, most irrationally withdrew from the city.

⁵⁴¹ Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἀδόκητον αὐτοῦ‎ τροπὴν ἀναθαρσήσαντες οἱ λῃσταὶ κατὰ τῶν ὑστάτων ἐπεξέδραμον καὶ συχνοὺς τῶν ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν διέφθειραν .
⁵⁴¹ But when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen;	⁵⁴¹ The brigands noticed his surprising retreat and regained their courage and pursued the rear of his army and killed many of their cavalry and infantry.
⁵⁴¹ Taking heart at this unexpected retreat, the bandits rushed out after the rear of the army and destroyed many of the cavalry and infantry.

⁵⁴² Τότε μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸν Σκοπὸν αὐλίζεται στρατοπέδῳ ΚέστιοςCestius , τῇ δ’ ἐπιούσῃ προσωτέρω χωριζόμενος μᾶλλον ἐξεκαλέσατο τοὺς πολεμίους , καὶ τοὺς ὑστάτους αὐτῶν προσκείμενοι διέφθειρον καὶ καθ’ ἑκάτερον τῆς ὁδοῦ περιιόντες ἠκόντιζον εἰς πλαγίους .
⁵⁴² and now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus; and as he went off farther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still fell upon the hindmost, and destroyed them; they also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely,	⁵⁴² Cestius stayed all night at the camp on Scopus, and as he moved away farther next day, it rather invited the enemy in pursuit, still harrying and killing his rearguard and attacking and hurling spears from both flanks.
⁵⁴² That night Cestius encamped at Scopus, but the next day, as he moved further away, he provoked the enemy even more; they pressed upon the rear and killed many, and circling around on both sides of the road, they threw javelins into the flanks.

⁵⁴³ Οὔτε δὲ ἐπιστραφῆναι πρὸς τοὺς κατόπιν τιτρώσκοντας ἐθάρρουν οἱ τελευταῖοι ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος οἰόμενοι διώκειν καὶ τοὺς κατὰ πλευρὸν ἐγκειμένους ἀναστέλλειν οὐχ ὑπέμενον , αὐτοὶ μὲν ὄντες βαρεῖς καὶ δεδοικότες τὴν τάξιν διασπᾶν , τοὺς δὲ Ἰουδαίους ὁρῶντες κούφους καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς εὐκόλους · ὥστε συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς πολλὰ κακοῦσθαι μηδὲν ἀντιβλάπτουσιν τοὺς ἐχθρούς .
⁵⁴³ nor durst those that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the multitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and because they saw the Jews were light, and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being able to revenge themselves upon their enemies;	⁵⁴³ The rearguard did not dare turn back against those wounding them from behind, imagining that there was a large crowd in pursuit. Nor could the others drive away those who were coming at them on each side, since they were weighed down with armour and afraid to break ranks, seeing the lightly-armed Jews ready to pounce on them. So they suffered heavy losses without being able to take revenge upon the enemy.
⁵⁴³ The rear ranks did not dare to turn back toward those wounding them from behind, thinking an infinite multitude was pursuing them, and they could not repel those pressing their flanks, being themselves heavily armed and afraid to break their formation, while they saw the Jews were light and ready for quick attacks; thus it happened that they suffered much harm without being able to strike back at their enemies.

⁵⁴⁴ Παρ’ ὅλην δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν παιόμενοι καὶ τῆς φάλαγγος ἐκσειόμενοι κατέπιπτον , μέχρι πολλῶν διαφθαρέντων , ἐν οἷς ἦν Πρῖσκος μὲν στρατάρχης τάγματος ἕκτου , Λογγῖνος δὲ χιλίαρχος , ἔπαρχος δὲ ἴλης Αἰμίλιος ἸούκουνδοςJucundus ὄνομα , μόλις εἰς Γαβαὼν κατήντησαν ἐπὶ τὸ πρότερον στρατόπεδον , τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τῶν σκευῶν ἀποβαλόντες .
⁵⁴⁴ so they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain; among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, and Longinus, the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their baggage.	⁵⁴⁴ Throughout their march they were being struck and their ranks thrown into confusion and those who fell out of rank were killed, among them Priscus, the general of the sixth legion and Longinus the tribune and Emilius Secundus who commanded a troop of cavalry. So they barely made it to their former camp at Gabao, and not without the loss of much of their baggage.
⁵⁴⁴ All along the road they were struck and, being shaken out of their ranks, they fell, until after many had been destroyed—among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, Longinus, a tribune, and an officer of a troop of horse named Aemilius Jucundus—they reached Gibeon with difficulty, having lost most of their baggage.

⁵⁴⁵ Ἔνθα δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἐπέμεινεν ὁ ΚέστιοςCestius ἀμηχανῶν , ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν , τῇ τρίτῃ δὲ πολλῷ πλείους τοὺς πολεμίους θεασάμενος καὶ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ μεστὰ Ἰουδαίων ἔγνω καθ’ ἑαυτοῦ τε βραδύνας κἂν ἔτι μείνῃ πλείοσιν χρησόμενος ἐχθροῖς .
⁵⁴⁵ There it was that Cestius staid two days, and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances; but when on the third day he saw a still much greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him.	⁵⁴⁵ Cestius stayed there for two days and was at a loss to know what to do in the circumstances, but when on the third day he saw a still greater number of the enemy and the whole area full of Jews, he understood that the delay was to his disadvantage and that if he stayed any longer he would have to deal with still more enemies.
⁵⁴⁵ There Cestius remained for two days, uncertain what to do; but on the third day, seeing the enemy far more numerous and all the surroundings full of Jews, he realized that delay had worked against him and that if he stayed longer, he would face even more enemies.

⁵⁴⁶ Ἵνα δὲ συντονωτέρᾳ χρήσαιτο φυγῇ , τὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀνθέλκοντα περικόπτειν προσέταξεν . Διαφθαρέντων δὲ τῶν τε ὀρέων καὶ τῶν ὄνων ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑποζυγίων πλὴν ὅσα βέλη παρεκόμιζεν καὶ μηχανάς , τούτων γὰρ διὰ τὴν χρείαν περιείχοντο καὶ μάλιστα δεδοικότες , μὴ Ἰουδαίοις κατ’ αὐτῶν ἁλῷ , προῆγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ Βεθώρων .
⁵⁴⁶ That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might hinder his army’s march; so they killed the mules and the other creatures, excepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoron.	⁵⁴⁶ To escape faster, he ordered them to jettison anything that could slow the army's march, so they killed the mules, donkeys and other beasts of burden, except those carrying their spears and tools, which they kept for their own use, mainly because they were afraid the Jews should seize them; and then marched his army as far as Bethoron.
⁵⁴⁶ In order to make his flight more rapid, he ordered that everything burdening the army be cut away. The mules, asses, and beasts of burden were killed, except those that carried missiles and engines [of war]; for they kept these for their own use, and especially feared they might be captured by the Jews and used against them. He then led the force toward Beth-horon.

⁵⁴⁷ Οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατὰ μὲν τὰς εὐρυχωρίας ἧττον ἐπέκειντο , συνειληθέντων δὲ εἰς τὰ στενὰ καὶ τὴν κατάβασιν οἱ μὲν φθάσαντες εἶργον αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐξόδου , ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς ὑστάτους κατεώθουν εἰς τὴν Φάραγγα , τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος παρεκταθὲν ὑπὲρ τὸν αὐχένα τῆς ὁδοῦ κατεκάλυπτε τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς βέλεσιν .
⁵⁴⁷ Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places; but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did some of them get before, and hindered them from getting out of them; and others of them thrust the hindermost down into the lower places; and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered the Roman army with their darts.	⁵⁴⁷ The Jews did not attack them so much when they were in wide open places, but when they were hemmed in as they descended through narrow passes, some of them went ahead to prevent them from getting out, and others thrust their rear-guard down into the gorge, and the main force stretched above the narrowest part and showered the Roman army with their spears.
⁵⁴⁷ The Jews attacked less in the open spaces, but when they were crowded into the narrow passes and the descent, some of those ahead blocked their exit, while others pushed the rear ranks down into the ravine, and the whole multitude, stretching out over the neck of the road, covered the phalanx with missiles.

⁵⁴⁸ Ἔνθα καὶ τῶν πεζῶν ἀμηχανούντων προσαμύνειν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπισφαλέστερος τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ὁ κίνδυνος ἦν · οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τάξει κατὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ βαδίζειν ἐδύναντο βαλλόμενοι , καὶ τὸ πρόσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἱππάσιμον οὐκ ἦν ·
⁵⁴⁸ In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelted, that they could not march along the road in their ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy;	⁵⁴⁸ In these circumstances the infantry were unable to defend themselves, but the danger was still greater for the cavalry. They could not move along the road in ranks, under the shower of weapons, and the ascents were too steep for the cavalry to charge the enemy.
⁵⁴⁸ There, while the infantry were unable to defend themselves, the danger to the cavalry was even more perilous; for they could not march in order along the road while being shot at, and the steep ground was not passable for horses to charge the enemy.

⁵⁴⁹ τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ θάτερα κρημνοὶ καὶ φάραγγες , εἰς οὓς ἀποσφαλέντες κατεφθείροντο , καὶ οὔτε φυγῆς τις τόπον οὔτε ἀμύνης εἶχεν ἐπίνοιαν , ἀλλ’ ὑπ’ ἀμηχανίας ἐπ’ οἰμωγὴν ἐτράποντο καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἀπογνώσεσιν ὀδυρμούς · ἀντήχει δ’ αὐτοῖς τὸ παρὰ Ἰουδαίων ἐγκέλευσμα καὶ κραυγὴ χαιρόντων ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένων .
⁵⁴⁹ the precipices also, and valleys into which they frequently fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their defense; till the distress they were at last in was so great, that they betook themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost despair: the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage.	⁵⁴⁹ The precipices and valleys on either side, into which they often tumbled were such that there was nowhere to escape and no way to defend them could be found, until their distress was so great that they broke out in laments and cries like men in the depths of despair, echoed by the joyful cries of the Jews encouraging each other, blending the sounds of joy and fury.
⁵⁴⁹ On either side were cliffs and ravines into which they slipped and were destroyed; there was no place for flight nor any plan for defense, but in their helplessness they turned to wailing and the lamentations of despair. The Jews answered them with cheers, shouting with a mixture of joy and rage.

⁵⁵⁰ Ὀλίγου δὲ δεῖν πᾶσαν ἀνήρπασαν τὴν ἅμα Κεστίῳ δύναμιν , εἰ μὴ νὺξ ἐπέλαβεν , ἐν ᾗ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν εἰς τὴν Βεθώραν κατέφυγον , Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ περισχόντες ἐφρούρουν αὐτῶν τὴν ἔξοδον .
⁵⁵⁰ Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius’s entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out [in the morning].	⁵⁵⁰ The Jews would almost have captured Cestius's entire army if the night had not fallen, when the Romans fled to Bethoron and the Jews seized all the places round about and watched out for their departure
⁵⁵⁰ They nearly destroyed the entire force with Cestius, had not night intervened, during which the Romans fled to Beth-horon, while the Jews surrounded the place and guarded their exit.

⁵⁵¹ Ἔνθα δὴ ΚέστιοςCestius τὴν φανερὰν ὁδὸν ἀπογνοὺς δρασμὸν ἐβουλεύετο καὶ διακρίνας τοὺς εὐψυχοτάτους στρατιώτας ὡσεὶ τετρακοσίους ἐπέστησεν τῶν δωμάτων , προστάξας ἀναβοᾶν τὰ σημεῖα τῶν ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις φυλάκων , ὅπως Ἰουδαῖοι πᾶσαν οἴωνται τὴν δύναμιν κατὰ χώραν μένειν · αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀναλαβὼν ἡσυχῆ τριάκοντα πρόεισιν σταδίους .
⁵⁵¹ And then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he might best run away; and when he had selected four hundred of the most courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications, and gave order, that when they went up to the morning guard, they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him, and marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs.	⁵⁵¹ Despairing of being able to leave the place openly, Cestius planned how best to escape. He chose four hundred of his bravest soldiers and placed them on the rooftops, with orders to set up their standards for the morning watch, to make the Jews believe that the entire army was still there, while he took the rest of his forces and marched thirty furlongs in silence.
⁵⁵¹ Then Cestius, despairing of the open road, planned his escape; he selected about four hundred of his bravest soldiers and placed them on the fortifications, ordering them to shout the signals of the camp guards so that the Jews would think the whole force remained there. He himself, taking the rest, moved forward thirty stadia in silence.

⁵⁵² Ἕωθεν δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι κατιδόντες ἔρημον τὴν ἔπαυλιν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐξαπατήσαντας τετρακοσίους ἔδραμον , κἀκείνους μὲν ταχέως κατηκόντισαν , ἐδίωκον δὲ τὸν Κέστιον .
⁵⁵² But when the Jews perceived, in the morning, that the camp was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them, and immediately threw their darts at them, and slew them; and then pursued after Cestius.	⁵⁵² In the morning, when the Jews saw that the camp was empty, they immediately overcame the four hundred who had tricked them and hurled spears at them and killed them, and went in pursuit of Cestius.
⁵⁵² At daybreak, the Jews, seeing the camp deserted, rushed upon the four hundred who had deceived them and quickly shot them down with javelins, then pursued Cestius.

⁵⁵³ Ὁ δὲ τῆς τε νυκτὸς οὐκ ὀλίγον προειλήφει καὶ συντονώτερον ἔφευγεν μεθ’ ἡμέραν , ὥστε τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπ’ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation καὶ δέους τάς τε ἑλεπόλεις καὶ τοὺς ὀξυβελεῖς καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὀργάνων καταλιπεῖν , ἃ τότε Ἰουδαῖοι λαβόντες αὖθις ἐχρήσαντο κατὰ τῶν ἀφέντων .
⁵⁵³ But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when it was day; insomuch that the soldiers, through the astonishment and fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war.	⁵⁵³ However, he had already spent most of the night on the move and marched still quicker during the day, though in their confusion and fear, the soldiers left their siege-machines and stone-throwers behind them with many of the other war machines, which the Jews took and later used against those who had abandoned them.
⁵⁵³ He had gained a considerable start during the night and fled even more rapidly by day, so that the soldiers, in their panic and fear, left behind the engines [helepoleis], the catapults, and most of their other instruments, which the Jews then captured and later used against those who had abandoned them.

⁵⁵⁴ προῆλθον δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διώκοντες μέχρι ἈντιπατρίδοςAntipatris . ἔπειθ’ ὡς οὐ κατελάμβανον , ὑποστρέφοντες τάς τε μηχανὰς ᾖρον καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐσύλων τήν τε ἀπολειφθεῖσαν λείαν συνῆγον καὶ μετὰ παιάνων εἰς τὴν μητρόπολιν ἐπαλινδρόουν ,
⁵⁵⁴ So the Jews went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis;	⁵⁵⁴ They went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris, and unable to overtake them, turned back and took the machines and despoiled the corpses and gathered up the loot left behind and returned to their capital, running and singing.
⁵⁵⁴ They pursued the Romans as far as Antipatris; then, since they did not catch them, they turned back, recovered the engines, stripped the dead, collected the abandoned booty, and returned to the mother city with songs of victory [paeans].

⁵⁵⁵ αὐτοὶ μὲν ὀλίγους ἀποβεβλημένοι παντάπασιν , τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους ἀνῃρηκότες , ἱππεῖς δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίους . τάδε μὲν οὖν ἐπράχθη Δίου μηνὸς ὀγδόῃ δωδεκάτῳ τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας ἔτει .
⁵⁵⁵ while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius [Marhesvan], in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.	⁵⁵⁵ While they had lost only a few, they had killed five thousand, three hundred infantry and three hundred and eighty cavalry, on the Roman side. This took place on the eighth day of the month Dius, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.
⁵⁵⁵ They themselves had lost very few men, while they had slain five thousand three hundred infantry of the Romans and their allies, and four hundred and eighty cavalry. These things were done on the eighth day of the month Dius, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.

Chapter 20
[vv. 556-584]
The Jews prepare to defend themselves.
Josephus takes command in Galilee

☜ ☞

⁵⁵⁶ μετὰ δὲ τὴν Κεστίου συμφορὰν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶνevident; notable Ἰουδαίων ὥσπερ βαπτιζομένης νηὸς ἀπενήχοντο τῆς πόλεως . ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus γοῦν καὶ ΣάουλοςSaul ἀδελφοὶ σὺν Φιλίππῳ τῷ Ἰακίμου , στρατοπεδάρχης δ’ ἦν οὗτος Ἀγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως , διαδράντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ᾬχοντο πρὸς Κέστιον ·
⁵⁵⁶ After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa’s forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius.	⁵⁵⁶ After this disaster to Cestius, many of the foremost Jews left the city, like people swimming from a sinking ship. The brothers Costobarus and Saul, along with Philip, son of Jacimus, the commander of king Agrippa's forces, fled from the city to Cestius.
⁵⁵⁶ After the defeat of Cestius, many of the eminent Jews fled the city like passengers swimming away from a sinking ship. Costobarus and Saulus, who were brothers, along with Philip son of Jacimus (who was the commander of King Agrippa’s army), escaped from the city and went to Cestius.

⁵⁵⁷ ὁ δὲ σὺν τούτοις κατὰ τὴν βασιλικὴν αὐλὴν πολιορκηθεὶς Ἀντίπας ὑπεριδὼν τὴν φυγὴν αὖθις ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν διεφθάρη δηλώσομεν .
⁵⁵⁷ But then how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king’s palace, but would not fly away with them, was afterward slain by the seditious, we shall relate hereafter.	⁵⁵⁷ We shall later tell how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not escape with them, was later killed by the rebels.
⁵⁵⁷ How Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the royal palace but looked down upon flight, was later put to death by the revolutionaries, we shall relate hereafter.

⁵⁵⁸ ΚέστιοςCestius δὲ τοὺς περὶ ΣάουλονSaul ἀξιώσαντας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς ἈχαίανAchaia πρὸς ΝέρωναNero τήν τε αὐτῶν δηλώσοντας ἀνάγκην καὶ τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου τρέψοντας εἰς ΦλῶρονFlorus · τὴν γὰρ ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνον ὀργὴν κουφίσειν καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ κινδύνους ἤλπισεν .
⁵⁵⁸ However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him of the great distress they were in, and to lay the blame of their kindling the war upon Florus, as hoping to alleviate his own danger, by provoking his indignation against Florus.	⁵⁵⁸ Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Nero in Achaia, to inform him of their plight and to lay upon Florus the blame for kindling the war, hoping to alleviate the danger to himself by directing his anger at Florus.
⁵⁵⁸ Cestius sent Saulus and his companions, at their own request, to Achaia to Nero, both to inform him of their own plight and to shift the blame for the war onto Gessius Florus; for he hoped that by turning Nero’s anger against Florus, he might diminish the danger to himself.

⁵⁵⁹ Κἀν τούτῳ Δαμασκηνοὶ τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων φθορὰν πυθόμενοιto ask, inquire τοὺς παρ’ ἑαυτοῖς Ἰουδαίους ἀνελεῖν ἐσπούδασαν .
⁵⁵⁹ In the meantime, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them;	⁵⁵⁹ Meanwhile the people of Damascus, when they were told of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of the Jews in their city.
⁵⁵⁹ Meanwhile, the people of Damascus, having learned of the destruction of the Romans, were eager to exterminate the Jews living among them.

⁵⁶⁰ Καὶ καθὸ μὲν εἶχον αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ συνηθροισμένους πάλαι διὰ τὰς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy τοῦτο πραγματευσάμενοι , ῥᾴστην τὴν ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack ἐδόκουν · ἐδεδοίκεισαν δὲ τὰς ἑαυτῶν γυναῖκας ἁπάσας πλὴν ὀλίγων ὑπηγμένας τῇ ἸουδαῑκῇJewish θρησκείᾳ ·
⁵⁶⁰ and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion;	⁵⁶⁰ As they had them already cooped up together in the gymnasium, which they had done from their suspicion of them, they thought it should not be difficult, but they distrusted their own wives, most of whom were devoted to the Jewish religion.
⁵⁶⁰ As they already had them shut up in the gymnasium—a precaution they had taken long before due to suspicion—they thought the attempt would be easy. However, they feared their own wives, who had almost all (with few exceptions) been won over to the Jewish religion.

⁵⁶¹ Διὸ μέγιστος αὐτοῖς ἀγὼν ἐγένετο λαθεῖν ἐκείνας . Τοὺς δὲ Ἰουδαίους ὡς ἂν ἐν στενῷ χωρίῳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν μυρίους καὶ πεντακοσίους πάντας ἀνόπλους ἐπελθόντες ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀδεῶς ἀπέσφαξαν .
⁵⁶¹ on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour’s time, without any body to disturb them.	⁵⁶¹ So their greatest concern was how to conceal it from them, so they attacked the Jews in this confined space and simply cut their throats in a single hour, as all ten thousand of them were unarmed.
⁵⁶¹ Therefore, their greatest struggle was to keep the matter a secret from them. But the people of Damascus fell upon the Jews, who were unarmed and crowded into a narrow space, numbering ten thousand five hundred, and slaughtered them all within a single hour without fear of resistance.

⁵⁶² Οἱ δὲ διώξαντες τὸν Κέστιον ὡς ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα , τοὺς μὲν βίᾳ τῶν ἔτι ῥωμαιζόντων τοὺς δὲ πειθοῖ προσήγοντο , καὶ συναθροισθέντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν στρατηγοὺς ἀπεδείκνυσαν τοῦ πολέμου πλείονας .
⁵⁶² But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some they persuaded [by entreaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war.	⁵⁶² On their return to Jerusalem those who had followed Cestius prevailed over those who favoured the Romans, some they forced, and some they won by persuasion. They gathered in great numbers in the temple and appointed many generals for the war.
⁵⁶² When those who had pursued Cestius returned to Jerusalem, they brought over to their side some by force and others by persuasion who still favored the Romans. Having gathered in the Temple, they appointed several generals for the war.

⁵⁶³ ᾙρέθη δὲ Ἰώσηπός τε Ναχώρης Γωρίονος καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἄνανος τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἁπάντων αὐτοκράτορες καὶ μάλιστα τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνεγείρειν ·
⁵⁶³ Joseph also, the son of Gorion, and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city;	⁵⁶³ Joseph, son of Gorion, and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as officers of all matters within the city, with the particular task of repairing the ramparts of the city.
⁵⁶³ Josephus son of Gorion and the High Priest Ananus [ben Ananus] were chosen as supreme governors of all affairs in the city, with a primary charge to repair the city walls.

⁵⁶⁴ τὸν γὰρ τοῦ Σίμωνος υἱὸν Ἐλεάζαρον καίπερ ὑφ’ ἑαυτῷ πεποιημένον τὴν Ῥωμαίων λείαν καὶ τὰ ἁρπαγέντα Κεστίου χρήματα , πρὸς οἷς πολλὰ τῶν δημοσίων θησαυρῶν , ὅμως οὐκ ἐπέστησαν ταῖς χρείαις αὐτόν τε τυραννικὸν ὁρῶντες καὶ τοὺς ὑπ’ αὐτῷ ζηλωτὰς δορυφόρων ἔθεσι χρωμένους .
⁵⁶⁴ for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him.	⁵⁶⁴ They did not give that job to Eleazar the son of Simon, even though he held what they had looted from the Romans and the money they had taken from Cestius, along with most of the public treasury, because they saw his tyrannical temper and that his followers behaved like his bodyguards.
⁵⁶⁴ For Eleazar son of Simon, although he had in his possession the Roman spoils and the money taken from Cestius, as well as much of the public treasury, was not placed in charge of affairs; they saw that he had the disposition of a tyrant and that the “Zealots” under him behaved like a private bodyguard.

⁵⁶⁵ κατ’ ὀλίγον γε μὴν ἥ τε χρεία τῶν χρημάτων καὶ γοητεύων Ἐλεάζαρος ἐκπεριῆλθε τὸν δῆμον ὥστε αὐτῷ πειθαρχεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων .
⁵⁶⁵ However, the want they were in of Eleazar’s money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs.	⁵⁶⁵ It was only their need for Eleazar's money and the subtle ruses used by him that got the people to submit to his authority in everything.
⁵⁶⁵ Gradually, however, the need for money and the schemes of Eleazar won over the people, so that they eventually submitted to his authority in all things.

⁵⁶⁶ Εἰς δὲ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἑτέρους ἐπελέξαντο στρατηγοὺς Ἰησοῦν υἱὸν ΣαπφᾶSapphias τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἕνα καὶ Ἐλεάζαρον ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν νέου · τῷ δ’ ἄρχοντι τότε τῆς Ἰδουμαίας ΝίγεριNiger , γένος δ’ ἦν ἐκ τῆς περὶ Ἰορδάνην Περαίας , διὸ καὶ ΠεραίτηςPersite ἐκαλεῖτο , προσέταξαν ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς .
⁵⁶⁶ They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Ananias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders.	⁵⁶⁶ They also chose other generals for Idumaea, Joshua, son of Sapphias, one of the high priests, and Eleazar, son of Ananias, the high priest, and enjoined Niger, the ruler of Idumaea, called the Peraite since his family came from Perea beyond the Jordan, to obey the aforesaid officers.
⁵⁶⁶ For Idumaea, they chose other generals: Jesus son of Sapphas, one of the chief priests, and Eleazar son of the High Priest Neus. They also commanded Nigir of Perea (who was then the governor of Idumaea and known as “the Peraite” because his family came from Perea beyond the Jordan) to act under these generals.

⁵⁶⁷ Ἠμέλουν δὲ οὐδὲ τῆς ἄλλης χώρας , ἀλλ’ εἰς μὲν ἹεριχοῦνJericho Ἰώσηπος ὁ Σίμωνος , εἰς δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Μανασσῆς , ΘαμνᾶThamna δὲ τοπαρχίας Ἰωάννης ὁ Ἐσσαῖος στρατηγήσων ἐπέμφθη · προσκεκλήρωτο δ’ αὐτῷ Λύδδα καὶ Ἰόππη καὶ Ἀμμαοῦς .
⁵⁶⁷ Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamma; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus.	⁵⁶⁷ They did not neglect the other parts of the country either, but Joseph the son of Simon was sent to rule Jericho, Manasses to Perea, and John the Essene to the district of Thamna; Lydda was added to his portion along with Joppa and Emmaus.
⁵⁶⁷ Nor did they neglect the rest of the country: Josephus son of Simon was sent to Jericho, Manasseh to Perea, and John the Essene was sent to govern the district of Thamna. Lydda, Joppa, and Emmaus were also added to his command.

⁵⁶⁸ Τῆς δὲ ΓοφνιτικῆςGophnitica καὶ ἈκραβεττηνῆςAcrabattene ὁ ἈνανίουAnanias Ἰωάννης ἡγεμὼν ἀποδείκνυται καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἑκατέρας Ἰώσηπος Ματθίου · προσώριστο δὲ τῇ τούτου στρατηγίᾳ καὶ Γάμαλα τῶν ταύτῃ πόλεων ὀχυρωτάτη .
⁵⁶⁸ But John, the son of Matthias, was made the governor of the toparchies of Gophritica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command.	⁵⁶⁸ John, son of Matthias, was to rule the districts of Gophnitica and Acrabattene; and Josephus, son of Matthias, to rule both the Galilees, with Gamala, the strongest city in those parts, also under his command.
⁵⁶⁸ John son of Ananias was appointed governor of the districts of Gophna and Acrabatene, and Josephus son of Matthias [the author/historian] was appointed to both Galilees. Gamala, the strongest city in that region, was also included in his command.

⁵⁶⁹ Τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν ἕκαστος ὡς εἶχεν προθυμίας ἢ συνέσεως διῴκει τὰ πεπιστευμένα · Ἰώσηπος δὲ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἐλθὼν πρῶτον ἐφρόντισεν τῆς εἰς ἑαυτὸν εὐνοίας τῶν ἐπιχωρίων , εἰδὼς ὅτι ταύτῃ πλεῖστα κατορθώσει , κἂν τἆλλα διαμαρτάνῃ .
⁵⁶⁹ So every one of the other commanders administered the affairs of his portion with that alacrity and prudence they were masters of; but as to Josephus, when he came into Galilee, his first care was to gain the goodwill of the people of that country, as sensible that he should thereby have in general good success, although he should fail in other points.	⁵⁶⁹ Each of the other officers administered his area as their zeal and prudence allowed. The first care of Josephus, when he came into Galilee, was to gain the goodwill of the local people, knowing that he would succeed in this even if he should fail in other points.
⁵⁶⁹ While each of the other generals managed their assigned tasks according to their zeal and wisdom, Josephus, upon arriving in Galilee, made his first priority the winning of the goodwill of the inhabitants, knowing this would lead to success even if he failed in other areas.

⁵⁷⁰ Συνιδὼν δὲ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν δυνατοὺς οἰκειώσεται μεταδιδοὺς τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς , τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος εἰ δι’ ἐπιχωρίων καὶ συνήθων τὰ πολλὰ προστάσσοι , τῶν μὲν γηραιῶν ἑβδομήκοντα τοὺς σωφρονεστάτους ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατέστησεν ἄρχοντας ὅλης τῆς Γαλιλαίας ,
⁵⁷⁰ And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee,	⁵⁷⁰ He felt that if he shared his power with the local leaders, it would make them his firm friends, and that it would win him similar favour from the people, if he exercised his authority through men of their own area, whom they knew well. He chose seventy of the most prudent and mature men and appointed them as officers for all Galilee,
⁵⁷⁰ Realizing he could win over the powerful by sharing authority with them, and the common people if he issued orders through local and familiar officials, he selected seventy of the most prudent elders from the nation and appointed them governors of all Galilee.

⁵⁷¹ ἑπτὰ δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ Βηθήλῃ δικαστὰς τῶν εὐτελεστέρων διαφόρων · τὰ γὰρ μείζω πράγματα καὶ τὰς φονικὰς δίκας ἐφ’ ἑαυτὸν ἀναπέμπειν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα .
⁵⁷¹ as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy elders.	⁵⁷¹ and chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser cases, with orders that important cases and those concerning life and death should be brought to him and the seventy elders.
⁵⁷¹ He also appointed seven judges in every city for lesser disputes; but he commanded that major matters and capital cases (those involving death) be referred to himself and the seventy elders.

⁵⁷² καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους νόμιμα τῶν κατὰ πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔξωθεν αὐτῶν ἀσφάλειαν ἐχώρει .
⁵⁷² Josephus also, when he had settled these rules for determining causes by the law, with regard to the people’s dealings one with another, betook himself to make provisions for their safety against external violence;	⁵⁷² When he had established these rules for legal cases in the people's dealings with each other, he went on to provide for their safety from outside.
⁵⁷² Having established legal procedures for their dealings with one another, he turned to the external security of the province.

⁵⁷³ Καὶ γινώσκων Ῥωμαίους προεμβαλοῦντας εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν χωρίων ἐτείχιζεν , Ἰωτάπατα μὲν καὶ ΒηρσαβὲBersabee καὶ ΣελάμηνSelamis , ἔτι δὲ ΚαφαρεκχὼCaphareccho καὶ ἸαφὰJaffa καὶ ΣιγὼφSigo τό τε Ἰταβύριον καλούμενον ὄρος καὶ Ταριχέας καὶ Τιβεριάδα , πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ περὶ ΓεννησὰρGennesar τὴν λίμνην σπήλαια κατὰ τὴν κάτω καλουμένην Γαλιλαίαν ἐτειχίσατο , τῆς δὲ ἄνω Γαλιλαίας τήν τε προσαγορευομένηνto call, name ἈκχαβάρωνAchabari πέτραν καὶ ΣὲπφSeph καὶ ἸαμνεὶθJamnith καὶ ΜηρώMeroth .
⁵⁷³ and as he knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he built walls in proper places about Jotapata, and Bersabee, and Salamis; and besides these, about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and what they call Mount Tabor, and Taricheae, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about the caves near the lake of Gennessar, which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the samehe did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well as to the rock called the Rock of the Achabari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth;	⁵⁷³ As he knew the Romans would attack Galilee, he built walls in suitable places in Lower Galilee : around Jotapata and Bersabee and Selamis, and Caphareccho and Jaffa and Sigo and the mountain called Itaburion, and Tarichea and Tiberias; and also built walls around the caves near the lake of Gennesar. He did the same for places in Upper Galilee, including what is called the Rock of the Achabari and Seph and Jamnith and Meroth.
⁵⁷³ Knowing the Romans would invade Galilee first, he fortified the defensible places: Jotapata, Beersheba, Selame, Caphareccho, Japha, Sigoph, the mountain called Itabyrion [Tabor], Tarichaeae, and Tiberias. Furthermore, he fortified the caves near the Lake of Gennesaret in Lower Galilee, and in Upper Galilee, the Rock of Achabare, Seph, Jamneith, and Meroth.

⁵⁷⁴ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ΓαυλανιτικὴνGaulonitis ΣελεύκειάνSeleucia τε καὶ ΣωγαναίανSogane καὶ ΓάμαλανGamala ὠχύρωσεν · μόνοις δὲ Σεπφωρίταις ἐφῆκε καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς τεῖχος ἀναδείμασθαι χρημάτων τε εὐπόρους ὁρῶν ὄντας καὶ προθύμους ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον δίχα προστάγματος .
⁵⁷⁴ and in Gaulanitis he fortified Seleucia, and Sogane, and Gamala; but as to those of Sepphoris, they were the only people to whom he gave leave to build their own walls, and this because he perceived they were rich and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without standing in need of any injunctions for that purpose.	⁵⁷⁴ In Gaulonitis he fortified Seleucia and Sogane and Gamala, but by exception he allowed the people of Sepphoris to build their own walls, for he saw them strong and wealthy and ready for war, and needing no instructions.
⁵⁷⁴ In Gaulanitis, he fortified Seleucia, Sogane, and Gamala. He permitted the people of Sepphoris alone to build their own wall, seeing they were wealthy and eager for war even without an order.

⁵⁷⁵ Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Γίσχαλα Ἰωάννης ὁ ΛηίουLevi καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἐτείχιζεν Ἰωσήπου κελεύσαντος · τοῖς δ’ ἄλλοις ἐρύμασιν ἅπασιν αὐτὸς συμπονῶν ἅμα καὶ προστάσσων παρῆν .
⁵⁷⁵ The case was the same with Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi himself, but with the consent of Josephus; but for the building of the rest of the fortresses, he labored together with all the other builders, and was present to give all the necessary orders for that purpose.	⁵⁷⁵ He did the same for Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi, with the consent of Josephus, but in constructing the rest of the fortresses, he worked with all the other builders and was present to give all the necessary orders.
⁵⁷⁵ Similarly, John son of Levi [John of Gischala] fortified Gischala on his own at Josephus’s request; but in all the other fortifications, Josephus himself was present, laboring and giving orders.

⁵⁷⁶ κατέλεξεν δὲ καὶ δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας νέων ἀνδρῶν , οὓς πάντας ἔκ τε τῶν συλλεγομένων παλαιῶν ὅπλων ἐγκατασκευαζόμενος ὥπλιζεν .
⁵⁷⁶ He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of which he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them.	⁵⁷⁶ He gathered from Galilee an army of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of whom he armed with the old weapons he had collected and prepared.
⁵⁷⁶ He also raised an army from Galilee of over one hundred thousand young men, all of whom he armed with old weapons he had collected and repaired.

⁵⁷⁷ Ἔπειτα συνιδὼν ἀήττητον τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἰσχὺν γεγενημένην εὐπειθείᾳ μάλιστα καὶ μελέτῃ τῶν ὅπλων , τὴν μὲν διδασκαλίαν ἀπέγνω τῇ χρείᾳ διωκομένην , τὸ δ’ εὐπειθὲς ὁρῶν περιγινόμενον ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἡγεμόνων ῥωμαικώτερον ἔτεμνεν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ πλείους καθίστατο ταξιάρχους .
⁵⁷⁷ And when he had considered that the Roman power became invincible, chiefly by their readiness in obeying orders, and the constant exercise of their arms, he despaired of teaching these his men the use of their arms, which was to be obtained by experience; but observing that their readiness in obeying orders was owing to the multitude of their officers, he made his partitions in his army more after the Roman manner, and appointed a great many subalterns.	⁵⁷⁷ Aware that the Roman power had grown invincible mainly by their obedience to orders and their constant weapons practice, he knew he could not teach his men to use weapons except by experience, but noting that readiness to obey orders came from the number of their officers, he divided his army more in the Roman manner and appointed many junior officers.
⁵⁷⁷ Then, realizing the Roman strength was invincible due to their discipline and training, he saw he could not provide full instruction in a short time. However, seeing that discipline comes from a multitude of officers, he divided his army in the Roman fashion and appointed more captains.

⁵⁷⁸ Στρατιωτῶν τε γὰρ ἀπεδείκνυεν διαφοράς , καὶ τούτους μὲν ὑπέτασσεν δεκαδάρχαις καὶ ἑκατοντάρχαις ἔπειτα χιλιάρχοις , κἀπὶ τούτοις ἡγεμόνας ταγμάτων ἁδροτέρων ἀφηγουμένους .
⁵⁷⁸ He also distributed the soldiers into various classes, whom he put under captains of tens, and captains of hundreds, and then under captains of thousands; and besides these, he had commanders of larger bodies of men.	⁵⁷⁸ He divided his soldiers into various classes, under captains of ten, captains of a hundred and captains of a thousand, and had captains of larger legions.
⁵⁷⁸ He designated various ranks of soldiers and placed them under decurions (commanders of 10) and centurions (commanders of 100), then under tribunes (commanders of 1,000), and above these, generals of larger divisions.

⁵⁷⁹ Ἐδίδασκεν δὲ σημείων παραδόσεις καὶ σάλπιγγος προκλήσεις τε καὶ ἀνακλήσεις προσβολάς τε κεράτων καὶ περιαγωγάς , καὶ πῶς δεῖ πρὸς μὲν τὸ κάμνον ἐπιστρέφειν ἐκ τοῦ περιόντος , ἐν δὲ τῷ πονοῦντι συμπαθεῖν .
⁵⁷⁹ He also taught them to give the signals one to another, and to call and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how to expand the wings of an army, and make them wheel about; and when one wing hath had success, to turn again and assist those that were hard set, and to join in the defense of what had most suffered.	⁵⁷⁹ He taught them to signal to each other and to use trumpets to summon and recall the soldiers, how to spread out the wings of an army and make them wheel about, and when one wing is successful, to turn to the help of those in trouble and to join in defending those hardest hit.
⁵⁷⁹ He taught them the signals of the trumpet—for the charge and the retreat—flank attacks and maneuvers, and how to turn to the relief of a struggling unit or support those in distress.

⁵⁸⁰ ὅσα τε εἰς παράστασιν ψυχῆς ἢ καρτερίαν συνετέλει σώματος ἀφηγεῖτο · μάλιστα δ’ αὐτοὺς ἤσκει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρ’ ἕκαστα τὴν Ῥωμαίων εὐταξίαν διηγούμενος , καὶ ὡς πολεμήσουσιν πρὸς ἄνδρας , οἳ δι’ ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα πάσης ὀλίγου δεῖν τῆς οἰκουμένης κρατοῦσιν .
⁵⁸⁰ He also continually instructed them in what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth.	⁵⁸⁰ He regularly instructed them about bravery of soul and physical toughness and, above all, he exercised them for war, making clear to them the good order of the Romans and that they were to fight with men who had in a sense conquered the whole world by physical strength and mental courage.
⁵⁸⁰ He explained everything that contributed to courage of soul or endurance of body. Most of all, he trained them for war by describing the Roman discipline, explaining they would be fighting men who, by strength of body and spirit, had conquered nearly the entire inhabited world.

⁵⁸¹ Ἔφη δὲ πεῖραν αὐτῶν λήψεσθαι τῆς κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πειθαρχίας καὶ πρὸ παρατάξεως , εἰ τῶν συνήθων ἀδικημάτων ἀπόσχοιντο , κλοπῆς τε καὶ λῃστείας καὶ ἁρπαγῆς τοῦ τε ἐξαπατᾶν τὸ ὁμόφυλονof the same race τοῦ τε κέρδος οἰκεῖον ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν βλάβην τῶν συνηθεστάτων ·
⁵⁸¹ He told them that he should make trial of the good order they would observe in war, even before it came to any battle, in case they would abstain from the crimes they used to indulge themselves in, such as theft, and robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding their own countrymen, and never to esteem the harm done to those that were so near of kin to them to be any advantage to themselves;	⁵⁸¹ He said that even before battle began he would note their good order and have them abstain from the usual crimes of theft and robbery and looting and wronging their countrymen, and never to reckon any harm done to their own relatives as being good for themselves.
⁵⁸¹ He told them he would test their discipline in war even before a battle by seeing if they abstained from their usual offenses: theft, robbery, and plunder; from deceiving their own countrymen; and from considering damage to their neighbors as their own gain.

⁵⁸² Διοικεῖσθαι γὰρ κάλλιστα τοὺς πολέμους παρ’ οἷς ἂν ἀγαθὸν τὸ συνειδὸς ἔχωσιν πάντες οἱ στρατευόμενοι , τοὺς δὲ οἴκοθεν φαύλους οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ἐχθροῖς ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ θεῷ χρῆσθαι πολεμίῳ .
⁵⁸² for that wars are then managed the best when the warriors preserve a good conscience; but that such as are ill men in private life will not only have those for enemies which attack them, but God himself also for their antagonist.	⁵⁸² For wars are best waged if soldiers keep a good conscience, but those who are evil in private will not only have to reckon with human enemies but with God himself.
⁵⁸² For he said that wars are managed best by those where all the soldiers have a good conscience; those who are wicked at home have not only their enemies to face, but also God as an adversary.

⁵⁸³ Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα παραινῶν διετέλει . Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἕτοιμον εἰς παράταξιν αὐτῷ συνεκεκρότητο πεζῶν μὲν ἓξ μυριάδες , ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακόσιοι , χωρὶς δὲ τούτων οἷς ἐπεποίθει μάλιστα μισθοφόροι περὶ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους · ἐπιλέκτους δὲ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ἑξακοσίους φύλακας τοῦ σώματος .
⁵⁸³ And thus did he continue to admonish them. Now he chose for the war such an army as was sufficient, i.e. sixty thousand footmen, and two hundred and fifty horsemen; and besides these, on which he put the greatest trust, there were about four thousand five hundred mercenaries; he had also six hundred men as guards of his body.	⁵⁸³ After admonishing them much in this way, he chose for the war a good-sized army, sixty thousand infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry in whom he had the most trust, with about four thousand five hundred mercenaries, and had six hundred men as his bodyguard.
⁵⁸³ He continued to give many such exhortations. His army ready for battle consisted of 60,000 infantry and 350 cavalry, besides about 4,500 mercenaries in whom he placed great trust; he also had 600 picked bodyguards around him.

⁵⁸⁴ Ἔτρεφον δὲ πλὴν τῶν μισθοφόρων τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν αἱ πόλεις ῥᾳδίως · τῶν γὰρ καταλεγέντων ἑκάστη τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκπέμπουσα τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπὶ συμπορισμὸν αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary κατεῖχον , ὡς τοὺς μὲν εἰς ὅπλα , τοὺς δὲ εἰς ἐργασίαν διῃρῆσθαι , καὶ τοῖς τὰ σῖτα πέμπουσιν ἀντιχορηγεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν .
⁵⁸⁴ Now the cities easily maintained the rest of his army, excepting the mercenaries, for every one of the cities enumerated above sent out half their men to the army, and retained the other half at home, in order to get provisions for them; insomuch that the one part went to the war, and the other part to their work: and so those that sent out their corn were paid for it by those that were in arms, by that security which they enjoyed from them.	⁵⁸⁴ The cities easily maintained all his army except the mercenaries, for each of the cities sent out half their men to the army and kept the other half at home, to provide for them. One group went to war while the other went to work and so those who sent out their corn were paid for it by those under arms, through the security they enjoyed from them in return.
⁵⁸⁴ The cities easily supported the rest of the army (except the mercenaries); for of those enrolled, each city sent half to the army and kept the other half to provide them with provisions. Thus, one part was for arms and the other for labor, and the soldiers provided security for those who sent them food.

Chapter 21
[vv. 585-646]
Josephus, now a Jewish military leader in Galilee,
recovers some cities that had rebelled from him.

☜ ☞

⁵⁸⁵ Διοικοῦντι δ’ οὕτως τῷ Ἰωσήπῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν παρανίσταταί τις ἐπίβουλος ἀνὴρ ἀπὸ Γισχάλων , Ναχώρης ΛηίουLevi , Ἰωάννης ὄνομα , πανουργότατος μὲν καὶ δολιώτατος τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς πονηρεύμασιν ἁπάντων , πένης δὲ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ κώλυμα σχὼν τῆς κακίας τὴν ἀπορίαν ,
⁵⁸⁵ Now, as Josephus was thus engaged in the administration of the affairs of Galilee, there arose a treacherous person, a man of Gischala, the son of Levi, whose name was John. His character was that of a very cunning and very knavish person, beyond the ordinary rate of the other men of eminence there, and for wicked practices he had not his fellow anywhere. Poor he was at first, and for a long time his wants were a hinderance to him in his wicked designs.	⁵⁸⁵ As Josephus was so engaged in administering the affairs of Galilee, up came a treacherous man from Gischala named John, the son of Levi. His character was more cunning and devious than the other notables there and for mischief he had no equal. Coming from poor beginnings, for a long time his needy situation held him back from mischief.
⁵⁸⁵ While Josephus was thus administering affairs in Galilee, there arose a certain conspirator from Gischala, the son of Levi, named John. He was the most unscrupulous and crafty of all those famous for such wickedness. At first, he was poor, and for a long time his lack of means had been a hindrance to his malice.

⁵⁸⁶ ἕτοιμος μὲν ψεύσασθαι , δεινὸς δ’ ἐπιθεῖναι πίστιν τοῖς ἐψευσμένοις , ἀρετὴν ἡγούμενος τὴν ἀπάτην καὶ ταύτῃ κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων χρώμενος , ὑποκριτὴς φιλανθρωπίας καὶ δι’ ἐλπίδα κέρδους φονικώτατος ,
⁵⁸⁶ He was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gaining credit to his fictions: he thought it a point of virtue to delude people, and would delude even such as were the dearest to him.	⁵⁸⁶ But he was a ready liar and very good at making his fictions believable, who took delight in deluding people, even those who were dearest to him, pretending to be merciful, but with no fear of bloodshed for profit.
⁵⁸⁶ He was ready at lying and clever at winning credit for his falsehoods; he considered deceit a virtue and practiced it even against his closest friends. A pretender to humanity, he was most murderous for the sake of profit.

⁵⁸⁷ ἀεὶ μὲν ἐπιθυμήσας μεγάλων , τρέφων δὲ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐκ τῶν ταπεινῶν κακουργημάτων · λῃστὴς γὰρ ἦν μονότροπος , ἔπειτα καὶ συνοδίαν εὗρεν τῆς τόλμης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὀλίγην , προκόπτων δ’ ἀεὶ πλείονα .
⁵⁸⁷ He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity, but where he had hopes of gain, he spared not the shedding of blood: his desires were ever carried to great things, and he encouraged his hopes from those mean wicked tricks which he was the author of. He had a peculiar knack at thieving; but in some time he got certain companions in his impudent practices; at first they were but few, but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they became still more and more numerous.	⁵⁸⁷ Always aspiring to great things, he pursued his goals with his own brand of low trickery, and being particularly adept at robbery he found some daring companions, just a few at first but ever more numerous as he went along.
⁵⁸⁷ He always desired great things, but fed his hopes with lowly crimes. For he began as a solitary robber, but later found companions for his daring—at first a few, but as he prospered, they became many.

⁵⁸⁸ Φροντὶς δ’ ἦν αὐτῷ μηδένα προσλαμβάνειν εὐάλωτον , ἀλλὰ τοὺς εὐεξίᾳ σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παραστήματι καὶ πολέμων ἐμπειρίᾳ διαφέροντας ἐξελέγετο , μέχρι καὶ τετρακοσίων ἀνδρῶν στῖφος συνεκρότησεν , οἳ τὸ πλέον ἐκ τῆς Τυρίων χώρας καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ κωμῶν φυγάδες ἦσαν ·
⁵⁸⁸ He took care that none of his partners should be easily caught in their rogueries, but chose such out of the rest as had the strongest constitutions of body, and the greatest courage of soul, together with great skill in martial affairs; so he got together a band of four hundred men, who came principally out of the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that had run away from its villages;	⁵⁸⁸ He took care that none of them was easily caught out and chose those of the strongest physique and mental courage and skill in war, until he had gathered a band of four hundred men, mainly from the land of Tyre and escapees from its villages.
⁵⁸⁸ He was careful to admit no one who was easily caught, but selected those who excelled in bodily vigor, courage of soul, and military experience, until he had organized a band of four hundred men, most of whom were fugitives from the region of Tyre and its villages.

⁵⁸⁹ Δι’ ὧν πᾶσαν ἐλῄζετο τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ μετεώρους ὄντας ἐπὶ τῷ μέλλοντι πολέμῳ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐσπάρασσεν .
⁵⁸⁹ and by the means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and irritated a considerable number, who were in great expectation of a war then suddenly to arise among them.	⁵⁸⁹ With these he ransacked all of Galilee and made many fear that war was about to burst upon them.
⁵⁸⁹ With these, he plundered all of Galilee and harassed the masses, who were already in a state of suspense regarding the coming war.

⁵⁹⁰ Ἤδη δ’ αὐτὸν στρατηγιῶντα καὶ μειζόνων ἐφιέμενον ἔνδεια χρημάτων κατεῖχεν · Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν Ἰώσηπον ὁρῶν αὐτοῦ‎ [ σφόδρα ] χαίροντα τῷ δραστηρίῳ πείθει πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῷ πιστεῦσαι τὸ τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομῆσαι τῆς πατρίδος , ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν πλουσίων ἐκέρδανεν ·
⁵⁹⁰ However, John’s want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, [Gischala,] in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens.	⁵⁹⁰ Up to now John's lack of money had checked his ambition to rule and his attempts to gain promotion. Then, noting how Josephus was pleased with his initiative, he first persuaded him to entrust him with repairing the ramparts of his native city, for which he got a lot of money from the rich citizens.
⁵⁹⁰ Now, as he was already aspiring to the command and aiming for greater things, he was held back by a lack of money. But seeing that Josephus was very pleased with his energy, he first persuaded him to entrust him with rebuilding the walls of his native city [Gischala], in which work he gained much money from the wealthy.

⁵⁹¹ ἔπειτα συνθεὶς σκηνὴν πανουργοτάτην , ὡς ἄρα φυλάττοιντο πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν Ἰουδαῖοι ἐλαίῳ χρῆσθαι μὴ δι’ ὁμοφύλωνof the same race ἐγκεχειρισμένῳ , πέμπειν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μεθορίαν ἐξῃτήσατο .
⁵⁹¹ He after that contrived a very shrewd trick, and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in Syria were obliged to make use of oil that was made by others than those of their own nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send oil to their borders;	⁵⁹¹ Then he played a clever trick. Pretending that the Jews living in Syria were obliged to make use of oil not produced by their own countrymen, he asked leave to send it to them across the border.
⁵⁹¹ Then he devised a most crafty scheme: claiming that all the Jews living in Syria were careful to use only oil handled by their own countrymen, he requested permission to send it to them at the border.

⁵⁹² Συνωνούμενος δὲ τοῦ ΤυρίουTyrian νομίσματος , ὃ τέσσαρας Ἀττικὰς δύναται , τέσσαρας ἀμφορεῖς , τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπίπρασκεν τιμῆς ἡμιαμφόριον . Οὔσης δὲ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐλαιοφόρου μάλιστα καὶ τότε εὐφορηκυίας , εἰς σπανίζοντας εἰσπέμπων πολὺ καὶ μόνος ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος συνῆγεν χρημάτων , οἷς εὐθέως ἐχρῆτο κατὰ τοῦ τὴν ἐργασίαν παρασχόντος .
⁵⁹² so he bought four amphorae with such Tyrian money as was of the value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price. And as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was peculiarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately used to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege;	⁵⁹² With Tyrian money to the value of four Attic drachmae he bought four amphorae and sold each half amphora at the same price. And since Galilee is very productive of oil and peculiarly so at that time, by exporting huge quantities and having the sole privilege of doing so, he made a heap of money which he immediately used against the one who had made it possible.
⁵⁹² Buying up the oil at the rate of four Attic drachmae for a Tyrian coin (which is worth four drachmae), he sold half an amphora at the same price. Since Galilee is highly productive of oil and had been especially fertile then, he—having a monopoly and sending it to those in need—amassed an immense fortune, which he immediately used against the man who had provided him the opportunity.

⁵⁹³ Καὶ ὑπολαβών , εἰ καταλύσειεν τὸν Ἰώσηπον , αὐτὸς ἡγήσεσθαι τῆς Γαλιλαίας , τοῖς μὲν ὑφ’ ἑαυτὸν λῃσταῖς προσέταξεν εὐτονώτερον ἐγχειρεῖν ταῖς ἁρπαγαῖς , ὅπως πολλῶν νεωτεριζομένων κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἢ διαχρήσαιτό που τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκβοηθοῦντα λοχήσας ἢ περιορῶντα τοὺς λῃστὰς διαβάλλοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους .
⁵⁹³ and, as he supposed, that if he could once overthrow Josephus, he should himself obtain the government of Galilee; so he gave orders to the robbers that were under his command to be more zealous in their thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many that desired innovations in the country, he might either catch their general in his snares, as he came to the country’s assistance, and then kill him; or if he should overlook the robbers, he might accuse him for his negligence to the people of the country.	⁵⁹³ He thought that by getting rid of Josephus he himself could become ruler of Galilee, so he ordered the brigands under his command to pursue their thievery more vigorously so that by stirring up many troubles in the land he could either ambush their general on his way to rescue them, and kill him, or if he ignored the brigands, he could accuse him of neglecting the local people.
⁵⁹³ Supposing that if he could overthrow Josephus, he himself would lead Galilee, he ordered the robbers under him to carry out their raids more vigorously, so that in the midst of the unrest throughout the country, he might either ambush and kill the general when he came to the rescue, or, if Josephus ignored the robbers, he could slander him to the inhabitants.

⁵⁹⁴ Ἔπειτα διεφήμιζεν πόρρωθεν , ὡς ἄρα προδιδοίη τὰ πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις Ἰώσηπος , καὶ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πρὸς κατάλυσιν τἀνδρὸς ἐπραγματεύετο .
⁵⁹⁴ He also spread abroad a report far and near that Josephus was delivering up the administration of affairs to the Romans;—and many such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.	⁵⁹⁴ He also spread a rumour that Josephus was about to betray the area to the Romans, and devised many such plots to ruin him.
⁵⁹⁴ Then he spread rumors from afar that Josephus was betraying affairs to the Romans, and he managed many such things to effect the man’s downfall.

⁵⁹⁵ Καθ’ ὃν καιρὸν ἀπὸ Δεβαρίθθων κώμης νεανίσκοι τινὲς τῶν ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ καθεζομένων φυλάκων ἐνεδρεύσαντες Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Ἀγρίππα καὶ Βερνίκης ἐπίτροπον ἀφείλοντο πᾶσαν ὅσην ἦγεν ἀποσκευήν , ἐν ᾗ πολυτελεῖς τε ἐσθῆτες οὐκ ὀλίγαι καὶ πλῆθος ἐκπωμάτων ἀργυρῶν χρυσοῖ τε ἦσαν ἑξακόσιοι .
⁵⁹⁵ Now at the same time that certain young men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard in the Great Plain laid snares for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa’s and Bernice’s steward, and took from him all that he had with him; among which things there were a great many costly garments, and no small number of silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold;	⁵⁹⁵ Meanwhile some young men of the village of Dabaritta, who were guarding the Great Plain, set an ambush for Ptolemy, the steward of Agrippa and Berenice, and took from him all he had with him, including many costly garments and lots of silver cups and six hundred pieces of gold.
⁵⁹⁵ At that time, certain young men from the village of Dabaritta, who were part of the guard stationed in the Great Plain, lay in wait for Ptolemy, the steward of [King] Agrippa and Bernice, and took from him all the baggage he was transporting, which included many costly garments, a large number of silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold.

⁵⁹⁶ Μὴ δυνάμενοι δὲ διαθέσθαι κρύφα τὴν ἁρπαγὴν πάντα πρὸς Ἰώσηπον εἰς Ταριχέας ἐκόμισαν .
⁵⁹⁶ yet were they not able to conceal what they had stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Taricheae.	⁵⁹⁶ But were they unable to conceal what they had stolen, and brought it all to Josephus in Tarichea.
⁵⁹⁶ Being unable to dispose of the plunder secretly, they brought everything to Josephus at Tarichaeae.

⁵⁹⁷ Ὁ δὲ μεμψάμενος αὐτῶν τὸ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλικοὺς βίαιον τίθησιν τὰ κομισθέντα παρὰ τῷ δυνατωτάτῳ τῶν ΤαριχεατῶνTarichea ἈνναίῳAnnaeas , πέμψαι κατὰ καιρὸν τοῖς δεσπόταις προαιρούμενος · ὃ δὴ μέγιστον αὐτῷ κίνδυνον ἐπήγαγεν .
⁵⁹⁷ Hereupon he blamed them for the violence they had offered to the king and queen, and deposited what they brought to him with Eneas, the most potent man of Taricheae, with an intention of sending the things back to the owners at a proper time; which act of Josephus brought him into the greatest danger;	⁵⁹⁷ However, he blamed them for the crime done to the king and queen and deposited what they brought to him with Annaeas, the most influential man in Tarichea, intending to send the things back to the owners in due time, an act that put him into serious danger.
⁵⁹⁷ But he, after rebuking them for their violence against the king’s officers, placed the items in the care of Annaeus, the most powerful man in Tarichaeae, intending to return them to their owners when the opportunity arose; this act brought the greatest danger upon him.

⁵⁹⁸ Οἱ γὰρ ἁρπάσαντες ἅμα μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ μηδεμιᾶς τυχεῖν μερίδος ἐκ τῶν κεκομισμένων ἀγανακτοῦντες , ἅμα δὲ καὶ προσκεψάμενοι τοῦ Ἰωσήπου τὴν διάνοιαν , ὅτι μέλλοι τὸν πόνον αὐτῶν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν χαρίζεσθαι . Νύκτωρ εἰς τὰς κώμας διέδραμον καὶ πᾶσιν ἐνεδείκνυντο τὸν Ἰώσηπον ὡς προδότην · ἐνέπλησαν δὲ καὶ τὰς πλησίον πόλεις ταραχῆς , ὥστε ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω δέκα μυριάδας ὁπλιτῶν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν συνδραμεῖν .
⁵⁹⁸ for those that had stolen the things had an indignation at him, both because they gained no share of it for themselves, and because they perceived beforehand what was Josephus’s intention, and that he would freely deliver up what had cost them so much pains to the king and queen. These ran away by night to their several villages, and declared to all men that Josephus was going to betray them: they also raised great disorders in all the neighboring cities, insomuch that in the morning a hundred thousand armed men came running together;	⁵⁹⁸ For those who had stolen the things were angry at him, since they got no share of it for themselves and they guessed the intention of Josephus to freely hand back to the king and queen what had cost them so much effort. So they fled by night to their several villages and told all that Josephus was a traitor and filled the neighbouring cities with discontent, so that in the morning a hundred thousand warriors hurried there.
⁵⁹⁸ For the robbers, being angry that they received no share of the spoils, and also having perceived Josephus’s intention to give the fruits of their labor back to the king, ran by night to the villages and pointed Josephus out to all as a traitor. They filled the neighboring cities with such turmoil that by dawn, ten thousand armed men had rushed together against him.

⁵⁹⁹ Καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Ταριχέας ἱπποδρόμῳ συνηθροισμένον πολλὰ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀνεβόα καὶ καταλεύειν οἱ δὲ καίειν τὸν προδότην ἐκεκράγεσαν · παρώξυνεν δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ Ἰωάννης καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Ἰησοῦς τις Ναχώρης Σαπφία , τότε ἄρχων τῆς Τιβεριάδος .
⁵⁹⁹ which multitude was crowded together in the hippodrome at Taricheae, and made a very peevish clamor against him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn him. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias.	⁵⁹⁹ This crowd gathered in the hippodrome at Tarichea and raised an angry shout; some cried out to depose the traitor, and others that he should be burned. John stirred up many, as did also Joshua the son of Sapphias, who was then ruler of Tiberias.
⁵⁹⁹ The multitude, gathered in the hippodrome at Tarichaeae, shouted out many angry cries—some to stone him, others to burn the traitor. John incited the masses, and with him was a certain Jesus son of Sapphias, then the magistrate of Tiberias.

⁶⁰⁰ Οἱ μὲν οὖν φίλοι καὶ σωματοφύλακες τοῦ Ἰωσήπου καταπλαγέντες τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἔφυγον πλὴν τεσσάρων πάντες , αὐτὸς δὲ κοιμώμενος ἤδη προσφερομένου τοῦ πυρὸς διανίσταται ,
⁶⁰⁰ Then it was that Josephus’s friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multitude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awakened him, as the people were going to set fire to the house.	⁶⁰⁰ Then Josephus's friends and bodyguards were so frightened of the people's violence that all but four of them fled and woke him up, just as the people were about to set fire to the house.
⁶⁰⁰ Josephus’s friends and bodyguards, terrified by the rush of the crowd, all fled except for four. He was asleep when the fire was brought against him, but he woke up.

⁶⁰¹ Καὶ παραινούντων φεύγειν τῶν τεσσάρων , οἳ παρέμειναν , οὔτε πρὸς τὴν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἐρημίαν οὔτε πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐφεστώτων καταπλαγεὶς προπηδᾷ , περιρρηξάμενος μὲν τὴν ἐσθῆτα , καταπασάμενος δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς κόνιν , ἀποστρέψας δὲ ὀπίσω τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὸ ἴδιον ξίφος ἐπιδήσας τῷ τένοντι .
⁶⁰¹ And although those four that remained with him persuaded him to run away, he was neither surprised at his being himself deserted, nor at the great multitude that came against him, but leaped out to them with his clothes rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him, and his sword hanging at his neck.	⁶⁰¹ The four who stayed with him persuaded him to run away, but he was neither surprised at being abandoned nor at the large crowd coming against him, but hurried out to them with his clothes rent and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him and his sword hanging at his neck.
⁶⁰¹ Though the four who remained urged him to flee, he was not struck with panic either by his isolation or by the multitude standing over him. He leaped forward, having rent his clothes and sprinkled ashes on his head, with his hands behind his back and his own sword hung from his neck.

⁶⁰² Πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν μὲν οἰκείως ἐχόντων , καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ΤαριχεατῶνTarichea , οἶκτος ἦν , οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν πλησίον ὅσοις ἐδόκει φορτικὸς ἐβλασφήμουν , προφέρειν τε τὰ κοινὰ χρήματα θᾶττον ἐκέλευον καὶ τὰς προδοτικὰς συνθήκας ἐξομολογεῖσθαιto promise, consent ·
⁶⁰² At this sight his friends, especially those of Taricheae, commiserated his condition; but those that came out of the country, and those in the neighborhood, to whom his government seemed burdensome, reproached him, and bid him produce the money which belonged to them all immediately, and to confess the agreement he had made to betray them;	⁶⁰² At this sight his friends, especially those of Tarichea, were filled with pity, but those who came from the land and those in their neighbourhood, who chafed under his rule, insulted him and ordered him to instantly produce the money which belonged to them all and admit his plans to betray them.
⁶⁰² At this sight, his own people—especially the Tarichaeans—felt pity; but those from the countryside and the neighbors to whom he seemed a burden reviled him, ordering him to bring out the public money immediately and confess his treasonable agreements.

⁶⁰³ Προειλήφεσαν γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ σχήματοςdeportment οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἀρνήσεσθαι τῶν ὑπονοηθέντων , ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ συγγνώμης πορισμῷ πάντα πεποιηκέναι τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἔλεον .
⁶⁰³ for they imagined, from the habit in which he appeared, that he would deny nothing of what they suspected concerning him, and that it was in order to obtain pardon that he had put himself entirely into so pitiable a posture.	⁶⁰³ From the dress he wore they thought he would deny nothing of what they suspected about him and that it was to obtain pardon that he had presented himself in such a pitiful state.
⁶⁰³ For they assumed from his appearance that he would deny none of the things suspected, but that he had done all this to obtain mercy and move them to pity.

⁶⁰⁴ Τῷ δ’ ἦν ἡ ταπείνωσις προπαρασκευὴ στρατηγήματος , καὶ τεχνιτεύων τοὺς ἀγανακτοῦντας κατ’ αὐτοῦ‎ κατ’ ἀλλήλων στασιάσαι , ἐφ’ οἷς ὠργίζοντο πάνθ’ ὁμολογήσων ,
⁶⁰⁴ But this humble appearance was only designed as preparatory to a stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to set those that were so angry at him at variance one with another about the things they were angry at. However, he promised he would confess all:	⁶⁰⁴ But this humble appearance was only the preparation for a ruse, intended to set the men who were so angry at him into conflict about the things they objected to. When he promised to confess all, he was let speak and said,
⁶⁰⁴ But for him, this humiliation was a preparation for a stratagem; and by artfully managing those who were angry at him, he intended to set them against each other, by seeming to confess everything they were angry about.

⁶⁰⁵ ἔπειτα δοθὲν αὐτῷ λέγειν , «ἐγὼ ταῦτα , ἔφη , τὰ χρήματα οὔτε ἀναπέμπειν Ἀγρίππᾳ προῃρούμην οὔτε κερδαίνειν αὐτός · μὴ γὰρ ἡγησαίμην ποτὲ ἢ φίλον τὸν ὑμῖν διάφορον ἢ κέρδος τὸ φέρον τῷ κοινῷ βλάβην .
⁶⁰⁵ hereupon he was permitted to speak, when he said, “I did neither intend to send this money back to Agrippa, nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor did I look upon what would tend to your disadvantage to be my advantage.	⁶⁰⁵ "I neither intended to return this money to Agrippa nor to keep it myself, for I never considered anyone my friend who was your enemy, nor desired anything that would be for your disadvantage.
⁶⁰⁵ Then, being granted leave to speak, he said: “I neither intended to send this money back to Agrippa nor to profit from it myself. For may I never consider any man a friend who is your enemy, or any profit a gain that brings harm to the community.”

⁶⁰⁶ Ὁρῶν δέ , ὦ ΤαριχεᾶταιTaricheans , μάλιστα τὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν ἀσφαλείας δεομένην καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν τείχους χρῄζουσαν ἀργυρίου , δεδοικὼς δὲ τὸν Τιβεριέων δῆμον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐφεδρευούσας τοῖς ἡρπαγμένοις , κατασχεῖν ἡσυχῆ τὰ χρήματα προειλόμην , ἵνα ὑμῖν περιβάλωμαι τεῖχος .
⁶⁰⁶ But, O you people of Taricheae, I saw that your city stood in more need than others of fortifications for your security, and that it wanted money in order for the building it a wall. I was also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and other cities should lay a plot to seize upon these spoils, and therefore it was that I intended to retain this money privately, that I might encompass you with a wall.	⁶⁰⁶ But, Taricheans, I saw your city in more need of security than others needed money in order to build it a wall. I was also afraid that the people of Tiberias and other cities would plot to take these spoils and so I intended to retain this money secretly, so as to surround you with a wall.
⁶⁰⁶ “But seeing, O men of Tarichaeae, that your city especially is in need of security and requires money for the construction of a wall, and fearing the people of Tiberias and the other cities who were lying in wait for the plunder, I chose to keep the money quietly so that I might build a wall around you.”

⁶⁰⁷ Εἰ μὴ δοκεῖ , προφέρω τὰ κεκομισμένα καὶ παρέχω διαρπάζειν · εἰ μὴ καλῶς ὑμῖν ἐβουλευσάμην , κολάζετε τὸν Εὐεργέτην .»
⁶⁰⁷ But if this does not please you, I will produce what was brought me, and leave it to you to plunder it; but if I have conducted myself so well as to please you, you may if you please punish your benefactor.”	⁶⁰⁷ If you do not want this, I will bring out what was brought to me for you to plunder, but if you disapprove of my plan you may punish your benefactor.
⁶⁰⁷ “If this does not please you, I will bring out the goods and let you plunder them; if I have not planned well for you, punish your benefactor.”

⁶⁰⁸ Ἐπὶ τούτοις οἱ ΤαριχεῶταιTaricheans μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνευφήμουν , οἱ δ’ ἀπὸ τῆς Τιβεριάδος σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκάκιζον καὶ διηπείλουν · καταλιπόντες δ’ ἑκάτεροι τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἀλλήλοις διεφέροντο . Κἀκεῖνος θαρρῶν ἤδη τοῖς ᾠκειωμένοις , ἦσαν δὲ εἰς τετρακισμυρίους ΤαριχεᾶταιTaricheans , παντὶ τῷ πλήθει παρρησιαστικώτερον ὡμίλει .
⁶⁰⁸ Hereupon the people of Taricheae loudly commended him; but those of Tiberias, with the rest of the company, gave him hard names, and threatened what they would do to him; so both sides left off quarreling with Josephus, and fell on quarreling with one another. So he grew bold upon the dependence he had on his friends, which were the people of Taricheae, and about forty thousand in number, and spake more freely to the whole multitude, and reproached them greatly for their rashness;	⁶⁰⁸ At this, the Taricheans loudly praised him, but the Tiberians, with the rest of the company, called him names and made threats against him, so both sides left off criticising Josephus and began quarrelling with each other. Relying on his friends, the Taricheans who numbered about forty thousand, he took courage and spoke more freely to the whole crowd.
⁶⁰⁸ Upon this, the Tarichaeans cheered him, but those from Tiberias and elsewhere cursed and threatened him. Leaving Josephus, both sides began to quarrel with each other. He, now confident in those who were on his side (for the Tarichaeans numbered about forty thousand), spoke more boldly to the whole multitude.

⁶⁰⁹ Καὶ πολλὰ τὴν προπέτειαν αὐτῶν κατονειδίσας ἐκ μὲν τῶν παρόντων Ταριχέας ἔφη τειχίσειν , ἀσφαλιεῖσθαι δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις · οὐ γὰρ ἀπορήσειν χρημάτων , ἐὰν ὁμονοῶσιν ἐφ’ οὓς δεῖ πορίζειν καὶ μὴ παροξύνωνται κατὰ τοῦ πορίζοντος .
⁶⁰⁹ and told them, that with this money he would build walls about Taricheae, and would put the other cities in a state of security also; for that they should not want money, if they would but agree for whose benefit it was to be procured, and would not suffer themselves to be irritated against him who procured it for them.	⁶⁰⁹ He blamed them strongly for their rashness, assuring them that with this money he would build walls around Tarichea and secure the other cities. There would be enough money, if they would only agree for whose benefit it was to be held and not let themselves be stirred up against the one who provided it for them.
⁶⁰⁹ After rebuking them for their rashness, he said he would fortify Tarichaeae with the funds at hand, and would similarly secure the other cities; for they would not lack money if they were of one mind as to from whom it should be procured, and did not provoke the man who was procuring it.

⁶¹⁰ Ἔνθα δὴ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος τῶν ἠπατημένων ἀνεχώρει καίτοι διωργισμένον , δισχίλιοι δ’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν ἔνοπλοι , καὶ φθάσαντος εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον παρελθεῖν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐφεστήκεσαν .
⁶¹⁰ Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armor; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him.	⁶¹⁰ At this, the rest of the senseless people retired, still angry, but two thousand of them made an armed attack upon him, as he went to own house, standing outside and threatening him.
⁶¹⁰ Thereupon, the rest of the deceived multitude withdrew, though still very angry; but two thousand armed men rushed at him, and before he could retreat into his house, they stood over him threateningly.

⁶¹¹ Ἐπὶ τούτοις Ἰώσηπος ἀπάτῃ δευτέρᾳ χρῆται · ἀναβὰς γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος καὶ τῇ δεξιᾷ καταστείλας τὸν θόρυβον αὐτῶν ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη τίνων ἀξιοῦσιν τυχεῖν · οὐ γὰρ κατακούειν διὰ τὴν τῆς βοῆς σύγχυσινconfusion · ὅσα δ’ ἂν κελεύσωσιν πάντα ποιήσειν , εἰ τοὺς διαλεξομένους ἡσυχῆ πέμψειαν εἴσω πρὸς αὐτόν .
⁶¹¹ On which occasion Josephus again used a second stratagem to escape them; for he got upon the top of his house, and with his right hand desired them to be silent, and said to them, “I cannot tell what you would have, nor can hear what you say, for the confused noise you make;” but he said that he would comply with all their demands, in case they would but send some of their number in to him that might talk with him about it.	⁶¹¹ Josephus used another ruse to escape them, for he got onto the roof of his house and with his right hand asked for silence and said to them, "I don't know what you want, and cannot hear what you say, with the noise you're making." Then he promised to grant their demands if they sent some of them in to discuss it with him.
⁶¹¹ In this situation, Josephus used a second deceit: having gone up to the roof and stilled their noise with his right hand, he said he did not know what they wanted to obtain, for he could not hear them due to the confusion of the shouting; but he would do everything they ordered if they would send some of their leaders inside to him to discuss it quietly.

⁶¹² Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ γνώριμοι σὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν εἰσῄεσαν . Ὁ δὲ σύρας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ μυχαίτατον τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τὴν αὔλειον ἀποκλείσας ἐμαστίγωσεν , μέχρι πάντων τὰ σπλάγχνα γυμνῶσαι · περιειστήκει δὲ τέως τὸ πλῆθος δικαιολογεῖσθαι μακρότερα τοὺς εἰσελθόντας οἰόμενον .
⁶¹² And when the principal of them, with their leaders, heard this, they came into the house. He then drew them to the most retired part of the house, and shut the door of that hall where he put them, and then had them whipped till every one of their inward parts appeared naked. In the meantime the multitude stood round the house, and supposed that he had a long discourse with those that were gone in about what they claimed of him.	⁶¹² When the most notable ringleaders heard this, they came into the house and he brought them to the innermost part of the house and shutting the door had them whipped until all their innards were laid bare. The others stood round the house thinking that he was talking at length about their demands with those who had gone in.
⁶¹² Hearing this, the notables and the magistrates entered. Having dragged them into the innermost part of the house and shut the outer door, he scourged them until their entrails were laid bare. Meanwhile, the multitude stood outside, thinking the men who entered were holding a long legal argument.

⁶¹³ Ὁ δὲ τὰς θύρας ἐξαπίνης ἀνοίξας ᾑμαγμένους ἐξαφῆκεν τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ τοσαύτην τοῖς ἀπειλοῦσιν ἐνειργάσατο κατάπληξιν , ὥστε ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν .
⁶¹³ He had then the doors set open immediately, and sent the men out all bloody, which so terribly affrighted those that had before threatened him, that they threw away their arms and ran away.	⁶¹³ Then he had the doors opened and sent the men out all covered in blood, which so terrified those who had threatened him earlier that they dropped their weapons and fled.
⁶¹³ He suddenly opened the doors and let the men out, covered in blood, which struck such terror into those who were threatening him that they threw away their weapons and fled.

⁶¹⁴ Πρὸς ταῦτα Ἰωάννης ἐπέτεινεν τὸν φθόνον καὶ δευτέραν ἤρτυσεν ἐπιβουλὴν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰωσήπου . Σκηψάμενος δὴ νόσον ἱκέτευσεν δι’ ἐπιστολῆς τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπιτρέψαι πρὸς θεραπείαν αὐτῷ χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἐν Τιβεριάδι θερμοῖς ὕδασιν .
⁶¹⁴ But as for John, his envy grew greater [upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed a new plot against him; he pretended to be sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus would give him leave to use the hot baths that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his health.	⁶¹⁴ But John's envy grew worse and he framed a new plot against Josephus. He claimed to be sick and in a letter asked his leave to go to the hot baths in Tiberias for the sake of his health.
⁶¹⁴ At this, John’s envy intensified, and he prepared a second plot against Josephus. Pretending to be sick, he requested by letter that Josephus permit him to use the hot springs at Tiberias for a cure.

⁶¹⁵ Ὁ δέ , οὔπω γὰρ ὑπώπτευεν τὸν ἐπίβουλον , γράφει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὑπάρχοις ξενίαν τε καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια Ἰωάννῃ παρασχεῖν . Ὧν ἀπολαύσας μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας ἐφ’ ὃ παρῆν διεπράττετο , καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀπάταις τοὺς δὲ χρήμασι διαφθείρων ἀνέπειθεν ἀποστῆναι Ἰωσήπου .
⁶¹⁵ Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John’s plots against him, wrote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries for John; which favors, when he had made use of, in two days’ time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus.	⁶¹⁵ Still suspecting nothing of John's plots against him, Josephus wrote to the officers of the city to provide John with lodging and food, and two days later, having availed of these, he carried out his plan and lured some by trickery and others by money to revolt from Josephus.
⁶¹⁵ Josephus, not yet suspecting the conspirator, wrote to the governors of the city to provide hospitality and provisions for John. Having enjoyed these, after two days John began to carry out the purpose for which he had come, corrupting some with deceits and others with money to revolt from Josephus.

⁶¹⁶ Καὶ γνοὺς ταῦτα Σίλας ὁ φυλάσσειν τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ Ἰωσήπου καθεσταμένος γράφει τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῷ κατὰ τάχος . Ὁ δὲ Ἰώσηπος ὡς ἔλαβεν τὴν ἐπιστολήν , νυκτὸς ὁδεύσας συντόνως ἑωθινὸς παρῆν πρὸς τὴν Τιβεριάδα .
⁶¹⁶ This Silas, who was appointed guardian of the city by Josephus, wrote to him immediately, and informed him of the plot against him; which epistle when Josephus had received, he marched with great diligence all night, and came early in the morning to Tiberias;	⁶¹⁶ Silas, whom Josephus had appointed guardian of the city, immediately wrote, telling of the plot against him and when Josephus received the letter he marched rapidly all night and came early in the morning to Tiberias.
⁶¹⁶ Learning of this, Silas, who had been appointed by Josephus to guard the city, wrote to him in haste about the plot. Josephus, upon receiving the letter, marched quickly through the night and arrived at Tiberias by dawn.

⁶¹⁷ Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος αὐτῷ ὑπήντα , Ἰωάννης δὲ καίτοι τὴν παρουσίαν ὑποπτεύσας ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὅμως πέμψας τινὰ τῶν γνωρίμων ὑπεκρίνατο τὴν ἀσθένειαν καὶ κλινήρης ὢν ὑστερῆσαι τῆς θεραπείας ἔλεγεν .
⁶¹⁷ at which time the rest of the multitude met him. But John, who suspected that his coming was not to his advantage, sent however one of his friends, and pretended that he was sick, and that being confined to his bed, he could not come to pay his respects.	⁶¹⁷ There the rest of the people met him, but John, who was suspicious of his arrival, sent one of his friends, claiming to be sick and that he could not come, being confined to bed.
⁶¹⁷ The rest of the people came out to meet him, but John, though he suspected Josephus’s arrival, sent one of his acquaintances to pretend he was ill and bedridden, and thus could not come to pay his respects.

⁶¹⁸ ὡς δὲ εἰς τὸ στάδιον τοὺς Τιβεριεῖς ἀθροίσας ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἐπειρᾶτο διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐπεσταλμένων , ὑποπέμψας ὁπλίταςarmed warrior προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν .
⁶¹⁸ But as soon as Josephus had got the people of Tiberias together in the stadium, and tried to discourse with them about the letters that he had received, John privately sent some armed men, and gave them orders to slay him.	⁶¹⁸ Assembling the Tiberians in the stadium, Josephus tried to tell them about the letters he had received, but the other sent warriors secretly with orders to kill him.
⁶¹⁸ When Josephus had gathered the Tiberians into the stadium and was attempting to speak about the reports he had received, John secretly sent armed men and ordered them to kill him.

⁶¹⁹ Τούτους τὰ ξίφη γυμνοῦντας ὁ δῆμος προιδὼν ἀνεβόησεν · πρὸς δὲ τὴν κραυγὴν ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἐπιστραφεὶς καὶ θεασάμενος ἐπὶ τῆς σφαγῆς ἤδη τὸν σίδηρον ἀπεπήδησεν εἰς τὸν αἰγιαλόν · εἱστήκει δὲ δημηγορῶν ἐπὶ βουνοῦ τινος ἑξαπήχους τὸ ὕψος · καὶ παρορμοῦντος ἐπιπηδήσας σκάφους σὺν δυσὶν σωματοφύλαξιν εἰς μέσην τὴν λίμνην ἀνέφυγεν .
⁶¹⁹ But when the people saw that the armed men were about to draw their swords, they cried out;—at which cry Josephus turned himself about, and when he saw that the swords were just at his throat, he marched away in great haste to the seashore, and left off that speech which he was going to make to the people, upon an elevation of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with two of his guards, and fled away into the midst of the lake.	⁶¹⁹ When the people saw the warriors drawing their swords, they shouted and Josephus turned round and saw the swords aimed at his throat. He abandoned the speech he was going to make to the people and quickly jumped down from the six-foot high hillock on which he stood, to the lake-shore and then took a boat which lay in the harbour and jumped into it, with two of his guards and fled to the middle of the lake.
⁶¹⁹ The people, seeing these men drawing their swords, cried out. At the shout, Josephus turned around and, seeing the steel already at his throat, leaped down to the shore; he had been standing to speak on a hill six cubits high. He jumped into a boat that was moored nearby and, with two bodyguards, escaped to the middle of the lake.

⁶²⁰ Οἱ στρατιῶται δ’ αὐτοῦ‎ ταχέως ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα κατὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων ἐχώρουν . Ἔνθα δείσας ὁ Ἰώσηπος , μὴ πολέμου κινηθέντος ἐμφυλίουkinsfolk δι’ ὀλίγων φθόνον παραναλώσῃ τὴν πόλιν , πέμπει τοῖς σφετέροις ἄγγελον μόνης προνοεῖν τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας , μήτε δὲ κτείνειν τινὰ μήτ᾽ ἀπελέγχειν τῶν αἰτίων .
⁶²⁰ But now the soldiers he had with him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them, that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded [of disorder].	⁶²⁰ The soldiers he had with him quickly took their weapons and marched against the conspirators, but Josephus was afraid that a civil war would break out due to the envy of a few men and bring the city to ruin, so he sent some of his party to tell them to do no more than protect themselves and not kill anyone, or accuse anyone for what had happened.
⁶²⁰ His soldiers quickly seized their weapons and moved against the conspirators. Then Josephus, fearing that if a civil war were stirred up, the city might be destroyed for the sake of a few men’s envy, sent a messenger to his own men to look only to their own safety and not to kill anyone or charge any of the guilty.

⁶²¹ Καὶ οἱ μὲν τῷ παραγγέλματι πεισθέντες ἠρέμησαν , οἱ δ’ ἀνὰ τὴν πέριξ χώραν πυθόμενοιto ask, inquire τήν τε ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὸν συσκευάσαντα συνηθροίζοντο κατὰ Ἰωάννου · φθάνει δ’ ἐκεῖνος εἰς Γίσχαλα φυγὼν τὴν πατρίδα .
⁶²¹ Accordingly, these men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but the people of the neighboring country, when they were informed of this plot, and of the plotter, they got together in great multitudes to oppose John. But he prevented their attempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native city,	⁶²¹ They obeyed his orders and kept the peace, but the people of the surrounding area, when told of this plot and of the conspirator, gathered in crowds against John. But he forestalled them and fled to his native city of Gischala.
⁶²¹ They obeyed the order and remained quiet; but those in the surrounding country, hearing of the plot and the one who had prepared it, gathered against John. He, however, fled to his native city of Gischala.

⁶²² Συνέρρεον δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἰώσηπον οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι κατὰ πόλεις , καὶ πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὁπλιτῶν γενόμεναι παρεῖναι σφᾶς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην τὸν κοινὸν ἐπίβουλον ἐβόων · συγκαταφλέξειν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ὑποδεξαμένην πατρίδα .
⁶²² while the Galileans came running out of their several cities to Josephus; and as they were now become many ten thousands of armed men, they cried out, that they were come against John the common plotter against their interest, and would at the same time burn him, and that city which had received him.	⁶²² The Galileans hurried to Josephus from their various cities, and as they were now many thousands of warriors, they shouted that they had come against John whose plots harmed all of them and would burn both him and any place that welcomed him.
⁶²² The Galileans flocked to Josephus from every city, and many tens of thousands of armed men came, shouting for him to lead them against John, the common conspirator; for they said they would burn him along with the city that had received him.

⁶²³ Ὁ δὲ ἀποδέχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῶν ἔφασκεν τὴν εὔνοιαν , ἀνεῖργεν δὲ τὴν ὁρμήν , χειρώσασθαι συνέσει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μᾶλλον ἢ κτεῖναι προαιρούμενος .
⁶²³ Hereupon Josephus told them that he took their goodwill to him kindly, but still he restrained their fury, and intended to subdue his enemies by prudent conduct, rather than by slaying them;	⁶²³ Josephus said he was glad of their goodwill but he calmed their fury and wanted to subdue his enemies by prudence rather than by killing them.
⁶²³ Josephus said he accepted their goodwill but restrained their impulse, preferring to subdue his enemies by wisdom rather than by killing them.

⁶²⁴ Ἐκλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀφ’ ἑκάστης πόλεως Ἰωάννῃ συναφεστῶτας κατ’ ὄνομα , προθύμως δὲ ἐνεδείκνυντο τοὺς σφετέρους οἱ δημόται , καὶ διὰ κηρύκων ἀπειλήσας ἐντὸς ἡμέρας πέμπτης τῶν μὴ καταλιπόντων Ἰωάννην τάς τε οὐσίας διαρπάσειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς καταφλέξειν ,
⁶²⁴ so he excepted those of every city which had joined in this revolt with John, by name, who had readily been shown him by these that came from every city, and caused public proclamation to be made, that he would seize upon the effects of those that did not forsake John within five days’ time, and would burn both their houses and their families with fire.	⁶²⁴ He got from every city the names of all involved with John in this revolt and proclaimed that he would seize the property of any who did not forsake John within five days and burn their houses and their families.
⁶²⁴ Having obtained the names of those from each city who had revolted with John (for their fellow citizens were eager to point them out), he threatened through heralds that within five days, the property of anyone who did not leave John would be plundered and their houses burned along with their families.

⁶²⁵ τρισχιλίους μὲν ἀπέστησεν εὐθέως , οἳ παραγενόμενοι τὰ ὅπλα παρὰ τοῖς ποσὶν ἔρριψαν αὐτοῦ‎ , σὺν δὲ τοῖς καταλειφθεῖσιν , ἦσαν δ’ ὅσον εἰς δισχιλίους Σύρων φυγάδες , ἀνέστελλεν Ἰωάννης πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰς λαθραίους ἐπιβουλὰς ἐκ τῶν φανερωτέρων .
⁶²⁵ Whereupon three thousand of John’s party left him immediately, who came to Josephus, and threw their arms down at his feet. John then betook himself, together with his two thousand Syrian runagates, from open attempts, to more secret ways of treachery.	⁶²⁵ At this, three thousand of John's party instantly left him, coming to Josephus and throwing their weapons down at his feet. Then John and his two thousand Syrian renegades changed from public to more secret ways of treachery.
⁶²⁵ He immediately caused three thousand to desert, who came and threw their weapons at his feet. With those who remained (about two thousand Syrian fugitives), John turned back from his more open attempts to secret plots.

⁶²⁶ Κρύφα γοῦν ἔπεμπεν ἀγγέλους εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα διαβάλλων τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς δυνάμεως , φάσκων ὅσον οὐδέπω τύραννος ἐλεύσεσθαι τῆς μητροπόλεως , εἰ μὴ προκαταληφθείη .
⁶²⁶ Accordingly, he privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Josephus, as having too great power, and to let them know that he would soon come as a tyrant to their metropolis, unless they prevented him.	⁶²⁶ He sent messengers secretly to Jerusalem to accuse Josephus for having too much power and to warn that he would soon come to the capital as a tyrant, unless they forestalled him.
⁶²⁶ He sent messengers secretly to Jerusalem to slander Josephus regarding the size of his power, claiming he would soon come as a tyrant over the capital if he were not stopped.

⁶²⁷ Ταῦθ’ ὁ μὲν δῆμος προειδὼς οὐ προσεῖχεν , οἱ δυνατοὶ δὲ κατὰ φθόνον καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὲς λάθρα τῷ Ἰωάννῃ χρήματα πρὸς συλλογὴν μισθοφόρων ἔπεμψαν , ὅπως πολεμῇ πρὸς Ἰώσηπον · ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατηγίας .
⁶²⁷ This accusation the people were aware of beforehand, but had no regard to it. However, some of the grandees, out of envy, and some of the rulers also, sent money to John privately, that he might be able to get together mercenary soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they also made a decree of themselves, and this for recalling him from his government, yet did they not think that decree sufficient;	⁶²⁷ The people already knew of this accusation, but disregarded it. Out of envy, however, some of the nobles and officers secretly sent money to John, to enable him to gather mercenaries to fight Josephus. They also made a decree to recall him from his position.
⁶²⁷ The common people, having foreseen this, paid no attention; but the powerful and some of the rulers, out of envy, secretly sent money to John to collect mercenaries so he could make war on Josephus. They also voted among themselves to recall him from his command.

⁶²⁸ Οὐ μὴν ἠξίουν ἀποχρήσειν τὸ δόγμα · δισχιλίους δὲ καὶ πεντακοσίους ὁπλίταςarmed warrior καὶ τέσσαρας τῶν ἐπιφανῶνevident; notable ἄνδρας ἔστειλαν , τόν τε τοῦ Νομικοῦ ἸώεσδρονJoazar καὶ Ἀνανίαν ΣαδούκιSadduk καὶ Σίμωνα καὶ ἸούδηνJudes Ἰωνάθου , πάντας εἰπεῖν δυνατωτάτους , ἵν’ οὗτοι τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἰώσηπον εὔνοιαν ἀποστρέψωσιν , κἂν μὲν ἑκὼν παραγένηται , λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐᾶν αὐτόν , εἰ δὲ βιάζοιτο μένειν , ὡς πολεμίῳ χρῆσθαι .
⁶²⁸ so they sent withal two thousand five hundred armed men, and four persons of the highest rank amongst them; Joazar the son of Nomicus, and Ananias the son of Sadduk, as also Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan (all very able men in speaking), that these persons might withdraw the goodwill of the people from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if he would voluntarily come away, they should permit him to [come and] give an account of his conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon continuing in his government, they should treat him as an enemy.	⁶²⁸ Not thinking the decree sufficient, they also sent two thousand five hundred warriors and four men of highest rank : Joazar son of Nomicus, Ananias son of Sadduk, Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan, all very able speakers, to withdraw the people's goodwill from Josephus, and if he gave in, to let him give an account of himself, but if he insisted on continuing to rule, to treat him as an enemy.
⁶²⁸ However, they did not think the decree was enough; so they sent two thousand five hundred armed men and four distinguished men: Joesdrus son of Nomicus, Ananias [son of] Saduki, Simon, and Judas son of Jonathan—all very eloquent men—to turn the people’s favor away from Josephus. If he came willingly, they were to let him give an account; if he insisted on staying, they were to treat him as an enemy.

⁶²⁹ Ἰωσήπῳ δὲ παραγίνεσθαι μὲν στρατιὰν ἐπεστάλκεσαν οἱ φίλοι , τὴν δ’ αἰτίαν οὐ προεδήλουν ἅτε δὴ λάθρα τῶν ἐχθρῶν βεβουλευμένων . Διὸ καὶ μὴ προφυλαξαμένου τέσσαρες πόλεις εὐθέως πρὸς τοὺς διαφόρους ἀπέστησανto mislead, rebel ἐλθόντας , ΣέπφωρίςSepphoris τε καὶ Γάβαρα καὶ Γίσχαλα καὶ ΤιβεριάςTiberias .
⁶²⁹ Now, Josephus’s friends had sent him word that an army was coming against him, but they gave him no notice beforehand what the reason of their coming was, that being only known among some secret councils of his enemies; and by this means it was that four cities revolted from him immediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gischala, and Tiberias.	⁶²⁹ Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was coming, but they gave him no notice of the reason for their coming, which was known only in the secret councils of his enemies, and so four cities rebelled from him immediately, Sepphoris and Gamala and Gischala and Tiberias.
⁶²⁹ Josephus’s friends had written to him that an army was coming, but they did not reveal the reason, as his enemies had deliberated in secret. Therefore, because he was not on his guard, four cities immediately revolted to the opponents when they arrived: Sepphoris, Gabara, Gischala, and Tiberias.

⁶³⁰ Ταχέως δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσηγάγετο δίχα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ χειρωσάμενος στρατηγήμασιν τοὺς τέσσαρας ἡγεμόνας τῶν τε ὁπλιτῶν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα .
⁶³⁰ Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem;	⁶³⁰ But he recovered these cities without war, and when by ploys he had routed those four officers and captured their best warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem.
⁶³⁰ But he quickly brought these back without arms, and having subdued the four leaders by stratagems, he sent them and the most powerful of their armed men back to Jerusalem.

⁶³¹ Πρὸς οὓς ὁ δῆμος οὐ μετρίως ἠγανάκτησεν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ὥρμησεν τοὺς προπέμψαντας ἀνελεῖν , εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες ἀπέδρασαν .
⁶³¹ and the people [of Galilee] had great indignation at them, and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not only these forces, but those that sent them also, had not these forces prevented it by running away.	⁶³¹ The people were furious at them and wanted to kill, not only these forces, but also those who sent them, if they had not forestalled it by running away.
⁶³¹ The people there were greatly indignant at them and were ready to kill those who had sent them, had they not fled first.

⁶³² Ἰωάννην δὲ λοιπὸν ἐντὸς τοῦ Γισχάλων τείχους ὁ παρὰ Ἰωσήπου φόβος ἐφρούρει . Καὶ μετ’ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας πάλιν ἀπέστη Τιβεριὰς ἐπικαλεσαμένων τῶν ἔνδον Ἀγρίππαν τὸν βασιλέα .
⁶³² Now John was detained afterward within the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias revolted again, the people within it inviting king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of his authority there].	⁶³² John too was detained within the ramparts of Gischala, by his fear of Josephus, but within a few days Tiberias rebelled again, the people within it inviting Agrippa back as their king.
⁶³² From then on, the fear of Josephus kept John within the walls of Gischala. A few days later, Tiberias revolted again, with the people inside calling upon King Agrippa.

⁶³³ Καὶ τοῦ μὲν μὴ καταντήσαντος ἐφ’ ἣν συντέτακτο προθεσμίαν , ῬωμαικῶνRoman δ’ ὀλίγων ἱππέων κατ’ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν παραφανέντων , τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐξεκήρυσσον .
⁶³³ And when he did not come at the time appointed, and when a few Roman horsemen appeared that day, they expelled Josephus out of the city.	⁶³³ When he did not come at the appointed time and a few Roman cavalry appeared that day, they expelled Josephus from the city.
⁶³³ When he did not arrive by the set deadline, and a few Roman cavalry appeared on that day, they banished Josephus by public proclamation.

⁶³⁴ Τῶν δ’ ἠγγέλη μὲν εἰς Ταριχέας ἡ ἀπόστασιςa revolt εὐθέως , ἐκπεπομφὼς δὲ πάντας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπὶ σίτου συλλογὴν οὔτε μόνος ἐξορμᾶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποστάντας οὔτε μένειν ὑπέμενεν , δεδοικὼς μὴ βραδύναντος αὐτοῦ‎ φθάσωσιν οἱ βασιλικοὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν · οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἐπιοῦσανthe next day ἡμέραν ἐνεργὸν ἕξειν ἔμελλεν ἐπέχοντος σαββάτου .
⁶³⁴ Now, this revolt of theirs was presently known at Taricheae; and as Josephus had sent out all the soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he knew not how either to march out alone against the revolters, or to stay where he was, because he was afraid the king’s soldiers might prevent him if he tarried, and might get into the city; for he did not intend to do anything on the next day, because it was the Sabbath day, and would hinder his proceedings.	⁶³⁴ News of this revolt was soon heard in Tarichea, and as Josephus had sent out all his soldiers to gather corn, he could neither march out alone against the rebels, or stay where he was, for fear that the king's soldiers might might get into the city and capture him if he delayed, but he did not intend to do anything the next day, as it was the sabbath.
⁶³⁴ The news of the revolt reached Tarichaeae immediately. Having sent out all his soldiers to collect grain, Josephus could neither march out alone against the rebels nor stay put, fearing that if he delayed, the king’s troops would enter the city. He could not act on the following day either, because the Sabbath was approaching.

⁶³⁵ Δόλῳ δὴ περιελθεῖν ἐπενόει τοὺς ἀποστάντας . Καὶ τὰς μὲν πύλας τῶν ΤαριχεῶνTarichea ἀποκλεῖσαι κελεύσας , ὡς μὴ προεξαγγείλειέ τις τὸ σκέμμα τοῖς ἐπιχειρουμένοις , τὰ δ’ ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης σκάφη πάντα συναθροίσας , τριάκοντα δ’ εὑρέθησαν καὶ τριακόσια , καὶ ναῦται τεσσάρων οὐ πλείους ἦσαν ἐν ἑκάστῳ , διὰ τάχους ἐλαύνει πρὸς τὴν Τιβεριάδα .
⁶³⁵ So he contrived to circumvent the revolters by a stratagem; and in the first place he ordered the gates of Taricheae to be shut, that nobody might go out and inform [those of Tiberias], for whom it was intended, what stratagem he was about; he then got together all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of them he put no more than four mariners. So he sailed to Tiberias with haste,	⁶³⁵ He managed to outwit the rebels by a ruse, and first ordered the gates of Tarichea to be shut so that no one might go out and inform those for whom it was intended, of his ruse. He then gathered all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty and in each of them he put no more than four sailors and sailed quickly to Tiberias.
⁶³⁵ He thought to overcome the rebels by a trick. Ordering the gates of Tarichaeae to be shut so no one would report his plan to those he was attacking, he collected all the boats on the lake—there were found to be three hundred and thirty—and with no more than four sailors in each, he sailed quickly toward Tiberias.

⁶³⁶ Καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀποσχὼν τῆς πόλεως ἐξ ὅσουas great as συνιδεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἦν κενὰς τὰς ἁλιάδας μετεώρους σαλεύειν ἐκέλευσεν , αὐτὸς δὲ μόνους ἑπτὰ τῶν σωματοφυλάκωνbodyguard ἀνόπλους ἔχων ἔγγιον ὀφθῆναι προσῄει .
⁶³⁶ and kept at such a distance from the city, that it was not easy for the people to see the vessels, and ordered that the empty vessels should float up and down there, while he, who had but seven of his guards with him, and those unarmed also, went so near as to be seen;	⁶³⁶ He kept far enough out from the city that it was hard for the people to see that the vessels were empty and ordered them to be moored, while himself, with just seven of his guards, and they unarmed, went close enough to be seen.
⁶³⁶ When he was at a distance from the city where it was not easy to see clearly, he ordered the empty vessels to float out in the open; he himself, having only seven of his bodyguards unarmed, approached close enough to be seen.

⁶³⁷ Θεασάμενοι δ’ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἔτι βλασφημοῦντες οἱ διάφοροι καὶ διὰ τὴν ἔκπληξιν πάντα τὰ σκάφη γέμειν ὁπλιτῶν νομίσαντες ἔρριψαν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ κατασείοντες ἱκετηρίας ἐδέοντο φείσασθαι τῆς πόλεως .
⁶³⁷ but when his adversaries, who were still reproaching him, saw him from the walls, they were so astonished that they supposed all the ships were full of armed men, and threw down their arms, and by signals of intercession they besought him to spare the city.	⁶³⁷ When his opponents, who were still critical of him, saw him from the ramparts, they were astonished and imagining that all the ships were full of warriors they threw down their weapons and by signs of entreaty begged him to spare the city.
⁶³⁷ His opponents, seeing him from the walls, were still reviling him; but in their shock, they thought all the boats were full of armed men. They threw down their weapons and, waving olive branches, begged him to spare the city.

⁶³⁸ Ὁ δὲ Ἰώσηπος πολλὰ διαπειλησάμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ κατονειδίσας , εἰ πρῶτον μὲν ἀράμενοι τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον εἰς στάσεις ἐμφυλίους προαναλίσκουσιν τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὰ εὐκταιότατα δρῶσιν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς , ἔπειτα τὸν κηδεμόνα τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτῶν ἀναρπάσαι σπεύδουσιν καὶ κλείειν οὐκ αἰδοῦνται τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ τῷ τειχίσαντι , προσδέχεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολογησομένους ἔφασκεν καὶ δι’ ὧν βεβαιώσεται τὴν πόλιν .
⁶³⁸ Upon this Josephus threatened them terribly, and reproached them, that when they were the first that took up arms against the Romans, they should spend their force beforehand in civil dissensions, and do what their enemies desired above all things; and that besides they should endeavor so hastily to seize upon him, who took care of their safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against him that built their walls; that, however, he would admit of any intercessors from them that might make some excuse for them, and with whom he would make such agreements as might be for the city’s security.	⁶³⁸ Josephus threatened them terribly and reproached them that after being the first to take up arms against the Romans, they spent their energy in civil strife and doing what the enemy most desired, and then that they so quickly wished to seize him, who had cared for their safety. They had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against the man who built their walls; but he would listen to any mediators who might offer some excuse for them and come to some agreement for the city's security.
⁶³⁸ Josephus threatened them greatly and rebuked them: first, that having taken up war against Rome, they were wasting their strength on internal strife and doing exactly what their enemies prayed for; and second, that they were eager to seize the guardian of their safety and were not ashamed to close the city against the man who had built its walls. He said, however, that he would receive those who would apologize and help secure the city.

⁶³⁹ κατέβαινον δ’ εὐθέως δέκα τῶν Τιβεριέων οἱ δυνατώτατοι · καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀναλαβὼν μιᾷ τῶν ἁλιάδων ἀνήγαγεν πορρωτέρω , πεντήκοντα δ’ ἑτέρους τῆς βουλῆς τοὺς μάλιστα γνωρίμους κελεύει προελθεῖν ὡς καὶ παρ’ ἐκείνων πίστιν τινὰ βουλόμενος λαβεῖν .
⁶³⁹ Hereupon ten of the most potent men of Tiberias came down to him presently; and when he had taken them into one of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried a great way off from the city. He then commanded that fifty others of their senate, such as were men of the greatest eminence, should come to him, that they also might give him some security on their behalf.	⁶³⁹ Ten of the influential people of Tiberias soon came down to him and after taking them into one of his vessels, he had them brought a long way from the city and then ordered that fifty others of the most eminent of their council, should come to him, as a security on their behalf.
⁶³⁹ Immediately, ten of the most powerful Tiberians came down. He took them into one of the boats and carried them further away. Then he ordered fifty others of the council, the most notable men, to come forward, as if he wanted a pledge from them too.

⁶⁴⁰ Ἔπειτα καινοτέρας σκήψεις ἐπινοῶν ἄλλους ἐπ’ ἄλλοις ὡς ἐπὶ συνθήκαις προυκαλεῖτο .
⁶⁴⁰ After which, under one new pretense or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them.	⁶⁴⁰ Afterward he called others, one by one, under various pretexts, to ratify the agreement.
⁶⁴⁰ Then, devising new excuses, he called for others after others as if for a treaty.

⁶⁴¹ Τοῖς δὲ κυβερνήταις ἐκέλευσεν τῶν πληρουμένων διὰ τάχους εἰς Ταριχέας ἀναπλεῖν καὶ συγκλείειν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον , μέχρι πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν βουλὴν οὖσαν ἑξακοσίων , περὶ δὲ δισχιλίους τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου συλλαβὼν ἀνήγαγεν σκάφεσιν εἰς Ταριχέας .
⁶⁴¹ He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled to sail away immediately for Taricheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae.	⁶⁴¹ He then ordered the captains of the vessels which he had filled in this way to sail off for Tarichea immediately and keep them in prison there, until he had their whole council, six hundred in all, and about two thousand of the people, and brought them off to Tarichea.
⁶⁴¹ He ordered the captains of the boats that were filled to sail quickly to Tarichaeae and shut the men in prison, until he had seized the entire council of six hundred and about two thousand of the common people and carried them in boats to Tarichaeae.

⁶⁴² Βοώντων δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν αἴτιον εἶναι μάλιστα τῆς ἀποστάσεως Κλεῖτόν τινα καὶ παρακαλούντων εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀπερείδεσθαι τὴν ὀργήν , ὁ Ἰώσηπος ἀνελεῖν μὲν οὐδένα προῄρητο , Ληουὶν δέ τινα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φυλάκων ἐκέλευσεν ἐξελθεῖν , ἵνα ἀποκόψῃ τὰς χεῖρας τοῦ ΚλείτουCleitus .
⁶⁴² 1And when the rest of the people cried out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief author of this revolt, they desired him to spend his anger upon him [only]; but Josephus, whose intention it was to slay nobody, commanded one Levius, belonging to his guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to cut off both Clitus’s hands;	⁶⁴² The rest of the people cried aloud that a man called Cleitus had instigated this revolt, and asked him to vent his anger on him. Josephus, who intended to kill no one, told Levi, one of his guards, to leave the vessel, and go to cut off the hands of Cleitus.
⁶⁴² When the rest cried out that a certain Cleitus was the main cause of the revolt and begged Josephus to vent his anger on him, Josephus, though he had decided to kill no one, ordered Levi, one of his guards, to go out and cut off Cleitus’s hands.

⁶⁴³ Δείσας δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἰς ἐχθρῶν στῖφος ἀποβήσεσθαι μόνος οὐκ ἔφη . Σχετλιάζοντα δὲ τὸν Ἰώσηπον ἐπὶ τοῦ σκάφους ὁ ΚλεῖτοςCleitus ὁρῶν καὶ προθυμούμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιπηδᾶν ἐπὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν ἱκέτευεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτῆς τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν χειρῶν καταλιπεῖν .
⁶⁴³ yet was Levius afraid to go out by himself alone to such a large body of enemies, and refused to go. Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of it, in order to execute the punishment himself; he begged therefore from the shore, that he would leave him one of his hands,	⁶⁴³ Afraid to go alone into such a large group of enemies, he refused to go. When Cleitus saw how Josephus, in the ship, was so enraged that he was ready to jump out of it and personally carry out the punishment, he begged him from the shore to leave him one of his hands.
⁶⁴³ The guard was afraid to go out alone against a crowd of enemies and refused. As Cleitus saw Josephus on the boat in a rage and eager to leap out to punish him himself, he begged from the shore that one of his hands be left to him.

⁶⁴⁴ Κἀκείνου κατανεύσαντος ἐφ’ ᾧ τὴν ἑτέραν αὐτὸς ἀποκόψειεν ἑαυτοῦ , σπασάμενος τῇ δεξιᾷ τὸ ξίφος ἀπέκοψεν τὴν λαιάν · εἰς τοσοῦτον δέους ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἰωσήπου προήχθη .
⁶⁴⁴ which Josephus agreed to, upon condition that he would himself cut off the other hand; accordingly he drew his sword, and with his right hand cut off his left,—so great was the fear he was in of Josephus himself.	⁶⁴⁴ When this was accepted, on condition that he cut off the hand himself, he drew his sword and with his right hand cut off his left, so much did he fear Josephus.
⁶⁴⁴ When Josephus agreed on the condition that he cut off the other hand himself, Cleitus drew his sword with his right hand and cut off his left; to such a degree of fear was he driven by Josephus.

⁶⁴⁵ Τότε μὲν δὴ κενοῖς σκάφεσιν καὶ δορυφόροις ἑπτὰ τὸν δῆμον αἰχμαλωτισάμενος πάλιν Τιβεριάδα προσηγάγετο , μετὰ δ’ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας Σεπφωρίταις συναποστᾶσαν εὑρὼν ἐπέτρεψεν διαρπάσαι τοῖς στρατιώταις .
⁶⁴⁵ And thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners, and recovered the city again with empty ships and seven of his guard. Moreover, a few days afterward he retook Gischala, which had revolted with the people of Sepphoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder it;	⁶⁴⁵ So with empty ships and seven of his bodyguards he captured the people of Tiberias and recovered the city. A few days later he retook Gischala, which had rebelled along with the people of Sepphoris, and he let his soldiers plunder them.
⁶⁴⁵ So then, with empty boats and seven guards, he took the people captive and brought Tiberias back to his side. A few days later, finding that it had revolted along with the Sepphorites, he allowed his soldiers to plunder it.

⁶⁴⁶ Συναγαγὼν μέντοι πάντα τοῖς δημόταις ἔδωκεν τοῖς τε κατὰ Σέπφωριν ὁμοίως · καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους χειρωσάμενος νουθετῆσαι διὰ τῆς ἁρπαγῆς ἠθέλησεν , τῇ δ’ ἀποδόσει τῶν χρημάτων πάλιν εἰς εὔνοιαν προσηγάγετο .
⁶⁴⁶ yet did he get all the plunder together, and restored it to the inhabitants; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and Tiberias. For when he had subdued those cities, he had a mind, by letting them be plundered, to give them some good instructions, while at the same time he regained their goodwill by restoring them their money again.	⁶⁴⁶ Gathering all the loot, he restored it to the inhabitants, and for the people of Sepphoris he did likewise. For in subduing those cities, he wished to teach them a good lesson by letting them be looted, but he regained their goodwill by restoring their money to them.
⁶⁴⁶ However, he collected all the spoils and gave them back to the citizens, and did the same for the people of Sepphoris; for having subdued them, he wished to warn them by the plundering but won back their goodwill by the return of their property.

Chapter 22
[vv. 647-654]
Simon the brigand starts looting.
High Priest Ananus seeks peace, in vain

☜ ☞

⁶⁴⁷ Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Γαλιλαίαν ἐπέπαυτο κινήματα , καὶ τῶν ἐμφυλίων παυσάμενοι θορύβων ἐπὶ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐτράποντο παρασκευάς ·
⁶⁴⁷ And thus were the disturbances of Galilee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to prosecute their civil dissensions, they betook themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans.	⁶⁴⁷ So were the disturbances of Galilee calmed, when after ceasing their civil strife they set themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans.
⁶⁴⁷ Thus the disturbances in Galilee were quelled; and having ceased from their internal seditions, they turned to preparations against the Romans.

⁶⁴⁸ ἐν δὲ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἌνανόςAnanus τε ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τῶν δυνατῶν ὅσοι μὴ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐφρόνουν τό τε τεῖχος ἐπεσκεύαζον καὶ πολλὰ τῶν πολεμιστηρίων ὀργάνων .
⁶⁴⁸ Now, in Jerusalem the high priest Ananus, and as many of the men of power as were not in the interest of the Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a great many warlike instruments, insomuch that,	⁶⁴⁸ Now in Jerusalem the high priest Ananus those of the influential people who were not on the side of the Romans, repaired the ramparts and made instruments of war.
⁶⁴⁸ In Jerusalem, Ananus the High Priest and those of the leading men who did not favor the Romans repaired the walls and prepared many military engines.

⁶⁴⁹ Καὶ διὰ πάσης μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἐχαλκεύετο βέλη καὶ πανοπλία , πρὸς ἀτάκτοις δὲ γυμνασίαις τὸ τῶν νέων πλῆθος ἦν , καὶ μεστὰ πάντα θορύβου , δεινὴ δὲ κατήφεια τῶν μετρίων , καὶ πολλοὶ τὰς μελλούσας προορώμενοι συμφορὰς ἀπωλοφύροντο .
⁶⁴⁹ in all parts of the city darts and all sorts of armor were upon the anvil. Although the multitude of the young men were engaged in exercises, without any regularity, and all places were full of tumultuous doings; yet the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and a great many there were who, out of the prospect they had of the calamities that were coming upon them, made great lamentations.	⁶⁴⁹ All round the city spears and all sorts of armour were upon the anvil and many young men were engaged in haphazard exercises, and everywhere was full of noise. The more balanced people were sad, however, and many deeply regretted the troubles they foresaw.
⁶⁴⁹ Throughout the entire city, missiles and suits of armor were being forged; the multitude of the youth was engaged in disorganized exercises, and everything was full of tumult. Among the moderate people, however, there was a terrible dejection, and many, foreseeing the coming calamities, broke into lamentations.

⁶⁵⁰ Θειασμοί τε τοῖς εἰρήνην ἀγαπῶσιν δύσφημοι , τοῖς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξάψασιν ἐσχεδιάζοντο πρὸς ἡδονήν , καὶ τὸ κατάστημα τῆς πόλεως πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἦν οἷον ἀπολουμένης .
⁶⁵⁰ There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction.	⁶⁵⁰ Omens were observed that were understood by those who loved peace as presaging disaster, but were interpreted by those who kindled the war so as to suit their own inclinations, so that even before the Romans came against it, and the state of the city was that of one doomed to destruction.
⁶⁵⁰ There were also ominous portents that brought despair to those who loved peace, though those who had kindled the war fabricated interpretations to suit their own pleasure. Indeed, the state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was like that of a place doomed to destruction.

⁶⁵¹ Ἀνάνῳ γε μὴν Φροντὶς ἦν κατὰ μικρὸν ἀφισταμένῳ τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευῶν κάμψαι πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τούς τε στασιαστὰς καὶ τὴν τῶν κληθέντων ζηλωτῶν ἀφροσύνην , ἡττήθη δὲ τῆς βίας , κἀν τοῖς ἑξῆς οἵου τέλους ἔτυχεν δηλώσομεν .
⁶⁵¹ However, Ananus’s concern was this, to lay aside, for a while, the preparations for the war, and to persuade the seditious to consult their own interest, and to restrain the madness of those that had the name of zealots; but their violence was too hard for him; and what end he came to we shall relate hereafter.	⁶⁵¹ Ananus's plan was to gradually lay aside the preparations for war and persuade the rebels to consult their own interest and to restrain the madness of the ones called the Zealots. But their violence was too much for him and we shall later relate how he met his end.
⁶⁵¹ Ananus, for his part, entertained the hope of gradually dropping the preparations for war and turning the seditious and the folly of those called “Zealots” toward what was profitable; but he was overcome by their violence. We shall relate in the following books what end he met.

⁶⁵² Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἈκραβετηνὴνAcrabatene τοπαρχίαν ὁ ΓιώραGioras Σίμων πολλοὺς τῶν νεωτεριζόντων συστησάμενος ἐφ’ ἁρπαγὰς ἐτράπετο καὶ οὐ μόνον τὰς οἰκίας ἐσπάρασσεν τῶν πλουσίων , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σώματα κατῃκίζετο δῆλός τε ἦν ἤδη πόρρωθεν ἀρχόμενος τυραννεῖν .
⁶⁵² But as for the Acrabbene toparchy, Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of those that were fond of innovations together, and betook himself to ravage the country; nor did he only harass the rich men’s houses, but tormented their bodies, and appeared openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in his government.	⁶⁵² In the district of Acrabatene, Simon son of Gioras gathered many of the men who were in favour of revolt and went on to ravage the territory. Not only did he ransack the houses of the rich, but he physically maltreated them and already showed the beginning of his tyranny.
⁶⁵² In the toparchy of Acrabatene, Simon son of Gioras gathered many of the revolutionaries and turned to plunder. He not only harassed the houses of the wealthy but also inflicted bodily torture upon them; it was clear even then that he was beginning to play the tyrant.

⁶⁵³ Πεμφθείσης δ’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ὑπ’ ἈνάνουAnanus καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων στρατιᾶς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ΜασάδᾳMasada λῃστὰς μεθ’ ὧν εἶχεν κατέφυγεν , κἀκεῖ μέχρι τῆς ἈνάνουAnanus καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ἐχθρῶν ἀναιρέσεως μένων συνελῄζετο τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ·
⁶⁵³ And when an army was sent against him by Ananus, and the other rulers, he and his band retired to the robbers that were at Masada, and staid there, and plundered the country of Idumea with them, till both Ananus and his other adversaries were slain;	⁶⁵³ When an army was sent against him by Ananus and the other officers, he and his gang retired to join the brigands in Masada and stayed there and looted the district of Idumaea with them, until both Ananus and his other opponents were killed.
⁶⁵³ When an army was sent against him by Ananus and the rulers, he fled with his followers to the robbers at Masada. There he remained until the murder of Ananus and his other enemies, joining them in plundering Idumaea.

⁶⁵⁴ ὥστε τοὺς ἄρχοντας τοῦ ἔθνους διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν φονευομένων καὶ τὰς συνεχεῖς ἁρπαγὰς στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντας ἐμφρούρους τὰς κώμας ἔχειν . Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰδουμαίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν .
⁶⁵⁴ and until the rulers of that country were so afflicted with the multitude of those that were slain, and with the continual ravage of what they had, that they raised an army, and put garrisons into the villages, to secure them from those insults. And in this state were the affairs of Judea at that time.	⁶⁵⁴ Then because of the many murders and the continual raiding, the leaders of the area raised an army and garrisoned the villages. This was the state of affairs in Judea at that time.
⁶⁵⁴ This reached such a point that the rulers of that nation, because of the number of those murdered and the continual raids, raised an army and kept guards in the villages. Such was the state of affairs in Idumaea.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJewish WarBook 2

From death of Herod to Vespasian's arrival

Chapter 1 [vv. 001-013] Archelaus succeeds Herod and promises reform.Then he kills many protesters in the Temple

Chapter 2 [vv. 014-038] Archelaus is accused before Caesar by Antipater,but is well defended by Nicolaus the lawyer.

Chapter 3 [vv. 039-054] Sabinus calls Varus to help him quell the rebellion.The rebels besiege him in Jerusalem

Chapter 4 [vv. 055-065] Herod's veteran soldiers rebel.Simon and Athronoeus usurp the name of king

Chapter 5 [vv. 066-079] Varus crucifies about two thousand of the rebels in Judea.

Chapter 6 [vv. 080-100] Augustus rules against Jewish complaints,Herod's inheritance distributed to his sons

Chapter 7 [vv. 101-116] An imposter claims to be Alexander.Archelaus is banished and Glaphyra dies.

Chapter 8 [vv. 117-166] Judas and his Galilean Rebels.Lifestyle of the Essenes

Chapter 9 [vv. 167-183] Pilate the procurator causes riots.Tiberius imprisons Agrippa but Gaius frees him.Herod Antipas is banished.

Chapter 10 [vv. 184-203] Gaius wants his statue set up in the Temple.Petronius dares to protest, and survives

Chapter 11 [vv. 204-222] The reign of Claudius and the reign of Agrippa.Descendants of the Herods.

Chapter 12 [vv. 223-249] Riots under Cumanus, settled by Quadratus.Felix is procurator of Judea.

Chapter 13 [vv. 250-270] The Sicarii flourish in Nero's time.Syrians persecute the Jews in Caesarea

Chapter 14 [vv. 271-308] Succession of Procurators: Felix, Festus, Albinus.Florus whose savagery drives the Jews to revolt

Chapter 15 [vv. 309-332] Berenice fails to get Florus to spare the Jews.He further kindles the flames of war.

Chapter 16 [vv. 333-404] Cestius sends a tribune to report on Judea.Agrippa argues: Don't Rebel Against Rome

Chapter 17 [vv. 405-456] How the war began.Masada and Jerusalem.Eleazar's act of treachery

Chapter 18 [vv. 457-512] Slaughter of the Jews in Caesarea.Pogrom against them in other cities

Chapter 19 [vv. 513-555] Cestius' siege of Jerusalem fails.He retreats with severe losses

Chapter 20 [vv. 556-584] The Jews prepare to defend themselves.Josephus takes command in Galilee

Chapter 21 [vv. 585-646] Josephus, now a Jewish military leader in Galilee,recovers some cities that had rebelled from him.

Chapter 22 [vv. 647-654] Simon the brigand starts looting.High Priest Ananus seeks peace, in vain

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
Jewish War
Book 2