FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, Jewish War<br>Book 1

The War of the Jews against the Romans
(Antiochus Epiphanes to king Herod)
(164 BC to 4 BC)

Preface
Chapter 1 After Antiochus Epiphanes, Jews liberated by the Maccabees
Chapter 2 Judas Maccabeus followed by Jonathan, Simon and John Hyrcanus
Chapter 3 Aristobulus kills his brother Antigonus; dies of Remorse
Chapter 4 27-year reign of Alexander Janneus
Chapter 5 Pharisees dominant, in Alexandra's 9-year reign
Chapter 6 Aristobulus as king, then Hyrcanus. Pompey to Judea as Arbitrator
Chapter 7 Pompey enters Jerusalem and the Holy of Holies. His other offences in Judea
Chapter 8 Alexander tries to annul what Pompey did. Gabinius and Crassus quell revolt
Chapter 9 Murders of Aristobulus and Alexander. Antipater wins Caesar's friendship
Chapter 10 As Judean procurator, Antipater crowns his sons Phasael and Herod Antipas
Chapter 11 Cassius makes Herod ruler of Syria. Antipater's murder is avenged by Herod
Chapter 12 Mark Antony makes Phasael and Herod tetrarchs, despite local opposition
Chapter 13 Parthians restore Antigonus' rule. Hyrcanus is mutilated and Herod put to flight
Chapter 14 Herod appeals to Mark Antony and Caesar. Roman Senate makes him king of Judea
Chapter 15 War of Herod vs Antigonus; Herod relieves Masada and besieges Jerusalem
Chapter 16 Herod rids Galilee of brigands; goes to Antony for further support
Chapter 17 Herod's Good Fortune in War. His marriage to Mariamne
Chapter 18 Herod captures Jerusalem; Antigonus dies. Herod appeases Cleopatra
Chapter 19 Since Cleopatra has Herod fighting the Arabs, he avoids battle of Actium
Chapter 20 Caesar Augustus confirms Herod as king; restores what Cleopatra had taken away
Chapter 21 Herod the builder: Temple and Fortress. Herod's Generosity and Virtues
Chapter 22 Herod's domestic troubles and murder. Mariamne is accused and condemned
Chapter 23 Mariamne's sons are suspected. Caesar reconciles them with Herod, for a time
Chapter 24 Rancour between Herod's sons. Antipater sees the others accused of treason
Chapter 25 Herod's son Archelaus reconciles him with Alexander and Pheroras
Chapter 26 The Spartan Eurycles accuses Mariamne's sons. Euaratus of Cos defends them
Chapter 27 Mariamne's sons are condemned. Herod executes Aristobulus and Alexander
Chapter 28 Antipater is hated by all; interferes in marriages. Herod's complex domestic arrangements
Chapter 29 Antipater sent to Rome with Herod's testament. Pheroras defends his accused wife
Chapter 30 Herod's suspicions grow; he tortures many and disinherits Herod Junior
Chapter 31 Antipater returns to Judea from Rome, unaware of accusations against him
Chapter 32 Antipater's trial for plotting vs Herod. His defence, and Herod's Testament
Chapter 33 Herod's final barbarities; executes Antipater;
plans a massacre at his death

Preface

☞

¹ Ἐπειδὴ τὸν ἸουδαίωνJews πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans πόλεμον συστάντα μέγιστον οὐ μόνον τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς, σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ ὧν ἀκοῇ παρειλήφαμεν ἢ πόλεων πρὸς πόλεις ἢ ἐθνῶν ἔθνεσι συρραγέντων, οἱ μὲν οὐ παρατυχόντες τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκοῇ συλλέγοντες εἰκαῖα καὶ ἀσύμφωναinharmonious διηγήματα σοφιστικῶς ἀναγράφουσιν,
¹ Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner;	¹ Since the war of the Jews against the Romans was the greatest fought between cities or nations, not just of our own times, but arguably of all times, and since some who were not present at it have recorded baseless, contradictory stories about it in a pseudo scholarly style,
¹ Since the war of the Jews against the Romans was the greatest fought between cities or nations, not just of our own times, but arguably of all times, and since some who were not present at it have recorded baseless, contradictory stories about it in a pseudo-scholarly style,

² οἱ παραγενόμενοι δὲ ἢ κολακείᾳ τῇ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἢ μίσει τῷ πρὸς ἸουδαίουςJews καταψεύδονται τῶν πραγμάτων, περιέχει δὲ αὐτοῖς ὅπου μὲν κατηγορίαν ὅπου δὲ ἐγκώμιον τὰ συγγράμματα, τὸ δ᾽ ἀκριβὲς τῆς ἱστορίας οὐδαμοῦ,
² and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth of the facts,	² and some who were involved in it have given false accounts of things, either in flattery toward the Romans or from hatred of the Jews, and since their writings, whether blaming or praising, by no means contain the accurate history,
² while those who were present at the events, either out of flattery toward the Romans or hatred toward the Jews, falsify the facts; and their writings contain in some places accusation and in others praise, but nowhere the precision of history,

³ προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἡγεμονίαν ἙλλάδιGreek γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ΜατθίουMatthias παῖς ἐξ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ῬωμαίουςRomans πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης.
³ I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work].	³ I, Joseph, son of Matthias, born a priest of Jerusalem parents, having at first fought against the Romans and later having to witness its sequel, propose to provide for the subjects of the Roman empire a version in Greek of the account I composed earlier in my native language and sent to the Barbarians of the interior.
³ I, Josephus, the son of Matthias, a priest from Jerusalem, have determined to relate these events—having first composed an account for the barbarians in the interior in our native language (Aramaic), I have now translated it into Greek for the people under Roman rule—since I myself fought the Romans at first, and later, by necessity, was present at the subsequent events.

⁴ Γενομένου γάρ, ὡς ἔφην, μεγίστου τοῦδε τοῦ κινήματος ἐν ῬωμαίοιςRomans μὲν ἐνόσει τὰ οἰκεῖα, ἸουδαίωνJews δὲ τὸ νεωτερίζον τότε τεταραγμένοις ἐπανέστη τοῖς καιροῖς ἀκμάζον κατά τε χεῖρα καὶ χρήμασιν, ὡς δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν θορύβων τοῖς μὲν ἐν ἐλπίδι κτήσεως τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν ἀφαιρέσεως δέει γίνεσθαι τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀνατολήν,
⁴ Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also, who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles;	⁴ This great upheaval occurred when the domestic situation of the Romans was in great confusion and the Jews who favoured rebellion were at the peak of their strength and riches, and seized their chance when things were in flux, as the East was unstable and some were hoping to profit from its break-up and others were fearing to lose by it.
⁴ For when, as I said, this greatest of movements occurred, affairs at home were diseased among the Romans,^[1] and the revolutionary spirit among the Jews then rose up in its full strength against the troubled times, flourishing in manpower and resources, so that through the excess of turmoil, the affairs in the East became a source of hope for acquisition for some, and a source of fear of loss for others,

^[1]This refers to the political instability and civil strife in Rome after the death of Nero, the Year of the Four Emperors, which distracted Roman focus from the provinces.

⁵ ἐπειδὴ ἸουδαῖοιJews μὲν ἅπαν τὸ ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ὁμόφυλονof the same race συνεπαρθήσεσθαι σφίσιν ἤλπισαν, ῬωμαίουςRomans δὲ οἵ τε γείτονες ΓαλάταιGauls παρεκίνουν καὶ τὸ ΚελτικὸνCelts οὐκ ἠρέμει, μεστὰ δ᾽ ἦν πάντα θορύβων μετὰ ΝέρωναNero, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν βασιλειᾶν ὁ καιρὸς ἀνέπειθεν, τὰ στρατιωτικὰ δὲ ἤρα μεταβολῆς ἐλπίδι λημμάτων.
⁵ for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Celtae were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money.	⁵ The Jews hoped that all of their nation beyond the Euphrates would rise up with them while the Romans were occupied with the neighbouring Gauls, the Celts were not at peace, and all was in turmoil after Nero's death, for the chance to win the kingship appealed to many, and the military wanted change, in hope of gain.
⁵ because the Jews hoped that all their kinsmen across the Euphrates would join their cause, and the neighbouring Gauls^[1] were inciting the Romans, and the Celtic people were not quiet either. Everything was full of tumult after Nero’s death, and the moment persuaded many to seek kingship, while the soldiers were eager for change in the hope of (financial) gain.^[2]

^[1]A reference to the Batavian Revolt in Gaul and Germany.
^[2]With a defeat of the current emperors, new emperors would pay them large bonuses.

⁶ Ἄτοπον ἡγησάμενος περιιδεῖν πλαζομένην ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις πράγμασι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, καὶ ΠάρθουςParthians μὲν καὶ ΒαβυλωνίουςBabylonians ἈράβωνArabian τε τοὺς πορρωτάτω καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ὁμόφυλονof the same race ἡμῖν ἈδιαβηνούςAdiabeni τε γνῶναι διὰ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐπιμελείας ἀκριβῶς, ὅθεν τε ἤρξατο καὶ δι᾽ ὅσων ἐχώρησεν παθῶν ὁ πόλεμος καὶ ὅπως κατέστρεψεν, ἀγνοεῖν δὲ ἝλληναςGreeks ταῦτα καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς μὴ ἐπιστρατευσαμένους, ἐντυγχάνοντας ἢ κολακείαις ἢ πλάσμασι.
⁶ I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.	⁶ I thought it wrong to look on and let the truth be falsified in matters of such importance, leaving the Greeks and Romans who were not in the military unaware of these things, for all they had to read were flatteries or fictions while, through me, the Parthians, the Babylonians and the remotest Arabs, our own nation beyond the Euphrates and the Adiabeni had accurate knowledge of why the war began, the disasters it brought upon us and how it ended.
⁶ I considered it absurd to allow the truth concerning such great events to be distorted, and that while the Parthians and Babylonians, the most remote of the Arabs, and our kinsmen across the Euphrates (the Adiabenians), should know precisely through my efforts how the war began, through how many sufferings it proceeded, and how it ended, yet the Greeks and those Romans who were not part of the campaign should remain ignorant of these things, reading either flatteries or fabrications.

⁷ Καίτοι γε ἱστορίας αὐτὰς ἐπιγράφειν τολμῶσιν, ἐν αἷς πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς δηλοῦν καὶ τοῦ σκοποῦ δοκοῦσιν ἔμοιγε διαμαρτάνειν. Βούλονται μὲν γὰρ μεγάλους τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἀποδεικνύειν, καταβάλλουσιν δὲ ἀεὶ τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews καὶ ταπεινοῦσιν·
⁷ It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews,	⁷ While these other writers venture to call their accounts histories, to me they seem to miss the mark entirely in wanting to prove the power of the Romans while trivializing and undervaluing the actions of the Jews.
⁷ And yet they dare to title their writings ‘Histories,’ writings in which, besides stating nothing sound,^[1] they appear to me also to miss the mark of their purpose. For while they intend to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, they constantly depreciate and belittle the achievements of the Jews.

^[1]i.e., nothing healthy or accurate

⁸ οὐχ ὁρῶ δέ, πῶς ἂν εἶναι μεγάλοι δοκοῖεν οἱ μικροὺς νενικηκότες· καὶ οὔτε τὸ μῆκος αἰδοῦνται τοῦ πολέμου οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin καμούσης στρατιᾶς οὔτε τὸ μέγεθος τῶν στρατηγῶν, οἳ πολλὰ περὶ τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἱδρώσαντες οἶμαι ταπεινουμένου τοῦ κατορθώματος αὐτοῖς ἀδοξοῦσιν.
⁸ as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.	⁸ I do not see how one can extol the exploits of a group that defeats a people that seems small. They ignore the length of the war, the number of the Roman forces who suffered so much in it, or the merit of the commanders, whose mighty efforts about Jerusalem will seem less glorious, if what they achieved is deemed such a small matter.
⁸ I don’t see how those who have conquered insignificant people can appear to be great. They have no regard for the length of the war, nor for the vast number of the Roman army which was exhausted, nor for the greatness of the generals, who, after all their sweat and toil around Jerusalem, are, I believe, dishonoured when the achievement itself is belittled.

⁹ Οὐ μὴν ἐγὼ τοῖς ἐπαίρουσι τὰ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀντιφιλονεικῶν αὔξειν τὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλωνof the same race διέγνων, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἔργα μετ᾽ ἀκριβείας ἀμφοτέρων διέξειμι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι λόγους ἀνατίθημι τῇ διαθέσει καὶ τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ πάθεσι διδοὺς ἐπολοφύρεσθαι ταῖς τῆς πατρίδος συμφοραῖς.
⁹ However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans, nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country.	⁹ But even if opposed to those who laud their Roman fellow-countrymen too highly, I will accurately follow the actions of both parties and will adapt my language to the passion I feel about the matters described, for I must be allowed some grieving for the troubles of my own country.
⁹ However, I have not decided to magnify the deeds of my countrymen by way of rivalry against those who exalt the Romans; instead, I shall relate the actions of both sides with strict accuracy, while I dedicate the discourse concerning the events to my disposition and my own feelings, giving vent to my lamentations over the calamities of my homeland.

¹⁰ Ὅτι γὰρ αὐτὴν στάσις οἰκεία καθεῖλεν, καὶ τὰς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin χεῖρας ἀκούσας καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν εἵλκυσαν οἱ ἸουδαίωνJews τύραννοι, μάρτυς αὐτὸς ὁ πορθήσας ΚαῖσαρCaesar ΤίτοςTitus, ἐν παντὶ τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἐλεήσας ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν φρουρούμενον, πολλάκις δὲ ἑκὼν τὴν‎ ἅλωσιν τῆς πόλεως ὑπερτιθέμενος καὶ διδοὺς τῇ πολιορκίαι χρόνον εἰς μετάνοιαν τῶν αἰτίων.
¹⁰ For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it; and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple; Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance.	¹⁰ Titus Caesar, who destroyed our temple, can testify that it was our rebellious spirit that brought about our ruin and that it was the tyrants among the Jews who made the Roman power attack us, unwillingly, and caused our holy temple to be burned. All through the war he pitied the people who were kept under by the rebels, and often of his own accord delayed taking the city and let the siege go on, in order to give it time to repent.
¹⁰ For the fact that internal strife brought about its downfall, and that the Jewish tyrants drew the hands of the Romans and the fire upon the Temple against their will, the destroyer himself, Caesar Titus, is my witness. Throughout the whole war, he showed pity for the common people, who were held captive by the factional leaders, and repeatedly and willingly delayed the capture of the city, extending the siege time to allow the guilty ones to repent.

Josephus’s motive here is likely twofold: to absolve the Romans (his patrons) of the blame for destroying the holy site, and to place the blame on the extremist rebels who had scorned him and ruined his nation.

¹¹ εἰ Δή τις ὅσα πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἢ τὸ λῃστρικὸν αὐτῶν κατηγορικῶς λέγοιμεν ἢ τοῖς δυστυχήμασι τῆς πατρίδος ἐπιστένοντες συκοφαντοίη, διδότω παρὰ τὸν τῆς ἱστορίας νόμον συγγνώμην τῷ πάθει· πόλιν μὲν γὰρ δὴ τῶν ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans πασῶν τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν ἐπὶ πλεῖστόν τε εὐδαιμονίας συνέβη προελθεῖν καὶ πρὸς ἔσχατον συμφορῶν αὖθις καταπεσεῖν·
¹¹ But if anyone makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again.	¹¹ Should anyone blame us for speaking so hotly about the tyrants and the brigands, or bitterly lamenting the troubles of our country, let him allow me this emotion, despite the norms of history writing, for of all cities under the rule of Rome, ours enjoyed the highest prosperity, yet fell to the depths of disaster.
¹¹ If anyone should regard the words we speak in accusation against the tyrants or their bandit-gang,^[1] or our lamenting over the misfortunes of our homeland, as slander, let him, contrary to the rule of history, grant forgiveness to my suffering. For it came to pass that our city advanced to the greatest degree of prosperity of all cities under the Romans, and then likewise fell back down to the extreme of misfortunes.

^[1]gangs of robbers

¹² τὰ γοῦν πάντων ἀπ᾽ αἰῶνος ἀτυχήματα πρὸς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἡττῆσθαι δοκῶ κατὰ σύγκρισιν· καὶ τούτων αἴτιος οὐδεὶς ἀλλόφυλος, ὥστε ἀμήχανον ἦν ὀδυρμῶν ἐπικρατεῖν. Εἰ δέ τις οἴκτου σκληρότερος εἴη δικαστής, τὰ μὲν πράγματα τῇ ἱστορίαι προσκρινέτω, τὰς δ᾽ ὀλοφύρσεις τῷ γράφοντι.
¹² Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews, are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But, if anyone be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.	¹² From the beginning of the world probably no other people has endured as much as the Jews. Nor was it foreigners who were at fault, which makes it so hard to contain my grief. But if anyone censures me for this, let him assign the facts as belonging to the historical part and the laments merely to the writer himself.
¹² In any case, I believe that all the misfortunes of the ages are surpassed in comparison by those of the Jews. And since the cause of these misfortunes was not any foreign nation, it was impossible to control my lamentations. If any judge is harder than compassion, let him attribute the facts to the history, but the lamentations to the writer.

¹³ Καίτοι γε ἐπιτιμήσαιμ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς δικαίως τοῖς ἙλλήνωνGreeks λογίοις, οἳ τηλικούτων κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πραγμάτων γεγενημένων, ἃ κατὰ σύγκρισιν ἐλαχίστους ἀποδείκνυσι τοὺς πάλαι πολέμους, τούτων μὲν κάθηνται κριταὶ τοῖς φιλοτιμουμένοις ἐπηρεάζοντες, ὧν εἰ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ πλεονεκτοῦσι, λείπονται τῇ προαιρέσει· αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians καὶ ΜήδωνMedes συγγράφουσιν ὥσπερ ἧττον καλῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων συγγραφέων ἀπηγγελμένα.
¹³ However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done;	¹³ And I also have a just complaint against the learned among the Greeks. While in their own times more important events have happened than the ancient wars, they offer no judgment about them and yet sit in judgment on those who have sought to describe them, actually doing so, even if in a style less eloquent than theirs. They instead write about Assyrians and Medes, as if previous writers had not done so with better skill and in judgment.
¹³ And yet, I myself would justly criticize the Greek writers, who, although such great events have occurred in their time (events which, in comparison, show the wars of old to be quite small), sit as judges of those who strive for glory, impeding them, when even if they surpass them in style, they are lacking in purpose. Instead, they themselves continue to write histories of the Assyrians and Medes, as if these were less well-reported by the ancient writers.

¹⁴ Καίτοι τοσούτῳ τῆς ἐκείνων ἡττῶνται δυνάμεως ἐν τῷ γράφειν, ὅσῳas great as καὶ τῆς γνώμης· τὰ γὰρ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐσπούδαζονto be busy, eager ἕκαστοι γράφειν, ὅπου καὶ τὸ παρατυχεῖν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐποίει τὴν‎ ἀπαγγελίαν ἐναργῆvisible καὶ τὸ ψεύδεσθαι παρ᾽ εἰδόσιν αἰσχρὸν ἦν.
¹⁴ although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old everyone took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such.	¹⁴ In those days people did write about their own times. Their involvement in the actions gave value to their assertions and they would have been ashamed to write lies, since their readers necessarily knew the facts.
¹⁴ And yet, in their writing, they fall short of the power of the former historians, by as much as they fall short of their judgement. For those former historians were each eager to write about the events of their own time, where being present at the facts made the report vivid, and lying in the presence of those who knew the truth was shameful.

¹⁵ Τό γε μὴν μνήμῃ τὰ προϊστορηθέντα διδόναι καὶ τὰ τῶν ἰδίων χρόνων τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτὸν συνιστάνειν ἐπαίνου καὶ μαρτυρίας ἄξιον· φιλόπονος δὲ οὐχ ὁ μεταποιῶν οἰκονομίαν καὶ τάξιν ἀλλοτρίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μετὰ τοῦ καινὰ λέγειν καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῆς ἱστορίας κατασκευάζων ἴδιον.
¹⁵ But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one’s own time to those that come afterward, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men’s works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own:	¹⁵ Handing on the memory of what was not hitherto recorded and the events of one’s own time to those who come later, is what really merits praise and acknowledgment. The serious writer is not one who remodels the shape and order of others' works, but tells what has not been told before, and personally shapes the framework for his history.
¹⁵ However, to commit to memory the events of the past, and to transmit to later generations the events of one’s own time is worthy of praise and testimony. A person is not truly diligent who simply changes the arrangement and order of another’s work, but rather the one who, in addition to narrating new events, also constructs the body of the history as his own.

¹⁶ Κἀγὼ μὲν ἀναλώμασι καὶ πόνοις μεγίστοις ἀλλόφυλος ὢν ἝλλησίGreeks τε καὶ ῬωμαίοιςRomans τὴν‎ μνήμην τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀνατίθημι· τοῖς δὲ γνησίοις πρὸς μὲν τὰ λήμματα καὶ τὰς δίκας κέχηνεν εὐθέως τὸ στόμα καὶ γλῶσσα λέλυται, πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν, ἔνθα χρὴ τἀληθῆ λέγειν καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ πόνου τὰ πράγματα συλλέγειν, πεφίμωνται παρέντες τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσι τὰς πράξεις τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράφειν. Τιμάσθω δὴ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τὸ τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθές, ἐπεὶ παρ᾽ ἝλλησινGreek ἠμέληται.
¹⁶ accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But, for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and lawsuits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.	¹⁶ So, after much effort, though a foreigner, I dedicate this work to Greeks and Romans, as a memorial of great actions. Some of the natives, by contrast, have wide mouths and wagging tongues when it comes to profit and law-suits, but are quite muzzled about history, where what counts is truth and the careful gathering of facts. They leave it to weaker, less-informed people to describe the actions of their commanders. Let us honour the truth about history, even if it be neglected by the Greeks.
¹⁶ I, though an alien,^[1] am dedicating the memory of these great deeds to the Greeks and Romans at great expense and labour. But the true-born Greeks open their mouths immediately, and their tongues are untied, for the sake of fees and lawsuits; but when it comes to history, where one must speak the truth and gather the facts with great labour, they are gagged, abandoning the writing to those who are weaker and who do not even know the deeds of the rulers. Let the truth of history therefore be honoured among us,^[2] since it has been neglected among the Greeks.

^[1]i.e., "a non-Greek"
^[2]i.e., the Jews

¹⁷ Ἀρχαιολογεῖν μὲν δὴ τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews, τίνες τε ὄντες καὶ ὅπως ἀπανέστησαν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians, χώραν τε ὅσην ἐπῆλθον ἀλώμενοι καὶ πόσα ἑξῆς κατέλαβον καὶ ὅπως μετανέστησαν, νῦν τε ἌκαιρονEucerus ᾠήθην εἶναι καὶ ἄλλως περιττόν, ἐπειδήπερ καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews πολλοὶ πρὸ ἐμοῦ τὰ τῶν προγόνων συνετάξαντο μετ᾽ ἀκριβείας καί τινες ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἐκεῖνα τῇ πατρίῳ φωνῇ μεταβαλόντες οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διήμαρτον.
¹⁷ To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories.	¹⁷ To write about the Antiquities of the Jews, who they are and how they migrated to Egypt, the land they traversed and the territories they later occupied and how they were deported from them, would, I think, be inopportune and superfluous here, for many Jews before me have accurately written about our ancestors, and some Greeks have also done so, translating them into their own tongue without serious error.
¹⁷ To trace the history of the Jews^[1]—specifically, who they are, how they departed from the Egyptians, how much land they traversed while wandering, how many places they subsequently conquered, and how they were eventually displaced—I considered to be untimely now, and also superfluous. This is because many Jews before me have already composed an accurate history of their ancestors, and some of the Greeks have translated those works into their native language, not erring much from the truth.

^[1]Read the 20 books written by Josephus on the Jewish Antinquities

¹⁸ Ὅπου δ᾽ οἵ τε τούτων συγγραφεῖς ἐπαύσαντο καὶ οἱ ἡμέτεροι προφῆται, τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐκεῖθεν ποιήσομαι τῆς συντάξεως· τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν τοῦ κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν πολέμου διεξοδικώτερον καὶ μεθ᾽ ὅσηςas great as ἂν ἐξεργασίας δύνωμαι δίειμι, τὰ δὲ προγενέστερα τῆς ἐμῆς ἡλικίας ἐπιδραμῶ συντόμως,
¹⁸ But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise and begin my history. Now, as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.	¹⁸ I shall begin my work at the point where these writers and our prophets come to an end. In it I will describe as extensively as I can the war which happened in my own lifetime and will limit myself to a brief summary of what preceded my own time.
¹⁸ I will make the beginning of my composition from where both their writers^[1] ceased and our prophets ceased. And of these events, I will narrate the details of the war of my own time more and with as much thoroughness as I can, but the events preceding my own generation I shall run through briefly.

^[1]i.e., the ancient Greek writers

¹⁹ Ὡς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ κληθεὶς ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ᾽afterward ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ῬωμαίουςRomans καὶ ΠομπήιονPompey. Καὶ ὡς ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κατέλυσε τὴν‎ δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν ΣόσσιονSosius,
¹⁹ [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Socius upon them;	¹⁹ [I shall tell] how Antiochus, called Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force and, after holding it for three years and six months was expelled from the country by the sons of Hasmoneus; next, how their descendants quarreled about power and drew the Romans and Pompey into the scene; also how Herod, son of Antipater, with help from Sosius, put an end to their dynasty;
¹⁹ It begins with Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, who took Jerusalem by force and held it for three years and six months, and was then expelled from the country by the sons of Asamonaeus (Hasmoneans). Next, how the descendants of these men, by quarrelling over the kingship, drew the Romans and Pompey into their affairs. And how Herod,^[2] the son of Antipater, with the help of Sossius, overthrew their dynasty."

^[1]in 63 BC
^[2]Herod, son of Antipater, who was not of the Hasmonean line, and became the Roman client-king in 37 BC

²⁰ ὅπως τε ὁ λαὸς μετὰ τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod τελευτὴν κατεστασίασεν ΑὐγούστουAugustus μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἡγεμονεύοντος, ΚυιντιλίουQuintilius δὲ ΟὐάρουVarus κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ὄντος, καὶ ὡς ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ τῆς ΝέρωνοςNerō ἀρχῆς ὁ πόλεμος ἀνερράγη τά τε συμβάντα κατὰ ΚέστιονCestius καὶ ὅσα κατὰ τὰς πρώτας ὁρμὰς ἐπῆλθον οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews τοῖς ὅπλοις,
²⁰ as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod’s death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war.	²⁰ then how the people rebelled after Herod's death, when Augustus was emperor of the Romans and Quintilius Varus ruled the province, and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero [AD 67], and what happened to Cestius, and how the Jews occupied the country during the opening actions of the war.
²⁰ Next, how the people fell into revolt after the death of Herod,^[1] while Augustus was ruling the Romans and Quintilius Varus was in the country; and how in the twelfth year of Nero’s reign the war broke out,^[2] detailing the events that happened under Cestius,^[3] and everything the Jews achieved with their arms in the first assaults.

^[1]Herod died in 4 BC
^[2]66 AD
^[3]Cestius Gallus

²¹ Ὅπως τε τὰς περιοίκους ἐτειχίσαντο, καὶ ὡς ΝέρωνNero ἐπὶ τοῖς ΚεστίουCestius πταίσμασι δείσας περὶ τῶν ὅλων ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian ἐφίστησι τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ ὡς οὗτος μετὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου τῶν παίδων εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίωνJews χώραν ἐνέβαλεν ὅσῃ τε χρώμενος ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατιᾷ καὶ ὅσοι σύμμαχοι ἐκόπησαν εἰς ὅλην τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee, καὶ ὡς τῶν πόλεων αὐτῆς ἃς μὲν ὁλοσχερῶς καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἃς δὲ δι᾽ ὁμολογίας ἔλαβεν·
²¹ As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestuis’s defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons, made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms.	²¹ [I shall tell] how they fortified the neighbouring towns; how Nero, apprehensive about the whole matter after Cestius' defeat, soon put Vespasian in command of the war; how this Vespasian with his elder son invaded the Judean territory; about the strength of the Roman army and allies that he brought into Galilee, and how he took some of its cities by sheer force and others by negotiation.
²¹ [I'll tell] how they [the Jews] fortified the surrounding territories, and how Nero, fearing for the whole empire because of the failures of Cestius, appointed Vespasian to command the war; and how he, with his elder son [Titus], invaded the Jewish territory, detailing the size of the Roman army he used, and how many allies were cut off^[1] throughout all of Galilee, and how he took the cities there—some completely and by force, and others by agreement."

^[1]were stationed/quartered/camped

The rest of the history of Josephus in these seven books is covered in more detail from 175 BC to 67 AD.

²² ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐν πολέμοις εὐταξίας καὶ τὴν‎ ἄσκησινexercise τῶν ταγμάτων, τῆς τε ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ἑκατέρας τὰ διαστήματα καὶ τὴν‎ φύσιν καὶ τοὺς τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ὅρους, ἔτι τε τῆς χώρας τὴν‎ ἰδιότητα, λίμνας τε καὶ πηγὰς τὰς ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ τὰ περὶ ἑκάστην πόλιν τῶν ἁλισκομένων πάθη μετὰ ἀκριβείας, ὡς εἶδον ἢ ἔπαθον, δίειμι. Οὐδὲ γὰρ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ τι συμφορῶν ἀποκρύψομαι μέλλων γε πρὸς εἰδότας ἐρεῖν.
²² Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them. For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.	²² On the way I shall describe the good military order of the Romans and the discipline of their legions; the extent and nature of the two Galilees, and the limits of Judea; the characteristics of the country, with its lakes and springs, and an account of the sufferings of the prisoners in each town as they were taken, as I myself saw and endured it. For I shall conceal nothing of my own woes, since my readers will know about them.
²² It is here that I shall narrate with accuracy, as I saw or experienced them, the details concerning the discipline of the Romans in war and the training of their legions, the dimensions and nature of both parts of Galilee, the borders of Judea, and further, the peculiar characteristics of the country, including its lakes and springs, and the sufferings that befell each captured city. For I shall not conceal any of my own misfortunes, since I am about to speak to those who already know [the facts]."

²³ ἔπειθ᾽afterward ὡς ἤδη καμνόντων ἸουδαίοιςJews τῶν πραγμάτων θνήσκει μὲν ΝέρωνNero, ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian δὲ ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ὡρμημένος ὑπὸ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀνθέλκεται· τά τε γενόμενα περὶ ταύτης αὐτῷ σημεῖα καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome μεταβολάς,
²³ After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews’ affairs were become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then happened at Rome,	²³ [I shall tell] how, when things were going badly for the Jews, Nero died and Vespasian, as he was about to attack Jerusalem, was recalled to become emperor; the portents he received about this, and the changes then happening in Rome;
²³ Next, as the Jewish affairs were already failing, Nero died,^[1] and Vespasian,^[2] who was on his way to Jerusalem, was pulled back by the claims of the imperial power. I will detail the omens he received concerning this [imperial power], and the changes that occurred in Rome.

^[1]Nero died in June, 68 AD. His death threw the Roman world into chaos and became the "Year of the Four Emperors."

²⁴ καὶ ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἄκων αὐτοκράτωρ ἀποδείκνυται, καὶ ἀποχωρήσαντος ἐπὶ διοικήσει τῶν ὅλων εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐστασιάσθη τὰ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, ὅπως τε ἐπανέστησαν αὐτοῖς οἱ τύραννοι, καὶ τὰς τούτων πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφοράς.
²⁴ and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions amongst themselves.	²⁴ how, though unwilling, he was made emperor by his soldiers; how, as he left for Egypt to restore the empire to order, civil war broke out among the Jews, and how tyrants rose to power and then began feuding among themselves.
²⁴ And how he [Vespasian] was unwillingly proclaimed Emperor by the soldiers,^[1] and after he withdrew to Egypt for the administration of the whole Empire, the Jewish affairs were thrown into internal strife; detailing how the tyrants rose up against the people, and the dissensions of these men among themselves."

^[1]Vespasian was proclaimed Emperor by his legions in the East on July 69 AD.

²⁵ Καὶ ὡς ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΤίτοςTitus δεύτερον εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἐνέβαλεν, ὅπως τε τὰς δυνάμεις καὶ ὅπου συνήγαγε καὶ ὁπόσαςhow great, how much, καὶ ὅπως ἐκ τῆς στάσεως ἡ πόλις διέκειτο παρόντος αὐτοῦ‎, προσβολάς τε ὅσαςall who, as much ἐποιήσατο καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much χώματα, περιβόλους τε τῶν τριῶν τειχῶν καὶ τὰ μέτρα τούτων, τήν τε τῆς πόλεως ὀχυρότητα καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν‎ διάθεσιν,
²⁵ Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what state the city was, by means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house;	²⁵ Then[I shall tell] how Titus invaded the land a second time, from Egypt, and how and where he gathered his forces, the state the city was in at his coming, after the civil war, the attacks he made and the earthworks he built, and about the triple wall around the city and its measurements. The strength of the city, the structure of the temple and sanctuary,
²⁵ And [I’ll tell] how Titus, having departed from Egypt, made his second invasion into the country, detailing how many forces he assembled and where; and how the city was affected by the internal strife upon his arrival. I will describe the number of attacks he made, the number of siege mounds, the circumference and measurements of the three walls, and the strength of the city, and the arrangement of the sanctuary and the Temple."

²⁶ ἔτι δὲ τούτων καὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὰ μέτρα πάντα μετ᾽ ἀκριβείας, ἔθη τε ἑορτῶν ἔνια καὶ τὰς ἑπτὰ ἁγνείας καὶ τὰς τῶν ἱερέων λειτουργίας, ἔτι δὲ τὰς ἐσθῆτας τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ οἷον ἦν τοῦ ναοῦ τὸ ἅγιον, οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀποκρυπτόμενος οὔτε προστιθεὶς τοῖς πεφωραμένοις.
²⁶ and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of their festivals, and seven purifications of purity, and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the temple; without concealing anything, or adding anything to the known truth of things.	²⁶ and the dimensions of these buildings and the altar will all be exactly stated. I will tell of various festivals, the seven levels of purity, and the sacred functions of the priests, their vestments and those of the high priests, and the Holy of Holies, neither omitting nor adding anything beyond the established truth.
²⁶ Furthermore, I will describe the precise measurements of the Altar, some of the customs of the festivals, the seven purifications, the ministrations of the priests, as well as the vestments of the priests and the High Priest, and what the Holy of Holies of the Temple was like, neither concealing anything nor adding anything to what has been revealed.

²⁷ Ἔπειτα διέξειμι τήν τε τῶν τυράννων πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὠμότητα καὶ τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin φειδὼ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους, καὶ Ὁσάκις ΤίτοςTitus σῶσαι τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐπιθυμῶν ἐπὶ δεξιὰς τοὺς στασιάζοντας προυκαλέσατο, διακρινῶ δὲ τὰ πάθη τοῦ δήμου καὶ τὰς συμφορὰς ὅσα τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ὅσα ὑπὸ τῆς στάσεως καὶ ὅσα ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ κακωθέντες ἑάλωσαν.
²⁷ After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken.	²⁷ I shall tell of the tyrants' savagery toward their fellow-citizens, and the clemency of the Romans toward foreigners, and how often Titus, in his desire to spare the city and the temple, invited the rebels to come to terms with him. I shall also distinguish between the people's sufferings and disasters, which ended in their defeat, and which resulted respectively from the war, the civil war and the famine.
²⁷ Then, I shall narrate the cruelty of the tyrants towards their fellow countrymen, and the clemency of the Romans towards foreigners. I will recount how often Titus, desiring to save the city and the Temple, appealed to the rebels to surrender. I will also distinguish between the sufferings of the people and the calamities, detailing how they were seized after being afflicted by war, by internal strife, and by famine.

²⁸ Παραλείψω δὲ οὐδὲ τὰς τῶν αὐτομόλων ἀτυχίας οὐδὲ τὰς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων κολάσεις, ὅπως τε ὁ ναὸς ἄκοντος ἐνεπρήσθη ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ ὅσα τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἡρπάγη τήν τε τῆς ὅλης πόλεως ἅλωσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸ ταύτης σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα καὶ τὴν‎ αἰχμαλωσίαν τῶν τυράννων τῶν τε ἀνδραποδισθέντων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ εἰς ἣν ἕκαστοι τύχην διενεμήθησαν·
²⁸ Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also, how the temple was burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple were snatched out of the fire; and the destruction also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captive, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed.	²⁸ I will not omit the woes of the deserters and the punishments inflicted on the prisoners, and how, against Caesar's wishes, the temple was burned, and how many of the temple treasures were snatched from the fire.[I will tell of] the destruction of the entire city, with the signs and wonders preceding it, and the capture of the tyrants, and the numbers of the enslaved, and the fates to which they were sent.
²⁸ I shall not omit the misfortunes of the deserters nor the punishments of the captives, and how the Temple was burned against the will of Caesar [Titus], and what sacred treasures were rescued from the fire. I will narrate the capture of the entire city, the signs and portents that preceded it, the captivity of the tyrants, the number of those enslaved, and the fate to which each one was distributed.

²⁹ καὶ ὡς ῬωμαῖοιRomans μὲν ἐπεξῆλθον τὰ λείψανα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὰ ἐρύματα τῶν χωρίων καθεῖλον, ΤίτοςTitus δὲ πᾶσαν ἐπελθὼν τὴν‎ χώραν κατεστήσατο, τήν τε ὑποστροφὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ εἰς ἸταλίανItaly καὶ τὸν θρίαμβον.
²⁹ Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strongholds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph.	²⁹ Also, what the Romans did to the remnants of the wall, and how they demolished the strongholds in the country, and how Titus went over the whole land and settled its affairs, and his return into Italy and his triumph.
²⁹ And how the Romans hunted down the remnants of the war and demolished the fortifications of the strongholds^[1]; and how Titus, having traversed the entire country, established order; detailing his return journey to Italy and the triumph.^[2]

^[1]These were destroyed from 73-74 AD.
^[2]Victory was celebrated in 71 AD.

³⁰ Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. Ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.
³⁰ I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.	³⁰ I have covered all of this in seven books, giving no cause for complaint or blame by people who know about this war, but I have written it down for the sake of those who love truth, not for those who merely read for pleasure. So now I begin my account of the things which I listed at the top of this chapter.
³⁰ I have included all these things in seven books, leaving no room for reproach or accusation for those who know the facts and were present at the war—at least for those who love the truth, and not those for whom I wrote for pleasure. I shall make the beginning of the narration the same point that I made the beginning of my summary.

Chapter 1
Persecuted by Antiochus Epiphanes,
the Jews are liberated by the Maccabees

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³¹ Στάσεως τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἸουδαίωνJews ἐμπεσούσηςto fall upon καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ κληθεὶς ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes διεφέρετο περὶ ὅλης ΣυρίαςSyria πρὸς ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy τὸν ἕκτον, ἡ φιλοτιμία δ᾽ ἦν αὐτοῖς περὶ δυναστείας ἑκάστου τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι μὴ φέροντος τοῖς ὁμοίοις ὑποτετάχθαι, ὈνίαςOnias μὲν εἷς τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἐπικρατήσας ἐξέβαλε τῆς πόλεως τοὺς ΤωβίαTobias υἱούς.
³¹ At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city;	³¹ At the time when Antiochus, called Epiphanes, clashed with the sixth Ptolemy about the government of all Syria, among the Judean nobility there was a power-struggle, with none of these dignitaries willing to be subject to their equals, until Onias, one of the high priests, got the upper hand and expelled the sons of Tobias from the city.
³¹ Civil strife broke out among the powerful men of Judea at the very time when Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, was quarreling with Ptolemy the Sixth^[1] over the whole of Syria; and their ambition was for dominion, since every man of rank could not bear to be subject to his equals. Onias, one of the high priests, gaining the upper hand, drove the sons of Tobias out of the city.

^[1]Ptolemy VI Philometor, The Ptolemaic King of Egypt

³² Οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες πρὸς ἈντίοχονAntiochus ἱκέτευσαν αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόσι χρώμενον εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐμβαλεῖν. πείθεται δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡρμημένος πάλαι, καὶ μετὰ πλείστης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας τήν τε πόλιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος τῶν ΠτολεμαίῳPtolemy προσεχόντων ἀναιρεῖ, ταῖς τε ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder ἀνέδην ἐπαφιεὶς τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτὸς καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐσύλησε καὶ τὸν ἐνδελεχισμὸν τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐναγισμῶν ἔπαυσεν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ.
³² who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months.	³² These fled to Antiochus and implored him to use them as his guides for an invasion into Judea. Already disposed to do so, the king agreed and attacked the Jews with a large army and took their city by force, killing many who sided with Ptolemy and sending his soldiers to loot them without mercy. He also ransacked the temple and for three years and six months interrupted the regular course of daily sacrifice.
³² But those men who had fled to Antiochus begged him to invade Judea, using them as guides. The King, who had long been eager to do so, was persuaded; and leading an attack with a very great force, he took the city by storm and killed a large number of those who favoured Ptolemy. Giving his soldiers free rein for plunder, he also plundered the Temple himself, and put a stop to the regular daily sacrifices for three years and six months.

³³ Ὁ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς ὈνίαςOnias πρὸς ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy διαφυγὼν καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λαβὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ ἩλιοπολίτῃHeliopolis νομῷa law πολίχνην τε τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἀπεικασμένην καὶ ναὸν ἔκτισεν ὅμοιον, περὶ ὧν αὖθις κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν.
³³ But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.	³³ Onias the high priest fled to Ptolemy and received a place from him in the Nomos of Heliopolis, where he built a city like Jerusalem and a similar temple, about which we shall later have more to say, in its proper place.
³³ But Onias, the high priest, having fled to Ptolemy, received from him a place in the nome (district) of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more fully in its proper place hereafter.

³⁴ ἈντιόχῳAntiochus γε μὴν οὔτε τὸ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα κρατῆσαι τῆς πόλεως οὔτε αἱ ἁρπαγαὶ καὶ ὁ τοσοῦτος φόνος ἤρκεσεν, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀκρασίας παθῶν καὶ κατὰ μνήμην ὧν παρὰ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἔπαθεν ἠνάγκαζεν ἸουδαίουςJews καταλύσαντας τὰ πάτρια βρέφη τε αὐτῶν φυλάττειν ἀπερίτμητα καὶ σῦς ἐπιθύειν τῷ βωμῷ·
³⁴ Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine’s flesh upon the altar;	³⁴ Antiochus, not content with his unexpected capture and looting of the city and the many deaths he had caused, moved by his violent passions and the memory of what he had suffered during the siege, forced the Jews to violate their ancestral laws and to keep their infants uncircumcised and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar.
³⁴ Yet, neither the unexpected capture of the city by Antiochus, nor the plunder and such great slaughter, satisfied him. But driven by the uncontrolled violence of his passions, and in memory of the losses he suffered during the siege, he forced the Jews to set aside their ancestral customs, to keep their children uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine upon the altar.

³⁵ πρὸς ἃ ἅπαντες μὲν ἠπείθουν, ἐσφάττοντο δὲ οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. Καὶ ΒακχίδηςBacchides ὁ πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ ἈντιόχουAntiochus φρούραρχος, τῇ φυσικῇ προσλαβὼν ὠμότητι τὰ ἀσεβῆ παραγγέλματα παρανομίας οὐδεμίαν κατέλιπεν ὑπερβολὴν καὶ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τοὺς ἀξιολόγους αἰκιζόμενος καὶ κοινῇ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐνδεικνύμενος ὄψιν ἁλώσεως τῇ πόλει, μέχρι ταῖς ὑπερβολαῖς τῶν ἀδικημάτων τοὺς πάσχοντας εἰς ἀμύνης τόλμαν ἠρέθισε.
³⁵ against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge themselves.	³⁵ All resisted this, and the noblest among them were put to death. Bacchides who was sent as head of the garrison, with wicked commands along with his natural savagery, indulged in all extremes of evil and tortured their worthiest people one by one, humilating them every day with the signs of their city's captivity, until his flagrant misdeeds finally drove the victims to risk revenge.
³⁵ To these demands, all refused obedience, and the most esteemed among them were being slaughtered. And Bacchides, the governor sent by Antiochus, adding the impious commandments to his natural cruelty, left no excess of lawlessness, torturing the notable men individually and daily displaying to the city the common spectacle of its capture, until the excesses of the injustices provoked those who suffered them to the audacity of self-defence.

³⁶ ΜατθίαςMattathias, Matthias γοῦν υἱὸς ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus τῶν ἱερέων εἷς ἀπὸ κώμης ΜωδεεὶνModin ὄνομα, συνασπίσας μετὰ χειρὸς οἰκείας, πέντε γὰρ υἱεῖς ἦσαν αὐτῷ, κοπίσιν ἀναιρεῖ τὸν ΒακχίδηνBacchides. Καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν δείσας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν φρουρῶν εἰς τὰ ὄρη καταφεύγει·
³⁶ Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains;	³⁶ In a village called Modin, Matthias, a priestly descendant of Hasmoneus, with his family of five sons took up arms, and killed Bacchides with daggers, then quickly fled to the mountains for fear of the large garrison.
³⁶ Therefore, Matthias son of Hasmoneus, one of the priests from the village called Modein, having assembled with his own group (for he had five sons), struck down Bacchides with knives. And immediately, fearing the multitude of the guards, he fled into the mountains.

Compare this account with First Maccabees chapter 2 where he is called "Mattathias the son of John, the son of Simeon."

³⁷ προσγενομένων δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου πολλῶν ἀναθαρσήσας κάτεισι καὶ συμβαλὼν μάχῃ νικᾷ τε τοὺς ἈντιόχουAntiochus στρατηγοὺς καὶ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐξελαύνει. Παρελθὼν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς εὐπραγίας εἰς δυναστείαν καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ ἀπαλλαγὴν τῶν ἀλλοφύλων ἄρξας τῶν σφετέρων ἑκόντων, τελευτᾷ ἸούδᾳJudas τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν παίδων καταλιπὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.
³⁷ and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus’s generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.	³⁷ So many joined him that he was persuaded to come down and fight against Antiochus' generals, defeating them and driving them from Judea. His success made him prominent, and for expelling the foreigners his own people gave him the leadership, which at his death he left to his eldest son, Judah.
³⁷ However, when many from the populace joined him, he took heart and went down, and engaging in battle, he defeated the generals of Antiochus and drove them out of Judea. And having advanced from success to power, and having ruled over his willing countrymen because of their deliverance from the foreigners, he died, leaving the leadership to Judas, his eldest son.

³⁸ Ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἠρεμήσειν ἈντίοχονAntiochus ὑπελάμβανε, τάς τε ἐπιχωρίους συγκροτεῖ δυνάμεις, καὶ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans πρῶτος ἐποιήσατο φιλίαν, καὶ τὸν ἘπιφανῆEpiphanes πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἐμβάλλοντα μετὰ καρτερᾶς πληγῆς ἀνέστειλεν.
³⁸ Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there;	³⁸ Realizing that Antiochus would not remain inactive, Judah gathered an army of his countrymen and was the first to make a treaty of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes from the country, and defeated him badly when he invaded it a second time.
³⁸ However, since he [Judah] did not believe Antiochus would remain inactive, Judah both organized the local forces and was the first to establish a treaty of friendship with the Romans. Furthermore, when Epiphanes again invaded the country, he checked his advance, repelling him with a severe blow.

³⁹ Ἀπὸ δὲ θερμοῦ τοῦ κατορθώματος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ πόλει φρουράν, οὔπω γὰρ ἐκκέκοπτο, καὶ ἐκβαλὼν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως συνωθεῖ τοὺς στρατιώτας εἰς τὴν‎ κάτω· τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ ἄστεος τὸ μέρος Ἄκρα κέκληται· κυριεύσας δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τόν τε χῶρον ἐκάθηρε πάντα καὶ περιετείχισε καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας σκεύη καινὰ κατασκευάσας εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσήνεγκεν ὡς τῶν προτέρων μεμιαμμένων, βωμόν τε ὠικοδόμησεν ἕτερον καὶ τῶν ἐναγισμῶν ἤρξατο.
³⁹ and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices;	³⁹ Warmed by this great success, he attacked the garrison in the city, for so far it had not been ousted. He expelled them from the upper city and drove the soldiers into the lower part of the city, called the Fortress. Being then in control of the temple he cleansed the whole place, walled it around and made new vessels for sacred ministrations and brought them into the temple, to replace the former that had been profaned, and built another altar and began the holy sacrifices.
³⁹ Spurred on by this warm success, he launched an attack on the garrison in the city—for it had not yet been completely cut off—and driving the soldiers out of the upper city, he confined them to the lower part; this section of the city is called the Akra. Having gained control of the Temple, he cleansed the entire area, fortified it with walls, and, considering the former vessels to be defiled, he manufactured new sacred utensils for the services and brought them into the Temple. He also built another altar and began the sacrifices anew.

⁴⁰ λαμβανούσης δὲ ἄρτι τὸ ἱερὸν κατάστημα τῆς πόλεως τελευτᾷ μὲν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus, κληρονόμος δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἸουδαίουςJews ἀπεχθείας ὁ υἱὸς ἈντίοχοςAntiochus γίνεται.
⁴⁰ and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.	⁴⁰ As the city was resuming its sacred constitution, Antiochus died, his son Antiochus succeeding him in the kingship and also in his hatred toward the Jews.
⁴⁰ Just as the Temple structure in the city was being restored, Antiochus died.^[1] His successor to the kingdom, and to the hatred against the Jews, was Antiochus his son.^[2]

^[1]Antiochus IV Epiphanes died in late 164 BC.
His son is Antiochus V Eupator

⁴¹ Συναγαγὼν γοῦν πεζῶν μὲν μυριάδας πέντε, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἐλέφαντας δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα ἐμβάλλει διὰ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea εἰς τὴν‎ ὀρεινήν. ΒηθσουρὸνBethsuron μὲν οὖν πολίχνην αἱρεῖ, κατὰ δὲ τόπον, ὃς καλεῖται ΒεθζαχαρίαBethzacharia στενῆς οὔσης τῆς παρόδου ἸούδαςJudas ὑπαντᾷ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως.
⁴¹ So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharias, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army.	⁴¹ Assembling fifty thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry and eighty elephants he marched through Judea into the hill country. He then took Bethsuron, a small city, but Judah met him with his army at a place called Bethzacharia, where the passage was narrow.
⁴¹ Having gathered, therefore, fifty thousand foot soldiers, five thousand cavalry, and eighty elephants, he^[1] invaded through Judea into the mountainous region. He then captured the small town of Bethzur, and at a place called Bethzechariah, where the pass was narrow, Judah (Maccabee) met him with his forces.

^[1]Refers to Antiochus V, but probably led by the Seleucid General Lysias (1Macc. 3:38-39)

⁴² Πρὶν δὲ συνάψαι τὰς φάλαγγας ἘλεάζαροςEleazar ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ προϊδὼν τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν ἐλεφάντων πύργῳ τε μεγάλῳ καὶ περιχρύσοις προτειχίσμασι κεκοσμημένον, ὑπολαβὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus εἶναι, τῶν τε ἰδίων ἐκτρέχει πολὺ καὶ διακόψας τὸ στῖφος τῶν πολεμίων ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέφαντα διήνυσεν.
⁴² However, before the forces joined battle, Judas’s brother, Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy’s troops, he got up to the elephant;	⁴² Before the forces began the battle, Judah's brother Eleazar, seeing the very tallest of the elephants adorned with a large tower and with gilded trappings to protect him and thinking that Antiochus himself was riding in it, he ran a long way ahead of his own army and cutting his way through the enemy's troops, he got as far as the elephant.
⁴² But before the phalanxes clashed, Eleazar, his (Judah's) brother, having spotted the tallest of the elephants, which was adorned with a great tower and gold-plated protective barriers, and believing Antiochus to be upon it, rushed far ahead of his own men. He broke through the enemy formation and pressed forward toward the elephant.

⁴³ ἐφικέσθαι μὲν οὖν τοῦ δοκοῦντος εἶναι βασιλέως οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν διὰ τὸ ὕψος, ὁ δὲ τὸ θηρίον ὑπὸ τὴν‎ γαστέρα πλήξας ἐπικατέσεισεν ἑαυτῷ καὶ συντριβεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν, μηδὲν πλέον δράσας τοῦ τοῖς μεγάλοις ἐπιβαλέσθαι θέμενος εὐκλείας ἐν δευτέρῳ τὸ ζῆν.
⁴³ yet could he not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life.	⁴³ Unable to reach the one he thought of as the king, since he was so high up, he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast and brought him down upon himself and was crushed to death, achieving no more than a brave attempt and showing that he valued life less than renown.
⁴³ He was therefore unable to reach the one he believed to be the king due to the height, but he struck the beast under its belly, causing it to collapse upon him, and he was crushed and died, having accomplished nothing more than attempting a great deed, putting life second to glory.

⁴⁴ ὅ γε μὴν κυβερνῶν τὸν ἐλέφαντα ἰδιώτης ἦν· κἂν εἰ συνέβη δὲ εἶναι τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus, οὐδὲν πλέον ἤνυσεν ὁ τολμήσας τοῦ δοκεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδι μόνῃ λαμπροῦ κατορθώματος ἑλέσθαι τὸν θάνατον.
⁴⁴ Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action;	⁴⁴ But the one driving the elephant was just a commoner, and even had it been Antiochus, this daring deed would have proved no more than a willingness to die, in the hope of thereby doing something glorious.
⁴⁴ Furthermore, the man steering the elephant was a common soldier. And even if Antiochus had happened to be on it, the man who dared (this deed) would have accomplished nothing more than appearing, based on hope alone of a brilliant success, to choose death.

⁴⁵ γίνεται δὲ καὶ κλῃδὼν τἀδελφῷ τῆς ὅλης παρατάξεως· καρτερῶς μὲν γὰρ οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ διηγωνίσαντο, πλήθει δὲ ὑπερέχοντες οἱ βασιλικοὶ καὶ δεξιᾷ χρησάμενοι τύχῃ κρατοῦσι, καὶ πολλῶν ἀναιρεθέντων τοὺς λοιποὺς ἔχων ἸούδαςJudas εἰς τὴν‎ ΓοφνιτικὴνGophna τοπαρχίαν φεύγει.
⁴⁵ nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king’s forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna.	⁴⁵ This failure gave his brother an omen of how the entire battle would end. While the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, the king's forces, superior in number and with fortune on their side, won the victory. When many of his men were killed, Judah fled with the rest to the district of Gophna.
⁴⁵ His brother’s deed also served as an ominous sign (for the entire battle). For the Jews fought bravely and for a long time, but the King’s forces, being superior in number and favored by fortune, prevailed, and after many had been slain, Judah, taking the remainder (of his forces), fled into the toparchy^[1] of Gophna.

^[1]toparchy: a small district or state with only a few cities or towns and governed by someone called a toparch

⁴⁶ ἈντίοχοςAntiochus δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ καθίσας ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐν αὐτῇ κατὰ σπάνιν τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀπανίσταται, καταλιπὼν μὲν φρουρὰν ὅσην ἀποχρήσειν ὑπελάμβανε, τὴν‎ δὲ λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἀπαγαγὼν χειμεριοῦσαν εἰς τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria.
⁴⁶ So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria.	⁴⁶ Antiochus went to Jerusalem but lacking provisions he stayed there only a few days and then went off, leaving behind what he thought a sufficient garrison, and took the rest of his army to winter quarters in Syria.
⁴⁶ Antiochus, having entered Jerusalem and remaining there for a few days, withdrew due to a scarcity of provisions, leaving behind a garrison which he believed would suffice, and leading the rest of his force away to winter in Syria.

⁴⁷ Πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ὑποχώρησιν τοῦ βασιλέως ἸούδαςJudas οὐκ ἠρέμει, προσγενομένων δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους πολλῶν καὶ τοὺς διασωθέντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἐπισυγκροτήσας κατὰ κώμην ἈκέδασανAdasa συμβάλλει τοῖς ἈντιόχουAntiochus στρατηγοῖς, καὶ φανεὶς ἄριστος κατὰ τὴν‎ μάχην πολλούς τε τῶν πολεμίων ἀποκτείνας ἀναιρεῖται καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἸωάννηςJohn ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ ἈντιόχουAntiochus φρονούντων τελευτᾷ.
⁴⁷ Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus’s generals at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus’s party, and was slain by them.	⁴⁷ After the king's retreat, Judah was not idle. Since many of the nation joined him, he re-grouped the survivors of the battle and again fought Antiochus' generals at a village called Adasa, and overcoming his enemies in the battle he killed many, but finally was also killed himself. A few days later his brother John also died, due to a plot against him by Antiochus' party.
⁴⁷ At the King's withdrawal, however, Judah did not remain idle. With many joining him from the nation and having gathered those who had survived the battle, he engaged Antiochus’ generals at the village of Acedasa.^[1] Though he proved to be the finest man in the fight and killed many of the enemies, he was slain. And a few days later, his brother John died, having been ambushed by those who sided with Antiochus.

^[1]This last stand of Judah is known as the Battle of Elasa in 160 BC.

Chapter 2
The successors of Judah Maccabeus:
Jonathan, Simon and John Hyrcanus

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⁴⁸ Διαδεξάμενος δὲ τοῦτον ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἸωνάθηςJonathan τά τε ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους διὰ φυλακῆς ἦγεν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τῇ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans φιλίαι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐκρατύνατο πρός τε τὸν ἈντιόχουAntiochus παῖδα διαλλαγὰς ἐποιήσατο. οὐ μήν τι τούτων ἤρκεσεν αὐτῷ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν·
⁴⁸ When Jonathan, who was Judas’s brother, succeeded him, he behaved himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security;	⁴⁸ When Jonathan, Judah's brother, succeeded him, he carefully guarded himself against his countrymen and strengthened his authority by a treaty with the Romans. He also made a treaty with the younger Antiochus.
⁴⁸ Taking his place, his brother Jonathan, in all his other dealings with the local people, maintained a guarded stance, and he strengthened his rule by means of friendship with the Romans and made peace with the son of Antiochus (V). However, none of these measures sufficed for his security.

⁴⁹ ΤρύφωνTryphon γὰρ ὁ τύραννος, ἐπίτροπος μὲν ὢν τοῦ ἈντιόχουAntiochus παιδὸς ἐπιβουλεύων δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρόσθεν, ἀποσκευάζεσθαι τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ‎ πειρώμενος ἥκοντα τὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan σὺν ὀλίγοις εἰς ΠτολεμαΐδαPtolemais πρὸς ἈντίοχονAntiochus δόλῳ συλλαμβάνει καὶ δήσας ἐπὶ ἸουδαίανJudea στρατεύει· εἶτ᾽ ἀπελαθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ ΣίμωνοςSimon, ὃς ἦν ἀδελφὸς τοῦ ἸωνάθουJonathan, καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἧτταν ὠργισμένος κτείνει τὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan.
⁴⁹ for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus’s son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simeon, who was Jonathan’s brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.	⁴⁹ Yet all this was not sufficient for his security, for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus' son, schemed against him, seeking to win away his friends. He caught Jonathan in a trap, as he was going with a few others to Ptolemais to visit Antiochus. He put him in chains and then made war on the Jews, but when repulsed by Jonathan's brother Simon, in his rage at his defeat he put Jonathan to death.
⁴⁹ For Tryphon the tyrant, who was the guardian of the son of Antiochus but plotting against him even before this, attempting to rid himself of the King's friends, deceitfully seized Jonathan when he arrived at Ptolemais with a small escort to meet Antiochus. He then chained him and marched against Judea. Next, being repulsed by Simon, who was Jonathan’s brother, and enraged by this defeat, he killed Jonathan.

⁵⁰ ΣίμωνSimon δὲ γενναίως ἀφηγούμενος τῶν πραγμάτων αἱρεῖ μὲν ΓάζαράGazara τε καὶ ἸόππηνJoppa καὶ ἸάμνειανJamneia τῶν προσοίκων, κατέσκαψε δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἄκραν τῶν φρουρῶν κρατήσας. αὖθις δὲ γίνεται καὶ ἈντιόχῳAntiochus σύμμαχοςally κατὰ ΤρύφωνοςTryphon, ὃν ἐν ΔώροιςDōra πρὸ τῆς ἐπὶ ΜήδουςMedes στρατείας ἐπολιόρκει.
⁵⁰ However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes;	⁵⁰ Simon administered things very well and took the neighbouring cities of Gazara and Joppa and Jamnia, and defeating the garrison he demolished the fortress. Later he allied with Antiochus against Trypho, whom the king besieged in Dora before going on his expedition against the Medes.
⁵⁰ Simon, bravely leading the affairs (of the nation), captured both Gazara and Joppa and Jamnia, which were neighboring settlements, and he also demolished the citadel after overcoming the garrison. Furthermore, he again became an ally to Antiochus (VII Sidetes) against Tryphon, whom he (Antiochus) was besieging at Dora before the campaign into Media.^[1]

^[1]This period under Simon (circa 142 BC) is often considered the effective beginning of the independent Hasmonean State.

⁵¹ ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐξεδυσώπησεν τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως πλεονεξίαν ΤρύφωναTryphon συνεξελών· μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ γὰρ ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ΚενδεβαῖονCendebaeus τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ στρατηγὸν μετὰ δυνάμεως δῃώσοντα τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἔπεμψεν καὶ καταδουλωσόμενον ΣίμωναSimon.
⁵¹ yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simon;	⁵¹ But even after helping him to kill Trypho, he could not shame the king out of his covetous desire, for before long Antiochus sent his general Cendebaeus with an army to ravage Judea and bring Simon to heel.
⁵¹ But eliminating Tryphon did not restrain the King’s greed. For not long after, Antiochus (VII Sidetes) sent his general Cendebeus with a force to ravage Judea and enslave Simon.

⁵² ὁ δὲ καίτοι γε γηραλέος ὢν νεανικώτερον ἀφηγήσατο τοῦ πολέμου· τοὺς μέντοι γε υἱεῖς αὐτοῦ‎ μετὰ τῶν ἐρρωμενεστάτων προεκπέμπει, αὐτὸς δὲ μοῖραν τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναλαβὼν ἐπήιει κατ᾽ ἄλλο μέρος.
⁵² yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter.	⁵² The latter, though he was getting old, fought the war like a young man and sent his sons with his most vigorous men against Antiochus, while he himself attacked him on another front with part of the army.
⁵² Although he was already advanced in years, he led the war with a youthful spirit. He sent his sons forward, however, with the strongest of the forces, while he himself took a division of the army and advanced from another direction.

⁵³ πολλοὺς δὲ πολλαχοῦ κἀν τοῖς ὄρεσι προλοχίσας πάσαις κρατεῖ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς καὶ νικήσας λαμπρῶς ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποδείκνυται καὶ τῆς ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians ἐπικρατείας μετὰ ἑκατὸν καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτη ἸουδαίουςJews ἀπαλλάττει.
⁵³ He also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].	⁵³ He set many ambushes in various places in the mountains and all his attacks succeeded, and won a glorious victory; so he was made high priest and set the Jews free from the Macedonian dominance that had lasted a hundred and seventy years.
⁵³ He placed many ambushes in many places, even in the mountains, and succeeded in all his undertakings, winning a brilliant victory. He was then declared High Priest and freed the Judeans from the dominion of the Macedonians after one hundred and seventy years.^[1]

^[1]The 170 years mentioned is a historical figure often used to date the period from the beginning of the Seleucid era (which began after Alexander the Great’s conquest of the region) until the moment of Jewish autonomy (circa 142 BC).

⁵⁴ Θνήσκει δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ἐν συμποσίῳ ὑπὸ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy τοῦ γαμβροῦ, ὃς αὐτοῦ‎ τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς δύο παῖδας ἐγκαθείρξας ἐπὶ τὸν τρίτον ἸωάννηνJohn, ὃς καὶ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐκαλεῖτο, τοὺς ἀναιρήσοντας ἔπεμψεν.
⁵⁴ This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus.	⁵⁴ He too was killed, betrayed at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who imprisoned his wife and two sons, and sent people to kill John, surnamed Hyrcanus.
⁵⁴ He also died, having been treacherously murdered at a feast by his son-in-law, Ptolemy. The latter imprisoned Simon’s wife and two of his sons, and then sent assassins against the third son, John, who was also called Hyrcanus.

⁵⁵ προγνοὺς δὲ τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ὁ νεανίσκος παραγενέσθαι εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἠπείγετο, πλεῖστον τῷ λαῷ πεποιθὼς κατά τε μνήμην τῶν πατρῴων κατορθωμάτων καὶ μῖσος τῆς ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy παρανομίας. ὥρμησε δὲ καὶ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy εἰσελθεῖν καθ᾽ ἑτέραν πύλην, ἐξεκρούσθη γε μὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ταχέως δεδεγμένων ἤδη τὸν ὙρκανόνHyrcanus.
⁵⁵ But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted Hyrcanus;	⁵⁵ But as the young man was forewarned of their coming, he hurried to the city, having great confidence in the people there and their memory of his father's glorious deeds and their hatred of Ptolemy's crimes. Ptolemy also tried to rush into the city by another gate, but was repelled by the people, who had already made Hyrcanus very welcome.
⁵⁵ But the young man, having foreseen the attack, hastened to arrive in the city, putting great trust in the people, both because of the memory of his father’s successes and their hatred of Ptolemy’s lawlessness. Ptolemy also rushed to enter through another gate, but he was quickly repulsed by the people, who had already welcomed Hyrcanus.^[1]

^[1]This successfully installs John Hyrcanus I as the new High Priest and ruler, ensuring the continuation of the Hasmonean dynasty.

⁵⁶ καὶ ὁ μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀνεχώρησεν εἴς τι τῶν ὑπὲρ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho ἐρυμάτων, ὃ ΔαγὼνDagōn καλεῖται· κομισάμενος δὲ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν ἀρχιερωσύνην ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus καὶ θύσας τῷ θεῷ μετὰ τάχους ἐπὶ ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy ὥρμησεν βοηθήσων τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς,
⁵⁶ so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now, when Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother and brethren.	⁵⁶ He then retreated to one of the fortresses near Jericho, called Dagon. When Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood held by his father before him and had offered sacrifice to God, he hurried out after Ptolemy, to bring help to his mother and brothers.
⁵⁶ And (Ptolemy) immediately withdrew to one of the fortresses above Jericho, which is called Dagon. Hyrcanus, having received his ancestral High Priesthood and sacrificed to God, quickly rushed upon Ptolemy to aid his mother and brothers.

⁵⁷ καὶ προσβαλὼν τῷ φρουρίῳ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κρείττων ἦν, ἡττᾶτο δὲ δικαίου πάθους· ὁ γὰρ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁπότεwhen καταπονοῖτο, τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ προάγων ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους εἰς εὐσύνοπτον ᾐκίζετο καὶ κατακρημνιεῖν, εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἀπανασταίη, διηπείλει.
⁵⁷ So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body’s sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong;	⁵⁷ He laid siege to the fortress and had the advantage over Ptolemy in other ways, but was defeated by his finer feelings. For when under pressure, Ptolemy brought out his mother and brothers and set them upon the wall in the sight of all, and tortured them and threatened to throw them down headlong unless he left instantly.
⁵⁷ And when he assailed the fortress, he was superior in all other respects, but he was defeated by a righteous passion. For whenever Ptolemy was hard-pressed, he would bring forth his mother and brothers onto the wall, where they were clearly visible, inflict torments upon them, and threaten to throw them down headlong unless Hyrcanus withdrew immediately.

⁵⁸ πρὸς ἃ τὸν μὲν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὀργῆς πλείων οἶκτος εἰσῄει καὶ δέος, ἡ δὲ μήτηρ οὐδὲν οὔτε πρὸς τὰς αἰκίας οὔτε πρὸς τὸν ἀπειλούμενον αὐτῇ θάνατον ἐνδιδοῦσα χεῖρας ὤρεγε καὶ κατηντιβόλει τὸν παῖδα μήτι πρὸς τὴν‎ αὐτῆς ὕβριν ἐπικλασθέντα φείσασθαι τοῦ δυσσεβοῦς, ὡς αὐτῇ γε κρείττονα τὸν ἐκ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy θάνατον ἀθανασίας εἶναι δόντος δίκας ἐφ᾽ οἷς εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῶν παρηνόμησεν.
⁵⁸ at which sight Hyrcanus’s commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he had done to their family.	⁵⁸ At this sight Hyrcanus' anger yielded to his pity and concern. But his mother, undaunted either by the torture or the death threat, with outstretched hands implored her son not to be moved by her pains to spare the wretch, for she would prefer death from Ptolemy to immortality, so long as he was punished for his crime against their family.
⁵⁸ In response to this, pity and fear entered Hyrcanus more than rage, but his mother, yielding nothing either to the torments or to the death that was threatened against her, stretched out her hands and earnestly implored her son not to be moved by the outrage against her and spare the wicked man (Ptolemy). [She declared] that death at the hands of Ptolemy would be better for her than immortality, provided that he paid the penalty for the impieties he had committed against their house.

⁵⁹ ὁ δὲ ἸωάννηςJohn ὁπότεwhen μὲν ἐνθυμηθείη τὸ παράστημα τῆς μητρὸς καὶ κατακούσειε τῆς ἱκεσίας, ὥρμητο προσβάλλειν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ κατίδοι τυπτομένην τε καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐθηλύνετο καὶ τοῦ πάθους ὅλος ἦν.
⁵⁹ Now, John’s case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections.	⁵⁹ Heartened by his mother's courage John heeded her plea and set out to attack, but when he saw her flogged and torn to pieces with the stripes, he weakened and was overcome by his feelings.
⁵⁹ Whenever John was mindful of his mother’s presence and heard her plea, he was eager to press the attack; but as soon as he saw her being beaten and tormented, he became unmanned and was wholly overcome by his emotion.

⁶⁰ τριβομένης δὲ διὰ ταῦτα τῆς πολιορκίας ἐπέστη τὸ ἀργὸν ἔτος, ὃ κατὰ ἑπταετίαν ἀργεῖται παρὰ ἸουδαίοιςJews ὁμοίως ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἡμέραις. κἀν τούτῳ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἀνεθεὶς τῆς πολιορκίας ἀναιρεῖ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἸωάννουJohn σὺν τῇ μητρὶ καὶ φεύγει πρὸς ΖήνωναZēnō τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ΚοτυλᾶνCotylas· δ᾽ ἦν τύραννος.
⁶⁰ 60And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was the tyrant of Philadelphia.	⁶⁰ As the siege then dragged on the year of rest was beginning, whereby every seventh year the Jews rest just as they do each seventh day, and so Ptolemy, being relieved of the siege, killed the brothers of John with their mother, and fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.
⁶⁰ Because the siege was prolonged on account of these matters, the Sabbatical Year arrived, which is a year of rest observed by the Judeans every seven years, similar to the Sabbath days. In this interval, Ptolemy, being relieved from the siege, murdered John’s brothers along with his mother and fled to Zeno, who was surnamed Cotylas, a tyrant.^[1]

^[1]According to the Jewish Antiquities, Josephus identifies Zeno as the tyrant of Philadelphia (Ant. 13:235).

⁶¹ ἈντίοχοςAntiochus δὲ κατ᾽ ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπὸ ΣίμωνοςSimon ἔπαθεν, στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus προσκαθεζόμενος τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem. ὁ δὲ τὸν ΔαυίδουDavid τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς δὴ πλουσιώτατος βασιλέων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὑφελόμενος ὑπὲρ τρισχίλια τάλαντα χρημάτων τόν τε ἈντίοχονAntiochus ἀνίστησι τῆς πολιορκίας πείσας τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις καὶ δὴ καὶ ξενοτροφεῖν πρῶτος ἸουδαίωνJews ἐκ τῆς περιουσίας ἤρξατο.
⁶¹ And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.	⁶¹ Angry with what he had endured from Simon, Antiochus led an army into Judea and camped near Jerusalem to besiege Hyrcanus, who in turn opened the burial vault of David, the richest of all the kings, and took out about three thousand talents in money and paid Antiochus a bribe of three hundred talents to lift the siege, using the remainder to hire foreign allies, being the first of the Jews to do so.
⁶¹ Antiochus (VII Sidetes), being enraged by what he had suffered at the hands of Simon, campaigned against Judea and besieged Hyrcanus, encamping before Jerusalem. Hyrcanus, however, opened the tomb of David, who had been the richest of kings, and removed more than three thousand talents of money. With three hundred talents, he persuaded Antiochus to lift the siege, and indeed, he was the first among the Judeans to maintain foreign mercenaries out of the surplus (of this wealth).

⁶² Αὖθίς γε μὴν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ἐπὶ ΜήδουςMedes στρατεύσας καιρὸν ἀμύνης αὐτῷ παρεῖχεν· εὐθέως γὰρ ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν ΣυρίαιSyria πόλεις, κενάς, ὅπερ ἦν, ὑπολαμβάνων τῶν μαχιμωτέρων εὑρήσειν.
⁶² However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of good troops.	⁶² Later he had a chance to take revenge on Antiochus when he had gone to war against the Medes, and immediately attacked the cities of Syria, rightly expecting to find them short of warriors.
⁶² Later, however, when Antiochus led an expedition against the Medes, he provided him [Hyrcanus] with an opportunity for revenge; for he immediately rushed upon the cities in Syria, assuming that he would find them empty, as indeed they were, of the more warlike men.

⁶³ ΜεδάβηνMedaba μὲν οὖν καὶ ΣαμαγὰνSamaga ἅμα ταῖς πλησίον, ἔτι δὲ ΣίκιμαShechem καὶ ἈργαρίζεινGarizim αὐτὸς αἱρεῖ, πρὸς αἷς τὸ ΧουθαίωνCuthean γένος, οἳ περιώικουν τὸ εἰκασθὲν τῷ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἱερῷ. αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea ἄλλας τε οὐκ ὀλίγας καὶ ἈδωρεὸνAdoreon καὶ ΜάρισανMarissa.
⁶³ So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa.	⁶³ So he took Medaba and Samaga and the nearby towns, and Sikima and Garizim, and also the Cuthean nation, who lived near the temple which was built in imitation of that in Jerusalem. He also took several other cities of Idumaea, including Adoreon and Marissa.
⁶³ So he took Medaba and Samaga and the nearby towns, and also Sikima and Garizim, and the Cuthean nation, who lived near the temple which was built in the copy of the one in Jerusalem. He also took several other cities of Idumaea, including Adoreon and Marissa.

⁶⁴ Προελθὼν δὲ καὶ μέχρι ΣαμαρείαςSamaria, ἔνθα νῦν ἐστιν ΣεβαστὴSebaste πόλις ὑπὸ ἩρώδουHerod κτισθεῖσα τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ πάντοθεν αὐτὴν ἀποτειχίσας τοὺς υἱεῖς ἐπέστησε τῇ πολιορκίαι ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus καὶ ἈντίγονονAntignus· ὧν οὐδὲν ἀνιέντων λιμοῦ μὲν εἰς τοσοῦτον προῆλθον οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν, ὡς ἅψασθαι καὶ τῶν ἀηθεστάτων.
⁶⁴ He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food.	⁶⁴ He proceeded as far as Samaria, where now stands the city of Sebaste, built by king Herod, and surrounded it with a wall and put his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, in charge of the siege. They pressed it so hard that famine gripped the city and the people had to eat things never before regarded as food.
⁶⁴ Going forward even to Samaria, which is now the city Sebaste, built by King Herod, and walling it off completely, he assigned his sons Aristobulus and Antigonus to the siege; and since they were relentless, those in the city were brought to such a state of famine that they even resorted to eating things most unnatural.

⁶⁵ ἐπικαλοῦνται δὲ βοηθὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ἈσπένδιονCyzicenus· κἀκεῖνος ἑτοίμως ὑπακούσας ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἡττᾶται. Καὶ ὁ μὲν μέχρι ΣκυθοπόλεωςScythopolis διωχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐκφεύγει, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ΣαμαρεῖςSamaritans ὑποστρέψαντες τό τε πλῆθος πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος συγκλείουσιν καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἑλόντες αὐτήν τε κατασκάπτουσιν καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.
⁶⁵ They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants.	⁶⁵ They also called on the help of Antiochus, surnamed Cyzicenus, and he quickly answered their call, but was defeated by Aristobulus and Antigonus, and fled from the brothers as far as Scythopolis. So they returned to Samaria and again blockaded the people within the city walls, and captured and demolished it and enslaved its inhabitants.
⁶⁵ They called upon Antiochus, nicknamed “the Aspendian,” for aid; and he, readily complying, was defeated by Aristobulus and his party. He was pursued by the brothers as far as Scythopolis and escaped, while they returned to the Samaritans, again enclosed the multitude within the wall, and taking the city, they completely demolished it and enslaved its inhabitants.

⁶⁶ προχωρούντων δὲ τῶν κατορθωμάτων τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν οὐ κατέψυξαν, ἀλλὰ προελθόντες ἅμα τῇ δυνάμει μέχρι τῆς ΣκυθοπόλεωςScythopolis ταύτην τε κατέδραμον καὶ τὴν‎ ἐντὸς ΚαρμήλουCarmel τοῦ ὄρους χώραν ἅπασαν κατενείμαντο.
⁶⁶ And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.	⁶⁶ As their campaign was so successful, they did not let up, but marched with an army to Scythopolis and attacked it and ravaged all the countryside around Mount Carmel.
⁶⁶ But since their successes were advancing, they did not cool their zeal, but proceeded with their army as far as Scythopolis, and having overrun it, they partitioned among themselves the entire territory that lies within Mount Carmel.

⁶⁷ Πρὸς δὲ τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτοῦ‎ τε ἸωάννουJohn καὶ τῶν παίδων φθόνος ἐγείρει στάσιν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, καὶ πολλοὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν συνελθόντες οὐκ ἠρέμουν, μέχρι καὶ πρὸς φανερὸν πόλεμον ἐκριπισθέντες ἡττῶνται.
⁶⁷ But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten.	⁶⁷ Then the success of John and his sons provoked envy and a revolt among their countrymen, for many had gathered and would not rest until they also fanned the flames into open war, in which they were defeated.
⁶⁷ But the success of John himself and his sons stirred up envy, leading to a revolt of the native population, and many gathered against them and did not rest until, having been fanned into open warfare, they were defeated.

⁶⁸ Τὸ λοιπὸν δ᾽ ἐπιβιοὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίαι ἸωάννηςJohn καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν κάλλιστα διοικήσας ἐν τρισὶν ὅλοις καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτεσιν ἐπὶ πέντε υἱοῖς τελευτᾷ, μακαριστὸς ὄντως καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν ἐάσας ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ μεμφθῆναι τὴν‎ τύχην. τρία γοῦν τὰ κρατιστεύοντα μόνος εἶχεν, τήν τε ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ προφητείαν·
⁶⁸ So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,—the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy.	⁶⁸ So John lived the rest of his life quite happily and administered the leadership very well for a total of thirty-three years and died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very fortunate man who had no reason to complain of his fate. He alone held three of the most desirable things in the world: to rule his nation, hold the high priesthood and have the gift of prophecy.
⁶⁸ John, having lived out the rest of his life in prosperity and having governed his realm admirably for thirty-one full years, died, leaving five sons. He was truly a man to be envied, having never given fortune cause to be displeased with him. For he alone possessed the three greatest privileges: the sovereignty of the nation, the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy.

⁶⁹ ὡμίλει γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ δαιμόνιον ὡς μηδὲν τῶν μελλόντων ἀγνοεῖν, ὅς γε καὶ περὶ δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων υἱῶν ὅτι μὴ διαμενοῦσι κύριοι τῶν πραγμάτων προεῖδέν τε καὶ προεφήτευσεν· ὧν τὴν‎ καταστροφὴν ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι, παρ᾽ ὅσον τῆς πατρῴας εὐδαιμονίας ἀπέκλιναν.
⁶⁹ For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of anything that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity.	⁶⁹ For the daemon conversed with him in such a way that he was not unaware of future events, but foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue as leaders. Their downfall must be described, and how poorly they fared compared with their father.
⁶⁹ For the divine power conversed with him so that he was ignorant of none of the things to come; indeed, he foresaw and prophesied concerning his two elder sons, that they would not remain masters of the realm. It is worthwhile to relate their downfall, since they deviated from their father’s prosperity.

Chapter 3
Aristobulus becomes king.
Kills his brother Antigonus.
Dies of Remorse

☜ ☞

⁷⁰ μετὰ γὰρ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ὁ πρεσβύτερος αὐτῶν ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εἰς βασιλείαν μετατιθεὶς περιτίθεται μὲν διάδημα πρῶτος μετὰ τετρακοσιοστὸν καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὸν πρῶτον ἔτος, πρὸς δὲ μῆνας τρεῖς, ἐξ οὗ κατῆλθεν ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon δουλείας·
⁷⁰ For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery.	⁷⁰ After their father's death, the eldest of them, Aristobulus, changed the leadership into a monarchy and was the first to put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy-one years and three months after the return of our people to this country, when released from slavery in Babylon.
⁷⁰ For after the death of their father, Aristobulus, the elder of them, changing the government into a kingdom, was the first to put on a diadem, four hundred and seventy-one years and three months after the people returned to their country, released from the servitude in Babylon.^[1]

^[1]They returned from Babylonian exile in 538 BC

⁷¹ τῶν δὲ ἀδελφῶν τὸν μὲν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀγαπᾶν, ἦγεν ἰσοτίμως, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους εἵργνυσι δήσας. δεσμεῖ δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα διενεχθεῖσαν περὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας, ταύτην γὰρ κυρίαν τῶν ὅλων ὁ ἸωάννηςJohn ἀπολελοίπει, καὶ μέχρι τοσαύτης ὠμότητος προῆλθεν, ὥστε καὶ λιμῷ διαφθεῖραι δεδεμένην.
⁷¹ Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him; for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in prison.	⁷¹ Of his brothers, he granted to his next-born, Antigonus, equal status with himself, and had the rest imprisoned. For disputing the sovereignty with him, he chained up his own mother, whom John had left in charge of everything, and cruelly left her to starve to death in prison.
⁷¹ Of his brothers, he treated Antigonus, the one next in age, with equal honour, for he seemed to love him; but the others he imprisoned in chains. He also chained his mother, who had contended with him for the authority (for John had left her mistress of all), and he proceeded to such a pitch of cruelty that he starved her to death while she was in confinement.

⁷² Περιέρχεται δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ τίσις εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus, ὃν ἠγάπα τε καὶ τῆς βασιλείας κοινωνὸν εἶχεν· κτείνει γὰρ καὶ τοῦτον ἐκ διαβολῶν, ἃς οἱ πονηροὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον ἐνεσκευάσαντο. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα διηπίστει τοῖς λεγομένοις ὁ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἅτε δὴ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀγαπῶν καὶ διδοὺς φθόνῳ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν λογοποιουμένων.
⁷² But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters:	⁷² But vengeance caught up with him for his brother Antigonus, whom he loved and with whom he shared his rule, for he killed him too, because of the lies spread against him by evil people around the palace. At first Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly for love of his brother and partly from the idea that most of these tales came from the envy of their tellers.
⁷² But the retribution for these deeds reached their brother Antigonus, whom he both loved and had as a partner in the kingdom; for he killed this man too, because of the slanders which the wicked men in the palace had contrived. Indeed, at first Aristobulus was distrustful of what was being said, since he truly loved his brother and attributed most of the rumour-mongering to envy.

⁷³ ὡς δ᾽ ὁ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus λαμπρὸς ἀπὸ στρατείας ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἑορτήν, ἐν ἧι σκηνοποιεῖσθαι πάτριον τῷ θεῷ, συνέβη μὲν κατ᾽ ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας νόσῳ χρήσασθαι τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, τὸν δὲ ἈντίγονονAntignus ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀναβάντα μετὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα κεκοσμημένον προσκυνῆσαι τὸ πλέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ.
⁷³ however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother.	⁷³ Once however, Aristobulus lay sick as Antigonus came in triumph from a campaign to the festival where we customarily make tents for God. Toward the end of the feast, Antigonus, surrounded by his bodyguard and adorned in the finery, went up to the temple to pray on behalf of his brother.
⁷³ When Antigonus came back brilliantly from a campaign for the festival—during which it is customary to set up tents for God—it so happened that Aristobulus was sick during those days. Antigonus, at the end of the festival, went up with his accompanying armed guards, adorned as much as possible, primarily to pay his respects to his brother.

⁷⁴ κἀν τούτῳ προσιόντες οἱ πονηροὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τήν τε πομπὴν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐδήλουν καὶ τὸ παράστημα τοῦ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus μεῖζον ἢ κατ᾽ ἰδιώτην, ὅτι τε παρείη μετὰ μεγίστου συντάγματος ἀναιρήσων αὐτόν· οὐ γὰρ ἀνέχεσθαι τιμὴν μόνον ἐκ βασιλείας ἔχων, παρὸν αὐτὴν κατασχεῖν.
⁷⁴ Now, at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.	⁷⁴ Those mischief makers went to report to the king how pompous the bodyguard had seemed and how proudly Antigonus presented himself, far too grandly for a private citizen, and that with his large band of men he had really come to kill him, not content merely to enjoy the honours of royalty when it was in his power to seize the throne itself.
⁷⁴ And at that very moment, the wicked men approached the king and described the procession of armed guards and Antigonus’s bearing as greater than that of a private citizen, [saying] that he had arrived with a very large detachment in order to kill him; for he would not tolerate merely holding honour from the kingdom when it was possible for him to seize the kingdom itself.

⁷⁵ Τούτοις κατὰ μικρὸν ἄκων ἐπίστευσεν ὁ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus, καὶ προνοῶν τοῦ μήθ᾽ ὑποπτεύων φανερὸς γενέσθαι καὶ προησφαλίσθαι πρὸς τὸ ἄδηλον καθίστησι μὲν τοὺς σωματοφύλακαςbodyguard ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογαίων ἀλαμπεῖ, κατέκειτο δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Βάρει πρότερον αὖθις δ᾽ ἈντωνίαιAntonia μετονομασθείσῃ, προστάξας ἀνόπλου μὲν ἀπέχεσθαι, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus, εἰ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων προσίοι, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν τοὺς προεροῦντας ἄνοπλον ἐλθεῖν.
⁷⁵ Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed.	⁷⁵ Gradually and unwillingly Aristobulus came to believe it, and guarded against the risk while being careful not to publicly reveal his suspicion. He had his bodyguards in a dark underground chamber beneath the place where for he lay sick, which was formerly called Baris though later renamed to Antonia, with orders to leave Antigonus alone if he came unarmed, but to kill him if he came fully armed; and he sent some ahead to tell him to come unarmed.
⁷⁵ Aristobulus gradually and reluctantly believed these men, and taking precautions not only to appear suspicious but also to secure himself against the unknown, he stationed his bodyguards in a dark subterranean place—he was lying ill in the fortress of Baris,^[1] which was later renamed Antonia—giving them orders to refrain from attacking him if he was unarmed, but to kill Antigonus if he approached with weapons. He also sent men to him to tell him to come unarmed.

^[1]Baris/Antonia’s location is significant. The Baris was the fortress on the northwest corner of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, initially built by the Hasmoneans. It was later extensively rebuilt and renamed Antonia by Herod the Great in honor of Mark Antony. It served as the royal residence and military stronghold in Jerusalem.

⁷⁶ πρὸς τοῦτο πάνυ πανούργως ἡ βασίλισσα συντάσσεται μετὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων· τοὺς γὰρ πεμφθέντας πείθουσιν τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως σιωπῆσαι, λέγειν δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας ὅπλα τε αὐτῷ παρεσκευακέναι κάλλιστα καὶ πολεμικὸν κόσμον ἐν τῇ ΓαλιλαίαιGalilee διὰ μὲν τὴν‎ ἀσθένειαν αὐτὸς ἐπιδεῖν ἕκαστα κωλυθείη, νῦν δ᾽ ἐπεὶ καὶ χωρίζεσθαι μέλλοις, θεάσαιτ᾽ ἂν ἥδιστά σε ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις.
⁷⁶ But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king’s message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.	⁷⁶ But the queen worked with the conspirators, persuading the messengers to say nothing about the king's instructions. Instead, they should tell Antigonus how his brother had heard of the fine suit of armour he had got made for himself in Galilee, with its ornaments of war, and since his present sickness prevented him from coming to admire it and he was due to depart soon, he wished to see him now in his armour.
⁷⁶ At this point, the Queen^[1] very cunningly conspired with the plotters; for they persuaded the men who were sent [by Aristobulus] to keep silent about the King’s [true] message, and to tell Antigonus that his brother, having heard that he had prepared most splendid arms and military adornment in Galilee, was himself prevented from inspecting each item due to his illness, but now, since he was about to depart, he would be very pleased to see him in full armour.

^[1]The Queen is likely the manipulative wife of Aristobulus, since his mother was already murdered (as mentioned in verse 71). She is an accomplice to the plotters.

⁷⁷ Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus, ἐνῆγεν δ᾽ ἡ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διάθεσις μηδὲν ὑποπτεύειν πονηρόν, ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ὡς πρὸς ἐπίδειξιν. γενόμενος δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ σκοτεινὴν πάροδον, ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὑπὸ τῶν σωματοφυλάκωνbodyguard ἀναιρεῖται, βέβαιον ἀποδείξας ὅτι πᾶσαν εὔνοιαν καὶ φύσιν κόπτει διαβολὴ καὶ οὐδὲν οὕτως τῶν ἀγαθῶν παθῶν ἰσχυρόν, ὃ τῷ φθόνῳ μέχρι παντὸς ἀντέχει.
⁷⁷ As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark passage which was called Strato’s Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all goodwill and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually.	⁷⁷ When Antigonus heard this, and suspecting no harm on account of his brother's goodwill, he came along in his armour to show it off. As he was going through the dark passage called Strato's Tower he was killed by the bodyguards, in a memorable instance of how all good will and affection can be destroyed by calumny and how even our good disposition cannot hold out forever against envy.
⁷⁷ Antigonus, hearing this, and his brother’s disposition urging him to suspect nothing evil, proceeded with his arms as for a demonstration. But when he came to the dark passageway—it was called Strato’s Tower—he was killed by the bodyguards, proving for certain that slander cuts off all good will and nature, and that nothing among the virtuous passions is so strong that it can forever resist envy.

⁷⁸ Θαυμάσαι δ᾽ ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ἸούδανJudas, ἘσσαῖοςEssene ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ᾽ οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων,
⁷⁸ And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars),	⁷⁸ A surprise in this case was the conduct of Judah who belonged to the sect of the Essenes and had never before proven wrong or false in his predictions. This man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple and called out loud, for many of his disciples were sitting around him,
⁷⁸ One might also be astonished at Judas in this matter, who was an Essene^[1] by lineage and never failed or was proven false in his predictions. When he saw Antigonus passing through the Temple even at that moment, he cried out to his acquaintances, who were not few in number and were attending him as disciples,

^[1]The Essenes were a religious sect of Second Temple Judaism known for their asceticism and, as Josephus emphasizes here, their accurate prophecies.

⁷⁹ « παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται· ζῇ γὰρ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργος εἵμαρτο· καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες·»
⁷⁹ “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.”	⁷⁹ "Oh that I might die now, since truth has died before me. What I foretold has proved false, since this Antigonus is still alive, a man who was due to die this day, and the place predicted for the murder was Strato's Tower, six hundred furlongs away from here. But already four hours of this day have passed, so time rules out the prediction."
⁷⁹ “Alas! Now it would be good for me to die,” he said, “since the truth has died before me, and one of my predictions has proven false! For here is Antigonus alive today, when he was fated to be killed. The place determined for his slaughter was Strato’s Tower, and this place is more than six hundred stadia (111 km) distant from here, and the day is already four hours old.^[1]”

^[1]About 10:00 AM.

⁸⁰ ὁ δὴ χρόνος ἐκκρούει τὸ μάντευμα.» ταῦτα εἰπὼν σκυθρωπὸς ἐπὶ συννοίας ὁ γέρων διεκαρτέρει, καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀνῃρημένος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἠγγέλλετο κατὰ τὸ ὑπόγαιον χωρίον, ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸ ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος ὁμωνυμοῦν τῇ παραλίῳ ΚαισαρείᾳCaesarea. τοῦτο γοῦν τὸν μάντιν διετάραξεν.
⁸⁰ And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder.	⁸⁰ Saying this, the old man paused, in a gloomy frame of mind. But shortly afterward came the news that Antigonus had been killed in an underground place, also called Strato's Tower, like Caesarea-on-sea, and the prophet's confusion arose from this ambiguity.
⁸⁰ Having said this, the old man remained gloomy and deep in thought. But a little later, it was announced that Antigonus had been killed in the subterranean place, which itself was also called Strato's Tower, having the same name as coastal Caesarea. This, then, greatly disturbed the prophet.

⁸¹ ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous γε μὴν εὐθὺς ἡ περὶ τοῦ μύσους μεταμέλεια νόσον ἐνσκήπτει καὶ πρὸς ἔννοιαν τοῦ φόνου τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἔχων ἀεὶ τεταραγμένην συνετήκετο, μέχρι τῶν σπλάγχνων ὑπ᾽ ἀκράτου τῆς λύπης σπαραττομένων ἄθρουν αἷμα ἀναβάλλει.
⁸¹ Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood.	⁸¹ The illness of Aristobulus quickly became worse out of remorse at this terrible crime. His mind was constantly agitated by the murder, until his innards churned with grief and he threw up a lot of blood.
⁸¹ However, repentance for the terrible deed immediately brought sickness upon Aristobulus, and having a soul always disturbed by the thought of the murder, he was wasting away, until, with his entrails convulsed by his overwhelming grief, he vomited a mass of blood.

⁸² τοῦτό τις τῶν ἐν τῇ θεραπείᾳ παίδων ἐκφέρων δαιμονίῳ προνοίαι σφάλλεται καθ᾽ ὃν τόπον ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἔσφακτο καὶ φαινομένοις ἔτι τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ φόνου σπίλοις τὸ αἷμα τοῦ κτείναντος ἐπέχεεν. ἤρθη δ᾽ εὐθὺς οἰμωγὴ τῶν θεασαμένων ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκεῖ ἐπικατασπείσαντος τὸ αἷμα.
⁸² And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place;	⁸² While one of his attendants was carrying it away, some demonic force made him slip and fall at the very place where Antigonus had been killed, so that he spilt some of the killer's blood upon what remained of the lad's blood. A sudden cry of grief came from those who saw it, as though the servant had spilled the blood there on purpose.
⁸² One of the servants attending to his needs, while carrying out this (the blood), stumbled by an act of supernatural providence over the very spot where Antigonus had been slain. And upon the still visible stains of the murder, he poured the blood of the killer. Immediately, a cry arose from the spectators, as if the servant had deliberately spilt the blood there.

⁸³ τῆς δὲ βοῆς ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐπυνθάνετο καὶ μηδενὸς τολμῶντος εἰπεῖν μᾶλλον ἐνέκειτο μαθεῖν ἐθέλων· τέλος δὲ ἀπειλοῦντι καὶ βιαζομένῳ τἀληθὲς εἶπον. ὁ δὲ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐμπίπλησι δακρύων καὶ στενάξας ὅσον ἦν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἶπεν·
⁸³ and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said,	⁸³ Hearing the cry, the king asked about the cause of it, and when no one dared tell him he insisted all the more to know what it was. When by threats he finally forced them to speak, they told him and he burst into tears. With his remaining strength he groaned and said,
⁸³ But the king, hearing the outcry, inquired about the cause, and when no one dared to tell him, he pressed on all the more, eager to learn. Finally, when he resorted to threats and compulsion, they told him the truth. He then filled his eyes with tears and, groaning as loudly as he could, he said:

⁸⁴ « οὐκ ἄρα θεοῦ μέγαν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις ἀθεμίτοις λήσειν ἔμελλον, ἀλλά με ταχεῖα μέτεισι δίκη φόνου συγγενοῦς. μέχρι τοῦ μοι, σῶμα ἀναιδέστατον, τὴν‎ ἀδελφῷ καὶ μητρὶ κατάκριτον ψυχὴν καθέξεις; μέχρι τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπισπείσω κατὰ μέρος τοὐμὸν αἷμα; λαβέτωσαν ἀθρόον τοῦτο, καὶ μηκέτι ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν σπλάγχνων χοαῖς ἐπειρωνευέσθω τὸ δαιμόνιον.» ταῦτα εἰπὼν εὐθέως τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας οὐ πλεῖον ἐνιαυτοῦ.
⁸⁴ “So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them.” As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year.	⁸⁴ "My crimes are not going to escape the all-seeing eye of God, for justice hotly pursues me for my relative's blood. Wretched body, how long will you cling to a soul condemned for wronging a mother and a brother! How long must I pour out my blood to them drop by drop? Let them take it all at once, with the demon no longer mocking them with just a few droplets from my bowels." With these words, he died, having reigned for less than a year.
⁸⁴ “Then I was not to escape the great eye of God over lawless deeds, but swift justice for a kinsmen’s murder pursues me. How long, O most shameless body, will you hold captive the soul condemned for my brother and mother? How long shall I shed my blood upon them in small portions? Let them take this all at once, and let the divine power no longer be tempted by the offerings from my innermost parts.” Having said these things, he immediately died, having reigned no more than a year.

Chapter 4
The twenty-seven year reign of Alexander Janneus

☜ ☞

⁸⁵ λύσασα δ᾽ ἡ γυνὴ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέα καθίστησιν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander τὸν καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ μετριότητι προύχειν δοκοῦντα. ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τὸν ἕτερον μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν βασιλειῶντα κτείνει, τὸν δὲ καταλιμπανόμενονto leave, forsake ἀγαπῶντα τὸ ζῆν δίχα πραγμάτων εἶχεν.
⁸⁵ And now the king’s wife loosed the king’s brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.	⁸⁵ The king's wife released his brothers and made Alexander king, who was both elder in age and of the most balanced temperament. When he came to power, he killed one of his brothers who aspired to become ruler, but he respected the rest of them, as they wanted a life of leisure, not meddling with public matters.
⁸⁵ His wife, however, released his brothers and set up Alexander as king, the one who seemed to surpass the others both in age and in moderation. When he came into power, he killed one of his brothers who was claiming the kingship, but the one who remained, loving a life free from trouble, he kept alive.

⁸⁶ Γίνεται δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ΛάθουρονLathyrus ἐπικληθέντα ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy συμβολὴ πόλιν ἈσωχὶνAsochis ᾑρηκότα, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν τῶν πολεμίων, ἡ δὲ νίκη πρὸς ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy ἔρρεψεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra διωχθεὶς εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀνεχώρησεν, ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ΓαδάρωνGadaraf τε πολιορκίαι κρατεῖ καὶ ἈμαθοῦντοςAmathus, ὃ δὴ μέγιστον μὲν ἦν ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ ἸορδάνηνJordan, τὰ τιμιώτατα δὲ τῶν ΘεοδώρουTheodorus τοῦ ΖήνωνοςZeno κτημάτων ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ.
⁸⁶ Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno.	⁸⁶ He went to battle against Ptolemy, surnamed Lathyrus, who had taken the city of Asochis, and though he killed many of the enemy, victory went to Ptolemy. But when he was persecuted by his mother Cleopatra^[1] and retreated to Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara and took it, and Amathus, the strongest of all the fortresses near the Jordan, where the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, son of Zeno, were stored.
⁸⁶ He also fought a battle with Ptolemy, who was surnamed Lathyrus, after the latter had captured the city of Asochis. He (Alexander) killed many of the enemy, but the victory inclined toward Ptolemy. But when Ptolemy was driven out by his mother, Cleopatra, and returned to Egypt, Alexander prevailed by sieges over both Gadara and Amathus. The latter was the strongest fortress among those beyond the Jordan, and it contained the most valuable possessions of Theodore, son of Zenon.

^[1]This is Cleopatra III who was ruling Egypt, born around 160-155 BC and died in 101 BC. She first reigned with her husband, Ptolemy VIII, and her mother, Cleopatra II, from 142-131 BC. Then she had a second reign (with family, later with her sons Ptolemy IX and Ptolemy X) from 127-101 BC.

⁸⁷ ἐπελθὼν δ᾽ ἐξαίφνης ὁ ΘεόδωροςTheodorus τά τε σφέτερα καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσκευὴν αἱρεῖ, τῶν δ᾽ ἸουδαίωνJews εἰς μυρίους κτείνει. γίνεται δ᾽ ἐπάνω τῆς πληγῆς ἈλέξανδροςAlexander καὶ τραπόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ παράλιον αἱρεῖ ΓάζανGaza τε καὶ ῬάφειανRaphia καὶ Ἀννίβαν τὴν‎ αὖθις ὑπὸ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ βασιλέως ἈγριππιάδαAgrippias ἐπικληθεῖσαν.
⁸⁷ Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.	⁸⁷ Theodorus marched against him and took back his property, plus the king's baggage, and killed ten thousand of the Jews. But Alexander recovered from this and turned his force toward the sea-coasts and took Raphia and Gaza, and Anthedon which was later called Agrippias by king Herod.
⁸⁷ But Theodore suddenly attacked and captured both his (Theodore’s) own possessions and the king’s baggage train, and he killed about ten thousand of the Judeans. Alexander recovered from the blow and, turning to the coastal region, captured both Gaza and Raphia, and Anthedon, which was later named Agrippias by King Herod.

⁸⁸ Ἐξανδραποδισαμένῳ δὲ ταύτας ἐπανίσταται τὸ ἸουδαϊκὸνJewish ἐν ἑορτῇ· μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν ταῖς εὐωχίαις αὐτῶν στάσις ἅπτεται. Καὶ δοκεῖ μὴ ἂν κρείττων γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ξενικὸν αὐτῷ παρεβοήθει· ΠισίδαιPisidians καὶ ΚίλικεςCilicians ἦσαν· ΣύρουςSyrians γὰρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μισθοφόρους διὰ τὴν‎ ἔμφυτον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειανhatred.
⁸⁸ But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation.	⁸⁸ When he had enslaved these cities, the Jewish nation rose against him during a festival, for it is at feasts that revolts usually begin, and only escaped their plot without the help of foreigners, the Pisidians and Cilicians, though he never took on Syrian mercenaries, due to their inbred hatred of our nation.
⁸⁸ But after he had enslaved these cities, the Judean populace rose up against him during a feast. For it is especially at their banquets that sedition flares up among them. And it seems he would not have been able to overcome the plot, had not his foreign mercenaries come to his aid. They were Pisidians and Cilicians.^[1] For he would not accept Syrian mercenaries due to their innate hostility toward the nation.

^[1]They were mercenaries from southern Asia Minor.

⁸⁹ κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ἈραβίαςArabia ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν ΓαλααδίταςGaladites καὶ ΜωαβίταςMoabites φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ἈμαθοῦνAmathus. ΘεοδώρουTheodorus δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν.
⁸⁹ And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.	⁸⁹ After killing more than six thousand of the rebels, he invaded Arabia, and when he had taken that country, along with the Galadites and Moabites, he made them pay him tribute and returned to Amathus. Then as Theodorus was stunned at his great success, he found the fortress empty and demolished it.
⁸⁹ After killing over six thousand of the rebels, he next turned to Arabia. Conquering the Galaadites and Moabites there, and imposing tribute upon them, he returned to Amathus. Theodore, having been struck with panic by Alexander’s successes, abandoned the fortress, and Alexander found it deserted and demolished it.

⁹⁰ Ἔπειτα συμβαλὼν ὈβαίδαιObodas τῷ ἈράβωνArabian βασιλεῖ προλοχίσαντι κατὰ τὴν‎ ΓαυλάνηνGolan ἐνέδρας αὐτῷ γενομένης πᾶσαν ἀποβάλλει τὴν‎ στρατιὰν συνωσθεῖσαν κατὰ βαθείας φάραγγος καὶ πλήθει καμήλων συντριβεῖσαν. διαφυγὼν δ᾽ αὐτὸς εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem τῷ μεγέθει τῆς συμφορᾶς πάλαι μισοῦν τὸ ἔθνος ἠρέθισεν εἰς ἐπανάστασινan insurrection, a rising.
⁹⁰ However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under.	⁹⁰ But when he fought Obodas, king of the Arabs, who slyly ambushed him near Golan, he lost his entire army, herded together into a deep valley and crushed under the weight of camels; and when he fled to Jerusalem the people, who already hated him, seeing the scale of his disaster, rebelled against him.
⁹⁰ Afterward, he engaged in battle with Obodas, the king of the Arabs, who had set an ambush in Gaulanitis.^[1] Because of the ambush, he lost his entire army, which was forced into a deep gorge and crushed by a multitude of camels. Escaping himself to Jerusalem, the magnitude of the disaster provoked the nation, which had long hated him, into rebellion.

^[1]Gaulanitis is now known as the Golan Heights.

⁹¹ γίνεται δὲ καὶ τότε κρείττων καὶ μάχαις ἐπαλλήλοις οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less πεντακισμυρίων ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνεῖλεν ἐν ἓξ ἔτεσιν· οὐ μὴν εὐφραίνετό γε ταῖς νίκαις τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν ἀναλίσκων· ὅθεν παυσάμενος τῶν ὅπλων λόγοις ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους.
⁹¹ However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects.	⁹¹ He proved superior, and in their battles he killed no fewer than fifty thousand Jews over a period of six years. Yet these victories gave him no joy, since he was ruining his own kingdom, and at last he gave up fighting and tried to pacify his subjects by persuasion.
⁹¹ But even then he prevailed, and in successive battles, he killed no fewer than fifty thousand Judeans over six years. Yet he took no pleasure in his victories, since he was consuming his own kingdom. Therefore, he ceased hostilities and attempted to reach a settlement with his subjects through negotiations.

⁹² οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν τὴν‎ μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῦ τρόπου τὸ ἀνώμαλον, πυνθανομένῳ τε τὸ αἴτιον, τί ἂν ποιήσας καταστείλειεν αὐτούς, ἀποθανών, ἔλεγον· νεκρῷ γὰρ ἂν διαλλαγῆναι μόλις τῷ τοσαῦτα δράσαντι. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ἌκαιρονEucerus ἐπικληθέντα ΔημήτριονDemetrius ἐπεκαλοῦντο. ῥᾳδίως δὲ ὑπακούσαντος κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα μειζόνων καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἥκοντος συνέμισγον οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews τοῖς συμμάχοις περὶ ΣίκιμαShechem.
⁹² But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.	⁹² But the change and inconsistency of his approach made them hate him even more. When asked why they hated him and what he could do to appease them, they said, "by death!" for even in his death they would scarcely be reconciled to one who had done such dreadful things. Then they called on the help of Demetrius, surnamed Eucerus, who readily accepted, seeing hopes of great gain, and came with his army, and the Jews joined up with their allies about Sikima.
⁹² But they hated his repentance and the inconsistency of his character all the more. When he inquired about the reason, asking what he might do to pacify them, they said: “Die!” For they would barely be reconciled to the dead man who had done such terrible things. At the same time, they called upon Demetrius, surnamed Acaerus.^[1] He readily consented, hoping for greater gains, and upon arriving with an army, the Judeans joined forces with their allies near Shechem.

^[1]Demetrius III Eucaerus: Josephus uses the nickname Ἄκαιρον (Acaerus) here, meaning ‘Ill-Timed,’ likely referring to his eventual bad luck or poor judgment. Demetrius was a Seleucid king.

⁹³ Δέχεται δ᾽ ἑκατέρους ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἱππεῦσι μὲν χιλίοις, μισθοφόροις δὲ πεζοῖς ὀκτακισχιλίοις· παρῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ εὐνοοῦν ἸουδαϊκὸνJewish εἰς μυρίους. τῶν δ᾽ ἐναντίων ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ μύριοι τετρακισχίλιοι. Καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν διακηρύσσοντες οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐπειρῶντο τῶν παρ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἀποστάσεων, ΔημήτριοςDemetrius μὲν τοὺς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander μισθοφόρους, ἈλέξανδροςAlexander δὲ τοὺς ἅμα ΔημητρίῳDemetrius ἸουδαίουςJews μεταπείσειν ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence.
⁹³ Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him.	⁹³ Alexander met both these forces with a thousand cavalry and eight thousand mercenary foot-soldiers. Also with him were ten thousand of the Jews who took his side, while the opposition had three thousand cavalry and fourteen thousand infantry. Before the battle, the officers made proclamations to win over each other's soldiers and get them to revolt. Demetrius hoped to get Alexander's mercenaries to desert while Alexander hoped to get the Jews to leave Demetrius.
⁹³ Alexander received both forces with one thousand cavalry and eight thousand mercenary infantry. The loyal Judean force with him amounted to ten thousand. The opposing army consisted of three thousand cavalry and fourteen thousand infantry. Before engaging in combat, the kings attempted to cause defections among the opposing troops by issuing proclamations; Demetrius sought to persuade Alexander’s mercenaries, while Alexander hoped to win over the Judeans who were with Demetrius.

⁹⁴ ὡς δ᾽ οὔτε ἸουδαῖοιJews θυμῶν οὔτε οἱ ἝλληνεςGreeks ἐπαύσαντο πίστεως, διεκρίνοντο ἤδη τοῖς ὅπλοις συμπεσόντες.
⁹⁴ But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons.	⁹⁴ But the Jews did not give up their rage nor did the Greeks prove unfaithful, so they met in a bitter clash of arms.
⁹⁴ But since neither the Judeans ceased their rage nor the Greeks their loyalty, they were immediately decided by fighting, having fallen upon one another with their arms.

⁹⁵ κρατεῖ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ ΔημήτριοςDemetrius καίτοι πολλὰ τῶν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander μισθοφόρων καὶ ψυχῆς ἔργα καὶ χειρὸς ἐπιδειξαμένων. χωρεῖ δὲ τὸ τέλος τῆς παρατάξεως παρὰ δόξαν ἀμφοτέροις· οὔτε γὰρ ΔημητρίῳDemetrius παρέμειναν νικῶντι οἱ καλέσαντες, καὶ κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander προσεχώρησαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη καταφυγόντι ἸουδαίωνJews ἑξακισχίλιοι. ταύτην τὴν‎ ῥοπὴν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ΔημήτριοςDemetrius, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπολαβὼν ἤδη μὲν ἀξιόμαχον εἶναι πάλιν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander, μεταρρεῖν δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἔθνος εἰς αὐτόν, ἀνεχώρησεν.
⁹⁵ In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.	⁹⁵ If Demetrius won the battle, Alexander's mercenaries performed greater exploits, both in soul and body; but the upshot proved unexpected for both of them. For those who invited Demetrius to come to them did not stay loyal to him even in victory, and six thousand Jews, pitying Alexander's misfortune when he fled to the mountains, went over to him. Demetrius found this unbearable, and thinking that Alexander had become as strong as him again and that all the nation would turn to him, he went away.
⁹⁵ Demetrius prevailed in the battle, despite Alexander’s mercenaries demonstrating many feats of courage and martial skill. However, the outcome of the engagement turned out contrary to the expectations of both sides. For the men who had summoned Demetrius did not remain with him after his victory, and six thousand Judeans, out of pity for Alexander’s change of fortune, defected to him when he fled to the mountains. Demetrius could not endure this reversal, but concluding that Alexander was now again able to fight, and that the whole nation was shifting back to him, he withdrew.

⁹⁶ Οὐ μὴν τό γε λοιπὸν πλῆθος ὑποχωρησάντων τῶν συμμάχων κατέθεντο τὰς διαφοράς, συνεχὴς δὲ πρὸς ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἦν αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος, μέχρι πλείστους ἀποκτείνας τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπήλασεν εἰς ΒεμέσελινBemeselis πόλιν καὶ ταύτην καταστρεψάμενος αἰχμαλώτους ἀνήγαγεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem.
⁹⁶ However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem.	⁹⁶ But the rest of the crowd did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the foreign allies had left, but fought a perpetual war with Alexander until he killed most of them and drove the rest into the city of Bemeselis, and when he had demolished it, brought the captives to Jerusalem.
⁹⁶ However, the remaining populace did not set aside their disputes when their allies withdrew, but the war with Alexander was continuous for them, until, after killing the majority, he drove the remainder into the city of Bemeselis. Having subdued this city, he brought the prisoners back to Jerusalem.

⁹⁷ προύκοψεν δὲ αὐτῷ δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς εἰς ἀσέβειαν τὸ τῆς ὠμότητος· τῶν γὰρ ληφθέντων ὀκτακοσίους ἀνασταυρώσας ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει γυναῖκάς τε καὶ τέκνα αὐτῶν ἀπέσφαξεν ταῖς ὄψεσι· καὶ ταῦτα πίνων καὶ συγκατακείμενος ταῖς παλλακίσινconcubine ἀφεώραto look away from all else.
⁹⁷ Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines.	⁹⁷ Indeed his rage was so excessive and his savagery so godless that after ordering eight hundred men to be crucified within the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes, and witnessed these executions while drinking and cavorting with his concubines.
⁹⁷ But his cruelty, through an excess of rage, advanced to the level of impiety. For he had eight hundred of the captured men crucified in the middle of the city, and then had their wives and children slaughtered before their very eyes. And while drinking and reclining with his concubines, he watched these events.

⁹⁸ τοσαύτη δὲ κατάπληξις ἔσχεν τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε τῶν ἀντιστασιαστῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιοῦσανthe next day νύκτα φυγεῖν ὀκτακισχιλίους ἔξω ἸουδαίαςJudea ὅλης, οἷς ὅροςlimit, appointment τῆς φυγῆς ὁ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander θάνατος κατέστη. τοιούτοις ἔργοις ὀψὲ καὶ μόλις ἡσυχίαν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πορίσας ἀνεπαύσατο τῶν ὅπλων.
⁹⁸ Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.	⁹⁸ At this the people were so shocked that eight thousand of his opponents fled the very next night, from all Judea, and their flight only ended with Alexander's death. Only by such actions, though not until late and with great difficulty, did he finally win peace for his kingdom and set aside war.
⁹⁸ This was such a great terror that seized the populace that, during the following night, eight thousand of the rebels fled out of all Judea. Alexander’s death^[1] became the limit of their exile. After securing peace for his kingdom, slowly and with great difficulty, through such actions, he finally put down his arms.

^[1]Alexander Jannaeus died in 76 BC.

⁹⁹ Γίνεται δὲ πάλιν ἀρχὴ θορύβων ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ καὶ ΔιόνυσοςDionysus ἐπικληθείς, ΔημητρίουDemeter, Demetrius μὲν ἀδελφὸς ὤν, τελευταῖος δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ ΣελεύκουSeleucus· τοῦτον γὰρ δείσας στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ὡρμημένον τὸ μὲν μεταξὺ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἈντιπατρίδοςAntipatris παρωρείου καὶ τῶν ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea αἰγιαλῶν διαταφρεύει φάραγγι βαθείαι, πρὸ δὲ τῆς τάφρου τεῖχος ἤγειρεν ὑψηλὸν καὶ ξυλίνους πύργους ἐτεκτήνατο τὰς εὐμαρεῖς ἐμβολὰςembarkation ἀποφράττων.
⁹⁹ Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidae. Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches.	⁹⁹ Yet Antiochus, surnamed Dionysius, who was the brother of Demetrius and the last of the race of the Seleucids, once again gave rise to disturbances. When he was on a campaign against the Arabs, Alexander was afraid of him so he cut a deep trench from Antipatris, near the mountains, down to the coast at Joppa. In front of the trench he built a high wall and wooden towers, to prevent any sudden attacks.
⁹⁹ Antiochus, surnamed Dionysus, who was the brother of Demetrius and the last of the line of Seleucus, again became the source of disturbances. Fearing that he was preparing to march against the Arabs, Alexander cut a deep trench between the mountain region above Antipatris and the shores of Joppa. Before the trench, he raised a high wall and constructed wooden towers, blocking the easy routes of invasion.

¹⁰⁰ οὐ μὴν εἶρξαί γε τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus ἴσχυσεν· ἐμπρήσας γὰρ τοὺς πύργους καὶ τὴν‎ τάφρον χώσας διήλαυνε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. θέμενος δὲ ἐν δευτέρῳ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν κωλύσαντα ἄμυναν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ᾔει.
¹⁰⁰ But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians,	¹⁰⁰ But still he was unable to keep out Antiochus, who burned the towers and filled up the trenches and marched through with his army. However, as he regarded taking revenge on Alexander for trying to stop him as less important, he pushed right on against the Arabs.
¹⁰⁰ However, he was not able to hold back Antiochus. For Antiochus burned the towers and filled in the trench, and marched through with his army. But, putting his vengeance against the one who obstructed him in second place, he proceeded immediately against the Arabs.

This brief conflict demonstrates the weakening Seleucid power still being strong enough to ignore the Hasmonean king’s best efforts at defense, while Antiochus himself showed a strategic focus on the more pressing threat posed by the growing Nabataean power.

¹⁰¹ τῶν δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὰ χρησιμώτερα τῆς χώρας πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην, ἔπειτα τὴν‎ ἵππον ἐξαίφνης ἐπιστρέψας, μυρία δ᾽ ἦν τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἀτάκτοις ἐπιπίπτει τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus. καρτερᾶς δὲ μάχης γενομένης ἕως μὲν περιῆν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ἀντεῖχεν ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ‎ καίπερ ἀνέδην ὑπὸ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian φονευόμενοι·
¹⁰¹ whose king retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus’s army while they were in disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus’s troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians;	¹⁰¹ Their king retreated into the parts of the country most suited for a battle and then suddenly wheeled around his cavalry, ten thousand strong, and attacked the army of Antiochus while they were in disorder and the fierce battle that followed, as long as Antiochus was alive his troops held out, although the Arabs killed many of them,
¹⁰¹ But the king of the Arabs, retreating into the most advantageous parts of the country for battle, then suddenly turning his cavalry, which numbered ten thousand, fell upon Antiochus’s disorganized forces. A fierce battle ensued, and as long as Antiochus was alive, his army held its ground, despite being recklessly slaughtered by the Arabs.

¹⁰² πεσόντος δέ, καὶ γὰρ προεκινδύνευεν ἀεὶ τοῖς ἡττωμένοις παραβοηθῶν, ἐγκλίνουσιν πάντες, καὶ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον αὐτῶν ἐπί τε τῆς παρατάξεως κἀν τῇ φυγῇ διαφθείρεται, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καταφυγόντας εἰς ΚανὰCana κώμην σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀναλωθῆναι συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας.
¹⁰² but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.	¹⁰² but once he fell, for he was rallying his troops at the front in the point of greatest danger, they all fell back and most of them were killed, either in the action or in the flight, and of the remnant who fled to the village of Cana, all except a few died of starvation.
¹⁰² But when he fell^[1]—for he was always risking himself by coming to the aid of those who were being defeated—all of them gave way, and the majority of them were destroyed both in the engagement and during the flight. The rest, having fled to the village of Cana,^[2] were all consumed by a scarcity of provisions, except for a few.

^[1]Antiochus XII Dionysus died in 87 BC (or 84 BC, depending on the source).
^[2]The village of Cana is likely in the Transjordan region, not the Galilean Cana.

¹⁰³ Ἐκ τούτου ΔαμασκηνοὶDamascus (people) διὰ τὸ πρὸς ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy τὸν ΜενναίουMennaeus μῖσος ἈρέτανAretas ἐπάγονταιto bring on, lead καὶ καθιστῶσιν κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria βασιλέα. στρατεύεται δ᾽ οὗτος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ μάχῃ νικήσας ἈλέξανδρονAlexander κατὰ συνθήκας ἀνεχώρησεν.
¹⁰³ About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement.	¹⁰³ About this time the people of Damascus, because they hated Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, invited Aretas and made him king of Coele-Syria. This man also made war on Judea and defeated Alexander in battle, but later retreated under a treaty.
¹⁰³ Following this, the Damascenes, due to their hatred for Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, brought in Aretas and established him as king of Coele-Syria. This man (Aretas) campaigned against Judea, defeated Alexander in battle, and then withdrew according to a treaty.

¹⁰⁴ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander δὲ ΠέλλανPella ἑλὼν ἐπὶ ΓέρασανGerasa ᾔει πάλιν τῶν ΘεοδώρουTheodorus κτημάτων γλιχόμενος, καὶ τρισὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς περιβόλοις ἀποτειχίσας διὰ μάχης τὸ χωρίον παραλαμβάνει.
¹⁰⁴ But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force.	¹⁰⁴ But Alexander took Pella and marched again on Gerasa, because he coveted the property of Theodorus, and building a triple wall around the garrison, took the place by force.
¹⁰⁴ Alexander, having captured Pella,^[1] then went against Gerasa,^[2] again coveting Theodore’s possessions, and after walling off the defenders with three surrounding fortifications, he took the place by storm.

^[1]Pella: a major Hellenistic city of the Decapolis, located east of the Jordan River.
Gerasa (modern Jerash) was another significant city of the Decapolis, known for its strong fortifications.

¹⁰⁵ καταστρέφεται δὲ καὶ ΓαυλάνηνGolan καὶ ΣελεύκειανSeleucia καὶ τὴν‎ ἈντιόχουAntiochus Φάραγγα καλουμένην, πρὸς οἷς ΓάμαλαGamala φρούριον καρτερὸν ἑλώνto grasp, τὸν ἄρχοντα ΔημήτριονDemetrius ἐν αὐτῷ παραλύσας ἐκ πολλῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐπάνεισιν εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea, τρία πληρώσας ἔτη τῆς στρατείας. ἀσμένως δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐδέχθη διὰ τὴν‎ εὐπραγίαν, καὶ λαμβάνει τὴν‎ ἀνάπαυσιν τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἀρχὴν νόσου.
¹⁰⁵ He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper;	¹⁰⁵ He also demolished Golan and Seleucia and the so-called Gorge of Antiochus, and took the strong fortress of Gamala, robbing the property of its ruler Demetrius, who was accused of many crimes. After an expedition of three years he returned to Judea and was welcomed by the nation for his success; but while resting from the war he fell sick.
¹⁰⁵ He also subdued Gaulanitis and Seleucia and the place called Antiochus’s Ravine. In addition to these, having captured Gamala, a strong fortress, and having deposed its ruler Demetrius for numerous accusations, he returned to Judea, having completed three years of campaigning. He was gladly received by the nation because of his success, but the rest from fighting became the beginning of his illness.

¹⁰⁶ τεταρταίαις δὲ περιόδοις πυρετῶν ἐνοχλούμενος ᾠήθη διακρούσεσθαι τὴν‎ νόσον πάλιν ἁψάμενος πραγμάτων. διὸ δὴ στρατείαις ἀκαίροις ἑαυτὸν ἐπιδιδοὺς καὶ βιαζόμενος παρὰ δύναμιν τὸ σῶμα πρὸς τὰς ἐνεργείας ἀπήλλαξεν. τελευτᾷ γοῦν ἐν μέσοις τοῖς θορύβοις στρεφόμενος βασιλεύσας ἑπτὰ πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν ἔτη.
¹⁰⁶ for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years.	¹⁰⁶ He suffered from a recurring ailment and thought he could get rid of it by more exercise in warlike activities; but by such expeditions at unsuitable times and subjecting his body to more hardship than it could bear, they put an end to him and he died after reigning for twenty-seven years.
¹⁰⁶ Afflicted by fevers with quartan periods,^[1] he thought he could ward off the sickness by once again taking up activities. Therefore, by throwing himself into untimely campaigns and forcing his body to exert itself beyond its capacity, he brought about his end. He died, at any rate, in the midst of disturbances, having reigned for twenty-seven years.^[2]

^[1]Quartan fever is a cyclical fever, most commonly associated with a severe strain of malaria, where fever attacks occur every fourth day (or every 72 hours).
^[2]Alexander Jannaeus reigned from 103 to 76 BC.

Chapter 5
The Pharisees' dominance,
during the nine-year reign of Alexandra

☜ ☞

¹⁰⁷ Καταλείπει δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν Ἀλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ πεπεισμένος ταύτῃ μάλιστ᾽ ἂν ὑπακοῦσαι τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews, ἐπειδὴ τῆς ὠμότητος αὐτοῦ‎ μακρὰν ἀποδέουσα καὶ ταῖς παρανομίαις ἀνθισταμένη τὸν δῆμον εἰς εὔνοιαν προσηγάγετο.
¹⁰⁷ Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the goodwill of the people.	¹⁰⁷ Alexander left the kingdom to his wife Alexandra and expected the Jews to submit readily to her, as she had been against the savagery with which he treated them and had opposed his violating their laws, and thereby gained the people's goodwill.
¹⁰⁷ And he [Alexander] left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, being persuaded that the Jews would obey her most of all, since she, falling far short of his cruelty and opposing his lawlessness, had gained the goodwill of the people.

¹⁰⁸ καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος· ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας· ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο.
¹⁰⁸ Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws.	¹⁰⁸ He was not mistaken in this, for she ruled due to the people's esteem for her piety, and she seriously studied the ancient customs of her country and expelled from office those who broke their holy laws.
¹⁰⁸ And he did not fail in his hope; for the woman took possession of the rule because of her reputation for piety, since she especially observed the ancestral traditions of the Law and, from the outset, appointed officials to deal with those who transgressed the sacred laws.

¹⁰⁹ δύο δ᾽ αὐτῇ παίδων ὄντων ἐξ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus διά τε τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἄλλως ὄντα νωθέστερον ἢ ὥστε ἐνοχλεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus διὰ θερμότητα κατεῖχεν ἰδιώτην.
¹⁰⁹ And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper.	¹⁰⁹ Of her two sons by Alexander, she appointed the elder, Hyrcanus, as high priest, because of his age and his inactive temper, which in no way disposed him to disturb the public, but she kept the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private citizen, because of his rashness.
¹⁰⁹ And since she had two sons by Alexander, she appointed the older one, Hyrcanus, as high priest, both because of his age and because he was otherwise too slow-witted to cause trouble about the whole situation, while the younger one, Aristobulus,^[1] she kept as a private citizen due to his hotheadedness.

^[1]These two sons are known as Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II.

¹¹⁰ Παραφύονται δὲ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ΦαρισαῖοιPharisees, σύνταγμά τι ἸουδαίωνJews δοκοῦν εὐσεβέστερον εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβέστερον ἀφηγεῖσθαι.
¹¹⁰ And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately.	¹¹⁰ Alongside her, to help her in ruling, she had the Pharisees, a sect of the Jews visibly more religious than others and devoted to the exposition of the laws.
¹¹⁰ And the Pharisees grew up alongside her into the position of power, being a certain sect of the Jews who were thought to be more pious than the others and to interpret the laws more strictly.

¹¹¹ τούτοις περισσὸν δή τι προσεῖχεν ἡ ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra σεσοβημένη περὶ τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δὲ τὴν‎ ἁπλότητα τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπιόντες ἤδη καὶ διοικηταὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐγίνοντο διώκειν τε καὶ κατάγειν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν, λύειν τε καὶ δεσμεῖν. καθόλου δὲ αἱ μὲν ἀπολαύσεις τῶν βασιλείων ἐκείνων ἦσαν, τὰ δ᾽ ἀναλώματαexpense, cost καὶ αἱ δυσχέρειαι τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra.
¹¹¹ Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra.	¹¹¹ Alexandra, who was very devoted to the Deity, paid great deference to them. They took advantage of her naivety and gradually became the real rulers of the state, banishing and recalling and loosing and binding as they pleased. Briefly, they enjoyed royal authority, while its cost and burdens fell to Alexandra.
¹¹¹ Now Alexandra paid extraordinary attention to these men, being in awe of the divine. And they, gradually taking advantage of the woman’s simplicity, were already becoming the administrators of the whole state, with the power to pursue and bring back whomever they wished, and to loose and to bind. Generally speaking, the pleasures of the kingdom were theirs, while the expenses and the difficulties belonged to Alexandra.

¹¹² δεινὴ δ᾽ ἦν τὰ μείζω διοικεῖν, δύναμίν τε ἀεὶ συγκροτοῦσα διπλασίονα κατέστησεν καὶ ξενικὴν συνήγαγεν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ὡς μὴ μόνον κρατύνεσθαι τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος, φοβερὰν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν εἶναι δυνάσταις. ἐκράτει δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτή, ΦαρισαῖοιPharisees δ᾽ αὐτῆς.
¹¹² She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.	¹¹² In larger matters she was a good ruler, and by enlisting soldiers increased the army by half and gathered a significant foreign regiment to strengthen the nation, so that she was feared by foreign princes. But while she ruled others, the Pharisees ruled her.
¹¹² And she was capable of administering the greater affairs, and she consistently assembled an army and established it as twice as large, and she gathered no small number of foreign troops, with the result that the nation was not only strengthened internally, but was also formidable to the external rulers. However, she herself was in control of the other affairs, but the Pharisees were in control of her.

¹¹³ ΔιογένηνDiogenes γοῦν τινα τῶν ἐπισήμωνsplendid φίλον ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander γεγενημένον κτείνουσιν αὐτοὶ σύμβουλον ἐγκαλοῦντες γεγονέναι περὶ τῶν ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀκτακοσίων. ἐνῆγον δὲ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra εἰς τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν παροξυνάντων ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander· ἐνδιδούσης δ᾽ ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἀνῄρουν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν αὐτοί.
¹¹³ Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves.	¹¹³ They caused the death of Diogenes, a distinguished man who had been a friend to Alexander, alleging that he had advised the king to crucify the eight hundred men. They also persuaded Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had angered him against them, and she was so devout as to follow their desires and so they killed whoever they pleased.
¹¹³ At least they executed Diogenes, a notable man who had been a friend of Alexander, bringing the charge against him that he had been a counsellor concerning the eight hundred men crucified by the king. They also urged Alexandra to deal with the others who had incited Alexander against those men. Due to her superstition, she yielded [to their requests]. So they themselves executed whomever they wished.

¹¹⁴ προσφεύγουσι δὲ ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῶν κινδυνευόντων οἱ προύχειν δοκοῦντες, κἀκεῖνος πείθει τὴν‎ μητέρα φείσασθαι μὲν διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἐκπέμψαι δ᾽ αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καθαροὺς ὑπείληφεν, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. οἱ μὲν οὖν δοθείσης ἀδείας ἐσκεδάσθησαν ἀνὰ τὴν‎ χώραν.
¹¹⁴ But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country.	¹¹⁴ But the most distinguished of the people in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare them due to their dignity, but to expel them from the city, unless she saw them as innocent, so they were left alive and scattered all over the country.
¹¹⁴ And the men who seemed to be most prominent among those in danger fled to Aristobulus, and he persuaded his mother to spare them due to the dignity of the men; but, if she did not believe they were innocent, to send them out of the city. Therefore, when they were granted immunity, they were scattered throughout the country.

¹¹⁵ ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ ἐκπέμψασα ἐπὶ ΔαμασκὸνDamascus στρατιάν, πρόφασις δ᾽ ἦν ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἀεὶ θλίβων τὴν‎ πόλιν, ταύτην μὲν ὑπεδέξατο μηθὲν ἀξιόλογον ἐργασαμένην.
¹¹⁵ But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance.	¹¹⁵ Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under the pretext that Ptolemy was always a danger to that city, and took it without much of a fight.
¹¹⁵ But Alexandra, having dispatched an army against Damascus (under the pretext that Ptolemy^[1] was continually harassing the city), took it back without having accomplished anything of note.

^[1]This was probably Ptolemy the son of Mennaeus, the ruler of Chalcis (or Ituraea) to the north of Judea, who was known for raiding and exerting pressure on nearby cities like Damascus.

¹¹⁶ ΤιγράνηνTigranes δὲ τὸν ἈρμενίωνArmenia βασιλέα προσκαθεζόμενον ΠτολεμαΐδιPtolemais καὶ πολιορκοῦντα ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra συνθήκαις καὶ δώροις ὑπηγάγετο. φθάνει δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἀπαναστὰς διὰ τὰς οἴκοι ταραχὰς ἐμβεβληκότος εἰς τὴν‎ ἈρμενίανArmenia ΛευκόλλουLucullus.
¹¹⁶ She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia.	¹¹⁶ By agreements and gifts, she also got Tigranes, king of Armenia, who with his troops was camped around Ptolemais besieging Cleopatra, to leave. Soon he abandoned the siege, because of the domestic riots following Lucullus’ invasion of Armenia.
¹¹⁶ And she won over Tigranes, the King of the Armenians, who was encamped near Ptolemais and besieging Cleopatra,^[1] by means of treaties and gifts. However, he happened to depart because of the troubles in his own country, since Lucullus^[2] had invaded Armenia.

^[1]Possibly, Cleopatra Selene
^[2]Lucullus was a famous Roman general who led his forces in the East against Mithridates and Tigranes.

¹¹⁷ Κἀν τούτῳ νοσούσης ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ὁ νεώτερος τῶν παίδων ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus τὸν καιρὸν ἁρπάσας μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν, εἶχεν δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ πάντας εὔνους διὰ τὴν‎ θερμότητα, κρατεῖ μὲν τῶν ἐρυμάτων ἁπάντων, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐκ τούτων χρήμασιν μισθοφόρους ἀθροίσας ἑαυτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα.
¹¹⁷ In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king;	¹¹⁷ Alexandra then fell sick and Aristobulus, her younger son, took his chance, along which his many accomplices who were fervently devoted to him and seized all the fortresses. He also used the money he found in them to gather a number of mercenaries and made himself king.
¹¹⁷ And in the midst of this, as Alexandra was falling ill, Aristobulus, the younger of the sons, seizing the opportunity with his household staff (and he had many, and all were loyal due to his spirited nature), gained control of all the fortresses. And having gathered mercenaries with the funds from these, he proclaimed himself king.

¹¹⁸ πρὸς ταῦτα ὀδυρόμενον τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἡ μήτηρ οἰκτείρασα τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus καθείργνυσιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia· φρούριον δ᾽ ἦν τῷ βορείῳ κλίματι τοῦ ἱεροῦ προσκείμενον, πάλαι μέν, ὡς ἔφην, βᾶρις ὀνομαζόμενον, αὖθις δὲ ταύτης τυχὸν τῆς προσηγορίας ἐπικρατήσαντος ἈντωνίουAntōny, καθάπερ ἀπό τε τοῦ ΣεβαστοῦAugustus καὶ ἈγρίππαAgrippa ΣεβαστὴSebaste καὶ ἈγριππιὰςAgrippias πόλεις ἐπωνομάσθησαν.
¹¹⁸ and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was lord [of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa.	¹¹⁸ When Hyrcanus complained to his mother, she supported his case and shut up Aristobulus' wife and sons in the Antonia, a fortress adjoining the north side of the temple. It was formerly called the Baris, as I said, but later got the name of Antonia, under Antony, just as the cities of Sebaste and Agrippias were called after Augustus and Agrippa.
¹¹⁸ In response to this, his mother, pitying Hyrcanus who was lamenting, confined Aristobulus’s wife and children in the Antonia Fortress. This was a fortress adjoining the northern side of the Temple, formerly called the Baris, as I said, but which later received this name (Antonia) when Antony came to power, just as cities were named Sebaste and Agrippias after Augustus and Agrippa.

¹¹⁹ πρὶν δὲ ἐπεξελθεῖν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus τῆς τἀδελφοῦ καταλύσεως τελευτᾷ διοικήσασα τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἔτεσιν ἐννέα.
¹¹⁹ But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years.	¹¹⁹ Alexandra died after reigning for nine years, before she could punish Aristobulus for pushing his brother aside.
¹¹⁹ But before Alexandra could take action against Aristobulus for the overthrow of his brother, she died, having governed the state for nine years.

Chapter 6
Monarchy of Aristobulus, then Hyrcanus.
Pompey comes to Judea as Arbitrator

☜ ☞

¹²⁰ Καὶ κληρονόμος μὲν ἦν τῶν ὅλων ὙρκανόςHyrcanus, ᾧ καὶ ζῶσα τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐνεχείρισεν, δυνάμει δὲ καὶ φρονήματι προεῖχεν ὁ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus. γενομένης δὲ αὐτοῖς περὶ τῶν ὅλων συμβολῆς περὶ ἹεριχοῦνταJericho καταλιπόντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus μεταβαίνουσιν πρὸς τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus.
¹²⁰ Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus;	¹²⁰ Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom as his mother had entrusted it to him before she died, but Aristobulus surpassed him in power and intelligence, and when there was a conflict between them near Jericho, to decide the dispute about the kingship, the majority deserted Hyrcanus and went over to Aristobulus.
¹²⁰ And while Hyrcanus was the heir of the whole state, to whom she had also entrusted the kingdom while she was still alive, Aristobulus surpassed him in military power and resolve. When a clash concerning the whole state took place between them near Jericho, the majority abandoned Hyrcanus and went over to Aristobulus.

¹²¹ ὁ δὲ μετὰ τῶν συμμεινάντων φθάνει συμφυγὼν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia καὶ κυριεύσας τῶν πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὁμήρων· ταῦτα δ᾽ ἦν ἡ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus γυνὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων. ἀμέλει πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους διελύθησαν, ὥστε βασιλεύειν μὲν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus δὲ ἐκστάντα τῆς ἄλλης ἀπολαύειν τιμῆς ὥσπερ ἀδελφὸν βασιλέως.
¹²¹ but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother.	¹²¹ Hyrcanus and those of his party who stayed with him fled to the Antonia and to ensure his safety seized as hostages Aristobulus' wife and children. Before it got too extreme, however, they agreed that Aristobulus would rule and Hyrcanus to resign, enjoying all his other dignities as the king's brother.
¹²¹ But Hyrcanus, along with those who remained with him, managed to flee to the Antonia Fortress and gained control of the hostages critical for his safety—these being Aristobulus’s wife and children. As a result, they separated before any irreparable harm occurred, resulting in Aristobulus becoming king, while Hyrcanus, having resigned his other authority, was to enjoy the honours due to the King’s brother.

¹²² ἐπὶ τούτοις διαλλαγέντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ περιεστῶτος φιλοφρόνως ἀλλήλους ἀσπασάμενοι διήμειψαν τὰς οἰκίας· ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus οἰκίαν.
¹²² Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus.	¹²² With this they were reconciled in the temple and warmly embraced each other, surrounded by the people. They also exchanged houses, with Aristobulus going to the royal palace and Hyrcanus retiring to the house of Aristobulus.
¹²² Following this, they were reconciled in the Temple. While the people stood around, they embraced one another kindly and exchanged residences. Aristobulus moved into the royal palace, and Hyrcanus withdrew to Aristobulus’s house.

¹²³ Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ᾽ ἦν ἸδουμαῖοςIdumaean προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους.
¹²³ Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging:	¹²³ Those opposed to Aristobulus were afraid when he unexpectedly came to power, and especially Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumaean and a leading figure in that nation, due to his ancestors and riches and other resources.
¹²³ Unexpectedly, fear fell upon others who were Aristobulus’s opponents, and especially upon Antipater, who had long been hated by him. He was by lineage an Idumaean, and he was the foremost man of his nation on account of his ancestors, his wealth, and his general power.

¹²⁴ οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἈρέταιAretas προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ἈρέτανAretas δέξασθαί τε τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐπαινῶν τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus [παρῄνει δέξασθαι], καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ· ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς.
¹²⁴ he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth.	¹²⁴ He persuaded Hyrcanus to flee to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to reclaim his kingship, and persuaded Aretas to welcome Hyrcanus and to restore him as king. He accused Aristobulus of gross immorality and praised Hyrcanus, urging Aretas to receive him and saying how fine it would be for him, who ruled so splendid a kingdom, to lend a hand to one who was wronged, claiming that Hyrcanus was wronged by being deprived of the leadership which was his by right of age.
¹²⁴ This man (Antipater) simultaneously was persuading Hyrcanus to flee to Aretas, the King of Arabia, and recover the kingship, and was also persuading Aretas to receive Hyrcanus and restore him to power, repeatedly slandering Aristobulus’s character and frequently praising Hyrcanus; [and he urged Aretas to receive him] and stated that it was fitting for one who presided over so splendid a kingdom to lend a hand to the wronged man; and that Hyrcanus was being wronged, having been deprived of the rule that was due to him by right of primogeniture.^[1]

^[1]Primogeniture: Since Hyrcanus was the first born, he should have the right to be king.

¹²⁵ προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν‎ καλουμένην ΠέτρανPetra διασώζεται· βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia ἐστίν.
¹²⁵ And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia,	¹²⁵ Having convinced them both, he took Hyrcanus by night and fled from the city, and in a swift flight, reached the place called Petra, the royal seat of Arabia.
¹²⁵ Having prepared both men beforehand, he (Antipater) took Hyrcanus away from the city by night and fled, and by means of a rapid flight, he successfully arrived at the place called Petra, which is the royal city of Arabia.

¹²⁶ ἔνθα τῷ ἈρέταιAretas τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν‎ κατάξουσαν αὐτόν· ἦν δ᾽ αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem συνελαύνεται.
¹²⁶ where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem;	¹²⁶ There he put Hyrcanus into Aretas' hands and after much conversation and winning him over with many gifts, persuaded Aretas to give him an army for his return. This consisted of fifty thousand infantry and cavalry, and Aristobulus could not hold it at bay, for he was deserted at the first attack and driven back to Jerusalem.
¹²⁶ There, having placed Hyrcanus in the hands of Aretas, and having spoken much with him and won him over with many gifts, he (Antipater) persuaded him to give Hyrcanus the force that would restore him to power. This force was fifty thousand foot soldiers and cavalry, against which Aristobulus could not hold out, but was defeated in the first engagement and driven into Jerusalem.

¹²⁷ κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ ΣκαῦροςScaurus ὁ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν· ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἀπὸ ἈρμενίαςArmenia ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius ΜάγνουMagnus πολεμοῦντος πρὸς ΤιγράνηνTigranes, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς ΔαμασκὸνDamascus ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ ΜετέλλουMetellus καὶ ΛολλίουLollius καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire, καθάπερ ἐφ᾽ ἝρμαιονHermeus ἠπείχθη.
¹²⁷ he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.	¹²⁷ He would have been captured early on, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come in the nick of time and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, who was fighting against Tigranes, so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had recently been captured by Metellus and Lollius and drove them out of it, and then, hearing how things stood in Judea, hurried there as though to certain victory.
¹²⁷ And he (Aristobulus) would have been immediately captured by force, had not Scaurus, the Roman General, intervening at that juncture, lifted the siege. He had been sent to Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great while the latter was at war with Tigranes, and having arrived at Damascus, which had been recently captured by Metellus and Lollius, he relieved them of their command; then, when he learned of the situation in Judea, he rushed there as though to a treasure.

¹²⁸ Παρελθόντος γοῦν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν πρέσβεις εὐθέως ἧκον παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑκατέρου δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ. γίνεται δ᾽ ἐπίπροσθεν τοῦ δικαίου τὰ παρὰ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τριακόσια τάλαντα· τοσοῦτον γὰρ λαβὼν ΣκαῦροςScaurus ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρός τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἀπειλῶν ῬωμαίουςRomans καὶ ΠομπήιονPompey, εἰ μὴ λύσειαν τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν.
¹²⁸ As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege.	¹²⁸ When he arrived in that country, envoys came from both the brothers, each looking for his help, but Aristobulus' three hundred talents weighed more with him than the justice of the cause. After accepting the money, Scaurus sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabs threatening them with the wrath of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they raised the siege.
¹²⁸ Therefore, when [Scaurus] arrived in the country, envoys immediately came from the two brothers, each asking him to help his cause. However, the three hundred talents [received] from Aristobulus prevailed against what was right;^[1]; for, having received this amount, Scaurus sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabs, threatening them with the Romans and Pompey, unless they raised the siege.

^[1]i.e., what was just according to primogeniture or even best for the country.

¹²⁹ ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea εἰς ΦιλαδέλφειανPhiladelphia ἈρέταςAretas καταπλαγείς, καὶ πάλιν εἰς ΔαμασκὸνDamascus ΣκαῦροςScaurus.
¹²⁹ So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again;	¹²⁹ Aretas was fearful and retreated from Judea to Philadelphia, and Scaurus returned to Damascus.
¹²⁹ Aretas, being struck with dismay, retreated out of Judea to Philadelphia, and Scaurus went back to Damascus.

¹³⁰ ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous δ᾽ οὐκ ἀπέχρησεν τὸ μὴ ἁλῶναι, πᾶσαν δὲ τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐπισυλλέξας εἵπετο τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ περὶ τὸν καλούμενον ΠαπυρῶναPapyron συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους κτείνει, μεθ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ΦαλλίωναPhallion.
¹³⁰ nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother’s hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater’s brother Phalion.	¹³⁰ Not satisfied with merely escaping, Aristobulus gathered all his forces and pursued his enemies and fought them at a place called Papyron and killed about six thousand of them, including Antipater's brother Phallion.
¹³⁰ But it was not enough for Aristobulus merely to avoid capture; rather, after collecting all his forces, he pursued the enemy, and engaging them near the place called Papyron, he killed more than six thousand [men], among whom was Phallion, the brother of Antipater.

¹³¹ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀφαιρεθέντες μετέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ΠομπήιοςPompeius ἐπιὼν τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria εἰς ΔαμασκὸνDamascus ἧκεν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταφεύγουσιν καὶ δίχα δωρεῶν αἷς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἈρέτανAretas δικαιολογίαις χρώμενοι κατηντιβόλουν μισῆσαι μὲν τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus βίαν, κατάγειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τὸν καὶ τρόπῳ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν προσήκοντα.
¹³¹ When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age.	¹³¹ Disappointed by the Arabs, Hyrcanus and Antipater put their hopes in the opposing side, and since Pompey had crossed Syria and reached Damascus, they fled to him and, without any bribes, made the just plea as they had to Aretas, to quell the violence of Aristobulus and give the kingdom to the one to whom it rightly belonged, for his good character and being the elder.
¹³¹ Hyrcanus and Antipater, having been deprived of the Arabs, transferred their hope to the [Romans as] adversaries [of Aristobulus]; and when Pompey, marching through Syria, arrived in Damascus, they took refuge with him. Using arguments—which they also used with Aretas—rather than gifts, they implored him to hate the violence of Aristobulus and to restore to the kingdom the one who was superior both in character and by age.

¹³² οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὑστέρει πεποιθὼς τῇ ΣκαύρουScaurus δωροδοκίαι παρῆν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς οἷόν τε βασιλικώτατα κεκοσμηκὼς ἑαυτόν. ἀδοξήσας δὲ πρὸς τὰς θεραπείας καὶ μὴ φέρων δουλεύειν ταῖς χρείαις ταπεινότερον τοῦ σχήματοςdeportment ἀπὸ διὸς ἡλίου πόλεως χωρίζεται.
¹³² However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis.	¹³² Aristobulus, relying on his bribes to Scaurus, was not backward in this matter either. He too went there in person, dressed as royally as possible. But soon he felt it beneath him to come as a client, and unable to bear to pursue his goal in such an abject style, he left Diospolis.
¹³² However, Aristobulus was not behind either; confident in the bribery of Scaurus, he also arrived, having adorned himself as royally as possible. But, falling into disrepute concerning the flattery, and being unable to submit to the requirements which were too humble for his rank, he withdrew from the City of the Sun (Heliopolis).

¹³³ Πρὸς ταῦτ᾽ ἀγανακτήσαςto be aroused, indignant ΠομπήιοςPompeius πολλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἱκετευόντωνto approach as a suppliant ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, ἀναλαβὼν τήν τε Ῥωμαϊκὴν δύναμιν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria συμμάχους.
¹³³ At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus.	¹³³ Pompey was furious at this and at the petition of Hyrcanus and his friends marched against Aristobulus not only with his Roman forces, but also with many Syrian allies.
¹³³ Angered by these things, and with many of Hyrcanus’s party imploring him, Pompey set out against Aristobulus, taking with him the Roman force and many allies from Syria.

¹³⁴ ἐπεὶ δὲ παρελαύνων ΠέλλανPella καὶ ΣκυθόπολινScythopolis ἧκεν εἰς ΚορέαςCorea. ὅθεν ἡ ἸουδαίωνJews ἄρχεται χώρα κατὰ τὴν‎ μεσόγειον ἀνιόντων, ἀκούσας συμπεφευγέναι τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion, τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν φρούριον τῶν πάνυ φιλοτίμως ἐξησκημένων ὑπὲρ ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ κείμενον, πέμψας καταβαίνειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν.
¹³⁴ But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down.	¹³⁴ When he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis and came to Corea. From where the district of Judea is entered from the Mediterranean side, he heard that Aristobulus had fled to Alexandreion, a wonderfully fortified stronghold situated on a high mountain, and he sent orders for him to come down.
¹³⁴ When, marching past Pella and Scythopolis, he arrived at Corea (Koreae),^[1] from where the country of the Judeans begins for those going inland, and having heard that Aristobulus had retreated to Alexandrium (Alexandrion)—which is a very elaborately prepared fortress situated upon a high mountain—he sent [messengers] and ordered him to come down.

^[1]Pella and Scythopolis (Beth She'an) were Hellenized cities (part of the Decapolis) on the path from Damascus to Judea. Corea (Koreae) marked the northern boundary of the main Judean territory, establishing Pompey’s position at the border.

¹³⁵ τῷ δ᾽ ἦν μὲν ὁρμὴ καλουμένῳ δεσποτικώτερον διακινδυνεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπακοῦσαι, καθεώρα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὀρρωδοῦν, καὶ παρήινουν οἱ φίλοι σκέπτεσθαι τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἰσχὺν οὖσαν ἀνυπόστατον. οἷς πεισθεὶς κάτεισιν πρὸς ΠομπήιονPompey καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τοῦ δικαίως ἄρχειν ἀπολογηθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα.
¹³⁵ Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress.	¹³⁵ At so despotic a summons, he was inclined to risk battle, rather than obey. However, he saw the crowd afraid and his friends urged him to consider how the Roman power is irresistible, and so persuaded, he came down to Pompey, and after making a long defence of his coming to power, he returned to the fortress.
¹³⁵ When he was summoned in such an authoritative manner, his impulse was certainly to risk battle rather than obey, but he saw that his army was fearful, and his friends advised him to consider the irresistible power of the Romans. Being persuaded by them, he went down to Pompey, and after making a long defense concerning his right to rule, he returned to the fortress.

¹³⁶ πάλιν τε τἀδελφοῦ προκαλουμένου καταβὰς καὶ διαλεχθεὶς περὶ τῶν δικαίων ἄπεισιν μὴ κωλύοντος τοῦ ΠομπηΐουPompey. μέσος δ᾽ ἦν ἐλπίδος καὶ δέους, καὶ κατῄει μὲν ὡς δυσωπήσων ΠομπήιονPompey πάντ᾽ ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ, πάλιν δὲ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἄκραν, ὡς μὴ προκαταλύειν δόξειεν αὑτόν.
¹³⁶ And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low.	¹³⁶ When his brother called him out again, he came down and explained the rights of the matter and left without hindrance from Pompey. He was caught between hope and fear. Coming down, it was to get Pompey to grant him everything, but he returned to the fortress, not to seem to abase himself too much.
¹³⁶ Again, being summoned by his brother, he went down and, after discussing his rights, he left without Pompey preventing him. He was divided between hope and fear, and he went down as if to prevail upon Pompey to entrust everything to him, but then he went back up to the citadel, so that he would not appear to have preemptively demeaned himself.

¹³⁷ ἐπεὶ μέντοι ΠομπήιοςPompeius ἐξίστασθαί τε τῶν φρουρίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ καὶ παράγγελμα τῶν φρουράρχων ἐχόντων μόναις πειθαρχεῖν ταῖς αὐτογράφοις ἐπιστολαῖς, ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἑκάστοις γράφειν ἐκχωρεῖν, ποιεῖ μὲν τὰ προσταχθέντα, ἀγανακτήσαςto be aroused, indignant δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πολεμεῖν πρὸς ΠομπήιονPompey.
¹³⁷ However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.	¹³⁷ However, Pompey required him to surrender his fortresses and to write to each of their commanders to yield them up, as they had been ordered to obey no letters except in his own handwriting. He did as instructed but felt angry about it and retreated to Jerusalem to prepare for battle with Pompey.
¹³⁷ But when Pompey ordered him to evacuate the garrisons, and since the commanders of the garrisons had instructions to obey only his own handwritten letters, [Pompey] compelled him to write to each one to withdraw. He did, indeed, carry out the orders, but being enraged, he withdrew to Jerusalem and prepared to wage war against Pompey.

¹³⁸ Ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐδίδου χρόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖςpreparation, supply, εὐθέως εἵπετο, καὶ προσεπέρρωσεν τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν ὁ ΜιθριδάτουMithridates θάνατος ἀγγελθεὶς αὐτῷ περὶ ἹεριχοῦνταJericho, ἔνθα τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea τὸ πιότατον φοίνικά τε πάμπολυν καὶ βάλσαμον τρέφει. τοῦτο λίθοις ὀξέσιν ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πρέμνα συνάγουσιν κατὰ τὰς τομὰς ἐκδακρῦον.
¹³⁸ But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears.	¹³⁸ He gave him no time to prepare but pursued him immediately, in a hurry because of the death of Mithridates, news of which he got near Jericho. That is the most fruitful part of Judea, which grows many palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones and from the incisions they gather the juice, dropping down like tears.
¹³⁸ But [Pompey], since he did not grant time for [Aristobulus’s] preparations, immediately followed, and his resolve was strengthened by the announcement of the death of Mithridates, which was reported to him near Jericho—a place that nurtures the richest produce of Judea, very abundant palm trees and balsam. They collect this, as it drips out along the incisions, by cutting the stems with sharp stones.

¹³⁹ καὶ Στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἕωθεν ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem. καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἱκέτης ἀπαντᾷ χρημάτων τε ὑποσχέσει καὶ τῷ μετὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπιτρέπειν καὶ ἑαυτὸν χαλεπαίνοντα καταστέλλει τὸν ΠομπήιονPompey.
¹³⁹ So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey.	¹³⁹ So pitching camp one night in that place, he hurried on to Jerusalem. Aristobulus was so fearful of his coming that he came out like a supplicant to meet him and calmed Pompey's anger by promising him money and to surrender both himself and the city to him.
¹³⁹ And having encamped in that place for one evening, at dawn [Pompey] was hastening toward Jerusalem. Aristobulus, struck with dismay by the swift approach, met him as a suppliant, with a promise of money and the offer of entrusting both the city and himself [to Pompey’s will], and thus mollified the angered Pompey.

¹⁴⁰ οὐ μήν τι τῶν ὡμολογημένων ἐγένετο· τὸν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κομιδὴν τῶν χρημάτων ἐκπεμφθέντα ΓαβίνιονGabinius οἱ τὰ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus φρονοῦντες οὐδὲ τῇ πόλει δέχονται.
¹⁴⁰ Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus’s party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised.	¹⁴⁰ But none of this agreement was carried out, for when Gabinius was sent to receive the promised money, Aristobulus' party would not even admit him into the city.
¹⁴⁰ However, nothing of what had been agreed upon came to pass; for when Gabinius^[1] was sent out for the collection of the money, those who were of Aristobulus’s party did not even admit him into the city.^[2]

^[1]Gabinius was a prominent Roman general who later became Governor of Syria.
^[2]It is crucial to note that the text blames “those who favored/supported Aristobulus,” suggesting that even if Aristobulus had truly intended to surrender, his hardline, pro-war partisans in Jerusalem were in control and they refused to allow the surrender to proceed.

Chapter 7
Pompey enters Jerusalem and the Holy of Holies.
His other offences in Judea

☜ ☞

¹⁴¹ Πρὸς ταῦτα ἀγανακτήσαςto be aroused, indignant ΠομπήιοςPompeius ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus μὲν ἐφρούρει, πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐλθὼν περιεσκόπει ὅπως δεῖ προσβαλεῖν, τήν τε ὀχυρότητα τῶν τειχῶν δυσμεταχείριστον ὁρῶν καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸ τούτων Φάραγγα φοβερὰν τό τε ἱερὸν ἐντὸς τῆς φάραγγος ὀχυρώτατα τετειχισμένον, ὥστε τοῦ ἄστεος ἁλισκομένου δευτέραν εἶναι καταφυγὴν τοῦτο τοῖς πολεμίοις.
¹⁴¹ At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.	¹⁴¹ Angry with this treatment, Pompey kept Aristobulus in custody. When he came to the city, he looked around to see how best to attack, noting how the ramparts were so firm that it would be hard to overcome them, and the tremendous ravine before the ramparts. Also the temple on the edge of that ravine was itself surrounded with a very strong wall, so that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge where the enemy could retreat.
¹⁴¹ Angered by these things, Pompey placed Aristobulus under guard; and coming to the city, he surveyed how he ought to attack, observing that the strength of the walls was difficult to manage, the Ravine^[1] before them was formidable, and that the Temple, within the Ravine, was fortified in the strongest manner, so that if the lower city were captured, this would be a second refuge for the enemy.

^[1]Josephus notes the natural defenses. The Ravine or Gorge refers generally to the deep valleys surrounding Jerusalem (like the Kidron and Tyropoeon Valleys) that provided excellent protection against assault.

¹⁴² Διαποροῦντος δ᾽ ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον στάσις τοῖς ἔνδον ἐμπίπτει, τῶν μὲν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus πολεμεῖν ἀξιούντωνto think worthy καὶ ῥύεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ τὰ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus φρονούντων ἀνοίγειν ΠομπηίῳPompey τὰς πύλας· πολλοὺς δὲ τούτους ἐποίει τὸ δέος ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin εὐταξίαν.
¹⁴² Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in.	¹⁴² As he deliberated the matter at length, the people within the city were divided. Aristobulus' party were wanting to fight and set their king free, while the party of Hyrcanus wanted to open the gates to Pompey. The dread people felt increased the numbers of the latter, as they saw the Roman soldiers in such excellent order.
¹⁴² While [Pompey] was perplexed for a long time, a state of friction fell upon those inside [the city]: some of them, who were supporters of Aristobulus, demanded war and the rescue of the king; while others, who were supporters of Hyrcanus, advocated opening the gates to Pompey. Fear made the latter numerous, as they focused on the Romans’ discipline.

¹⁴³ ἡττώμενον δὲ τὸ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus μέρος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρησεν καὶ τὴν‎ συνάπτουσαν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ πόλει γέφυραν ἀποκόψαντες ἀντισχεῖν εἰς ἔσχατον παρεσκευάζοντο. τῶν δὲ ἑτέρων δεχομένων ῬωμαίουςRomans τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ βασίλεια παραδιδόντων ἐπὶ μὲν ταῦτα ΠομπήιοςPompeius ἕνα τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ στρατηγῶν ΠείσωναPiso εἰσπέμπει μετὰ στρατιᾶς·
¹⁴³ So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army,	¹⁴³ As Aristobulus' party were outnumbered they retreated into the temple and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the connecting bridge and prepared to resist to the utmost, but as the others had received the Romans into the city and had handed over the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his major officers, with armed troops into that palace.
¹⁴³ But the defeated faction of Aristobulus withdrew to the Temple, and having cut off the bridge that connected it to the city, they prepared to resist to the last. When the other party, however, received the Romans into the city and surrendered the royal palace, Pompey sent in one of the generals under him, Piso, with an army, to take control of these places.

¹⁴⁴ ὃς διαλαβόντες φρουραῖς τὴν‎ πόλιν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφυγόντων οὐδένα λόγοις ἔπειθεν συμβῆναι, τὰ περὶ εἰς προσβολὰς εὐτρέπιζεν ἔχων τοὺς περὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus εἴς τε τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπηρεσίας προθύμους.
¹⁴⁴ who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance.	¹⁴⁴ When he could not persuade any of those who had fled to the temple to come to a treaty he put sentries around the city, and prepared the circumstances for an assault, with Hyrcanus' party most ready to advise and help him.
¹⁴⁴ [Piso] garrisoned the city. Since he could not persuade any of those who had taken refuge in the Temple to surrender through words, he prepared the surrounding area for assaults. The supporters of Hyrcanus readily assisted him both with strategic suggestions and with manual labor.

¹⁴⁵ αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα τήν τε τάφρον ἔχου καὶ τὴν‎ Φάραγγα πᾶσαν ὕλην συμφορούσης τῆς δυνάμεως. χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἦν τὸ ἀναπληροῦν διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον καὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πάντα τρόπον εἰργόντων ἄνωθεν,
¹⁴⁵ But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station;	¹⁴⁵ He was on the north side, filling in the ditch and the entire valley with the materials the army brought up; and it was hard to fill up the valley's great depth, especially as the Jews, from their superior situation, used all possible means to repel them.
¹⁴⁵ But [Pompey] himself, at the northern side, ordered a trench and the entire ravine to be filled up, with his army hauling in all kinds of material. However, the filling was difficult because of the immense depth and because the Judeans, from above, were hindering the work in every possible way.

¹⁴⁶ κἂν ἀτέλεστος ἔμεινεν τοῖς ῬωμαίοιςRomans ὁ πόνος, εἰ μὴ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἐπιτηρῶν ὁ ΠομπήιοςPompeius, ἐν αἷς παντὸς ἔργου διὰ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν χεῖρας ἀπίσχουσιν ἸουδαῖοιJews, τὸ χῶμα ὕψου τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμβολῆς εἴργων τοὺς στρατιώτας· ὑπὲρ μόνου γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἀμύνονται τοῖς σαββάτοις.
¹⁴⁶ nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days.	¹⁴⁶ The Romans would have failed in their efforts, had not Pompey known of the sabbath, when the religious Jews abstain from work of any kind, and raised his works on those days, while keeping his soldiers from fighting on them, for the Jews only defended themselves on the sabbath.
¹⁴⁶ The effort would have remained unfinished for the Romans, if Pompey had not observed the Sabbaths, on which the Judeans refrain from all work because of their religious belief, and raised the embankment, restraining the soldiers from fighting hand-to-hand; for on the Sabbaths they defended only their own bodies.^[1]

^[1]In other words, on the Sabbath days, Pompey prevented his army from engaging in direct combat, but gained a free day of construction each week while the Judeans refused to stop the work of building the high siege ramps needed to reach the height of the wall.

¹⁴⁷ ἤδη δὲ ἀναπεπληρωμένης τῆς φάραγγος πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐπιστήσαςto set, place upon τῷ χώματι καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὰς ἐκ ΤύρουTyre κομισθείσας μηχανὰς ἐπειρᾶτο τοῦ τείχους· ἀνέστελλον δὲ αἱ πετροβόλοι τοὺς καθύπερθεν κωλύοντας. ἀντεῖχον δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖον οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος πύργοι μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντες.
¹⁴⁷ But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.	¹⁴⁷ When he had filled up the valley, he built high towers upon the bank and brought the machines they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall and tried to batter it down, and the stone-slingers drove off those who stood above them, but on this area the very large and splendid towers put up a tough resistance.
¹⁴⁷ When the ravine had already been filled up, [Pompey] placed tall towers upon the embankment and, having brought up the siege engines that had been transported from Tyre, he attempted to breach the wall. The stone-throwing machines (petroboloi) checked those who were hindering the work from above. However, the towers in that section of the wall resisted for a considerable time, excelling both in size and in beauty.

¹⁴⁸ Ἔνθα δὴ πολλὰ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin κακοπαθούντων ὁ ΠομπήιοςPompeius τά τε ἄλλα τῆς καρτερίας τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἀπεθαύμαζεν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ μηδὲν παραλῦσαι· τῆς θρησκείας ἐν μέσοις τοῖς βέλεσιν ἀνειλημένους· ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰρήνης βαθείας κατεχούσης τὴν‎ πόλιν αἵ τε θυσίαι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν καὶ οἱ ἐναγισμοὶ καὶ πᾶσα θεραπεία κατὰ τἀκριβὲς ἐξετελεῖτο τῷ θεῷ, καὶ οὐδὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν‎ ἅλωσιν περὶ τῷ βωμῷ φονευόμενοι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν νομίμων εἰς τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἀπέστησανto mislead, rebel.
¹⁴⁸ Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law;	¹⁴⁸ While the Romans toiled hard at this, Pompey had to admire not only the Jews' bravery but also how they did not give up their religious services, even when showered with missiles from all sides. For, as if the city were fully at peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications and all aspects of their worship were still duly performed to God. Even when the temple was actually taken and they were being killed near the altar, they did not give up the forms of their daily worship appointed by the law.
¹⁴⁸ At this point, where the Romans were experiencing great hardship, Pompey admired the Judeans, both for their endurance in general, and especially for their strict adherence to their religious duties amidst the very missiles [of war]; for the daily sacrifices, the rites, and all religious service to God were carried out precisely, as if deep peace held the city, and not even during the capture itself, as they were being slain around the altar, did they abandon their daily religious observances.

¹⁴⁹ τρίτῳ γὰρ μηνὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μόλις ἕνα τῶν πύργων καταρρίψαντες εἰσέπιπτον εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος ὑπερβῆναι τολμήσας τὸ τεῖχος ΣύλλαSylla παῖς ἦν ΦαῦστοςFaustus ΚορνήλιοςCornelius καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχαι δύο ΦούριοςFurius καὶ ΦάβιοςFabius. Εἵπετο δὲ ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἴδιον στῖφος, καὶ περισχόντες πανταχοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔκτεινον οὓς μὲν τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντας, οὓς δὲ ἀμυνομένους πρὸς ὀλίγον.
¹⁴⁹ for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.	¹⁴⁹ Only with difficulty, in the third month of the siege, did the Romans destroy one of the towers and enter the temple. The man who first dared to scale the wall was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla, and with him two centurions, Furius and Fabius, each followed by his own cohort, who surrounded and killed the defenders, some as they ran to the sanctuary for refuge and others as they fought briefly in self-defence.
¹⁴⁹ For in the third month of the siege, having barely cast down one of the towers, they burst into the Temple. The first man who dared to cross over the wall was Faustus Cornelius, the son of Sulla, and after him, two centurions, Furius and Fabius. Each was followed by his own company, and encircling the Temple on all sides, they slew some who were fleeing to the Sanctuary, and others who were resisting for a short time.

¹⁵⁰ Ἔνθα πολλοὶ τῶν ἱερέων ξιφήρεις τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπιόντας βλέποντες ἀθορύβως ἐπὶ τῆς θρησκείας ἔμειναν, σπένδοντες δὲ ἀπεσφάττοντο καὶ θυμιῶντες καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον θεραπείας ἐν δευτέρῳ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν τιθέμενοι. πλεῖστοι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ὁμοφύλωνof the same race ἀντιστασιαστῶν ἀνῃροῦντο καὶ κατὰ τῶν κρημνῶν ἔρριπτον ἑαυτοὺς ἄπειροιinexperienced· καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸ τεῖχος δ᾽ ἔνιοι μανιῶντες ἐν ταῖς ἀμηχανίαις ὑπέπρησαν καὶ συγκατεφλέγοντο.
¹⁵⁰ And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them.	¹⁵⁰ Many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies coming at them sword in hand, continued the liturgy and were killed while sacrificing and burning incense, putting the divine service before their own safety. Most were killed by their countrymen of the other faction and many jumped down the cliffsides. Some were in such a mad, hopeless plight that they set fire to places near the wall and were burned up with them.
¹⁵⁰ There, many of the priests, seeing the enemy advancing with drawn swords, remained without alarm at their religious duties; they were slain while pouring libations and burning incense, placing their own safety second to the service of the divine. Most were killed by their own countrymen who were fighting against them (the opposing faction), and countless others threw themselves down the cliffs; and some, in their desperation, becoming frantic, set fire to the structures around the wall and were consumed in the flames along with them.

¹⁵¹ ἸουδαίωνJews μὲν οὖν ἀνῃρέθησαν μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν πάνυ νεκροί, τραυματίᾳ δ᾽ ἐγένοντο πλείους.
¹⁵¹ Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.	¹⁵¹ Twelve thousand of the Jews died but very few of the Romans, though a greater number was wounded.
¹⁵¹ So, there were twelve thousand Judeans slain, while very few Romans were killed, though there were more wounded.

The date of the final capture would be sometime in June or July of 63 BC.

¹⁵² Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων· παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ ΠομπήιοςPompeius εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια.
¹⁵² But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money.	¹⁵² Amid these calamities nothing touched the nation so much as that their holy place, which had always remained unseen was opened up to foreigners, and Pompey and his men went into the sanctuary which only the high priest was allowed to enter, and saw what was within, the candlestick and its lamps and the table and the pouring vessels and the censers, all made entirely of gold, and a large heap of spices, with two thousand talents of sacred money.
¹⁵² Nothing among the calamities of that time so deeply affected the nation as the sight of the Holy Place,^[1] which had previously been unseen, being uncovered by foreigners; for Pompey, with those accompanying him, entered the Sanctuary [Naos], where it was lawful for only the High Priest to enter, and viewed the objects inside: the Lampstand (Menorah) and the lamps, the Table [of Showbread], the libation vessels, and the incense burners—all of them being entirely of gold—and a quantity of spices piled up, and sacred treasure amounting to two thousand talents.

^[1]Josephus is slightly inaccurate here. The Holy of Holies was reserved for the High Priest alone (once a year, on Yom Kippur). The Holy Place (Naos) was reserved for priests serving in shifts. However, the point remains that Pompey violated the core religious law of the Temple.

¹⁵³ οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶρᾳ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ᾽ ἀποδείξας ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίαι παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίαι πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο.
¹⁵³ Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror.	¹⁵³ He did not touch that money, or anything else deposited there, but the day after taking it ordered the officials to purify the temple and to offer the usual sacrifices. He made Hyrcanus high priest for his full support during the siege, and for keeping the rural population from fighting for Aristobulus, which otherwise they were eager to do. This was how he acted the part of a good general and reconciled the people to him more by goodwill than by fear.
¹⁵³ He did not touch any of these objects or any other sacred treasures, but even on the day after the capture, he ordered the Temple attendants to cleanse the Sanctuary and to carry out the sacrifices prescribed by custom. Furthermore, he appointed Hyrcanus as High Priest, both because he had shown himself most zealous in every way during the siege, and because he had kept the populace throughout the country from joining Aristobulus’s war effort. By these actions, which were fitting for a good general, he brought the people over with goodwill rather than with fear.

¹⁵⁴ ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus πενθερός, ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. Καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, ΦαῦστονFaustus δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἐπιτάσσει φόρον.
¹⁵⁴ Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.	¹⁵⁴ Among the captives he took was Aristobulus' father-in-law, who was also his uncle. Those who were the most guilty were punished with beheading. But with glorious gifts, he rewarded Faustus and his men who had fought so bravely. He imposed a tax on the country and on Jerusalem itself.
¹⁵⁴ Among the prisoners was also taken the father-in-law of Aristobulus, who was also his uncle. And those who were most responsible for the war, he punished with the axe; but Faustus and those who had fought bravely with him, he rewarded with magnificent honours. He also imposed a tribute upon the country and upon Jerusalem.

¹⁵⁵ Ἀφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν ΚοίλῃCoele ΣυρίαιSyria πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ ΓάδαραGadara ὑπὸ ἸουδαίωνJews κατεστραμμένην ΓαδαρεῖGadara τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων ΔημητρίῳDemetrius χαριζόμενος.
¹⁵⁵ He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara,	¹⁵⁵ He took back all the cities the nation had taken belonging to Coele-Syria and made them subject to whoever was appointed there as Roman governor, and limited them to their own borders. He also rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished by the Jews, to gratify one of his freedmen, Demetrius, who was from there.
¹⁵⁵ He took away from the nation the cities in Coele-Syria which they had conquered, and subjected them to the Roman general appointed for that region, and enclosed them (the Judeans) within their original borders alone. He also rebuilt Gadara,^[1] which had been destroyed by the Judeans, as a favour to a certain Gadarene, Demetrius, one of his own freedmen.

^[1]Gadara, a prominent Hellenistic city in the Decapolis, had been destroyed or severely damaged during the Hasmonean expansion. Its rebuilding was a deliberate Roman policy to de-Judaize the region and restore Hellenistic city life.

¹⁵⁶ ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσαςall who, as much μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ἽππονHippos ΣκυθόπολίνScythopolis τε καὶ ΠέλλανPella καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria καὶ ἸάμνειανJamneia καὶ ΜάρισανMarissa ἌζωτόνAzotus τε καὶ ἈρέθουσανArethusa, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους ΓάζανGaza ἸόππηνJoppa Δῶρα καὶ τὴν‎ πάλαι μὲν ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν ΚαισάρειανCaesarea.
¹⁵⁶ and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod.	¹⁵⁶ He also set free from their rule throughout the country other cities they had not already demolished: Hippos and Scythopolis, Pella, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arethusa. He did the same for the maritime cities, Gaza and Joppa and Dora and what was previously called Strato's Tower, but was later rebuilt with the most magnificence by king Herod and was renamed Caesarea.
¹⁵⁶ He also liberated from them (the Judeans) the inland cities which they had not managed to raze: Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Samaria, Jamnia, Marisa, Azotus, and Arethusa; and likewise the coastal cities: Gaza, Joppa, Dora, and the city that was formerly called Strato’s Tower, but which was later rebuilt with magnificent structures by King Herod and renamed Caesarea.

¹⁵⁷ ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν‎ ΣυριακὴνSyria ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ τὰ μέχρις ΑἰγύπτουEgypt καὶ ΕὐφράτουEuphrates ΣκαύρῳScaurus διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ ΚιλικίαςCilicia εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἠπείγετο τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.
¹⁵⁷ All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives.	¹⁵⁷ All these he returned to their proper owners and put them under the province of Syria; which along with Judea and the land as far as Egypt and the Euphrates, he entrusted to be ruled by Scaurus, with two legions in support; and then hurried as quickly as he could through Cilicia on his way to Rome, bringing Aristobulus and his children along as prisoners.
¹⁵⁷ All these cities he restored to their genuine citizens^[1] and organized them into the province of Syria. Then, having entrusted this province, as well as Judea and the regions extending up to Egypt and the Euphrates, to Scaurus to govern, along with two of his legions, he himself hastened through Cilicia to Rome, taking Aristobulus and his family as captives.

^[1]“Genuine citizens” refers to the original Hellenistic, non-Jewish inhabitants who had been displaced or forcibly Judaized by the Hasmoneans.

¹⁵⁸ δύο δ᾽ ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ δύο υἱεῖς, ὧν ὁ ἕτερος μὲν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ διαδιδράσκει, σὺν δὲ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς ὁ νεώτερος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐκομίζετο.
¹⁵⁸ They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.	¹⁵⁸ These were two daughters and two sons, of whom one, Alexander, escaped during the journey, but Antigonus the younger son was brought to Rome, along with his sisters.
¹⁵⁸ He had two daughters and two sons; one of them, Alexander, escaped while they were on the road, while the younger, Antigonus, was brought to Rome along with his sisters.

Chapter 8
Aristobulus' son Alexander tries in vain
to set aside Pompey's dispositions in Palestine.
Gabinius and Crassus put down Jewish insurrections

☜ ☞

¹⁵⁹ Κἀν τούτῳ ΣκαῦροςScaurus εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἐμβαλὼν τῆς μὲν ΠέτραςPetra εἴργετο ταῖς δυσχωρίαις, ἐπόρθει δὲ τὰ περὶ πολλὰ κἀν τούτῳ κακοπαθῶν· ἐλίμωττεν γὰρ ἡ στρατιά. Καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐπεβοήθει διὰ ἈντιπάτουAntipater τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πέμπων. ὃν καὶ καθίησι ΣκαῦροςScaurus ὄντα συνήθη πρὸς ἈρέτανAretas, ὅπως ἐπὶ χρήμασιν διαλύσαιτο τὸν πόλεμον. πείθεται δὲ ὁ ἌραψArab τριακόσια δοῦναι τάλαντα, κἀπὶ τούτοις ΣκαῦροςScaurus ἐξῆγεν τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia τὴν‎ δύναμιν.
¹⁵⁹ In the meantime, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia.	¹⁵⁹ Meanwhile Scaurus led an army into Arabia, and though hampered by the terrain near Petra, he ravaged the area around, though even then his army suffered severely from hunger. To help him, Hyrcanus sent him provisions by means of Antipater. Scaurus then sent him to Aretas, whom he knew well, to have him pay money to end the war. The Arab agreed to pay three hundred talents, and so Scaurus withdrew his forces from Arabia.
¹⁵⁹ Meanwhile, Scaurus invaded Arabia; although he was barred from Petra by the difficult terrain, he laid waste to much of the surrounding countryside, suffering greatly in the process, for his army was starving. To remedy this, Hyrcanus provided assistance by sending provisions through Antipater. Scaurus then dispatched Antipater—who was on friendly terms with Aretas—to negotiate an end to the war in exchange for money. The Arabian king agreed to pay three hundred talents, and upon these terms, Scaurus marched his forces out of Arabia.

¹⁶⁰ Ὁ δ᾽ ἀποδρὰς τῶν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus παίδων ΠομπήιονPompey ἈλέξανδροςAlexander χρόνῳ συναγαγὼν χεῖρα συχνὴν βαρὺς ἦν ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea κατέτρεχεν, ἐδόκει τε ἂν καταλῦσαι ταχέως αὐτόν, ὅς γε ἤδη καὶ τὸ καταρριφθὲν ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius τεῖχος ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἀνακτίζειν ἐθάρρει προσελθών, εἰ μὴ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius εἰς ΣυρίανSyria πεμφθεὶς ΣκαύρῳScaurus διάδοχος τά τε ἄλλα γενναῖον ἀπέδειξεν ἑαυτὸν ἐν πολλοῖς καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὥρμησεν.
¹⁶⁰ But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander;	¹⁶⁰ Alexander, the son of Aristobulus who had fled from Pompey, got together a big band of men and pressed hard on Hyrcanus and overran Judea and was likely to defeat him soon, and would have reached Jerusalem and rebuilt its wall that Pompey had thrown down, if Gabinius, who was sent to Syria as successor to Scaurus, had not shown his mettle by attacking Alexander and in various other ways.
¹⁶⁰ Now Alexander, the son of Aristobulus who had escaped from Pompey, gathered a sizeable force over time and became a serious threat to Hyrcanus, overrunning Judea. Indeed, it seemed he would quickly overthrow him; he even had the audacity to begin rebuilding the wall in Jerusalem that Pompey had pulled down. However, Gabinius—who had been sent to Syria as successor to Scaurus and had proven his bravery in many other exploits—marched out to confront Alexander.

¹⁶¹ ὁ δὲ δείσας πρὸς τὴν‎ ἔφοδον δύναμίν τε πλείω συνέλεγεν, ὡς γενέσθαι μυρίους μὲν ὁπλίταςarmed warrior χιλίους δὲ καὶ πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν χωρίων ἐτείχιζε ἈλεξάνδρειόνAlexandrelion τε καὶ ὙρκάνειονHyreaniium καὶ ΜαχαιροῦνταMachaerus πρὸς τοῖς ἈραβίοιςArabia ὄρεσιν.
¹⁶¹ who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Macherus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.	¹⁶¹ The latter, fearing the attack, increased his army to ten thousand armed infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry, and fortified strategic places, Alexandreion and Hyrcanium and Machaerus, near the mountains of Arabia.
¹⁶¹ Fearing his [Gabinius’s] approach, Alexander gathered an even larger force, which came to ten thousand heavy infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry; he also fortified strategic locations, including Alexandreion, Hyrcaneion, and Machaerus, situated near the mountains of Arabia.

¹⁶² ΓαβίνιοςGabinius δὲ μετὰ μέρους τῆς στρατιᾶς ΜᾶρκονMarcus ἈντώνιονAntōny προπέμψας αὐτὸς εἵπετο τὴν‎ ὅλην ἔχων δύναμιν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐπίλεκτοι καὶ τὸ ἄλλο τάγμα τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, ὧν ΜάλιχοςMalichus ἦρχεν καὶ ΠειθόλαοςPitholaus, συμμίξαντες τοῖς περὶ ΜᾶρκονMarcus ἈντώνιονAntōny ἡγεμόσιν ὑπήντων ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander. Καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν ἅμα τῇ φάλαγγι ΓαβίνιοςGabinius.
¹⁶² However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Gabinius with his main army soon afterward;	¹⁶² Gabinius sent Mark Antony ahead of him and followed in person with his whole army, except the elite body of soldiers around Antipater and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus. These joined with Mark Antony's officers to face Alexander, and a little later Gabinius arrived with the heavy infantry.
¹⁶² Gabinius dispatched Mark Antony ahead with a portion of the army, while he himself followed with the main force. Meanwhile, Antipater’s elite troops and the other Jewish division—commanded by Malichus and Peitholaus—joined with Mark Antony’s officers and marched to confront Alexander. Before long, Gabinius himself arrived with the phalanx.

¹⁶³ ἑνουμένην δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἀνεχώρει καὶ πλησίον ἤδη ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem γενόμενος ἀναγκάζεται συμβαλεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ μάχην ἑξακισχιλίους ἀποβαλών, ὧν τρισχίλιοι μὲν ἔπεσον τρισχίλιοι δὲ ἐζωγρήθησαν, φεύγει σὺν τοῖς καταλειφθεῖσιν εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion.
¹⁶³ and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies’ forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of whom fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.	¹⁶³ Unable to oppose the joint force of his enemies, Alexander retreated, but on his approach to Jerusalem he was forced to fight and in the battle lost six thousand men, three thousand killed and three thousand taken alive, and he fled with the rest to Alexandreion.
¹⁶³ Alexander, unable to withstand the combined strength of the enemy forces, began to retreat; however, as he drew near Jerusalem, he was forced into an engagement. In the ensuing battle, he lost six thousand men—three thousand of whom were killed and three thousand taken prisoner. With his remaining troops, he fled to Alexandreion.

¹⁶⁴ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἐλθὼν ἐπειδὴ πολλοὺς εὗρεν ἐστρατοπεδευμένους, ἐπειρᾶτο συγγνώμης ὑποσχέσει περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων πρὸ μάχης αὐτοὺς προσαγαγέσθαι· μηδὲν δὲ μέτριον φρονούντων ἀποκτείνας πολλοὺς τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπέκλεισεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα.
¹⁶⁴ Now, when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there encamped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel.	¹⁶⁴ When Gabinius came to Alexandreion and found so many encamped there, he tried to induce them to come over to him without a fight, with a promise of amnesty for their former offences. But when they would not relent, he killed many of them and blockaded the rest within the fortress.
¹⁶⁴ Upon arriving at Alexandreion, Gabinius found many troops encamped there; he attempted to win them over before the battle by promising them a pardon for their past offences. However, when they showed no sign of moderation, he slaughtered a great number of them and hemmed the rest into the fortress.

¹⁶⁵ κατὰ ταύτην ἀριστεύει τὴν‎ μάχην ὁ ἡγεμὼν ΜᾶρκοςMark ἈντώνιοςAntony, πανταχοῦ μὲν γενναῖος ἀεὶ φανείς, οὐδαμοῦ δ᾽ οὕτως. ΓαβίνιοςGabinius δὲ τοὺς ἐξαιρήσοντας τὸ φρούριον καταλιπὼν αὐτὸς ἐπήιει τὰς μὲν ἀπορθήτους πόλεις καθιστάμενος, τὰς δὲ κατεστραμμέναςto turn down, trample on ἀνακτίζων.
¹⁶⁵ Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed.	¹⁶⁵ Their leader, Mark Antony, a man always noted for courage, distinguished himself more than ever in this battle. Gabinius, leaving forces to take the fortress, went off to pacify the cities that had not been demolished and rebuilt the ones that had been destroyed.
¹⁶⁵ In this battle, the commander, Mark Antony,^[1] distinguished himself above all; although he always appeared brave everywhere, he was never more so than here. Meanwhile, Gabinius left behind a detachment to take the fortress by siege, while he himself visited the cities, reorganizing those that had not been plundered and rebuilding those that had been destroyed.

^[1]The mention of Mark Antony is particularly significant because his exploits here in Judea (57 BC) helped launch his political career in Rome. His friendship with the family of Antipater (and eventually Herod) began during these campaigns, a relationship that would shape the history of the Middle East for the next century. Before 57 BC, he was largely known in Rome for his debts and wild lifestyle. His “gallantry” at Alexandreion proved his worth to Gabinius and eventually to Julius Caesar, who would soon invite Antony to join him in the Gallic Wars.

¹⁶⁶ συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος ΣκυθόπολίςScythopolis τε καὶ ΣαμάρειαSamaria καὶ ἈνθηδὼνAnthedon καὶ ἈπολλωνίαApollonia καὶ ἸάμνειαJamnia καὶ ῬάφειαRaphia ΜάρισάMariassa τε καὶ ἈδώρεοςAdoreus καὶ ΓάβαλαGamala καὶ ἌζωτοςAzotus καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστην συνθεόντων.
¹⁶⁶ Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.	¹⁶⁶ At his orders these cities were restored: Scythopolis and Samaria and Anthedon and Apollonia and Jamnia and Raphia and Mariassa and Adoreus and Gamala and Azotus and many others; while settlers gladly hurried to inhabit each of them.
¹⁶⁶ At any rate, by his command, Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marisa, Adora, Gabala, Azotus, and many other cities were re-established; the inhabitants gladly flocked back to each of them.

¹⁶⁷ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τούτων ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὸ ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἐπέρρωσεν τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, ὥστε ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἀπογνοὺς περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρὸς αὐτόν, συγγνωσθῆναί τε τῶν ἡμαρτημένων δεόμενος καὶ τὰ συλληφθέντα φρούρια παραδιδοὺς ὙρκάνειονHyreaniium καὶ ΜαχαιροῦνταMachaerus· αὖθις δὲ καὶ τὸ ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἐνεχείρισεν.
¹⁶⁷ When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards:	¹⁶⁷ Having made these arrangements, he returned to Alexandreion and tightened the siege, so that Alexander gave up hope of ever coming to power and sent envoys imploring his forgiveness for offending him and offering to surrender the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Machaerus, just as he later handed over Alexandreion to him.
¹⁶⁷ After attending to these matters, Gabinius returned to Alexandreion and intensified the siege. Consequently, Alexander, despairing of his entire situation, sent a herald to sue for peace, begging for forgiveness for his offences and surrendering the fortresses he held—Hyrcaneion and Machaerus. Finally, he also handed over Alexandreion itself.

¹⁶⁸ ἃ πάντα ΓαβίνιοςGabinius ἐναγούσης τῆς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander μητρὸς κατέστρεψεν, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ὁρμητήριον γένοιτο δευτέρου πολέμου· παρῆν δὲ μειλισσομένη τὸν ΓαβίνιονGabinius κατὰ δέος τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome αἰχμαλώτων, τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων.
¹⁶⁸ all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children.	¹⁶⁸ Gabinius demolished them all, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, so as not to provide places of refuge in the case of another war. She came there now to mollify Gabinius, concerned for her relatives who were prisoners in Rome, that is, her husband and her other children.
¹⁶⁸ Gabinius demolished all of these fortresses at the urging of Alexander’s mother, so that they might never again serve as a starting point for another war. She had come to win Gabinius over, fearing for the safety of the captives held in Rome—namely her husband and her other children.

¹⁶⁹ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ΓαβίνιοςGabinius ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καταγαγὼν καὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ ἱεροῦ παραδοὺς κηδεμονίαν αὐτῷ καθίστατο τὴν‎ ἄλλην πολιτείαν ἐπὶ προστασίαι τῶν ἀρίστων.
¹⁶⁹ After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy.	¹⁶⁹ So Gabinius brought Hyrcanus back to Jerusalem and entrusted him with the care of the temple, but ordered the rest of the nation to be ruled by an aristocracy.
¹⁶⁹ After this, Gabinius escorted Hyrcanus back to Jerusalem and entrusted him with the guardianship of the temple; he then reorganized the rest of the government under the administration of the aristocracy.

¹⁷⁰ διεῖλεν δὲ πᾶν τὸ ἔθνος εἰς πέντε συνόδους, τὸ μὲν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem προστάξας, τὸ δὲ ΓαδάροιςGadara, οἱ δὲ ἵνα συντελῶσιν εἰς ἈμαθοῦνταAmathus, τὸ δὲ τέταρτον εἰς ἹεριχοῦνταJericho κεκλήρωτο, καὶ τῷ πέμπτῳ ΣέπφωριςSepphoris ἀπεδείχθη πόλις τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee. ἀσμένως δὲ τῆς ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐπικρατείας ἐλευθερωθέντες τὸ λοιπὸν ἀριστοκρατίαι διῳκοῦντο.
¹⁷⁰ He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by an aristocracy.	¹⁷⁰ He divided the whole nation into five divisions, assigning one to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, another to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho and the fifth to Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. The people were glad to be set free from monarchy and in future were ruled by an aristocracy.
¹⁷⁰ He divided the entire nation into five administrative councils: assigning the first to Jerusalem, the second to Gadara, the third to meet at Amathus, the fourth was allotted to Jericho, and for the fifth, Sepphoris in Galilee was designated. Having been gladly liberated from the rule of a single man, they were governed from then on by an aristocracy.

¹⁷¹ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολύ γε μὴν αὐτοῖς ἀρχὴ γίνεται θορύβων ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἀποδρὰς ἐκ ῬώμηςRome, ὃς αὖθις πολλοὺς ἸουδαίωνJews ἐπισυνίστη, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντας μεταβολῆς, τοὺς δὲ ἀγαπῶντας αὐτὸν πάλαι. Καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον καταλαβόμενος τὸ ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἀνατειχίζειν ἐπειρᾶτο· ὡς δὲ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius ὑπὸ ΣισένναιSisenna καὶ ἈντωνίῳAnthony καὶ ΣερουιανῷServilius στρατιὰν ἔπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. γνοὺς ἀνεχώρει ἐπὶ ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus.
¹⁷¹ Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Sisenna, Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus.	¹⁷¹ Aristobulus soon caused new disturbances by taking flight from Rome and gathering many of the Jews who were eager for a change and had loved him in the past. Once he had taken Alexandreion he tried to fortify it, but when Gabinius sent an army against him under Sisenna, Antony and Servilius, he got wind of it and retreated to Machaerus.
¹⁷¹ Not long afterward, however, a new source of trouble arose for them when Aristobulus escaped from Rome. He once again rallied a large number of Jews—some who were eager for a change in government, and others who had long been loyal to him. His first move was to seize Alexandreion, where he attempted to rebuild the fortifications; but upon learning that Gabinius had dispatched an army against him led by Sisenna, Antony, and Servianus, he retreated toward Machaerus.

¹⁷² καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄχρηστον ὄχλον ἀπεφορτίσατο, μόνους δὲ ἐπήγετο τοὺς ὡπλισμένους ὄντας εἰς ὀκτακισχιλίους, ἐν οἷς καὶ ΠειθόλαοςPitholaus ἦν ὁ ἐξ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ὑποστράτηγος αὐτομολήσας μετὰ χιλίων. ῬωμαῖοιRomans δ᾽ ἐπηκολούθουν, καὶ γενομένης συμβολῆς μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus διεκαρτέρουν γενναίως ἀγωνιζόμενοι, τέλος δὲ βιασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin πίπτουσι μὲν πεντακισχίλιοι, περὶ δὲ δισχιλίους ἀνέφυγον εἴς τινα λόφον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ χίλιοι σὺν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous διακόψαντες τὴν‎ φάλαγγα τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin εἰς ΜαχαιροῦνταMachaerus συνελαύνονται.
¹⁷² And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus’s party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus broke through the Roman army, and marched together to Macherus;	¹⁷² He sent home the useless crowd, and marched only with those who were armed, eight thousand of them, among whom was Pitholaus, the former lieutenant in Jerusalem who had come over to Aristobulus with a thousand men. The Romans pursued him and in the battle Aristobulus' party struggled bravely, but were finally overcome by the Romans. Five thousand of them were killed and about two thousand fled to a little hill, but the thousand who stayed with Aristobulus broke through the Roman lines and marched together into Machaerus.
¹⁷² He discharged the useless mob and took with him only those who were armed, numbering about eight thousand; among them was Peitholaus, the lieutenant-commander from Jerusalem, who had defected with a thousand men. The Romans pursued them, and when the clash occurred, Aristobulus’s men held out for a long time, fighting gallantly. Finally, however, they were overpowered by the Romans: five thousand fell in battle, about two thousand fled to a certain hill, and the remaining thousand—including Aristobulus—cut their way through the Roman phalanx and were driven into Machaerus.

¹⁷³ ἔνθα δὴ τὴν‎ πρώτην ἑσπέραν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἐρειπίοις ἐναυλισάμενος ἐν ἐλπίσι μὲν ἦν ἄλλην συναθροίσειν δύναμιν ἀνοχὴν τοῦ πολέμου διδόντος καὶ τὸ φρούριον κακῶς ὠχύρου· προσπεσόντων δὲ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐπὶ δύο ἡμέρας ἀντισχὼν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἁλίσκεται καὶ μετ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τοῦ παιδός, ὃς ἀπὸ ῬώμηςRome αὐτῷ συναπέδρα, δεσμώτης ἐπὶ ΓαβίνιονGabinius ἀνήχθη καὶ ἀπὸ ΓαβινίουGabinius πάλιν εἰς ῬώμηνRome.
¹⁷³ and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that stronghold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again.	¹⁷³ After the king had lodged the first night within its ruins, he hoped to raise another army, if only the war would ease a little, so he fortified that stronghold, though it was poorly done. When the Romans attacked he fought back for two days even beyond his strength, and then was taken prisoner and brought to Gabinius along with his son, Antigonus, who had escaped from Rome along with him and Gabinius sent him back to Rome.
¹⁷³ There, the king spent the first night sheltering among the ruins, hoping that if the war reached a lull, he might gather another force; he began to fortify the stronghold as best he could. However, the Romans fell upon him, and although he held out beyond his strength for two days, he was captured. Along with his son Antigonus—who had escaped from Rome with him—he was brought in chains to Gabinius, and from Gabinius, he was sent back once more to Rome.

¹⁷⁴ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος εἷρξεν, τὰ τέκνα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διῆγεν εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ΓαβινίουGabinius δι᾽ ἐπιστολῶν δηλώσαντος τῇ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus γυναικὶ τοῦτο ἀντὶ τῆς παραδόσεως τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὡμολογηκέναι.
¹⁷⁴ Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.	¹⁷⁴ The senate put him in prison, but returned his children to Judea, for Gabinius wrote to them that he had promised this to the wife of Aristobulus, for surrendering the fortresses to him.
¹⁷⁴ The Senate, accordingly, kept Aristobulus in custody, but sent his children back to Judea; Gabinius had made it clear in his dispatches that he had promised this to Aristobulus’s wife in exchange for her surrendering the fortresses.

This arrangement actually worked in Rome’s favour. By sending the children back, they maintained a group of Hasmonean royals in Judea who were now “indebted” to Roman mercy. However, as history would show, this mercy didn’t stop future conflicts; it merely set the stage for the next generation of power struggles involving Herod the Great.

¹⁷⁵ ΓαβινίῳGabinius δ᾽ ἐπὶ ΠάρθουςParthians ὡρμημένῳ στρατεύειν γίνεται ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἐμπόδιον· ὃς ὑποστρέψας ἀπ᾽ ΕὐφράτουEuphrates κατῆγενto lead down εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐπιτηδείοις εἰς ἅπαντα χρώμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατείαν ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater· καὶ γὰρ χρήματα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτον καὶ ἐπικούρους ἈντίπατροςAntipater προσῆγεν, καὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ ἸουδαίουςJews φρουροῦντας τὰς κατὰ τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium ἐμβολὰςembarkation παρεῖναι ΓαβίνιονGabinius ἔπεισεν.
¹⁷⁵ But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass.	¹⁷⁵ As Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was delayed by Ptolemy, whom he had to restore to Egypt, coming back from the Euphrates to do so. He got Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide all the needs for this expedition, for Antipater furnished money and weapons and corn and allies. He also persuaded the local Jews guarding the entrances near Pelusium, to let them pass.
¹⁷⁵ While Gabinius was setting out on a campaign against the Parthians, Ptolemy^[1] became a distraction; turning back from the Euphrates, Gabinius escorted him back to Egypt. Throughout the expedition, he made use of Hyrcanus and Antipater for all his requirements; for Antipater provided him with money, weapons, grain, and auxiliary troops. Furthermore, Antipater persuaded the Jews who were guarding the passes at Pelusium to let Gabinius through.

^[1]Ptolemy XII Auletes (the father of the famous Cleopatra)

¹⁷⁶ τῆς δ᾽ ἄλλης ΣυρίαςSyria πρὸς τὸν ΓαβινίουGabinius χωρισμὸν κινηθείσης καὶ ἸουδαίουςJews πάλιν ἀπέστησεν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ὁ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus, μεγίστην δὲ συγκροτήσας δύναμιν ὥρμητο πάντας τοὺς κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν ῬωμαίουςRomans ἀνελεῖν.
¹⁷⁶ But now, upon Gabinius’s absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country;	¹⁷⁶ While Gabinius was absent, the other part of Syria was in turmoil for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, got the Jews to revolt again, gathering a large army and setting out to kill all the Romans in the land.
¹⁷⁶ When the rest of Syria was thrown into turmoil following Gabinius’s departure, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, once again incited the Jews to revolt; having gathered a massive force, he set out to annihilate all the Romans throughout the country.

¹⁷⁷ πρὸς ὃ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius δείσας, ἤδη δὲ παρῆν ἀπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τοῖς τῇδε θορύβοις ἠπειγμένος, ἐπὶ τινὰς μὲν τῶν ἀφεστώτων ἈντίπατρονAntipater προπέμψας μετέπεισεν, συνέμενον δὲ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander τρεῖς μυριάδες, κἀκεῖνος ὥρμητο πολεμεῖν. οὕτως ἔξεισιν πρὸς μάχην. ὑπήντων δὲ οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews, καὶ συμβαλόντων περὶ τὸ ἸταβύριονItaburion ὄρος μύριοι μὲν ἀναιροῦνται, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἐσκεδάσθη φυγῇ.
¹⁷⁷ hereupon Gabinius was afraid (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults), and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away.	¹⁷⁷ Gabinius, who had come back from Egypt on account of these riots, became alarmed and sent Antipater, who managed to win over some of the rebels. But thirty thousand still stayed with Alexander, who was eager for a fight, so he went out against him and the Jews met him. The battle was fought near Mount Itaburion, when ten thousand of them were killed and the rest of the crowd dispersed and fled.
¹⁷⁷ Alarmed by this—for he had already arrived from Egypt, having hurried back by the disturbances there [in Judea]—Gabinius first sent Antipater ahead to some of the rebels and successfully persuaded them to change their minds. However, thirty thousand men remained with Alexander, who was determined to fight. Consequently, Gabinius marched out for battle. The Jews met him, and in the engagement near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, while the rest of the multitude was scattered in flight.

¹⁷⁸ καὶ ΓαβίνιοςGabinius ἐλθὼν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem πρὸς τὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater βούλημα κατεστήσατο τὴν‎ πολιτείαν. ἔνθεν ὁρμήσας ΝαβαταίωνNabateans τε μάχῃ κρατεῖ καὶ ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates καὶ ὈρσάνηνOrsanes φυγόντας ἐκ ΠάρθωνParthians κρύφα μὲν ἀπέπεμψεν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἔλεγεν ἀποδρᾶναι.
¹⁷⁸ So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthia, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.	¹⁷⁸ Then Gabinius came to Jerusalem and settled its government according to Antipater's wishes. From there he marched and fought and beat the Nabateans, and secretly sent away Mithridates and Orsanes, who had fled from Parthia, telling the soldiers that they had run away.
¹⁷⁸ After arriving in Jerusalem, Gabinius reorganized the government in accordance with Antipater’s wishes. From there, he set out and defeated the Nabateans^[1] in battle; as for Mithridates and Orsanes—who had fled from the Parthians—he secretly sent them away, though he told his soldiers that they had escaped.^[2]

^[1]Nabateans: the Arab kingdom to the south and east (based in Petra). By defeating them, Gabinius secured the southern trade routes and neutralized a frequent ally of the Jewish rebels.
^[2]This is a classic “cloak and dagger” Roman moment. Mithridates and Orsanes were Parthian princes/nobles who had sought Roman help to claim the Parthian throne. Gabinius likely accepted a bribe or saw a strategic advantage in letting them go privately, while lying to his own troops to avoid being accused of releasing high-value prisoners of state.

¹⁷⁹ Κἀν τούτῳ ΚράσσοςCrassus αὐτῷ διάδοχος ἐλθὼν παραλαμβάνει ΣυρίανSyria. Οὗτος εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπὶ ΠάρθουςParthians στρατείαν τόν τε ἄλλον τοῦ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ναοῦ χρυσὸν πάντα περιεῖλεν καὶ τὰ δισχίλια τάλαντα ἦρεν, ὧν ἀπέσχετοto keep off ΠομπήιοςPompeius. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates αὐτός τε ἀπώλετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ‎, περὶ ὧν οὐ νῦν καιρὸς λέγειν.
¹⁷⁹ In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely].	¹⁷⁹ Meanwhile Crassus came as his successor in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold in the Jerusalem temple, to provide for his expedition against the Parthians, and took the two thousand talents which Pompey had left behind. Then after crossing the Euphrates, he and his army were killed; but now is not a suitable time to speak about this.
¹⁷⁹ In the meantime, Crassus^[1] arrived as his successor and took charge of Syria. To fund his campaign against the Parthians, he stripped the temple in Jerusalem of all its gold and carried off the two thousand talents which Pompey^[2] had left untouched. However, after crossing the Euphrates, he perished along with his entire army—but this is not the time to speak of those events.

COMPARISON OF LEADERS

Feature	Pompey the Great (63 BC)	Crassus (54 BC)
Temple Action	Entered the Sanctuary but left the treasure	Stripped all gold and took 2000 talents
Attitude	Pragmatic "Pax Romana."	Purely predatory and exploitative
Outcome	Successful conquest and reorganization	Total annihilation of his army at Carrhae

¹⁸⁰ ΠάρθουςParthians δὲ μετὰ τὸν ΚράσσονCrassus ἐπιδιαβαίνειν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ὡρμημένους ἀνέκοπτεν ΚάσσιοςCassius εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν διαφυγών. περιποιησάμενος δὲ αὐτὴν ἐπὶ ἸουδαίουςJews ἠπείγετο, καὶ ΤαριχέαςTarichea μὲν ἑλὼν εἰς τρεῖς μυριάδας ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνδραποδίζεται, κτείνει δὲ καὶ ΠειθόλαονPitholaus τοὺς ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus στασιαστὰς ἐπισυνιστάντα· τοῦ φόνου δὲ ἦν σύμβουλος ἈντίπατροςAntipater.
¹⁸⁰ But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do.	¹⁸⁰ After Crassus, Cassius put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching to enter Syria. Cassius had rushed to that province and after occupying it, made a hasty march into Judea, and after taking Tarichea, enslaved thirty thousand Jews. On the advice of Antipater he also killed Pitholaus, who had supported the rebel followers of Aristobulus.
¹⁸⁰ After the death of Crassus, the Parthians attempted to cross the Euphrates, but Cassius, who had escaped to Syria, cut them off as they were invading the country. Afterward, he marched into Judea, where he captured Tarichaeae and enslaved thirty thousand Jews. He also executed Peitholaus, who had been trying to organize Aristobulus’s faction once again; Antipater was the one who advised him to do this."

¹⁸¹ τούτῳ γήμαντι γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπισήμωνsplendid ἐξ ἈραβίαςArabia ΚύπρονCyprus τοὔνομα τέσσαρες μὲν υἱεῖς γίνονται, ΦασάηλοςPhasael καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὖθις ἩρώδηςHerod, πρὸς οἷς ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus καὶ ΦερώραςPheroras καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome θυγάτηρ. ἐξῳκειωμένος δὲ τοὺς πανταχοῦ δυνατοὺς φιλίαις τε καὶ ξενίαις μάλιστα προσηγάγετο τὸν ἈράβωνArabian βασιλέα διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιγαμβρίαν, κἀπειδὴ τὸν πρὸς τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἀνείλετο πόλεμον, ἐκείνῳ παρακαταθήκην ἔπεμψεν τὰ τέκνα.
¹⁸¹ Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now, as he made himself friends among the men of power everywhere, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him.	¹⁸¹ Antipater had married a woman of a distinguished Arabian family named Cypros, and by her had four sons, Phasael and Herod, who was later king, and Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, Salome. As he made friends with the notables everywhere by the favours he did them and his hospitality toward them, he became especially close to the king of the Arabs by marrying his relative, so that he sent his children to him for safety when he went to war against Aristobulus.
¹⁸¹ To Antipater was born, by his marriage to an illustrious Arabian woman named Cypros, four sons: Phasael and Herod (who later became king), as well as Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, Salome. Having cultivated friendships and guest-ties with powerful men everywhere, he especially won over the King of the Arabs because of this marriage alliance; indeed, when he took up the war against Aristobulus, he sent his children to that king for safe-keeping.

¹⁸² ΚάσσιοςCassius δὲ κατὰ συνθήκας ἡσυχάζειν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἀναγκάσας ἐπὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ὑπέστρεψεν ΠάρθουςParthians διαβαίνειν ἀνείρξων, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἑτέροις ἐροῦμεν.
¹⁸² So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere.	¹⁸² When Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and keep the peace, he returned to the Euphrates to prevent the Parthians from recrossing it. Of this we shall speak elsewhere.
¹⁸² After Cassius had compelled Alexander to remain quiet according to the terms of their treaty, he returned to the Euphrates to prevent the Parthians from crossing; however, we shall speak of these matters in another place.

Chapter 9
Aristobulus and Alexander are murdered
Antipater cultivates Caesar's friendship

☜ ☞

¹⁸³ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ΠομπηίουPompeius καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου φυγόντων ὑπὲρ τὸν ἸόνιονIonion (Sea) ῬώμηςRome καὶ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσας ἀνίησι μὲν τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, παραδοὺς δ᾽ αὐτῷ δύο τάγματα κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria, ταύτην τε ῥᾳδίως ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσάξεσθαι.
¹⁸³ Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea.	¹⁸³ After General Pompey and the senate fled beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar had Rome and the empire in his power and released Aristobulus from his chains. He also entrusted two legions to him and sent him quickly into Syria, hoping through him to easily conquer it and the area adjoining Judea.
¹⁸³ When Caesar became master of Rome [49 BC] and the entire government—after Pompey and the Senate had fled across the Ionian Sea—he released Aristobulus from his chains. Giving him command of two legions,^[1] Caesar dispatched him in all haste to Syria, hoping that through him he might easily win over both that province and the affairs of Judea.

^[1]Two legions would be a significant force of between 10,000 and 12,000 heavy infantry.

¹⁸⁴ φθάνει δ᾽ ὁ φθόνος καὶ τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus προθυμίαν καὶ τὰς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐλπίδας· φαρμάκῳ γοῦν ἀναιρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ ΠομπηίουPompeius φρονούντων μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οὐδὲ ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρῴᾳ χώρᾳ μετεῖχεν, ἔκειτο δὲ μέλιτι συντηρούμενος ὁ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ‎, ἕως ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐπέμφθη τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μνημείοις ἐνταφησόμενος.
¹⁸⁴ But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres.	¹⁸⁴ But envy thwarted Caesar's hopes and the zeal of Aristobulus, for he was killed by poison given him by Pompey's people. For a long time he was not even allowed burial in his own country, but his corpse lay preserved in honey, until it was sent by Antony to the Jews, for burial in the royal tombs.
¹⁸⁴ But malice outpaced both Aristobulus’s enthusiasm and Caesar’s hopes; at any rate, having been done away with by poison at the hands of Pompey’s partisans, his body for a long time did not even receive burial in his native land. Instead, his corpse lay preserved in honey, until it was eventually sent by [Mark] Antony to the Jews to be entombed in the royal sepulchres.

¹⁸⁵ Ἀναιρεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander πελέκει ὑπὸ ΣκιπίωνοςScipio ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch ΠομπηίουPompeius τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιστείλαντος καὶ γενομένης κατηγορίας πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ὧν ῬωμαίουςRomans ὑπάρχουσι. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁ ΜενναίουMennaeus παραλαβών, ὃς ἐκράτει τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ ΛιβάνῳLibanus ΧαλκίδοςChalcis, ΦιλιππίωναPhilippio τὸν υἱὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἰς ἈσκάλωναAskalon πέμπει.
¹⁸⁵ His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon,	¹⁸⁵ His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio in Antioch, at the command of Pompey when he was accused before his tribunal for wrongs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, below Libanus, took care of his brothers, by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon.
¹⁸⁵ His son Alexander was also put to death—beheaded with an axe by Scipio in Antioch. This was done on Pompey’s orders, following a trial before the tribunal regarding the injuries he had caused the Romans. As for Alexander’s brothers, Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, the ruler of Chalcis below Mount Lebanon, took them under his protection; he sent his own son, Philippion, to Ascalon to bring them to him.

¹⁸⁶ κἀκεῖνος ἀποσπάσας τῆς ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus γυναικὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus καὶ τὰς ἀδελφὰς αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀνήγαγεν. ἁλοὺς δ᾽ ἔρωτιlove γαμεῖ τὴν‎ ἑτέραν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς δι᾽ αὐτὴν κτείνεται· γαμεῖ γὰρ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἀνελὼν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ διὰ τὸν γάμον κηδεμονικώτερος αὐτὸς ἦν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς.
¹⁸⁶ who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister.	¹⁸⁶ He took Antigonus and his sisters away from the wife of Aristobulus and brought them to his father. Then he fell in love with the younger daughter and married her, and was later killed by his father on account of her. After killing his son, Ptolemy married the one called Alexandra, and took better care of her siblings on account of the marriage.
¹⁸⁶ After Philippion had taken Antigonus and his sisters away from Aristobulus’s wife, he brought them back to his father. However, having been overcome with love for one of the sisters, he married her, only to be killed later by his father because of her. For Ptolemy, after executing his own son, married Alexandra himself; because of this marriage, he became even more of a protector to her brothers.

¹⁸⁷ ἈντίπατροςAntipater δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ ΠομπηίουPompeius τελευτὴν μεταβὰς ἐθεράπευεν ΚαίσαραCaesar, κἀπειδὴ ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates ὁ ΠεργαμηνὸςPergamus μεθ᾽ ἧς ἦγεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt δυνάμεως εἰργόμενος τῶν κατὰ τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium ἐμβολῶν ἐν ἈσκάλωνιAskalon κατείχετο, τούς τε ἌραβαςArabs ξένος ὢν ἔπεισεν ἐπικουρῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἧκεν ἄγων ἸουδαίωνJews εἰς τρισχιλίους ὁπλίταςarmed warrior.
¹⁸⁷ Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men.	¹⁸⁷ After Pompey died, Antipater changed sides and cultivated Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus and the forces he was leading against Egypt, was barred at the pass near Pelusium and forced to stay in Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabs among whom he had lived, to side with him and arrived at the head of three thousand Jewish infantry.
¹⁸⁷ After the death of Pompey [48 BC], Antipater changed sides and devoted himself to Caesar’s service. When Mithridates of Pergamum—who was leading a relief force to Egypt—was blocked from the passes at Pelusium and held up at Ascalon, Antipater used his ties as a guest-friend to persuade the Arabs to assist; he himself also arrived leading about three thousand Jewish heavy infantry.

¹⁸⁸ παρώρμησεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ΣυρίαιSyria δυνατοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βοήθειαν τόν τε ἔποικον τοῦ ΛιβάνουLibanus ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy καὶ ἸάμβλιχονJamblicus, δι᾽ οὓς αἱ ταύτῃ πόλεις ἑτοίμως συνεφήψαντο τοῦ πολέμου.
¹⁸⁸ He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war;	¹⁸⁸ He also urged the leaders of Syria to come and help him, including Ptolemy who lived near Libanus, and Jamblicus, through whom the cities of that area willingly joined in this war.
¹⁸⁸ He also urged the powerful lords in Syria to come to the rescue, including Ptolemy,^[1] the inhabitant of Lebanon, and Iamblichus; because of them, the cities in that region readily joined in the war effort.

^[1]The same Ptolemy son of Mennaeus who killed his own son to marry a Hasmonean princess.

¹⁸⁹ καὶ θαρρῶν ἤδη ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates τῇ προσγενομένῃ δι᾽ ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἰσχύι πρὸς τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium ἐξελαύνει κωλυόμενός τε διελθεῖν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν‎ πόλιν. γίνεται δὲ κἀν τῇ προσβολῇ διασημότατος ἈντίπατροςAntipater· τὸ γὰρ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν μέρος τοῦ τείχους διαρρήξας πρῶτος εἰσεπήδησεν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ.
¹⁸⁹ insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him.	¹⁸⁹ Helped by the additional strength he had gained with the help of Antipater, Mithridates ventured on to Pelusium, and besieged the city when they refused to let him through, and Antipater was outstanding in the attack, for he brought down the part of the wall opposite him and was first to dash into the city, with his troops.
¹⁸⁹ And Mithridates—now taking courage from the strength added to his side through Antipater—marched against Pelusium; when he was prevented from passing through, he laid siege to the city. In the assault, Antipater proved himself the most distinguished of all; for having broken through the section of the wall facing him, he was the first to leap into the city with his men.

¹⁹⁰ Καὶ τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν‎ ὈνίουOnias προσαγορευομένηνto call, name χώραν κατέχοντες· ἦσαν δὲ ἸουδαῖοιJews ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians. τούτους ἈντίπατροςAntipater οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν· ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ ΜέμφινMemphis ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο ΜιθριδάτῃMithridates.
¹⁹⁰ Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates.	¹⁹⁰ Pelusium was taken, but as they went on through they were stopped by the Egyptian Jews living in the district of Onias. Then Antipater persuaded them not only not to hinder them, but also to provide provisions for their army, so that even the people around Memphis would not oppose them, but willingly joined Mithridates.
¹⁹⁰ Thus Pelusium was taken, but as he [Mithridates] advanced further, he was blocked again by those who occupied the region called the “Land of Onias”—who were Egyptian Jews. Antipater persuaded these men not only to stop hindering them but even to provide provisions for the army. Consequently, even the inhabitants around Memphis no longer offered battle, but voluntarily joined Mithridates.

¹⁹¹ κἀκεῖνος ἤδη τὸ ΔέλταDelta περιελθὼν συνέβαλλεν τοῖς λοιποῖς ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian εἰς μάχην κατὰ χῶρον, ὃς ἸουδαίωνJews στρατόπεδον καλεῖται. κινδυνεύοντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ παρατάξει σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι ῥύεται περιελθὼν ἈντίπατροςAntipater παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ·
¹⁹¹ Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’ Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him;	¹⁹¹ Then he rounded the Delta and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Camp of the Jews. During the battle when he was in danger with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about and came to his help along the bank of the river.
¹⁹¹ After Mithridates had bypassed the Delta, he engaged the rest of the Egyptians in battle at a place called “The Jews’ Camp.” When he and his entire right wing were in mortal danger during the engagement, Antipater—having already bypassed the enemy along the riverbank—came to the rescue.

¹⁹² τῶν γὰρ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐκράτει τὸ λαιὸν ἔχων κέρας· ἔπειτα προσπεσὼν τοῖς διώκουσι ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates ἀπέκτεινεν πολλοὺς καὶ μέχρι τοσούτου τοὺς καταλειπομένους ἐδίωξεν ὡς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν ἑλεῖν. ὀγδοήκοντα δὲ μόνους τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλενto throw off, καὶ ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates ἐν τῇ τροπῇ περὶ ὀκτακοσίους. σωθεὶς δ᾽ αὐτὸς παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα μάρτυς ἀβάσκανος γίνεται πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar τῶν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κατορθωμάτων.
¹⁹² for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.	¹⁹² Leading the left wing, he defeated his opponents and then attacked the people harrying Mithridates and killed many of them and pursued the rest to the extent that he took their camp, while losing only eighty of his own men. Mithridates lost about eight hundred while he was being pursued, but unexpectedly his own life was saved, so that he became an outspoken witness to Caesar about the great deeds of Antipater.
¹⁹² For having command of the left wing, Antipater had already defeated the troops facing him. Then, falling upon those who were pursuing Mithridates, he killed many of them and pursued the survivors so far that he even captured their camp. He lost only eighty of his own men, while Mithridates, in his retreat, lost about eight hundred. Having been saved beyond all hope, Mithridates became an unstinting witness to Caesar of Antipater’s great achievements.

¹⁹³ Ὁ δὲ τότε μὲν τὸν ἄνδρα τοῖς ἐπαίνοιςpraise, approval καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν εἰς τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ κινδύνους ἐπέρρωσεν, ἐν οἷς πᾶσιν παραβολώτατος ἀγωνιστὴς γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ τρωθεὶς ἐφ᾽ ὅλου σχεδὸν τοῦ σώματος εἶχεν τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀρετῆς.
¹⁹³ Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor.	¹⁹³ Then, by a mixture of praise and the promise of rewards, he got him to undertake other dangerous missions where he risked his life for him, and became a famous warrior, with many wounds on most of his body to attest his bravery.
¹⁹³ At that time, [Julius Caesar] encouraged the man [Antipater] with praises and promises for the dangers he had faced on his behalf. In all these struggles, Antipater proved himself to be a most daring fighter; having been wounded many times, he bore the marks of his valour over almost his entire body.

¹⁹⁴ αὖθις δὲ καταστησάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ὡς ἐπανῆκεν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria, πολιτείᾳ τε αὐτὸν τῇ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐδωρήσατο καὶ ἀτελείᾳ τῆς τε ἄλλης τιμῆς καὶ φιλοφρονήσεως ἕνεκεν ζηλωτὸν ἐποίησεν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δὲ δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπεκύρωσεν ὙρκανῷHyrcanus.
¹⁹⁴ And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.	¹⁹⁴ When he had settled affairs in Egypt and was returning to Syria, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen and freedom from taxes and made him much admired by the honours and tokens of friendship he gave him. This was also why he confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
¹⁹⁴ Later, once he had settled the affairs of Egypt and returned to Syria, Caesar rewarded Antipater with Roman citizenship and exemption from taxes. Through other honours and marks of friendship, he made him an object of envy; furthermore, on [Antipater’s] account, he formally confirmed Hyrcanus in the High Priesthood.

Chapter 10
Antipater appoints his two sons Phasael and Herod to power:
Phasael in Jerusalem and Herod in Galilee

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¹⁹⁵ Κατ᾽ αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ὁ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus πρὸς τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar παρὼν γίνεται παραδόξως ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater μείζονος προκοπῆς αἴτιος· δέον γὰρ ἀποδύρεσθαι περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς πεφαρμάχθαι δοκοῦντος ἐκ τῶν πρὸς ΠομπήιονPompey διαφορῶν καὶ περὶ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν‎ ΣκιπίωνοςScipio ὠμότητα μέμφεσθαι καὶ μηδὲν εἰς τὸν ἔλεον παραμῖξαι φθονερὸν πάθος, ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus καὶ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κατηγόρει παρελθών,
¹⁹⁵ About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater’s further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio’s barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater,	¹⁹⁵ About this time Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar and oddly became the cause of Antipater's further promotion. Whereas he should have complained that his father seemed to have been poisoned due to his quarrels with Pompey, and about Scipio's savagery toward his brother, and not to mix any envious passion when he was suing for mercy, when he arrived he accused Hyrcanus and Antipater
¹⁹⁵ At this very time, Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came before Caesar and, paradoxically, became the cause of Antipater’s even greater advancement. For although he ought to have lamented the fate of his father—who was believed to have been poisoned due to his quarrels with Pompey—and complained of Scipio’s cruelty toward his brother, without mixing any spiteful passion into his plea for mercy, he instead came forward and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater,

¹⁹⁶ ὡς παρανομώτατα μὲν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πάσης ἀπελαύνοιεν τῆς πατρίου γῆς, πολλὰ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοὶ διὰ κόρον ἐξυβρίζοιεν, καὶ ὅτι τὴν‎ εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt συμμαχίαν οὐκ ἐπ᾽ εὐνοίαι αὐτῷ πέμψειαν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ δέος τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν ΠομπήιονPompey φιλίαν ἀποσκευαζόμενοι.
¹⁹⁶ how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with regard to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of goodwill to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.	¹⁹⁶ of driving him and his brothers from their native land and of many outrages toward their nation, and that the help they had sent him to Egypt was not given from goodwill, but out of their fear arising from past quarrels and in order to be pardoned for their friendship with Pompey.
¹⁹⁶ claiming that they [Hyrcanus and Antipater] had most lawlessly driven him and his siblings out of their entire ancestral land, and that they themselves were treating the nation with great insolence out of pure greed. He further alleged that they had sent the alliance to Egypt not out of any goodwill toward Caesar, but out of fear regarding their past differences—seeking merely to shake off the stigma of their former friendship with Pompey.

¹⁹⁷ Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἀπορρίψας τὴν‎ ἐσθῆτα τὸ πλῆθος ἐπεδείκνυεν τῶν τραυμάτων, καὶ περὶ μὲν τῆς εἰς ΚαίσαραCaesar εὐνοίας οὐκ ἔφη λόγου δεῖν αὐτῷ· κεκραγέναι γὰρ τὸ σῶμα σιωπῶντος·
¹⁹⁷ Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his goodwill to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself;	¹⁹⁷ In response, Antipater threw off his clothes and showed the number of his wounds and said that he had no need to speak of his love for Caesar, since his body shouted it aloud even if he stayed silent,
¹⁹⁷ In response, Antipater stripped off his clothing and exposed the multitude of his wounds. He declared that, as for his goodwill toward Caesar, he had no need for words, for his body cried it out even while he remained silent.

¹⁹⁸ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus δὲ θαυμάζειν τὴν‎ τόλμαν, εἰ πολεμίου ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin υἱὸς ὢν καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δραπέτου καὶ τὸ νεωτεροποιὸς εἶναι καὶ στασιώδης αὐτὸς πατρῷον ἔχων, παρὰ τῷ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἡγεμόνι κατηγορεῖν ἐπικεχείρηκεν ἑτέρων καὶ πειρᾶται τυχεῖν ἀγαθοῦ τινος, δέον ἀγαπᾶν ὅτι ζῇ· καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἐφίεσθαι πραγμάτων οὐ τοσοῦτον δι᾽ ἀπορίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα ἸουδαίουςJews διαστασιάσῃ παρελθὼν καὶ χρήσηται κατὰ τῶν δόντων ταῖς ἀφορμαῖς.
¹⁹⁸ that he wondered at Antigonus’s boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it to him.	¹⁹⁸ but that he was amazed at the audacity of Antigonus, the son of an enemy of Rome and a fugitive, who had inherited from his father a love of change and strife, to dare to accuse other men before the Roman governor for the sake of profit, when he ought to be glad to be still alive. He wanted to rule not because he was badly off, but so that once he was in power he could stir up revolt among the Jews and use his position against those who gave it to him.
¹⁹⁸ He added that he marvelled at the audacity of Antigonus—who, being the son of an enemy of the Romans and of a fugitive from Roman justice, and himself possessing a hereditary trait for revolution and sedition—had the nerve to accuse others before the Roman commander. He wondered how Antigonus could try to obtain any favour when he ought to be grateful simply to be alive; for even now, he sought power not because he was in want, but so that he might stir up the Jews to sedition and use the resources granted to him against those who provided them.

¹⁹⁹ Τούτων ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀκούσας ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus μὲν ἀξιώτερον τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀπεφήνατο, ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater δὲ δυναστείας αἵρεσιν ἔδωκεν. ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸ μέτρον τῆς τιμῆς θέμενος πάσης ἐπίτροπος ἸουδαίαςJudea ἀποδείκνυται καὶ προσεπιτυγχάνει τὰ τείχη τῆς πατρίδος ἀνακτίσαι κατεστραμμένα.
¹⁹⁹ When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down.	¹⁹⁹ When Caesar heard, it he pronounced Hyrcanus more worthy to be high priest and left Antipater free to choose his own kind of rule. The latter wanted the measure of his honour to be decided by the one granting it to him and was appointed procurator of all Judea, with permission to rebuild the ramparts of his country that had been thrown down.
¹⁹⁹ After Caesar heard these arguments, he declared Hyrcanus to be the more worthy of the High Priesthood and gave Antipater the choice of his own rank in power. Antipater, however, left the measure of the honour to the one bestowing it and was appointed Procurator of all Judea. Furthermore, he obtained the additional success of being allowed to rebuild the walls of his native city, which had been laid in ruins.

²⁰⁰ τὰς μὲν δὴ τιμὰς ταύτας ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐπέστελλεν ἐν τῷ ΚαπετωλίῳCapitol χαραχθῆναι τῆς τε αὐτοῦ‎ δικαιοσύνης σημεῖον καὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς ἐσομένας ἀρετῆς.
²⁰⁰ These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.	²⁰⁰ Caesar sent orders to have these honours engraved in the Capitol, to stand there as signs of his own justice and of the man's courage.
²⁰⁰ Caesar directed that these honours be engraved in the Capitol, to serve as a lasting monument both to his own justice and to the man’s valour.

²⁰¹ ἈντίπατροςAntipater δὲ ΚαίσαραCaesar προπέμψας ἐκ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπέστρεψεν. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὸ τεῖχος ἀνεδείματο τῆς πατρίδος ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius κατεστραμμένον καὶ τοὺς ἀνὰ τὴν‎ χώραν θορύβους ἐπιὼν κατέστελλεν, ἀπειλητὴς ἅμα καὶ σύμβουλος ὢν ἑκάστοις, ὅτι τὰ μὲν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus φρονοῦντες ἐν ὄλβῳ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν βιώσονται τῶν τε ἰδίων κτημάτων καὶ κοινῆς εἰρήνης ἀπολαύοντεςto take, receive·
²⁰¹ But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, everyone, and told them that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness;	²⁰¹ After escorting Caesar from Syria, Antipater returned to Judea and his first act was to rebuild the wall of his ancestral city which Pompey had destroyed and then went to quell the disturbances around the country. With a mixture of threat and persuasion he told them all that if they submitted to Hyrcanus they would live happily and peaceably and enjoy their possessions in peaceful calm,
²⁰¹ After escorting Caesar out of Syria, Antipater returned to Judea. His first act was to rebuild the wall of his native city which had been demolished by Pompey. Then, traveling throughout the country, he suppressed the disturbances in the land, acting simultaneously as a threat and an advisor to all. He told them that if they sided with Hyrcanus, they would live in prosperity and tranquility, enjoying both their private possessions and the common peace.

²⁰² εἰ δὲ πείθοιντο ταῖς ψυχραῖς ἐλπίσιν τῶν νεωτερίζειν ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν οἰκείοις ἐθελόντων, ὡς αὐτόν τε πειράσουσιν ἀντὶ κηδεμόνος δεσπότην καὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀντὶ βασιλέως τύραννος, ῬωμαίουςRomans γε μὴν καὶ ΚαίσαραCaesar πολεμίους ἀνθ᾽ ἡγεμόνων καὶ φίλων· οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι μετακινούμενον ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὃν αὐτοὶ κατέστησαν.
²⁰² but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king,—and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor.	²⁰² but if they heeded those who were stirring things up in hope of profit, they would find him a despot rather than a procurator, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans and Caesar as enemies instead of their leaders and friends, for they would not allow the man they had set up as ruler to be deposed.
²⁰² But if they were to be seduced by the “chilly hopes” of those who desired revolution for their own private gain, he warned that they would find him a master instead of a guardian, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king. Furthermore, they would find the Romans and Caesar to be enemies instead of leaders and friends; for the Romans would not tolerate the removal from power of the very man they themselves had established.

²⁰³ ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα λέγων καὶ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ καθίστατο τὴν‎ χώραν ὁρῶν τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus νωθῆ τε καὶ βασιλείας ἀτονώτερον. ΦασάηλονPhasael μὲν δὴ τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem καὶ τῶν περὶ στρατηγὸν καθίστησιν, τὸν δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις ἔστειλεν εἰς ΓαλιλαίανGalilee κομιδῇ νέον.
²⁰³ And at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, with equal authority into Galilee.	²⁰³ With these words he settled matters on his own, seeing that Hyrcanus was inactive and unfit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. He made his eldest son, Phasael, ruler of Jerusalem and the district around it and sent his next son, Herod, though still young, with similar authority into Galilee.
²⁰³ While saying this, he also organized the affairs of the country himself, seeing that Hyrcanus was sluggish and lacked the vigour required for a king. He appointed his eldest son, Phasael, as governor of Jerusalem and its surroundings; and he sent his next son, Herod, who was quite young, to Galilee with the same powers.

Phasael governs Jerusalem with the Temple, the taxes, and the Hasmonean court.
Herod (later called Herod the Great) governs Galilee controlling the northern border to suppress local insurgencies.
Antipater governs the nation and acts as a bridge to Julius Caesar and Rome.

²⁰⁴ Ὁ δὲ ὢν φύσει δραστήριος ὕλην εὐθέως εὑρίσκει τῷ φρονήματι. καταλαβὼν οὖν ἘζεκίανEzekias τὸν ἀρχιλῃστὴνchief robber τὰ προσεχῆ τῇ ΣυρίαιSyria κατατρέχοντα μετὰ μεγίστου στίφους αὐτόν τε συλλαβὼν ἀποκτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν λῃστῶν.
²⁰⁴ Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him;	²⁰⁴ Active by nature, the latter soon found material to work upon. Finding that Hezekias, the brigand chief, was devastating the neighbouring parts of Syria with a large band, he caught him and killed him and many of the brigands.
²⁰⁴ Being energetic by nature, Herod immediately found raw material for his ambition. Having discovered that Hezekiah, a chief brigand, was overrunning the regions bordering Syria with a very large band of followers, Herod caught him, put him to death, and executed many of the other brigands as well.

²⁰⁵ ὃ δὴ μάλιστα τοῖς ΣύροιςSyrians ἡγεῖτο κεχαρισμένον· ὑμνεῖτο γοῦν ἀνά τε τὰς κώμας καὶ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἀνασεσωκώς. γίνεται δ᾽ ἐκ τούτου καὶ ΣέξτῳSextus ΚαίσαριCaesar γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ διοικοῦντι τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria.
²⁰⁵ which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod’s commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria.	²⁰⁵ This was warmly welcomed by the Syrians, so that hymns were sung in the villages and cities in praise of Herod, for winning peace and saving their possessions for them. At that time he made the acquaintance of Sextus Caesar, ruler of Syria and a relative of the great Caesar.
²⁰⁵ This deed was especially gratifying to the Syrians. Consequently, songs were sung about Herod throughout the villages and in the cities as the one who had restored peace and their possessions to them. Because of this, he also became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a kinsman of the great [Julius] Caesar and was then governing Syria.

²⁰⁶ πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν εὐδοκιμοῦντα καὶ ΦασάηλοςPhasael ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο τὴν‎ ἀγαθὴν ἔριν τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem εὐνουστέρους καθιστάμενος καὶ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ μὲν ἔχων τὴν‎ πόλιν μηδὲν δὲ ἀπειροκάλωςvulgarly εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐξυβρίζων.
²⁰⁶ A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the goodwill of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner;	²⁰⁶ His brother's reputation prompted Phasael to emulate him and he gained favour with the people of Jerusalem by his management of the city affairs and did not offend them by any abuse of his power.
²⁰⁶ Phasael, for his part, was moved by a noble rivalry toward his brother’s growing reputation. He focused his ambition on making the people of Jerusalem more well-disposed toward him; and while he held the city firmly under his own control, he did not insolently abuse his authority with any lack of taste or tact.

²⁰⁷ ἐντεῦθεν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater θεραπεία τε ἦν ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους βασιλικὴ καὶ τιμαὶ παρὰ πάντων ὡς δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων· οὐ μὴν αὐτὸς τῆς πρὸς ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus εὐνοίας ἢ πίστεώς τι μετεκίνησεν.
²⁰⁷ whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that goodwill or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.	²⁰⁷ But though the nation honoured Antipater like a king and treated him like an absolute lord, he never lessened his goodwill and fidelity to Hyrcanus.
²⁰⁷ Consequently, Antipater received from the nation the kind of courtly devotion usually reserved for a king, and he was honoured by everyone as if he were the master of the whole realm. Nevertheless, he did not alter in the slightest his goodwill or his loyalty toward Hyrcanus.

²⁰⁸ Ἀμήχανον δ᾽ ἐν εὐπραγίαις φθόνον διαφυγεῖν· ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus γοῦν ἤδη μὲν καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ κλέος τῶν νεανίσκων ἐδάκνετο, μάλιστα δὲ ἐλύπει τὰ ἩρώδουHerod κατορθώματα καὶ κήρυκες ἐπάλληλοι τῆς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον εὐδοξίας προστρέχοντες πολλοὶ [δὲ ] τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις βασκάνων ἠρέθιζον, οἷς ἢ τὸ τῶν παίδων ἢ τὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater σωφρονικὸν προσίστατο,
²⁰⁸ However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater.	²⁰⁸ Even amid prosperity he could not keep envy at bay, for the lustre of the young men secretly irritated Hyrcanus. The achievements of Herod grieved him especially, with a succession of messengers coming to sing his praises and many in the palace stoked his envy, annoyed by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater.
²⁰⁸ But it is impossible to escape envy in times of great success. At any rate, Hyrcanus was already being bitten in the quiet of his own mind by the fame of the young men [Phasael and Herod], and he was especially distressed by Herod’s achievements and the constant stream of messengers arriving with news of his growing reputation. Furthermore, many of the envious people in the palace began to provoke him—men who were annoyed by the prudent management and self-control of either Antipater or his sons.

²⁰⁹ λέγοντες ὡς ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ παραχωρήσας τῶν πραγμάτων καθέζοιτο τοὔνομα μόνον βασιλέως ἔχων ἔρημον ἐξουσίας. Καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πλανηθήσεται καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιτρέφων; οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτι, φανεροὺς δὲ εἶναι δεσπότας παρωσαμένους ἐκεῖνον, εἴ γε μήτε ἐντολὰς δόντος μήτε ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτοῦ‎ τοσούτους παρὰ τὸν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews νόμον ἀνήιρηκεν ἩρώδηςHerod· ὅν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι ἰδιώτης, δεῖν ἐπὶ δίκην ἥκειν ἀποδώσοντα λόγον αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οἳ κτείνειν ἀκρίτους οὐκ ἐφιᾶσιν.
²⁰⁹ These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment.	²⁰⁹ These said that by leaving matters to Antipater and his sons, he himself had merely the title of king, without its authority and asked how long he would make the mistake of rearing kings against himself, since they did not hide their sovereignty but were plainly lording it and supplanting him. For example, contrary to Jewish law Herod had killed so many without his orders or permission and should be brought to trial, not as a king but as a private citizen, to answer for it before him and the laws of his country, which do not allow anyone to be killed, untried.
²⁰⁹ They argued that he had surrendered the government to Antipater and his sons, sitting there with only the empty name of a king while being devoid of any real power. “How much longer,” they asked, “will you go on making the mistake of nourishing kings against yourself? For they no longer even pretend to be your subordinates; they are now openly your masters, having pushed you aside. After all, Herod has put all these people to death in violation of Jewish Law, without your ever giving him an order or a written mandate. If he is not a king but still a private citizen, he must come to trial to answer to you and to the laws of our forefathers, which do not permit the execution of anyone without a trial.”

²¹⁰ Τούτοις κατὰ μικρὸν ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐξεκαίετο καὶ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τελευταῖον ἐκρήξας ἐκάλει κριθησόμενον τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd. ὁ δὲ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς παραινοῦντος καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων διδόντων παρρησίαν ἀνήιει φρουραῖς διαλαβόντες πρότερον τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee. ᾔει δὲ μετὰ καρτεροῦ στίφους, ὡς μήτε καταλύειν δόξειεν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus λαμπρὰν ἄγων δύναμιν μήτε γυμνὸς ἐμπέσοι τῷ φθόνῳ.
²¹⁰ Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father’s advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him.	²¹⁰ Little by little these notions burned into Hyrcanus until finally his anger flared and he summoned Herod to trial. As soon as matters allowed it, at his father's advice he placed garrisons in Galilee and went up with a troop of soldiers, not so many as would make him seem intent on overthrowing Hyrcanus, yet not so few as to expose him to those who envied him.
²¹⁰ By these arguments, Hyrcanus was gradually inflamed, and finally, bursting out in anger, he summoned Herod to stand trial. But Herod, acting on his father’s advice and because his successes gave him confidence, went up to Jerusalem after first securing Galilee with garrisons. He traveled with a strong bodyguard, so that he would neither appear to be attempting to overthrow Hyrcanus by leading a massive force, nor fall unprotected into the hands of envy.

²¹¹ ΣέξτοςSextus δὲ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δείσας περὶ τῷ νεανίαι, μή τι παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀποληφθεὶς πάθῃ, πέμπει πρὸς ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus τοὺς παραγγελοῦντας διαρρήδην ἀπολύειν ἩρώδηνHerōd τῆς φονικῆς δίκης. ὁ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ὡρμημένος, ἠγάπα γὰρ ἩρώδηνHerōd, ἀποψηφίζεται.
²¹¹ However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.	²¹¹ Sextus Caesar was still afraid that the young man might be taken by his enemies and punished, so he sent some to expressly tell Hyrcanus to acquit Herod of the capital charge, and he did so, as he was inclined to do anyway, out of affection for Herod.
²¹¹ But Sextus Caesar, fearing for the young man—lest he should suffer some harm while trapped among his enemies—sent messengers to Hyrcanus, explicitly ordering him to acquit Herod of the murder charge. Hyrcanus, who was already inclined to do so because of his personal affection for Herod, acquitted him.

²¹² Καὶ ὃς ὑπολαμβάνων ἄκοντος τοῦ βασιλέως διαφυγεῖν εἰς ΔαμασκὸνDamascus ἀνεχώρησεν πρὸς ΣέξτονSextus παρασκευαζόμενος οὐδὲ αὖθις ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι. Καὶ πάλιν οἱ πονηροὶ παρώξυνον τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus κατ᾽ ὀργήν τε οἴχεσθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd λέγοντες καὶ παρεσκευασμένον κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎· πιστεύων δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ τι χρὴ δρᾶν.
²¹² But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got everything ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself.	²¹² Thinking that he had escaped against the wishes of the king, Herod retreated to Sextus in Damascus, intending to disobey if he were summoned again. Malicious people upset Hyrcanus by saying that Herod had left in anger and was preparing to make war on him and believing it, the king did not know what to do, seeing that his opponent was stronger than himself.
²¹² And he [Herod], assuming that he had escaped only against the king’s will, withdrew to Damascus to join Sextus, preparing himself never to obey again should he be summoned. Once more, those wicked men provoked Hyrcanus, saying that Herod had departed in a rage and was preparing an attack against him. Though the king believed them, he had no idea what he ought to do.

²¹³ ὡς ἑώρα μείζονα τὸν διάφορον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπὸ ΣέξτουSextus ΚαίσαροςCaesar στρατηγὸς ἀνεδείχθη κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria καὶ ΣαμαρείαςSamaria οὐ μόνον τε κατ᾽ εὔνοιαν τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἀλλὰ καὶ δυνάμει φοβερὸς ἦν. εἰς ἔσχατον δέους κατέπεσεν ὙρκανόςHyrcanus, ὅσον οὔπω προσδοκῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁρμήσειν μετὰ στρατιᾶς.
²¹³ And now, since Herod was made general of Celesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the goodwill which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army.	²¹³ Ever since Sextus Caesar had made him general of Coelesyria and Samaria he was formidable, not just because of the nation's support of him, but for his military force, so Hyrcanus was extremely afraid and expected him to march against him soon with an army.
²¹³ Hyrcanus saw that the gap between them was growing wider. And when Herod was appointed by Sextus Caesar as the general of Coele-Syria and Samaria, he became formidable—not only because of the goodwill he enjoyed from the nation, but also because of his sheer military power. Hyrcanus fell into the deepest state of fear, expecting that at any moment Herod would march against him with an army.

²¹⁴ Καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς οἰήσεως· ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod κατ᾽ ὀργὴν τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ δίκην ἀπειλῆς στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἦγεν καταλύσων τὸν ὙρκανόνHyrcanus. κἂν ἔφθη τοῦτο ποιήσας, εἰ μὴ προεξελθόντες ὅ τε πατὴρ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἔκλασαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν παρακαλοῦντες καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπειλῇ καὶ ἀνατάσει μόνῃ μετρῆσαι τὴν‎ ἄμυναν, φείσασθαι δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑφ᾽ οὗ μέχρι τοσαύτης δυνάμεως προῆλθεν· δεῖν τε, εἰ κληθεὶς ἐπὶ δίκην παρώξυνται, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως εὐχαριστεῖν καὶ μὴ πρὸς μὲν τὸ σκυθρωπὸν ἀπαντᾶν, περὶ δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀχάριστον εἶναι.
²¹⁴ Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance;	²¹⁴ In this he was not mistaken, for angry with his threat to put him on trial, Herod turned his army toward Jerusalem to expel Hyrcanus and would have done so if his father and brother had not gone out together and calmed his fury by urging him to carry his revenge no further than threats and gestures, but to spare the king, under whom he had reached such power, and that he should not be so angry about his trial as to forget to be thankful for his acquittal, or dwell so much on misfortune as to be ungrateful for his safety.
²¹⁴ And his [Hyrcanus’s] suspicion was not mistaken; for Herod, enraged by the threat of that trial, gathered an army and marched on Jerusalem to depose Hyrcanus. He would have succeeded in this had his father and brother not gone out to meet him and broken his momentum. They pleaded with him to limit his retaliation to mere threats and a show of force, and to spare the king under whom he had risen to such great power. They argued that if he was provoked by being summoned to trial, he should also be grateful for his acquittal; and he should not merely react to the grim danger he faced, but also avoid being ungrateful for his life having been saved.

²¹⁵ εἰ δὲ δὴ λογιστέον εἴη καὶ πολέμου ῥοπὰς βραβεύεσθαι θεῷ, πλέον εἶναι τῆς στρατείας τὸ ἄδικον. διὸ δὴ καὶ περὶ τῆς νίκης οὐ χρὴ κατὰ πᾶν εὔελπιν εἶναι, μέλλοντά γε συμβαλεῖν βασιλεῖ καὶ συντρόφῳ καὶ πολλάκις μὲν εὐεργέτῃ, χαλεπῷ δὲ οὐδέποτε, πλὴν ὅσον πονηροῖς συμβούλοις χρώμενος ἐπισείσειεν αὐτῷ σκιὰν ἀδικήματος. πείθεται τούτοις ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὰς ἐλπίδας αὔταρκες εἶναι καὶ τὸ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξασθαι τῷ ἔθνει.
²¹⁵ and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.	²¹⁵ If we reckon that God determines the outcome of war, an unjust cause has more effect than an army, so he ought not to be entirely confident of success if he fought against his king, who had helped him and had often been his benefactor, never treating him severely, and had heeded his evil counsellors only to the point of bringing a taint of injustice upon him. Herod was persuaded by these arguments and thought that for his future hopes he had already sufficiently shown his power to the nation.
²¹⁵ Furthermore, if one must consider that the scales of war are arbitrated by God, then the injustice of this campaign would outweigh its military strength. Therefore, he [Herod] ought not to be entirely hopeful of victory when he was about to join battle against his own king—a man who was his lifelong companion and a frequent benefactor, and who had never been harsh toward him, except in as much as he had been influenced by wicked advisors to brandish a mere shadow of an injury against him. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, believing that for his future hopes, it was sufficient for now simply to have displayed his power to the nation.

²¹⁶ Κἀν τούτῳ γίνεται περὶ ἈπάμειανApamia ταραχὴ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin καὶ πόλεμος ἐμφύλιοςkinsfolk, ΚαικιλίουCecilius μὲν ΒάσσουBassus διὰ τὴν‎ εἰς ΠομπήιονPompey εὔνοιαν δολοφονήσαντος ΣέξτονSextus ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου δύναμιν παραλαβόντος, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ΚαίσαροςCaesar στρατηγῶν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ φόνου μετὰ δυνάμεως συνελθόντων.
²¹⁶ In the meantime, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his goodwill to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar’s commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar,	²¹⁶ Meanwhile the Romans around Apamia were disturbed and there was a civil war caused by the treacherous murder of Sextus Caesar by Cecilius Bassus, which he did for Pompey's sake and took over his forces, but the rest of Caesar's officers attacked Bassus with all their force, to punish him for the murder.
²¹⁶ In the meantime, a Roman disturbance and civil war broke out near Apamea. Caecilius Bassus, out of his devotion to Pompey, treacherously murdered Sextus Caesar^[1] and seized his military forces. Consequently, the other generals of Caesar joined their forces together to march against Bassus, seeking to avenge the murder.

^[1]Sextus Caesar c75-80 BC to 46 BC

²¹⁷ οἷς καὶ διὰ τὸν ἀνῃρημένον καὶ διὰ τὸν περιόντα ΚαίσαραCaesar φίλους ὄντας ἀμφοτέρους ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater διὰ τῶν παίδων ἔπεμψεν συμμαχίαν. μηκυνομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου ΜοῦρκοςMourcus μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly ΣέξτουSextus παραγίνεται διάδοχος,
²¹⁷ Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.	²¹⁷ Antipater sent them help through his sons, for the sake of the one who was murdered and of the Caesar who was still alive, both of whom were his friends, and as this war dragged on, Mourcus came from Italy as successor to Antistius.
²¹⁷ Antipater sent military aid to them through his sons, as he was a friend to both the late Caesar and the one who survived him.^[1] As the war dragged on, Murcus^[2] arrived from Italy to succeed Sextus.

^[1]The “late Caesar” is Julius Caesar and the replacement is Octavian (later called Augustus).
^[2]Murcus is Staius Murcus the replacement for Sextus Caesar.

Chapter 11
Cassius makes Herod ruler of Syria.
Antipater’s murder is avenged by Herod

☜ ☞

²¹⁸ συνίσταται δὲ ῬωμαίοιςRomans κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μέγας πόλεμος ΚασσίουCassius καὶ ΒρούτουBrutus κτεινάντων δόλῳ ΚαίσαραCaesar κατασχόντα τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. μεγίστου δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ γενομένου κινήματος καὶ διαστασιασθέντων τῶν δυνατῶν ἕκαστος ἐλπίσιν οἰκείαις ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw πρὸς ὃ συμφέρειν ὑπελάμβανεν, καὶ δὴ καὶ ΚάσσιοςCassius εἰς ΣυρίανSyria καταληψόμενος τὰς περὶ ἈπάμειανApamia δυνάμεις.
²¹⁸ There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and everyone betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia,	²¹⁸ At this time a major war arose among the Romans after the treacherous murder of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, when he had held power for three years and seven months. This murder caused widespread upheaval and the influential men were sharply divided, each joining the party offering the best hopes of promotion, and Cassius came to Syria, to take command of the forces at Apamia.
²¹⁸ At this time, the great war broke out among the Romans following the treacherous murder of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held power for three years and seven months. This assassination sparked a massive upheaval; with the ruling class split into factions, each man followed his own ambitions based on what he thought would serve his interests. In particular, Cassius headed to Syria to take command of the army units stationed near Apamea.

²¹⁹ ἔνθα ΒάσσῳBassus τε ΜοῦρκονMourcus καὶ τὰ διεστῶτα τάγματα διαλλάξας ἐλευθεροῖ μὲν ἈπάμειανApamia τῆς πολιορκίας, ἡγούμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸς τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπήιει φορολογῶν τὰς πόλεις καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν τὰς εἰσπράξεις ποιούμενος.
²¹⁹ where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.	²¹⁹ There he reconciled Bassus and Murcus and their opposing legions, and raising the siege of Apamia, he took command of the army and went about exacting larger amounts of tax from the cities than they could bear.
²¹⁹ There, after reconciling Murcus and the dissenting legions with Bassus, he [Cassius] lifted the siege of Apamea. Taking command of the army himself, he then went about the cities imposing taxes, demanding payments that were beyond their means to pay.

²²⁰ κελευσθὲν δὲ καὶ ἸουδαίοιςJews εἰσενεγκεῖν ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα δείσας ἈντίπατροςAntipater τὴν‎ ἀπειλὴν τοῦ ΚασσίουCassius τοῖς τε υἱοῖς διεῖλεν εἰσπράττειν τὰ χρήματα καί τισιν ἄλλοις τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary κατὰ τάχος, ἐν οἷς καὶ ΜαλίχῳMalichus τινὶ τῶν διαφόρων· οὕτως ἤπειγεν ἡ ἀνάγκη.
²²⁰ So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius’s threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do.	²²⁰ He ordered the Jews to bring in seven hundred talents, and dreading the threats of Cassius, Antipater divided the raising of this sum among his sons and some others, needing it done quickly, and among them he required the hostile Malichus to do the necessary.
²²⁰ When the Jews were ordered to contribute seven hundred talents, Antipater, fearing Cassius’s threats, quickly divided the task of collecting the money between his sons and several of his associates—including a certain Malichus, one of his rivals. Such was the urgency of the necessity.

²²¹ πρῶτος δ᾽ ἀπεμειλίξατο ΚάσσιονCassius ἩρώδηςHerod τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ μοῖραν ἐκ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee κομίσας ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Φίλος ἦν. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς βραδυτῆτα κακίσας αὐταῖς ἐθυμοῦτο ταῖς πόλεσιν.
²²¹ Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves;	²²¹ First of all Herod calmed the passion of Cassius by bringing his share from Galilee, a hundred talents, for which he highly favoured him, while insulting the rest for being tardy, and vented his anger on the cities.
²²¹ Herod was the first to appease Cassius, bringing his assigned portion of one hundred talents from Galilee; for this reason, he was counted among his closest friends. Cassius, however, berated the others for their tardiness and vented his anger on the cities themselves.

²²² ΓόφναGophna γοῦν καὶ ἈμμαοῦνEmmaus καὶ δύο ἑτέρας τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἐξανδραποδισάμενος ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw μὲν ὡς καὶ ΜάλιχονMalichus ἀναιρήσων, ὅτι μὴ σπεύσας εἰσέπραξεν, ἐπέσχεν δὲ τὴν‎ τούτου καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἀπώλειαν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ταχέως ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις θεραπεύσας ΚάσσιονCassius.
²²² so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.	²²² He captured Gophna and Emmaus and two others of lesser note, and seemed ready to kill Malichus for not being quicker in exacting his tax. Antipater prevented the ruin of this man and of the other cities and won favour with Cassius by instantly bringing in a hundred talents.
²²² At any rate, after reducing Gophna, Emmaus, and two other less significant towns to slavery, Cassius was even moving to execute Malichus for his lack of haste in the collection. However, Antipater prevented his death and the destruction of the remaining cities by quickly mollifying Cassius with a payment of one hundred talents.

²²³ Οὐ μὴν ΜάλιχοςMalichus ἀναχωρήσαντος ΚασσίουCassius τῆς χάριτος ἀπεμνημόνευσεν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater, κατὰ δὲ τοῦ πολλάκις Σωτῆρος ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνεσκευάζετο σπεύδων ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἐμπόδιον αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς ἀδικήμασιν ἈντίπατροςAntipater δὲ τήν τε ἰσχὺν καὶ τὸ πανοῦργον τἀνδρὸς ὑποδείσας διαβαίνει τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan στρατὸν ἀθροίσων εἰς τὴν‎ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἄμυναν.
²²³ However, when Cassius was gone, Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs;	²²³ But once Cassius was gone, Malichus forgot the favour Antipater had done him and frequently schemed to get rid of the one who had saved him, because he was a hindrance to his misdeeds. Antipater was so afraid of the man's power and cunning that he went across the Jordan to raise an army and guard against his treachery.
²²³ Yet, once Cassius had withdrawn, Malichus did not remember Antipater’s favour. Instead, he began to plot against the man who had saved him so many times, eager to remove the one obstacle to his own criminal ambitions. Antipater, however, grew suspicious of the man’s power and cunning; he crossed the Jordan River to assemble an army for protection against the conspiracy.

²²⁴ φωραθεὶς δὲ ΜάλιχοςMalichus ἀναιδείᾳ τῶν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater παίδων περιγίνεται· τόν τε γὰρ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem φρουρὸν ΦασάηλονPhasael καὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd πεπιστευμένον τὰ ὅπλα πολλαῖς ἀπολογίαις καὶ ὅρκοις ἐκγοητεύσας διαλλακτὰς αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πείθει γίνεσθαι. πάλιν γοῦν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater σώζεται πείσαντος ΜοῦρκονMourcus τὸν τότε στρατηγοῦντα ΣυρίαςSyria, ὃς ὥρμητο κτεῖναι ΜάλιχονMalichus ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐνεωτέρισεν.
²²⁴ but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater’s sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was entrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.	²²⁴ When Malichus' plot was found out, he boldly duped Antipater's sons and by many excuses and oaths tricked Phasael, who was in command of Jerusalem and Herod who was entrusted with the arsenal, persuading them to help him be reconciled with his father. So he was again saved by Antipater, who talked Mourcus, the then ruler of Syria, out of his resolve to execute Malichus for attempted rebellion.
²²⁴ When Malichus was found out, he overcame Antipater’s sons through sheer impudence. By bewitching^[1] Phasael, the governor of Jerusalem, and Herod, who was entrusted with the army, with endless excuses and oaths, he persuaded them to act as mediators with their father on his behalf. At any rate, he was saved once again by Antipater, who convinced Murcus—then the military governor of Syria—not to carry out his plan to execute Malichus for his revolutionary activities.

^[1]Josephus uses a word that literally means ”to enchant” or ”to deceive by juggling or magic.” Malichus was a master manipulator who used “oaths” to play on the religious and social sensibilities of Antipater’s sons.

²²⁵ συστάντος δὲ τοῦ πρὸς ΚάσσιονCassius καὶ ΒροῦτονBrutus πολέμου ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε τῷ νέῳ καὶ ἈντωνίῳAnthony ΚάσσιοςCassius καὶ ΜοῦρκοςMourcus στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria, ἐπειδὴ μέγα μέρος εἰς τὰς χρείας ἩρώδηςHerod ἔδοξε, τότε μὲν αὐτὸν ΣυρίαςSyria ἁπάσης ἐπιμελητὴνgovernor, manager καθιστᾶσιν δύναμιν πεζήν τε καὶ ἱππικὴν δόντες, μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν ἀποδείξειν ΚάσσιοςCassius ὑπέσχετο καὶ ἸουδαίαςJudea βασιλέα.
²²⁵ Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea.	²²⁵ During the war of Cassius and Brutus against the younger Caesar and Antony, Cassius and Marcus Brutus gathered an army from Syria, and because Herod was likely to play a big part in providing essentials, they made him procurator of all Syria and gave him an army of both infantry and cavalry, and Cassius promised to make him king of Judea, after the war was over.
²²⁵ When the war against Cassius and Brutus was joined by the young Caesar [Octavian/Augustus] and [Mark] Antony, Cassius and Murcus gathered an army from Syria. Because Herod had proven to be a major asset to their requirements, they appointed him at that time as the governor of all Syria, providing him with both infantry and cavalry forces. Furthermore, Cassius promised that once the war was concluded, he would appoint him King of Judea.

²²⁶ συνέβη δ᾽ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τήν τε ἰσχὺν τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα αἰτίαν ἀπωλείας γενέσθαι· ταῦτα γὰρ δείσας ὁ ΜάλιχοςMalichus διαφθείρει τινὰ τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰνοχόων χρήμασιν δοῦναι φάρμακον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀγώνισμα τῆς ΜαλίχουMalichus παρανομίας γενόμενος μετὰ τὸ συμπόσιον θνήσκει τά τε ἄλλα δραστήριος ἀνὴρ ἐν ἀφηγήσει πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀνακτησάμενός τε ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ διαφυλάξας.
²²⁶ But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king’s cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus’s wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.	²²⁶ But the power and the hopes of his son became the cause of Antipater's ruin, for being anxious about this, Malichus bribed one of the king's cup-bearers to give Antipater a poisoned drink, so he was sacrificed to Malichus' wickedness and died at a feast. He had been most active in the management of affairs, and was vital in regaining and retaining power for Hyrcanus.
²²⁶ It so happened that the power and future prospects of his son became the very cause of Antipater’s destruction. Fearing these things, Malichus bribed one of the royal cupbearers to administer poison to Antipater. Thus, becoming a victim of Malichus’s lawlessness, he died following a banquet. Antipater^[1] was a man of great energy in the management of affairs, having both recovered the government for Hyrcanus and preserved it for him.

^[1]Antipater was born in 113 or 114 BC and died about age 70 in 43 BC.

²²⁷ ΜάλιχοςMalichus δὲ καθ᾽ ὑπόνοιαν τῆς φαρμακείας ὀργιζόμενον τὸ πλῆθος ἀρνούμενος ἔπειθεν καὶ δυνατώτερον ἑαυτὸν κατεσκεύαζεν ὁπλίταςarmed warrior συγκροτῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἠρεμήσειν ἩρώδηνHerōd ὑπελάμβανεν, ὃς δὴ καὶ παρῆν αὐτίκα στρατὸν ἄγων ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ πατρός.
²²⁷ However, Malichus, when he was suspected of poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father’s death;	²²⁷ Suspected of poisoning Antipater and seeing the people's anger at him, Malichus denied it and placated them. But not expecting Herod to remain at peace, he wanted to strengthen his position and raise soldiers, and indeed the latter soon came against him with an army, to avenge his father's death.
²²⁷ As for Malichus, when the people grew angry because they suspected the poisoning, he managed to convince them otherwise by denying it. At the same time, he began making himself more powerful by assembling a body of heavy infantry; for he assumed that Herod would not remain quiet—and indeed, Herod appeared immediately, leading an army to avenge his father.

²²⁸ ΦασαήλουPhasael δὲ τἀδελφοῦ συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτῷ μὴ φανερῶς τὸν ἄνδρα μετιέναι, διαστασιάσειν γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος, τότε μὲν ἀπολογούμενόν τε προσίεται τὸν ΜάλιχονMalichus καὶ τῆς ὑπονοίας ἀπολύειν ὡμολόγει, λαμπρὰν δὲ πομπὴν ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ κηδείας ἐτέλεσεν.
²²⁸ but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus’s apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father.	²²⁸ Still, advised by his brother Phasael not to execute him publicly in case the people should rebel, he accepted Malichus' apology and professed to lift the suspicion from him and then made a splendid funeral for his father.
²²⁸ When his brother Phasael advised him not to pursue the man openly—fearing it would drive the people into a civil uprising—Herod accepted Malichus’s defense for the time being and agreed to clear him of suspicion. Meanwhile, he celebrated a magnificent funeral procession in honour of his father.

²²⁹ τραπεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria στάσει τεταραγμένην κατεστήσατο τὴν‎ πόλιν· ἔπειτα καθ᾽ ἑορτὴν ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem τοὺς ὁπλίταςarmed warrior ἄγων. Καὶ πέμπων ὙρκανόςHyrcanus, ἐνῆγεν γὰρ δεδοικὼς τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ΜάλιχοςMalichus, ἐκώλυεν τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους εἰσαγαγεῖν ἐφ᾽ ἁγνεύοντας τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. ὁ δὲ τῆς προφάσεως καταφρονήσας καὶ τοῦ προστάσσοντος εἰσέρχεται διὰ νυκτός.
²²⁹ So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night.	²²⁹ Herod went to quell an uprising in Samaria, and settled the city in peace before returning with his infantry to Jerusalem for the festival. Then Hyrcanus, instigated by Malichus whom he feared, forbade them to let foreigners mingle with the locals during their purifications, but scorning both this pretext and the one who had made it, Herod came in by night.
²²⁹ Turning his attention to Samaria, which was in a state of civil unrest, he restored order to the city. Afterward, he returned to Jerusalem during a festival, leading his heavy infantry with him. Hyrcanus—prompted by Malichus, who was terrified of this advance—sent a message forbidding him from bringing “foreigners” into the city while the local people were undergoing their rites of purification. However, Herod, showing contempt for both this pretext and the man who issued the order, entered the city under the cover of night.

²³⁰ καὶ πάλιν ΜάλιχοςMalichus προσιὼν ἔκλαιεν ἈντίπατρονAntipater· ἀνθυπεκρίνετο δὲ μόλις ἩρώδηςHerod τὸν θυμὸν ἐπέχων καὶ ΚασσίῳCassius δι᾽ ἐπιστολῶν τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀναίρεσιν ἀπωδύρετο μισοῦντι καὶ ἄλλως ΜάλιχονMalichus. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετιέναι τὸν φονέα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀντεπιστείλας καὶ τοῖς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτὸν χιλιάρχοις λάθρα προσέταξεν ἩρώδῃHerod βοηθεῖν εἰς πρᾶξιν δικαίαν.
²³⁰ Upon which Malichus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father’s death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.	²³⁰ When Malichus came to sympathize about Antipater, Herod pretended to believe him, though he found it hard to contain his anger. He did, however, complain of his father's murder in his letters to Cassius, who also hated Malichus for other reasons. Cassius sent back word that he would avenge his father's death for him and secretly ordered his tribunes to help Herod to execute justice.
²³⁰ Once again, Malichus approached Herod and wept for Antipater; for his part, Herod played along, though he could barely restrain his rage. Meanwhile, Herod sent letters to Cassius, lamenting his father’s murder to a man who already had a separate reason to hate Malichus. In reply, Cassius wrote back giving Herod permission to pursue his father’s killer, and he secretly ordered the [military] tribunes^[1] under his command to assist Herod in this act of justice.

^[1]A military tribune was a chiliarch which means a “commander of a thousand.”

²³¹ Καὶ ἐπειδὴ ΛαοδίκειανLaodicea ἑλόντος αὐτοῦ‎ συνῇσαν οἱ πανταχόθεν δυνατοὶ δωρεάς τε καὶ στεφάνους φέροντες, ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν τοῦτον τῇ τιμωρίᾳ τὸν καιρὸν ἀφώρισεν, ΜάλιχοςMalichus δὲ ὑποπτεύσας, ὡς ἐν ΤύρῳTyre γίνεται, τόν τε υἱὸν ὁμηρεύοντα παρὰ τοῖς ΤυρίοιςTyrians ὑπεξαγαγεῖν ἔγνω λάθρα καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀποδρᾶναι παρεσκευάζετο·
²³¹ And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea;	²³¹ When he took Laodicea and the leaders flocked to him from all quarters bearing gifts and crowns, Herod took his opportunity to strike at Malichus. Suspecting this while he was in Tyre, Malichus decided to secretly remove his son from the Tyrians, where he was held hostage, while he himself got ready to escape into Judea.
²³¹ When Cassius captured Laodicea and the powerful men from all over gathered there, bringing gifts and crowns, Herod decided that this was the opportune moment for his revenge. Malichus, however, became suspicious; as he arrived in Tyre, he formed a plan to secretly spirit away his son, who was being held as a hostage by the Tyrians, while he himself prepared to flee back to Judea.

²³² παρώξυνεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπόγνωσις ἐνθυμεῖσθαι καὶ μείζονα· τό τε γὰρ ἔθνος ἐπαναστήσειν ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἤλπισεν ΚασσίουCassius τῷ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny πολέμῳ περισπωμένου καὶ βασιλεύσειν αὐτὸς ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καταλύσας εὐμαρῶς.
²³² the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.	²³² His desperate danger spurred him to aim for higher things, for he hoped to rouse the nation to revolt from the Romans while Cassius was busy with the war against Antony, and that he could easily depose Hyrcanus and become king himself.
²³² His desperation for survival spurred him to contemplate even greater ambitions; for he hoped to incite the nation to revolt against the Romans while Cassius was distracted by the war against Antony, and he believed he could easily depose Hyrcanus and seize the throne himself.

²³³ Ἐπεγέλα δ᾽ ἄρα τὸ χρεὼν αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν. ὁ γοῦν ἩρώδηςHerod προϊδόμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν τόν τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus κἀκεῖνον ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐκάλει, παρεστῶτας ἔπειτα τῶν οἰκετῶν τινας πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰσέπεμψεν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ δείπνου παρασκευήν, τῷ δὲ ὄντι προειπεῖν τοῖς χιλιάρχοις ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἐνέδραν.
²³³ But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him;	²³³ But fate mocked his hopes, for Herod foresaw his intent and invited him and Hyrcanus to a supper and then sent out one of his servants as though to prepare things for supper, but in reality to tell the tribunes to be ready for the ambush.
²³³ But Fate, as it turned out, was laughing at his hopes. Herod, anticipating his move, invited both Hyrcanus and Malichus to dinner. He then sent some of his personal servants ahead of them, ostensibly to prepare the meal, but in reality, to tell the tribunes to go out and set the ambush.

²³⁴ κἀκεῖνοι τῶν ΚασσίουCassius προσταγμάτων ἀναμνησθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως αἰγιαλὸν ἐξήιεσαν ξιφήρεις, ἔνθα περιστάντες τὸν ΜάλιχονMalichus πολλοῖς τραύμασιν ἀναιροῦσιν. ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν λυθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation ἔπεσεν, μόλις δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ἩρώδηνHerōd διηρώτα, τίς ὁ κτείνας εἴη ΜάλιχονMalichus.
²³⁴ accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the seashore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus.	²³⁴ Remembering Cassius' orders, they went down sword in hand from the city to the shore, where they surrounded Malichus and killed him with many wounds. Hyrcanus fainted at the sudden shock and fell down,and had barely revived when he asked Herod who had killed Malichus.
²³⁴ Recalling Cassius’s orders, those officers went out to the shore in front of the city, armed with swords; there, they surrounded Malichus and cut him down with many wounds. Hyrcanus was instantly undone by shock and collapsed; once he had barely regained his composure, he began to question Herod as to who it was that had killed Malichus.^[1]

^[1]The date of the birth of Malichus is unknown but he died the same year (43 BC) as Antipater.

²³⁵ ἀποκριναμένου δέ τινος τῶν χιλιάρχων « τὸ ΚασσίουCassius πρόσταγμα», « ΚάσσιοςCassius ἄρα, ἔφη, κἀμὲ καὶ τὴν‎ πατρίδα μου σώζει τὸν ἀμφοτέρων ἐπίβουλον ἀνελών.» εἴτε δὲ φρονῶν ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus οὕτως εἴθ᾽ ὑπὸ δέους ὁμόσε τῇ πράξει χωρῶν εἶπεν, ἄδηλον ἦν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ΜάλιχονMalichus μὲν οὕτως ἩρώδηςHerod μετῆλθεν.
²³⁵ And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius, “Then,” said he, “Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both.” Whether he spoke according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus.	²³⁵ When one of the tribunes replied that it was done at the command of Cassius, he said, "Then, by removing one who was plotting against me and my country, Cassius has saved us both." Whether or not Hyrcanus really thought this, or if it was fear that made him commend the deed, that was how Herod took his revenge on Malichus.
²³⁵ When one of the tribunes replied, “It was the command of Cassius,” Hyrcanus said, “Then Cassius has saved both me and my country by doing away with the man who was a conspirator against us both.” Whether Hyrcanus truly felt this way, or whether he spoke as he did because he was terrified and felt he had to go along with the deed, remained unclear. At any rate, this was how Herod took his revenge on Malichus.

Chapter 12
Mark Antony makes Phasael and Herod tetrarchs,
despite a Jewish deputation opposing their rule.

☜ ☞

²³⁶ ΚασσίουCassius δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντος ἐκ ΣυρίαςSyria πάλιν στάσις ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem γίνεται ἝλικοςHelix μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπαναστάντος ΦασαήλῳPhasael καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ ΜαλίχουMalichus τιμωρίαν ἀμύνεσθαι θέλοντος ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς τὸν ἀδελφόν. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἔτυχεν μὲν ὢν παρὰ ΦαβίῳFabius τῷ στρατηγῷ κατὰ ΔαμασκόνDamascus, ὡρμημένος δὲ βοηθεῖν ὑπὸ νόσου κατείχετο.
²³⁶ When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother’s assistance, he was detained by sickness;	²³⁶ After Cassius left Syria, another rebellion arose in Jerusalem, where Helix attacked Phasael with an army, to take revenge on Herod for the death of Malichus by attacking his brother. At the time, Herod happened to be with Fabius, the ruler of Damascus and as he was going to his brother's help, he was detained by sickness.
²³⁶ When Cassius withdrew from Syria, civil unrest broke out once again in Jerusalem. A man named Helix rose up with an army against Phasael, intending to punish Herod for the death of Malichus by taking revenge on his brother. Herod happened to be with Fabius, the Roman commander at Damascus, at the time; but although he was eager to help, he was incapacitated by illness.

²³⁷ κἀν τούτῳ ΦασάηλοςPhasael καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἝλικοςHelix περιγενόμενος ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀχαριστίαν ὧν τε ἝλικιHelix συμπράξειεν, καὶ ὅτι περιορώιη τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ΜαλίχουMalichus τὰ φρούρια καταλαμβάνοντα· πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ κατείληπτο, καὶ τὸ πάντων ὀχυρώτατον ΜασάδανMasada.
²³⁷ in the meantime, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus’s brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada.	²³⁷ Meanwhile, Phasael defeated Helix by himself and reproached Hyrcanus for ingratitude, both for the help he had given Malichus and for ignoring Malichus' brother after he gained possession of the fortresses, for already he held many of them, among them the strongest of them all, Masada.
²³⁷ In the meantime, Phasael, having overcome Helix on his own, reproached Hyrcanus for his ingratitude, both for the assistance he had given to Helix and for allowing Malichus’s brother to seize the fortresses. Indeed, many places had already been taken, including the most formidable of them all: Masada.

²³⁸ Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ τι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod βίαν ἤρκεσεν, ὃς ἀναρρωσθεὶς τά τε ἄλλα παραλαμβάνει κἀκεῖνον ἐκ τῆς ΜασάδαςMasada ἱκέτην ἀφῆκενto send forth. ἐξήλασενto drive out δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ΜαρίωναMarion τὸν ΤυρίωνTyrians τύραννος ἤδη τρία κατεσχηκότα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, τοὺς δὲ ληφθέντας ΤυρίουςTyrians ἔσωσεν μὲν πάντας, ἦσαν δ᾽ οὓς καὶ δωρησάμενος ἀπέπεμψεν εὔνοιαν ἑαυτῷ παρὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ μῖσος παρασκευαζόμενος.
²³⁸ However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured goodwill to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant.	²³⁸ But he could not withstand the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again and drove him from Masada as a supplicant. He was also expelled from Galilee Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, when he had already captured three strongholds, though he had let live the Tyrians whom he had caught, even giving gifts to some of them before sending them away. By this he earned from the city goodwill toward himself and hatred toward the tyrant.
²³⁸ However, none of this was enough to withstand the force of Herod, who, having recovered his health, retook the other strongholds and allowed Malichus’s brother to leave Masada as a suppliant. He also drove Marion, the tyrant of Tyre, out of Galilee, where he had already occupied three of the fortifications. Herod spared all the Tyrians he captured, and some he even sent away with gifts, thereby securing goodwill for himself from the city of Tyre while generating hatred for their tyrant.

²³⁹ ὁ δὲ ΜαρίωνMarion ἠξίωτο μὲν τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπὸ ΚασσίουCassius τυραννίσιν πᾶσαν διαλαβόντος τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd ἔχθος συγκατήγαγεν ἈντίγονονAntignus τὸν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus, καὶ τὸ πλέον διὰ ΦάβιονFabius, ὃν ἈντίγονοςAntigonus χρήμασιν προσποιησάμενος βοηθὸν εἶχεν τῆς καθόδου· χορηγὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἁπάντων ὁ κηδεστὴς ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus.
²³⁹ Marion had, indeed, obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.	²³⁹ Marion's regime was due to Cassius, who appointed tyrants over all of Syria, and, moved by hatred for Herod, had helped Antigonus, son of Aristobulus. In this he was prompted by Fabius, whom Antigonus had paid to help in his restoration, while the expenses of his exile were paid by his relative, Ptolemy.
²³⁹ Now Marion had been granted his tyranny by Cassius, who had partitioned all of Syria into various small tyrannies. Out of his hatred for Herod, Marion helped to bring back Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus. This restoration was made possible largely through the help of Fabius, whom Antigonus had won over with bribes to support his return. The one providing the funding for the entire enterprise was Antigonus’s kinsman, Ptolemy.

The “Anti-Herod” coalition is now complete. It consists of
Marion: The vengeful tyrant of Tyre;
Antigonus: The Hasmonean royal claimant.
Fabius: A corruptible Roman commander.
Ptolemy of Chalcis: The wealthy financier.

²⁴⁰ Πρὸς οὓς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀντιπαραταξάμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβολῶν τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus ἐξελάσας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem πᾶσιν ἀγαπητὸς ὢν ἐπὶ τῷ κατορθώματι· καὶ γὰρ οἱ μὴ προσέχοντες πάλαι τότε ὠικείωντο διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐπιγαμίαν αὐτῷ.
²⁴⁰ When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by everybody for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus;	²⁴⁰ Herod resisted them in the highways of Judea and won, and drove Antigonus off and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by all for his splendid exploit. Those who previously did not favour him joined him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus.
²⁴⁰ After drawing up his forces against them at the approaches to Judea, Herod won the battle. Having driven Antigonus out, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was welcomed by all for his success. Even those who had previously been indifferent to him were now won over because of his marriage alliance with the family of Hyrcanus.

²⁴¹ πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἦκτο γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπιχωρίων οὐκ ἄσημον, ΔωρὶςDoris ἐκαλεῖτο, ἐξ ἧς ἐγέννησεν ἈντίπατρονAntipater, τότε δὲ γήμας τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus θυγατέρα, θυγατριδῆν δὲ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus ΜαριάμηνMariamne οἰκεῖος τῷ βασιλεῖ γίνεται.
²⁴¹ for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.	²⁴¹ Whereas he had formerly married a wife of noble blood called Doris from his own district, by whom he had a son, Antipater, now he married Mariamne, a daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, and a granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and had thereby become related to the king.
²⁴¹ For previously, he had taken a wife from among his own people, a woman of no small distinction named Doris, by whom he fathered Antipater. But at that time, by marrying Mariamne—the daughter of Alexander (the son of Aristobulus) and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus—he became a member of the King’s own family.

²⁴² Ἐπεὶ δὲ ΚάσσιονCassius περὶ ΦιλίππουςPhilippi ἀνελόντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς μὲν ἸταλίανItaly ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ἈσίαςAsia ἈντώνιοςAntony, πρεσβευομένων τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny εἰς ΒιθυνίανBithynia ἧκον καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews οἱ δυνατοὶ κατηγοροῦντες ΦασαήλουPhasael καὶ ἩρώδουHerod, βίαι μὲν αὐτοὺς κρατεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων, ὄνομα δὲ μόνον περιεῖναι ὙρκανῷHyrcanus τίμιον. πρὸς ἃ παρὼν ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ τεθεραπευκὼς οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἈντώνιονAntōny χρήμασιν οὕτως διέθηκεν, ὡς μηδὲ λόγου τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀνασχέσθαι.
²⁴² But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time.	²⁴² But after killing Cassius near Philippi, Caesar went back to Italy and Antony to Asia; then along with other cities which sent envoys to Antony to Bithynia, the great men of the Jews also came to accuse Phasael and Herod of holding power by force, and Hyrcanus of holding only an honourary title. Herod came in person, and befriended Antony by giving him large sums of money, making him unwilling to hear any hostile words against him, so for the moment his enemies were put to silence.
²⁴² After they had defeated and killed Cassius at Philippi, Octavian Caesar departed for Italy while Antony headed for Asia. As the various cities sent embassies to Antony in Bithynia, the powerful men of the Jews also arrived to lodge accusations against Phasael and Herod. They claimed that the brothers held control of the government by force, leaving Hyrcanus with nothing but the empty honour of his name. In response, Herod—who was present and had cultivated Antony’s favour with a substantial amount of money—influenced him so effectively that Antony refused even to hear a word from Herod’s enemies.

²⁴³ καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως διελύθησαν, αὖθις δὲ οἱ ἐν τέλει ἸουδαίωνJews ἑκατὸν ἄνδρες ἧκον εἰς τὴν‎ πρὸς ἈντιόχειανAntioch ΔάφνηνDaphnē ἐπ᾽ ἈντώνιονAntōny ἤδη τῷ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἔρωτιlove δεδουλωμένον· οἳ προστησάμενοι τοὺς ἀξιώματι καὶ λόγῳ σφῶν δυνατωτάτους κατηγόρουν τῶν ἀδελφῶν. ὑπήντα δὲ ΜεσσάλαςMessala ἀπολογούμενος συμπαρεστῶτος ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus διὰ τὸ κῆδος.
²⁴³ However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren. But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them.	²⁴³ Later, however, a hundred of the leading Jews came to Daphne near Antioch, to meet Antony, who was already in thrall to his love for Cleopatra, and putting forward their most noble and eloquent speakers, made their accusations against the brothers. But Messala faced them for the defence while Hyrcanus stood beside him, because of his connection by marriage.
²⁴³ And so, for the time being, they were dismissed. But later, one hundred of the leading Jewish men came to Daphne, near Antioch, to see Antony, who was by then already enslaved by his passion for Cleopatra. These men, having appointed the most powerful speakers and men of rank among them, brought accusations against the brothers. However, Messala spoke in their defence, while Hyrcanus stood by them because of his family connection through the marriage.

²⁴⁴ καὶ ἈντώνιοςAntony ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus διεπυνθάνετο τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτέρους ὄντας ἄρχειν· τοῦ δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd προκρίνοντος, ἡσθείς, ἦν γὰρ δὴ καὶ ξένος αὐτοῖς πατρῷος δεχθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater φιλοφρόνως ὅτε εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea σὺν ΓαβινίῳGabinius παρέβαλλεν, τετράρχας ἀποδείκνυσιν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πᾶσαν διοικεῖν τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἐπιτρέπων.
²⁴⁴ When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.	²⁴⁴ When Antony had heard both sides and asked Hyrcanus which party was most fit to govern, he replied in favour of Herod. This pleased Antony, for he had formerly been warmly welcomed by his father Antipater, when campaigning with Gabinius in Judea. So he appointed the brothers tetrarchs and entrusted them with ruling Judea.
²⁴⁴ After Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus who were the most fit to govern. When Hyrcanus nominated Herod and his associates, Antony was pleased—for he was an old family friend, having been received with great cordiality by Antipater when he had first come to Judea with Gabinius. Thus, he appointed the brothers tetrarchs, entrusting them with the administration of all Judea.

²⁴⁵ Προσαγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν συλλαβὼν εἵργνυσιν, οὓς καὶ ἀνελεῖν ὥρμησεν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς μεθ᾽ ὕβρεως ἀπήλασεν. πρὸς ὃ μείζων ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem γίνεται ταραχή· χιλίους γοῦν πάλιν ἔπεμψαν πρέσβεις εἰς ΤύρονTyre, ἔνθα διέτριβεν ἈντώνιοςAntony ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ὡρμημένος. ἐπὶ τούτους κεκραγότας ἐκπέμπει τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ΤυρίωνTyrians κολάζειν προστάξας οὓς ἂν λάβῃ, συγκατασκευάζειν δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατασταθεῖσιν τετράρχαις.
²⁴⁵ But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs.	²⁴⁵ But when the envoys were angry with this procedure, Antony took and jailed fifteen of them and was prepared to execute them, and the rest he drove away in disgrace. This caused still further rioting in Jerusalem. Again they sent a thousand envoys to Tyre, where Antony had paused during his march to Jerusalem. He sent out the ruler of Tyre against these complainants to punish all of them he could catch and to support the rule of the tetrarchs appointed by him.
²⁴⁵ When the ambassadors reacted with indignation, Antony arrested fifteen of them and threw them into prison, intending even to execute them; the rest he drove away with insults. This caused an even greater uproar in Jerusalem. Consequently, they sent a second embassy—this time of a thousand men—to Tyre, where Antony was staying while preparing to head for Jerusalem. Antony sent out the governor of the Tyrians against these protesters, ordering him to punish any he might capture and to help establish the authority of the tetrarchs he had appointed.

²⁴⁶ Πρὸ δὲ τούτου πολλὰ παρῄνει προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἩρώδηςHerod σὺν ὙρκανῷHyrcanus μήθ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ἀπωλείας αἰτίους μήτε τῇ πατρίδι πολέμου γίνεσθαι φιλονεικοῦντας ἀκρίτως. τῶν δὲ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀγανακτούντων ἈντώνιοςAntony ἐκπέμψας ὁπλίταςarmed warrior πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ἔτρωσεν· ὧν οἵ τε πεσόντες ταφῆς καὶ οἱ τραυματίᾳ θεραπείας ἠξιώθησαν ὑπὸ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus.
²⁴⁶ But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the seashore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him;	²⁴⁶ Before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went to the sea-shore and implored these envoys not to destroy themselves, or bring war on their native land, by ill-judged quarrels. However, as they grew still more embittered, Antony sent troops and killed or wounded many.
²⁴⁶ Before this took place, Herod went out to the shore with Hyrcanus and strongly cautioned them not to become the cause of their own destruction, nor to bring war upon their country through their senseless contention. But as they only grew more incensed, Antony sent out heavily armed soldiers, who killed many of them and wounded many others. Hyrcanus ensured that those who fell were granted a proper burial and that the wounded received medical care.

²⁴⁷ οὐ μὴν οἱ διαφυγόντες ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν συνταράσσοντες παρώξυναν ἈντώνιονAntōny ὥστε καὶ τοὺς δεσμώτας ἀποκτεῖναι.
²⁴⁷ yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had put in bonds also.	²⁴⁷ Although the dead were buried by Hyrcanus, and he had the wounded cared for, even still those who escaped would not be silent but stirred up the city so much that it provoked Antony into killing the prisoners.
²⁴⁷ The ones who had escaped did not remain quiet, however, but by throwing the city into turmoil, they provoked Antony to the point of even executing the prisoners.

Chapter 13
Parthians restore Antigonus' rule in Judea.
Hyrcanus is mutilated, Herod's brother is killed,
and himself put to flight.

☜ ☞

²⁴⁸ μετὰ δὲ ἔτη δύο ΒαζαφράνουBarzapharnes τοῦ ΠάρθωνParthians σατράπου σὺν ΠακόρῳPacorus τῷ βασιλέως υἱῷ ΣυρίανSyria κατασχόντος ΛυσανίαςLysanias ἀναδεδεγμένος ἤδη τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος, ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος ὁ ΜενναίουMennaeus, πείθει τὸν σατράπην ὑποσχέσει χιλίων ταλάντων καὶ πεντακοσίων γυναικῶν καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus, καταλῦσαι δὲ τὸν ὙρκανόνHyrcanus.
²⁴⁸ Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Pacorus, the king’s son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded, upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it.	²⁴⁸ Two years later, the Parthian satrap Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the king's son, occupied Syria, and Lysanias, who had taken over after the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, persuaded the satrap, by a promise of a thousand talents and five hundred women, to restore Antigonus to his kingdom and to depose Hyrcanus.
²⁴⁸ Two years later,^[1] when the Parthian satrap Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the king’s son, had seized Syria, Lysanias—who had already succeeded to the government upon the death of his father, this being Ptolemy the son of Mennaeus—persuaded the satrap, by a promise of a thousand talents and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom and to depose Hyrcanus.

^[1]Two years after Mark Antony visited Syria in 42/41 BC, The Parthians invated Syria in 40 BC.

²⁴⁹ τούτοις ὑπαχθεὶς ΠάκοροςPacorus αὐτὸς μὲν ᾔει κατὰ τὴν‎ παράλιον, ΒαζαφράνηνBarzapharnes δὲ διὰ τῆς μεσογείου προσέταξεν ἐμβαλεῖν. τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιθαλαττίων ΤύριοιTyrians ΠάκορονPacorus οὐκ ἐδέξαντο καίτοι ΠτολεμαιῶνPtolemais καὶ ΣιδωνίωνSidonians δεδεγμένων. ὁ δ᾽ οἰνοχόῳ τινὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁμωνύμῳ μοῖραν τῆς ἵππου παραδοὺς προεμβαλεῖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea κατασκεψόμενόν τε τὰ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸς ἃ δέοι βοηθήσοντα ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus.
²⁴⁹ Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the seacoast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cupbearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance.	²⁴⁹ Prompted by this, Pacorus marched down along the coastal route, commanding Barzapharnes to march through the interior. Of the coastal towns, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, but those of Ptolemais and Sidon did receive him, so he left a troop of his cavalry to a cup-bearer of the same name as himself, belonging to the royal family, with orders to proceed into Judea, to gain information about the enemy and to help Antigonus as required.
²⁴⁹ Induced by these [promises], Pacorus himself traveled along the coast, while he commanded Barzapharnes to invade through the interior. Of the coastal cities, the Tyrians did not admit Pacorus, even though the people of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him. He [Pacorus] then handed over a portion of the cavalry to a certain royal cupbearer of the same name [Pacorus], and ordered him to invade Judea ahead of them to scout the enemy’s situation and to assist Antigonus as might be necessary.

²⁵⁰ Τῶν δὲ λῃζομένων τὸν ΚάρμηλονCarmel πολλοὶ ἸουδαῖοιJews συνδραμόντες πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus προθύμους ἑαυτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ εἰσβολὴν παρεῖχον. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν καλούμενον Δρυμὸν προέπεμψεν τὸ χωρίον καταλαβεῖν· ἐν ᾧ γενομένης συμβολῆς ὠσάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διώξαντες ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἔθεον γενόμενοί τε πλείους μέχρι τῶν βασιλείων προῆλθον.
²⁵⁰ Now, as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland], to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king’s palace;	²⁵⁰ As these were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews hurried to join Antigonus, prepared to invade the country, so he sent them ahead to a place called Coppice, to seize it. A battle was fought there and they routed the enemy and pursued them as far as Jerusalem, and with their numbers constantly growing, they reached the royal palace.
²⁵⁰ Many Jews from among those who frequented Mount Carmel gathered to Antigonus and offered themselves as eager participants for the invasion. He sent them ahead to occupy the place called Drymos (“The Oak-Forest”); a skirmish took place there. After they had pushed back the enemy and pursued them, they rushed toward Jerusalem. As their numbers grew, they advanced as far as the royal palace.

²⁵¹ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus δὲ καὶ ΦασαήλουPhasael δεξαμένων αὐτοὺς καρτερῷ στίφει μάχη κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀγορὰν συρρήγνυται, καθ᾽ ἣν τρεψάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd κατακλείουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ φρουροὺς αὐτῶν ἄνδρας ἑξήκοντα ταῖς πλησίον οἰκίαις ἐγκατέστησαν.
²⁵¹ but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the marketplace, in which Herod’s party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them.	²⁵¹ As Hyrcanus and Phasael were ready for them with a strong group of men, a battle ensued in the marketplace, where the Herodian side defeated the enemy and shut them up in the temple and set sixty men in the adjoining houses to keep guard over them.
²⁵¹ But when Hyrcanus and Phasael received them with a strong body of men, a battle broke out in the marketplace. In this clash, Herod’s men turned the enemy to flight and shut them up within the Temple. They stationed sixty men in the adjoining houses to act as guards over them.

²⁵² τούτους μὲν ὁ στασιάζων πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς λαὸς ἐπελθὼν ἐμπίπρησιν, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τοῦ δήμου πολλοὺς κατ᾽ ὀργὴν τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀναιρεῖ συμβαλών, καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπεκθεόντων ἀλλήλοις κατὰ λόχους φόνος ἦν ἀδιάλειπτος.
²⁵² But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them.	²⁵² But the people who were opposed to the brothers entered and burned the guards. Herod, in his rage at losing them, attacked and killed many of the people, until each side in turn ambushed the other by turns on a daily basis, and there was no end of slaughter.
²⁵² The faction of the people hostile to the brothers [Herod and Phasael] attacked these men and burned them to death; and Herod, in his rage over those who had perished, attacked and slew many of the common people. As they rushed out against one another in raiding parties day by day, the slaughter was incessant.

²⁵³ Ἐνστάσης δ᾽ ἑορτῆς, ἣ πεντηκοστὴ καλεῖται, τά τε περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πάντα καὶ ἡ πόλις ὅληwhole, entire πλήθους τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἀναπίμπλαται τὸ πλέον ὁπλιτῶν. Καὶ ΦασάηλοςPhasael μὲν τὸ τεῖχος, ἩρώδηςHerod δ᾽ οὐ μετὰ πολλῶν ἐφρούρει τὰ βασίλεια· καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπεκδραμὼν ἀσυντάκτοις κατὰ τὸ προάστειον πλείστους μὲν ἀναιρεῖ, τρέπεται δὲ πάντας καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, τοὺς δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, τοὺς δὲ εἰς τὸ ἔξω χαράκωμα ἐγκλείει.
²⁵³ Now, when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart.	²⁵³ When the feast called Pentecost was near, the whole area around the temple and the city itself was thronged with people from the country, many of them armed. Phasael was guarding the wall and Herod, with a small force, was guarding the royal palace, and when he made an attack on his disorganized enemies, on the north quarter of the city, he killed many and put them all to flight, and shut up some of them within the city and others within the outer fort.
²⁵³ When the festival arrived which is called Pentecost, all the areas around the Temple and the entire city were filled with a multitude from the countryside, the majority of whom were armed. Phasael guarded the wall, while Herod, with a small force, guarded the royal palace. Herod then made a sally against the enemy in the suburb while they were in disorder; he slew a great many of them, put them all to flight, and shut some of them up in the city, some in the Temple, and others within the outer rampart.

²⁵⁴ κἀν τούτῳ διαλλακτὴν μὲν ἈντίγονοςAntigonus παρακαλεῖ ΠάκορονPacorus εἰσαφεῖναι, ΦασάηλοςPhasael δὲ πεισθεὶς τῇ τε πόλει καὶ ξενίαι τὸν ΠάρθονParthia εἰσδέχεται μετὰ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων, προφάσει μὲν ἥκοντα τοῦ παῦσαι τὴν‎ στάσιν.
²⁵⁴ In the meantime, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus;	²⁵⁴ Meanwhile Antigonus asked to have Pacorus accepted as a mediator between them, and Phasael agreed to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred cavalry, purportedly to bring the civil strife to an end, but in fact he came to help Antigonus.
²⁵⁴ In the meantime, Antigonus requested that Pacorus be admitted as a mediator; and Phasael, being persuaded, received the Parthian into the city and into his own hospitality, along with five hundred horsemen. He [Pacorus] had come on the pretext of putting an end to the civil strife,

²⁵⁵ τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus βοηθόν. τὸν γοῦν ΦασάηλονPhasael ἐνεδρεύων ἀνέπεισεν πρὸς ΒαζαφράνηνBarzapharnes πρεσβεύσασθαι περὶ καταλύσεως, καίτοι γε πολλὰ ἀποτρέποντος ἩρώδουHerod καὶ παραινοῦντος ἀναιρεῖν τὸν ἐπίβουλον, ἀλλὰ μὴ ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς ἑαυτὸν ἐκδιδόναι, φύσει γὰρ ἀπίστους εἶναι τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἔξεισιν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus παραλαβών, καὶ ΠάκοροςPacorus, ὡς ἧττον ὑποπτεύοιτο, καταλιπὼν παρ᾽ ἩρώδῃHerod τινὰς τῶν καλουμένων ἘλευθέρωνFreemen ἱππέων τοῖς λοιποῖς προέπεμψεν ΦασάηλονPhasael.
²⁵⁵ however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.	²⁵⁵ This man tricked Phasael into going on an embassy to Barzapharnes to resolve the issue, though Herod tried hard to dissuade him, urging him to kill the conspirator and not risk the traps set for him, since the barbarians are treacherous by nature. But Pacorus came out, bringing Hyrcanus with him so as to be less suspected, and left in Herod's charge some of his cavalry, called the Freemen, and with the rest went off with Phasael.
²⁵⁵ But in truth, he [Pacorus] was an assistant to Antigonus. Indeed, while laying a snare, he persuaded Phasael (Herod’s brother) to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes concerning a settlement, even though Herod strongly discouraged it and advised him to kill the plotter rather than surrender himself to the plots—for he said the barbarians were naturally untrustworthy. Nevertheless, Phasael went out, taking Hyrcanus (Hyrcanus II, the High Priest) with him. Pacorus, to make himself less suspected, left behind with Herod some of the horsemen called “The Freemen,” while he escorted Phasael with the rest.

²⁵⁶ ὡς δ᾽ ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιχωρίους ἀφεστῶτας κἀν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὄντας καταλαμβάνουσιν, τῷ σατράπῃ δὲ ἐνετύγχανον πανούργῳ σφόδρα καὶ ταῖς φιλοφρονήσεσιν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν καλύπτοντι· δῶρα γοῦν δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἔπειτα ἀναχωροῦντας ἐλόχα.
²⁵⁶ But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them;	²⁵⁶ But when they reached Galilee, they found the local people in armed revolt. When they came to the satrap, he cunningly concealed his intentions and received them graciously. First he gave them gifts and then set an ambush for them as they went away.
²⁵⁶ When they reached Galilee, they found the local inhabitants in revolt and under arms. They met with the satrap [Barzapharnes], a man of great cunning who concealed his treachery behind friendly greetings; for after giving them gifts, he later laid an ambush for them as they withdrew.

²⁵⁷ τοῖς δ᾽ αἴσθησις γίνεται τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς καταχθεῖσιν εἴς τι τῶν παραθαλασσίων χωρίων, ὃ καλεῖται ἘκδίππωνEcdippon· ἐκεῖ γὰρ τήν τε ὑπόσχεσιν τῶν χιλίων ἤκουσαν ταλάντων καὶ ὡς ἈντίγονοςAntigonus τὰς πλείστας τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γυναικῶν ἐν ταῖς πεντακοσίαις καθοσιώσειεν ΠάρθοιςParthians,
²⁵⁷ and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians;	²⁵⁷ They became aware of the trap when they reached one of the coastal towns named Ecdippon, for where they heard of the promise of a thousand talents and how among the five hundred women Antigonus had promised to the Parthians, most of their wives were included.
²⁵⁷ They became aware of the plot after they were brought down to one of the coastal places called Ecdippa (Achziv). There they heard of the promise of a thousand talents and that Antigonus had dedicated most of the women with them—out of five hundred—to the Parthians.

²⁵⁸ ὅτι τε προλοχίζοιντο μὲν αὐτοῖς αἱ νύκτες ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀεί, πάλαι δ᾽ ἂν καὶ συνελήφθησαν, εἰ μὴ περιέμενον ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἩρώδηνHerōd πρότερον λαβεῖν, ὡς μὴ προπυθόμενος τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς φυλάξαιτο. ταῦτ᾽ οὐκέτι λόγος ἦν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φυλακὰς ἤδη πόρρωθεν ἑαυτῶν ἔβλεπον.
²⁵⁸ they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the nighttime; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them.	²⁵⁸ They also noted how the barbarians regularly set traps for them by night, and would have already seized them if they were not waiting for Herod to be first captured in Jerusalem, so as not to alert him of treachery. And this was no mere hearsay, for they saw the sentries already not far from them.
²⁵⁸ They also learned that they were being ambushed every night by the barbarians, and they would have been seized long ago if the Parthians had not been waiting to catch Herod in Jerusalem first, lest he, learning of their fate, should be on his guard. This was no longer just a rumor, for they could already see guards placed at a distance from them.

²⁵⁹ Οὐ μὴν ΦασάηλοςPhasael καίτοι πολλὰ παραινοῦντος ὈφελλίουOphellius φεύγειν, πέπυστο γὰρ οὗτος παρὰ ΣαραμάλλαSaramalla τοῦ πλουσιωτάτου τότε ΣύρωνSyrian τὴν‎ σύνταξιν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ὅλην, καταλιπεῖν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ σατράπῃ προσελθὼν ἄντικρυς ὠνείδιζεν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅτι γένοιτο τοιοῦτος χρημάτων ἕνεκεν· πλείω γε μὴν αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας δώσειν ὧν ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ὑπὲρ βασιλείας ὑπέσχετο.
²⁵⁹ Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parthian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom.	²⁵⁹ Phasael would not desert Hyrcanus by escaping, despite the urging of Ophellius, who had learned the details of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of the Syrians. Instead, he went to the Parthian ruler and reproached him to his face for this foul play against them, for the sake of a bribe, and promised to pay him more for their safety than Antigonus had promised for the kingdom.
²⁵⁹ Nevertheless, Phasael, although Ophellius strongly advised him to flee—for he had learned the whole arrangement of the plot from Saramalla, the wealthiest Syrian of that time—could not bring himself to abandon Hyrcanus. Instead, he went to the satrap and openly reproached him for the plot, especially for becoming such a man for the sake of money; he said he would himself give more for his safety than Antigonus had promised for a kingdom.

²⁶⁰ πρὸς ταῦτα πανούργως ὁ ΠάρθοςParthians ἀπολογίαις τε καὶ ὅρκοις ἀποσκευασάμενος τὴν‎ ὑποψίαν ᾤχετο πρὸς ΠάκορονPacorus. εὐθέως δὲ τῶν καταλειφθέντων ΠάρθωνParthians οἷς προσετέτακτο ΦασάηλόνPhasael τε καὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus συνελάμβανον τά τε ἄλλα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐπιορκίαν καὶ τὸ ἄπιστον αὐτοῖς καταρωμένους.
²⁶⁰ But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all his suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went to [the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.	²⁶⁰ The sly Parthian tried to allay the suspicion by apologies and oaths and went away to Pacorus. But a little later the Parthians whom he left in charge arrested Phasael and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their treachery and their perjury.
²⁶⁰ To this, the Parthian cunningly cleared himself of suspicion with excuses and oaths and departed to Pacorus. Immediately, those Parthians who had been left behind and were ordered to do so seized Phasael and Hyrcanus, while the captives cursed them for their perjury and breach of faith.

²⁶¹ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ὁ πεμφθεὶς οἰνοχόος ἐπεβούλευε συλλαβεῖν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἀπατήσας προελθεῖν, ὥσπερ ἐντολὰς εἶχεν. ὁ δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ὑποπτεύων τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ τότε πεπυσμένος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμπεπτωκέναι τὰ μηνύοντα τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῷ γράμματα, προελθεῖν οὐκ ἠβούλετο καίτοι μάλα ἀξιοπίστωςtrustworthy τοῦ ΠακόρουPacorus φάσκοντος δεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπαντῆσαι τοῖς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς κομίζουσιν· οὔτε γὰρ ἑαλωκέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτὰς καὶ περιέχειν οὐκ ἐπιβουλήν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁπόσαhow great, how much διεπράξατο ΦασάηλοςPhasael.
²⁶¹ In the meantime, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done;	²⁶¹ Meanwhile the cup-bearer was sent with orders to contrive to seize Herod, by luring him out from the city. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the start, and then learned that the messenger who was to bring him letters with news of the intended treachery had fallen among the enemy, so he would not leave the city. Pacorus insisted that he should go out and meet the letter-bearers and that the enemy had not captured them nor would they tell of any plots against them, but only of the activities of Phasael.
²⁶¹ Meanwhile, the cupbearer who had been sent also plotted to seize Herod, deceiving him into coming outside the walls, just as he had been instructed. But Herod, suspecting the barbarians from the beginning and having just then learned that the letters informing him of the plot had fallen into enemy hands, refused to go out, although Pacorus asserted with great plausibility that he ought to meet those bringing the letters; for he claimed they had not been captured by the enemy and contained not a plot, but an account of all Phasael’s proceedings.

²⁶² ἔτυχεν δὲ παρ᾽ ἄλλων προακηκοὼς τὸν ἀδελφὸν συνειλημμένον, καὶ προσήιει ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus θυγάτηρ ΜαριάμμηMariamne, συνετωτάτη γυναικῶν, καταντιβολοῦσα μὴ προϊέναι μηδ᾽ ἐμπιστεύειν ἑαυτὸν ἤδη φανερῶς ἐπιχειροῦσι τοῖς βαρβάροις.
²⁶² yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus’s daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.	²⁶² But he had heard from others how his brother had been seized. And Hyrcanus' daughter, Mariamne, the shrewdest of women, implored him not to go out, or trust the barbarians, who had come to make an open attempt on his life.
²⁶² However, Herod had already heard from others that his brother was seized, and Mariamne (Mariamne I), the daughter of Hyrcanus’s daughter [Alexandra] and the most sensible of women, came to him, entreating him not to go out nor to trust himself to the barbarians who were now openly attacking him.

²⁶³ Ἔτι δὲ τῶν περὶ ΠάκορονPacorus σκεπτομένων, πῶς ἂν κρύφα τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ἀπαρτίσειαν, οὐ γὰρ ἐκ φανεροῦ οἷόν τε ἦν ἀνδρὸς οὕτω δυνατοῦ περιγενέσθαι, προλαβὼν ἩρώδηςHerod μετὰ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων προσώπων νύκτωρ ἐπὶ ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw λάθρα τῶν πολεμίων.
²⁶³ Now, as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprised of it.	²⁶³ As Pacorus and his men were considering how to secretly achieve their aim, since it was impossible to catch such a powerful man in the open, Herod forestalled them by leaving with his household at night for Idumaea, unknown to the enemy.
²⁶³ While Pacorus and his men were still considering how they might complete the plot in secret—for it was not possible to overcome such a powerful man openly—Herod took the initiative. With his closest associates, he departed by night toward Idumaea, unnoticed by the enemy.

²⁶⁴ αἰσθόμενοι δ᾽ οἱ ΠάρθοιParthians κατεδίωκον. κἀκεῖνος τὴν‎ μὲν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τὴν‎ καθωμολογημένην παῖδα μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τοῦ νεωτάτου τῶν ἀδελφῶν προστάξας ὁδεύειν αὐτὸς ἀσφαλῶς μετὰ τῶν θεραπόντων ἀνέκοπτε τοὺς βαρβάρους· καὶ πολλοὺς κατὰ πᾶσαν προσβολὴν ἀποκτείνας εἰς ΜασάδανMasada τὸ φρούριον ἠπείγετο.
²⁶⁴ But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the stronghold of Masada.	²⁶⁴ When the Parthians learned of it, they followed them. Telling his mother and sister and his young fiancée, her mother and his youngest brother, to escape as best they could, he himself and his servants did their best to keep off the barbarians, and after killing many each time they attacked, he reached the stronghold of Masada.
²⁶⁴ When the Parthians perceived it, they gave pursuit. He [Herod], having commanded his mother, his brothers, and his betrothed bride along with her mother and the youngest of his brothers to go forward, himself—with his personal attendants—safely beat back the barbarians. After killing many at every attack, he hurried toward the fortress of Masada.

²⁶⁵ βαρυτέρους δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ φυγὴν ΠάρθωνParthians ἸουδαίουςJews ἐπείρασεν, ἐνοχλήσαντας μὲν διηνεκῶς, ἀπὸ δὲ ἑξήκοντα τῆς πόλεως σταδίων καὶ παραταξαμένους ἐπιεικῶς πολὺν χρόνον. ἔνθα κρατήσας ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας αὖθις εἰς μνήμην τοῦ κατορθώματος ἔκτισεν τὸ χωρίον καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις ἐκόσμησεν καὶ ἀκρόπολιν ὀχυρωτάτην ἀνεδείματο ἩρώδειόνHerodium τε ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ ἑαυτοῦ.
²⁶⁵ Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now, in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium.	²⁶⁵ During his flight the Jews troubled him more than the Parthians, as they harassed him constantly, and when he had gone sixty furlongs from the city they fought an action that lasted quite some time. Herod won it, however, and killed many of them and later built there, as a memorial to the victory, a strong fortress adorned with lavish palaces and called it Herodium, after himself.
²⁶⁵ But during his flight, he [Herod] found the Jews more troublesome than the Parthians; for they harassed him continuously, and at a distance of sixty stadia from the city, they even drew up for a regular battle that lasted a considerable time. Having prevailed there and slain many of them, Herod later built a city on that spot to memorialize his success; he adorned it with most sumptuous palaces, erected a most formidable citadel, and called it Herodium, after himself.

²⁶⁶ τηνικαῦτά γε μὴν φεύγοντι καθ᾽ ἡμέραν αὐτῷ προσεγίνοντο πολλοί, καὶ κατὰ ῬῆσανRhesa γενομένῳ τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἀδελφὸς ὑπαντήσας συνεβούλευεν τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἑπομένωνto follow, obey ἀποφορτίσασθαι· μὴ γὰρ ἂν τοσοῦτον ὄχλον δέξασθαι τὴν‎ ΜασάδανMasada.
²⁶⁶ Now, as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand.	²⁶⁶ In the course of his flight, many joined him daily, and at a place called Rhesa in Idumaea his brother Joseph met him and advised him to rid himself of many of his followers, as Masada would not contain such a large crowd, of more than nine thousand.
²⁶⁶ On this journey, they reached a place where Herod later built a magnificent palace and fortress in memory of his escape, calling it Herodium. While many joined him in his flight, he eventually arrived at Masada.

²⁶⁷ ἦσαν δὲ ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἐννακισχιλίους. πεισθεὶς ἩρώδηςHerod τοὺς μὲν βαρυτέρους τῆς χρείας διαφῆκεν ἀνὰ τὴν‎ ἸδουμαίανIdumaea δοὺς ἐφόδιαprovision, μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων τοὺς ἀλκιμωτάτους κατασχὼν εἰς τὸ φρούριον διασώζεται. καταλιπὼν δὲ ἐνταῦθα ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὀκτακοσίους φύλακας καὶ διαρκῆ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πρὸς πολιορκίαν αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβικὴνArabia ΠέτρανPetra ἠπείγετο.
²⁶⁷ Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.	²⁶⁷ Herod took this advice and sent back the most burdensome of his retinue into Idumaea, giving them provisions for the journey. Then he reached the fortress safely with his nearest relatives, keeping only the stoutest of his followers, and there he left eight hundred of his men to guard the women, with enough provisions for a siege, while he hurried off to Petra in Arabia.
²⁶⁷ They [his followers] numbered over nine thousand. Herod, persuaded [of his situation], dismissed those who were more of a burden than a necessity throughout Idumaea, giving them provisions for the journey; however, retaining the most valiant along with his closest relatives, he safely reached the fortress. Leaving there eight hundred guards for the women and sufficient provisions to withstand a siege, he himself hurried toward Petra in Arabia.

²⁶⁸ ΠάρθοιParthians δ᾽ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τραπόμενοι τῶν φυγόντων εἰς τὰς οἰκίας εἰσέπιπτον καὶ τὸ βασίλειον ἀπεχόμενοι μόνων τῶν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus χρημάτων· ἦν δ᾽ οὐ πλείω τριακοσίων ταλάντων. ἐπετύγχανον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οὐχ ὅσοιςall who, as much ἤλπισαν· ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν‎ ἀπιστίαν τῶν βαρβάρων ὑφορώμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἸδουμαίανIdumaea τὰ λαμπρότατα τῶν κειμηλίων προανεσκεύαστο, καὶ τῶν αὐτῷ προσεχόντων ὁμοίως ἕκαστος.
²⁶⁸ As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king’s palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also.	²⁶⁸ The Parthians in Jerusalem took to looting and attacking the houses of those who had fled, as well as the king's palace, sparing nothing but Hyrcanus' money, which was no more than three hundred talents. They took other people's money too, though not as much as they had expected, for Herod had long ago suspected treachery from the barbarians, and had made sure to have the best of his treasures brought to Idumaea, as all his people had done.
²⁶⁸ But in Jerusalem, the Parthians turned to plunder, breaking into the houses of those who had fled and into the royal palace, abstaining only from the money of Hyrcanus, which did not exceed three hundred talents. However, they did not find as much of the other property as they had hoped; for Herod, having long suspected the perfidy of the barbarians, had already removed the most splendid of his treasures and sent them into Idumaea, and each of his followers had done likewise.

²⁶⁹ ΠάρθοιParthians δὲ μετὰ τὰς ἁρπαγὰς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὕβρεως ἐχώρησαν ὡς ἐμπλῆσαι μὲν ἀκηρύκτου πολέμου τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν, ἀνάστατον δὲ ποιῆσαι τὴν‎ ΜαρισαίωνMarissa πόλιν, μὴ μόνον δὲ καταστῆσαι βασιλέα ἈντίγονονAntignus, ἀλλὰ καὶ παραδοῦναι αὐτῷ ΦασάηλόνPhasael τε καὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus δεσμώτας αἰκίσασθαι.
²⁶⁹ But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being tormented by him.	²⁶⁹ But the outrageous behaviour of the Parthians brought the whole country to a state of undeclared war. They demolished the city of Marissa and not only set up Antigonus as king, but also handed over Phasael and Hyrcanus to him in chains, to be tortured.
²⁶⁹ After the plundering, the Parthians went to such lengths of insolence that they filled the entire country with unproclaimed war and utterly destroyed the city of Marisa. Not only did they establish Antigonus as king, but they also delivered Phasael and Hyrcanus to him in chains to be tortured.

²⁷⁰ ὁ δὲ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus μὲν προσπεσὼν αὐτὸς τὰ ὦτα λωβᾶται τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν, ὡς μηδὲ αὖθις ἐν μεταβολῇ ποτε δύναιτο τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπολαβεῖν· δεῖ γὰρ ὁλοκλήρους ἀρχιερᾶσθαι.
²⁷⁰ Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus’s ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.	²⁷⁰ Antigonus bit off Hyrcanus' ears with his teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him so that no matter how things turned out he could never resume the high priesthood, since a high priest had to be without deformity.
²⁷⁰ But Antigonus himself, falling upon Hyrcanus, bit off his ears with his own teeth, so that he might never again be able to recover the high priesthood in any future change of fortune; for it is required that high priests be physically whole.

²⁷¹ τῆς ΦασαήλουPhasael δὲ ἀρετῆς ὑστερίζει φθάσαντος πέτρᾳ προσρῆξαι τὴν‎ κεφαλήν, ὡς καὶ σιδήρου καὶ χειρῶν εἴργετο. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἩρώδουHerod γνήσιον ἑαυτὸν ἀποδείξας ἀδελφὸν καὶ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀγεννέστατον, ἀνδρειότατα θνήσκει ποιησάμενος τὴν‎ καταστροφὴν τοῖς κατὰ τὸν βίον ἔργοις πρέπουσαν·
²⁷¹ However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be Herod’s own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it.	²⁷¹ However, he failed in the case of Phasael, on account of the latter's courage. For though he had neither the use of his sword nor of his hands, he forestalled all insults by dashing his head against a stone, and so proved himself to be Herod's own brother, and [so did] Hyrcanus a degenerate relative, by dying with great bravery, with the end of his life in tune with his exploits.
²⁷¹ But he [Antigonus] was frustrated by the courage of Phasael,^[1] who anticipated him by dashing his head against a rock, since he was barred from the use of both sword and hands. Thus he died most manfully, proving himself a true brother to Herod and Hyrcanus most ignoble, making an end to his life that was worthy of his deeds while living.

^[1]Phasael (the brother of Herod) died in late 40 BC

²⁷² κατέχει δὲ καὶ ἄλλος λόγος, ὡς ἀνενέγκαι μὲν ἐκ τῆς τότε πληγῆς, πεμφθεὶς δὲ ἰατρὸς ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus θεραπεῦσαι δῆθεν αὐτὸν ἐμπλήσειεν τὸ τραῦμα δηλητηρίων φαρμάκων καὶ διαφθείρειεν αὐτόν. ὁπότερον δ᾽ ἂν ἀληθὲς ᾖ, τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἔχει λαμπράν. φασὶν γοῦν αὐτὸν καὶ πρὶν ἐκπνεῦσαι πυθόμενον παρὰ γυναίου τινὸς ὡς ἩρώδηςHerod διαπεφεύγοι, « νῦν, εἰπεῖν, εὔθυμος ἄπειμι τὸν μετελευσόμενον τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καταλιπὼν ζῶντα.»
²⁷² There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, “I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies.”	²⁷² Another version says that he recovered from that blow and that a surgeon sent by Antigonus to heal him filled his wound with poison and so killed him. Whichever of these deaths he died, its beginning was glorious. It is also reported that before he died a poor woman told him how Herod had escaped from their hands and that he said, "I can now die happy, leaving someone alive behind me to take revenge on my enemies."
²⁷² Another report is also current: that he recovered from that initial blow, but a physician sent by Antigonus, ostensibly to treat him, filled the wound with poisonous drugs and so destroyed him. Whichever of these accounts be true, his end was glorious. At any rate, they say that before he breathed his last, having learned from a certain poor woman that Herod had escaped, he said: “Now I depart with a stout heart, since I leave behind a living man who will take vengeance on my enemies.”

²⁷³ Ὁ μὲν οὖν οὕτως τελευτᾷ. ΠάρθοιParthians δὲ καίτοι διημαρτηκότες ὧν μάλιστα ἐπεθύμουν γυναικῶν καθιστᾶσιν μὲν ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus τὰ πράγματα, δεσμώτην δ᾽ ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀνάγουσιν εἰς τὴν‎ ΠαρθυηνήνParthia
²⁷³ This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia.	²⁷³ And so he died. But the Parthians, though they failed to get the women they chiefly wanted, left Jerusalem in the hands of Antigonus and took Hyrcanus away in chains and brought him to Parthia.
²⁷³ Such, then, was the end of Phasael. As for the Parthians, although they had failed in their chief desire—the capture of the women—they settled the affairs in Jerusalem for Antigonus and carried Hyrcanus away in chains to Parthia.

Chapter 14
Herod goes for help to Mark Antony and Caesar in Rome.
They get the senate to make him king of Judea

☜ ☞

²⁷⁴ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ συντονώτερον ἤλαυνενto set in motion εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ὡς ἔτι τἀδελφοῦ ζῶντος ἐπειγόμενος χρήματα παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως λαβεῖν, οἷς μόνοις πείσειν ὑπὲρ ΦασαήλουPhasael τὴν‎ τῶν βαρβάρων ἤλπιζεν πλεονεξίαν. ἐλογίζετο γάρ, εἰ τῆς πατρῴας φιλίας ἀμνημονέστερος ὁ ἌραψArab γένοιτο καὶ τοῦ δοῦναι δωρεὰν μικρολογώτερος, δανείσασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ λύτρα ῥύσιον θεὶς τὸν τοῦ λυτρουμένου παῖδα·
²⁷⁴ Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself:—that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father’s friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed.	²⁷⁴ Herod hurried to Arabia to get money from the king, while his brother was still alive, for greed was his only hope of getting the barbarians to spare Phasael. He thought that even if the Arabian king had forgotten his father's friendship and also meant to give it freely, he could still borrow from him the ransom for his brother by giving him as hostage a son of the man that was to be ransomed.
²⁷⁴ Herod, however, was now pushing on with greater haste, for he thought his brother was still alive; and he hurried to get help from the king of the Arabians, hoping to receive money from him. For he believed that only by the power of money could he persuade the greed of the barbarians to spare Phasael. He calculated that if the king of the Arabians were too unmindful of their friendship to give it as a gift, he would at least lend him the sum as a ransom, offering the son of the man he was redeeming as a hostage.

²⁷⁵ καὶ γὰρ ἐπήγετο τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν ὄντα ἐτῶν ἑπτά· τάλαντα δ᾽ ἦν ἕτοιμοςprepared τριακόσια δοῦναι προστησάμενος ΤυρίουςTyrians παρακαλοῦντας. τὸ χρεὼν δ᾽ ἄρα τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ σπουδὴν ἐφθάκει καὶ ΦασαήλουPhasael τεθνηκότος εἰς κενὸν ἩρώδηςHerod ΦιλάδελφοςPhiladelphus ἦν· οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ ἌραψινArabs εὑρίσκει φιλίαν οὖσαν.
²⁷⁵ Accordingly he led his brother’s son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod’s brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians;	²⁷⁵ So he brought him his brother's son, who was seven years old and was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother and would have asked the Tyrians to intercede. But Fate forestalled his diligence, and once Phasael was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain.
²⁷⁵ Indeed, he had brought with him his nephew—the son of Phasael, who was seven years old. He was prepared to give three hundred talents for this purpose, and he used the Tyrians as intercessors. But fate had outrun his haste; Phasael was already dead, and Herod’s concern for his brother was now in vain. He also found that the Arabians were no longer his friends.

²⁷⁶ ὁ γοῦν βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ΜάλχοςMalchus προπέμψας ἐκ τῆς χώρας κατὰ τάχος προσέτασσεν ἀναστρέφειν, προφάσει μὲν χρώμενος ΠάρθοιςParthians, ἐπικηρυκεύσασθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐκβαλεῖν ἩρώδηνHerōd τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia, τῷ δὲ ὄντι κατασχεῖν προαιρούμενος τὰ παρ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater χρέα καὶ μηδὲν εἰς τὰς ἐκείνου δωρεὰς ἀντιπαρασχεῖν χρῄζουσιν τοῖς τέκνοις δυσωπεῖσθαι. συμβούλοις δ᾽ ἐχρῆτο τῆς ἀναιδείας τοῖς ὁμοίως ἀποστερεῖνto rob, defraud τὰς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater παρακαταθήκας θέλουσιν· ἦσαν δὲ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οἱ δυνατώτατοι.
²⁷⁶ for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the imprudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.	²⁷⁶ There was no firm friendship with the Arabs, for their king, Malchus, soon sent to him to tell him to get out of his country and used the name of the Parthians as a pretext for this, as though these had told him by their envoys to throw Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they wished to keep back what they owed to Antipater and not have to repay the money to his sons. He was shamefully advised by others like him who wanted to deprive Herod of Antipater's deposits, and these were the most powerful of his followers.
²⁷⁶ For their king, Malchus, sent messengers commanding him to depart from his territory immediately, claiming that the Parthians had sent a formal notice through messengers to expel Herod. But this was merely a pretext to avoid paying back his debts to Antipater [Herod’s father] and to keep for himself the gifts Herod had entrusted to him when he was in a state of prosperity.

²⁷⁷ ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν δὴ πολεμίους τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs εὑρὼν δι᾽ ἃ φιλτάτους ἤλπισεν καὶ τοῖς ἀγγέλοις ἀποκρινάμενος ὡς ὑπηγόρευε τὸ πάθος ὑπέστρεψεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt. Καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν πρώτην ἑσπέραν κατά τι τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἱερὸν αὐλίζεται τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ἀναλαβών, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς εἰς ῬινοκούρουραRhinocurura προελθόντι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ τἀδελφοῦ τελευτὴν ἀπαγγέλλεται.
²⁷⁷ So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death;	²⁷⁷ When Herod found the Arabs hostile on the point where he hoped they would be most friendly and had replied as passion dictated, he turned toward Egypt and lodged the first evening at a sanctuary of that country, to meet with those whom he left behind. On the next day, on his way to Rhinocurura, the news of his brother's death reached him.
²⁷⁷ Thus, finding the Arabians to be most shameless in their conduct—and that at a time when he was most in need of their assistance—he gave back to the messengers an answer dictated by his grief and turned toward Egypt. 279. He reached a certain temple toward evening, where he picked up those of his followers whom he had left behind. The next day he arrived at Rhinocolura. There the news of his brother’s death was brought to him.

²⁷⁸ προσλαβὼν δὲ πένθους ὅσον ἀπεθήκατο φροντίδων ᾔει προσωτέρω. Καὶ δὴ βραδέως ὁ ἌραψArab μετανοήσας ἔπεμψεν διὰ τάχους τοὺς ἀνακαλέσοντας τὸν ὑβρισμένον. ἔφθανεν δὲ καὶ τούτους ἩρώδηςHerod εἰς ΠηλούσιονPelusium ἀφικόμενος, ἔνθα τῆς παρόδου μὴ τυγχάνων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφορμούντων τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐντυγχάνει· κἀκεῖνοι τήν τε φήμην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τἀνδρὸς αἰδεσθέντες προπέμπουσιν αὐτὸν εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria.
²⁷⁸ and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria;	²⁷⁸ After mourning him as his situation allowed, he went on with his journey; but soon the Arab had a change of heart and sent messengers to call him back. Herod was ahead of them and came to Pelusium, where he could not get to sail with the fleet, but at his pleading their captains relented, out of respect for his fame and dignity, and brought him to Alexandria.
²⁷⁸ After he had indulged in a grief that was appropriate for such a calamity, he dismissed his mourning and continued his journey. Although the king of the Arabians late in the day repented of his behavior and sent messengers to call back the man he had insulted, Herod had already reached Pelusium. Being denied passage by the fleet stationed there, he went to the magistrates; and they, out of respect for his reputation and rank, escorted him to Alexandria.

²⁷⁹ ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐδέχθη μὲν λαμπρῶς ὑπὸ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra στρατηγὸν ἐλπιζούσης ἕξειν εἰς ἃ παρεσκευάζετο· διακρουσάμενος δὲ τὰς παρακλήσεις τῆς βασιλίδος καὶ μήτε τὴν‎ ἀκμὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὑποδείσας μήτε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸταλίανItaly θορύβους ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἔπλει.
²⁷⁹ and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor,—who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen’s solicitations, and being neither affrighted at the height of that storm which then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.	²⁷⁹ When he reached the city, he was splendidly received by Cleopatra, who hoped he might be persuaded to command her forces in the expedition she had in hand, but he rejected the queen's request and fearing neither the rage of the storm in progress nor the riots taking place in Italy, he sailed for Rome.
²⁷⁹ When he entered the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor, for she hoped to appoint him commander of an expedition she was preparing. But he rejected the queen’s proposals, for he was eager to reach Rome, despite the fact that it was midwinter and the reports of civil strife in Italy were alarming.

²⁸⁰ κινδυνεύσας δὲ περὶ ΠαμφυλίανPamphylia καὶ τοῦ φόρτου τὸ πλεῖον ἐκβαλὼν μόλις εἰς ῬόδονRhodes διασώζεται σφόδρα τῷ πρὸς ΚάσσιονCassius πολέμῳ τετρυχωμένην, δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy καὶ ΣαπφινίουSappinius τῶν φίλων. καίπερ δὲ ὢν ἐν ἀπορίαι χρημάτων ναυπηγεῖται τριήρη μεγίστην,
²⁸⁰ But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship’s lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude,	²⁸⁰ But near Pamphylia the ship was in danger and they threw out most of its cargo, and he barely managed to get to Rhodes, which had been sacked in the war against Cassius. His friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius, welcomed him and though short of money he was fitted out with a large three-decked ship
²⁸⁰ Having set sail from Egypt toward Pamphylia, he encountered a violent storm and barely managed to escape with his life by throwing most of the cargo overboard. He reached Rhodes with difficulty, which had been heavily damaged during the war against Cassius. There he was welcomed by his friends, Ptolemy and Sapphinius. Although he was short of funds, he had a three-banked ship (a trireme) built

²⁸¹ ἐν ἧι μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς ΒρεντέσιονBrundisium καταπλεύσας κἀκεῖθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐπειχθεὶς πρώτῳ διὰ τὴν‎ πατρῴαν φιλίαν ἐνετύγχανεν ἈντωνίῳAnthony καὶ τάς τε αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῦ γένους συμφορὰς ἐκδιηγεῖτο, ὅτι τε τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐν φρουρίῳ καταλιπὼν πολιορκουμένους διὰ χειμῶνος πλεύσειεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱκέτης.
²⁸¹ wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.	²⁸¹ in which he and his friends sailed to Brundisium, and from there went on to Rome. Once there, he went first to Antony, due to his friendship with his father and explained his troubles and those of his family, and how he had left his nearest relatives besieged in a fortress and sailed to him through a storm, to beg for his help.
²⁸¹ in which he sailed with his friends to Brundisium, and from there he went directly to Rome. He went first to Antony, because of his father’s friendship, and described the calamities of his family—how his relatives were besieged at Masada, while he himself had sailed through the storms of winter to beg for his help.

²⁸² ἈντωνίουAntōny δὲ ἥπτετο πρὸς τὴν‎ μεταβολὴν οἶκτος, καὶ κατὰ μνήμην μὲν τῆς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ξενίας, τὸ δὲ ὅλον καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ παρόντος ἀρετὴν ἔγνω καὶ τότε βασιλέα καθιστᾶν ἸουδαίωνJews ὃν πρότερον αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν τετράρχην. ἐνῆγεν δὲ οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less τῆς εἰς ἩρώδηνHerōd φιλοτιμίας ἡ πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus διαφορά· τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ στασιώδη τε καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐχθρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν.
²⁸² Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans;	²⁸² Antony was sorry for Herod's changed circumstances, recalling how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but especially because of Herod's own virtue, so he now appointed as king of the Jews the man he had formerly made tetrarch. His struggle with Antigonus was no less a motive than his regard for Herod, for he regarded Antigonus as a rebel and an enemy of the Romans.
²⁸² Antony was moved to compassion by the change in Herod’s fortune, partly because of the memory of Antipater’s hospitality, but mostly because of the high character of the man standing before him. He decided then and there to make the man whom he had formerly made tetrarch the King of the Jews. The hatred he bore for Antigonus contributed no less to this decision than his affection for Herod, for he regarded Antigonus as a seditious person and an enemy to the Romans.

²⁸³ ΚαίσαραCaesar μὲν οὖν εἶχεν ἑτοιμότερον αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater στρατείας ἀνανεούμενον, ἃς κατ᾽ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ πατρὶ συνδιήνεγκεν, τήν τε ξενίαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν ἅπασιν εὔνοιαν, ὁρῶντά γε μὴν καὶ τὸ ἩρώδουHerod δραστήριον·
²⁸³ and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire goodwill he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself.	²⁸³ He found Caesar even better disposed than Antony, as apart from what he saw in Herod, he remembered his campaigns in Egypt with Antipater his father, who had treated him well and had shown him complete goodwill.
²⁸³ Caesar [Octavian] was even more ready to favor him than did Antony, remembering the campaigns his father [Julius Caesar] had fought along with Antipater in Egypt, as well as Herod’s own hospitality and goodwill.

²⁸⁴ συνήγαγεν δὲ τὴν‎ βουλήν, ἐν ἧι ΜεσσάλαςMessala καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈτρατῖνοςAtratinus παραστησάμενοι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd τάς τε πατρῴας εὐεργεσίας καὶ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans εὔνοιαν διεξήλθομεν, ἀποδεικνύντες ἅμα καὶ πολέμιον τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus οὐ μόνον ἐξ ὧν διηνέχθη τάχιον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τότε διὰ ΠάρθωνParthians λάβοι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ῬωμαίουςRomans ὑπεριδών. τῆς δὲ συγκλήτου πρὸς ταῦτα κεκινημένης ὡς παρελθὼν ἈντώνιοςAntony καὶ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ ΠάρθωνParthians πόλεμον βασιλεύειν ἩρώδηνHerōd συμφέρειν ἔλεγεν, ἐπιψηφίζονται πάντες.
²⁸⁴ So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own goodwill to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it.	²⁸⁴ So he gathered the senate, and first Messalas and then Atratinus, introduced Herod to them and spoke of his father's merits and his own goodwill toward the Romans. They showed that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but also because he now ignored the Romans and ruled with help from the Parthians. These reasons moved the meeting, and then Antony came in to say it would help them in the Parthian war if Herod were king, so they all voted for it.
²⁸⁴ He [Octavian] also wished to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod. So the Senate was convened, and Messala and after him Atratinus introduced Herod and recounted the services of his father and his own goodwill toward the Romans. At the same time, they denounced Antigonus and proved him to be an enemy—not only because he had quarreled with them previously but because he had now accepted the kingdom from the Parthians, thereby showing contempt for the Romans. The Senate was moved by these arguments, and when Antony stepped forward and stated that for the upcoming war against the Parthians it was advantageous for Herod to be king, they all voted for it.

²⁸⁵ λυθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἈντώνιοςAntony μὲν καὶ ΚαῖσαρCaesar μέσον ἔχοντες ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐξήιεσαν, προῆγον δὲ σὺν ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς οἱ ὕπατοι θύσοντές τε καὶ τὸ δόγμα ἀναθήσοντες εἰς τὸ ΚαπετώλιονCapital. τὴν‎ δὲ πρώτην ἩρώδῃHerod τῆς βασιλείας ἡμέραν ἈντώνιοςAntony εἱστία.
²⁸⁵ And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.	²⁸⁵ As the senate adjourned, Antony and Caesar left with Herod between them, while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went ahead, to offer sacrifices and to place the decree in the Capitol; and Antony held a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.
²⁸⁵ When the Senate was adjourned, Antony and Caesar [Octavian] went out with Herod between them, preceded by the consuls and other magistrates, in order to offer sacrifices and to deposit the decree in the Capitol. Thus, on the first day of Herod’s reign, Antony gave him a banquet.

Chapter 15
Herod and Antigonus at War;
Herod relieves Masada and besieges Jerusalem

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²⁸⁶ Παρὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἐπολιόρκει τοὺς ἐν ΜασάδαιMasada, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδείοις διαρκουμένους, σπανίζοντας δὲ ὕδατος· διὸ καὶ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἀδελφὸς ἩρώδουHerod σὺν διακοσίοις τῶν οἰκείων δρασμὸν ἐβουλεύετο εἰς ἌραβαςArabs ἀκηκοὼς τῶν εἰς ἩρώδηνHerōd ἁμαρτημάτων ΜάλχῳMalchus μεταμέλειν.
²⁸⁶ Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod’s brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod;	²⁸⁶ All this time Antigonus was besieging the people in Masada, who had enough of all other essentials, but were short of water. Hearing that Malchus had had a change of heart, Herod's brother Joseph prepared to escape to the Arabs with two hundred of his friends.
²⁸⁶ During this same time, Antigonus was besieging those who were shut up in the fortress of Masada. They had plenty of all other necessaries, but were in want of water; for this reason, Herod’s brother Joseph, who was among the besieged, prepared to flee to the Arabians with two hundred of his men, having heard that Malchus had repented of his offenses against Herod.

²⁸⁷ κἂν ἔφθη καταλιπὼν τὸ φρούριον, εἰ μὴ περὶ τὴν‎ νύκτα τῆς ἐξόδου συνέβη πλεῖστον ὗσαι· τῶν γὰρ ἐκδοχείων ὕδατος ἀναπλησθέντων οὐκέτ᾽ ἔχρῃζεν φυγῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεξήιεσαν ἤδη τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus καὶ τὰ μὲν φανερῶς συμπλεκόμενοι, τὰ δὲ λοχῶντες συχνοὺς διέφθειρον. οὐ μὴν ἐν ἅπασιν εὐστόχουν, ἔστιν δ᾽ ὅπου καὶ αὐτοὶ πταίοντες ἀνέστρεφον.
²⁸⁷ and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus’s party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away.	²⁸⁷ He would have already left the fortress except that very night he was to leave, a lot of rain fell, filling his reservoirs with water and so he had no need to escape. After this, they attacked Antigonus' party and killed many of them, either in open battles or by secret ambush. But these attacks were not always successful, for sometimes they were defeated and fled.
²⁸⁷ He would indeed have left the fortress at once, had not a heavy rain fallen during that very night; for the cisterns being filled, there was no longer any need for flight. Instead, they made a sally against the forces of Antigonus and destroyed a great many of them—some in open combat and others by ambush. However, they were not always successful, and were sometimes beaten back and forced to retreat.

²⁸⁸ Κἀν τούτῳ ΒεντίδιοςVentidius ὁ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατηγὸς πεμφθεὶς ἐκ ΣυρίαςSyria ΠάρθουςParthians ἀνείργειν μετ᾽ ἐκείνους εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea παρέβαλεν λόγῳ μὲν ὡς βοηθήσων τοῖς περὶ ἸώσηπονJoseph, ἔργωιdeed δ᾽ ἈντίγονονAntignus ἀργυριούμενος.
²⁸⁸ In the meantime Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus;	²⁸⁸ Meanwhile, the Roman general Ventidius was sent from Syria, to act against the Parthians, and then came into Judea, on the pretext of helping Joseph's party, but in fact to get money from Antigonus.
²⁸⁸ Meanwhile, Ventidius, the Roman general who had been sent from Syria to drive the Parthians out of the country, had followed them into Judea. Ostensibly, he came to assist Joseph and those besieged with him, but in reality, his arrival was a scheme to extort money from Antigonus.

²⁸⁹ ἔγγιστα γοῦν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem αὐλισάμενος ὡς ἐνεπλήσθη χρημάτων, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνεχώρει μετὰ τῆς πλείστης δυνάμεως, ΣίλωναSilo δὲ σὺν μέρει καταλέλοιπεν, ὡς μὴ κατάφωρον τὸ λῆμμα ποιήσειεν πάντας ἀπαναστήσας. ἈντίγονοςAntigonus δὲ πάλιν ἐλπίζων ΠάρθουςParthians ἐπαμυνεῖν καὶ ΣίλωναSilo τέως ἐθεράπευεν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐνοχλοίη πρὸ τῆς ἐλπίδος.
²⁸⁹ and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the meantime, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.	²⁸⁹ After pitching camp very near Jerusalem, as soon as he had his fill of money, he went off with most of his forces, leaving Silo with part of them, since it would be clear he had been bribed if he had moved them all. Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would again come to his help, but in the meantime he kept on good terms with Silo in case his hopes were thwarted.
²⁸⁹ He encamped very near Jerusalem and, after he had sated his soul with enough money, he withdrew with the bulk of his forces. However, he left Silo behind with a certain portion of the army, so that his bribe-taking might not be too obvious. Antigonus, hoping for a second time that the Parthians would come to his aid, meanwhile kept Silo quiet by cultivating his favor, lest he should make any move before his expectations were realized.

²⁹⁰ Ἤδη δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod καταπεπλευκὼς ἀπὸ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly εἰς ΠτολεμαΐδαPtolemais καὶ συναγηοχὼς δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην ξένων τε καὶ ὁμοφύλωνof the same race ἤλαυνενto set in motion διὰ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ἐπ᾽ ἈντίγονονAntignus συλλαμβανόντων ΒεντιδίουVentidius καὶ ΣίλωνοςSilo, οὓς ΔέλλιοςDellius ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny πεμφθεὶς ἩρώδηνHerōd συγκαταγαγεῖν ἔπεισεν.
²⁹⁰ Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius, a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom].	²⁹⁰ Herod had by now sailed from Italy and arrived in Ptolemais, and as soon as he had gathered a decent army of foreigners and his countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, with the help of Ventidius and Silo, both persuaded to support Herod by Dellius, Antony's envoy.
²⁹⁰ By this time, Herod had already sailed from Italy to Ptolemais. Having gathered a considerable force of both foreigners and fellow countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus. Ventidius and Silo also assisted him, being persuaded to do so by Dellius, who had been sent by Antony to help Herod establish his kingdom.

²⁹¹ ἐτύγχανεν δὲ ΒεντίδιοςVentidius μὲν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν τὰς διὰ ΠάρθουςParthians ταραχὰς καθιστάμενος, ΣίλωνSilo δὲ ἐν ἸουδαίαιJudea χρήμασιν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus διεφθαρμένος. οὐ μὴν ἩρώδηςHerod ἰσχύος ἠπόρει, προϊόντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ηὐξεῖτο τὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων πᾶσα ἡ ΓαλιλαίαGalilee προσέθετο.
²⁹¹ Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him.	²⁹¹ Ventidius was going around the cities settling the disturbances caused by the Parthians, and Silo was in Judea, corrupted by the bribes given to him by Antigonus. Herod was not bereft of power. But as he went along, the number of his forces increased day by day. And all of Galilee, with few exceptions, took his side.
²⁹¹ But Ventidius was busy settling the disturbances caused by the Parthians in the cities, while Silo remained in Judea, having been corrupted by Antigonus's bribes. Nevertheless, Herod was not lacking in support, and as he advanced, his strength grew daily; all of Galilee, with few exceptions, joined his side.

²⁹² προύκειτο μὲν οὖν τὸ ἀναγκαιότατον ἀγώνισμα ΜασάδαMasada καὶ τὸ ῥύσασθαι πρῶτον τοὺς οἰκείους ἐκ τῆς πολιορκίας, γίνεται δ᾽ ἐμπόδιον ἸόππηJoppa· ταύτην γὰρ ἐχρῆν πολεμίαν οὖσαν ἐξελεῖν πρότερον, ὡς μὴ χωροῦντος ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem κατὰ νώτου τι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔρυμα καταλείποιτοto leave. συνῆπτεν δὲ καὶ ΣίλωνSilo ἀσμένως τῆς ἀπαναστάσεως πρόφασιν εὑρών, ᾧ προσέκειντο ἸουδαῖοιJews διώκοντες. ἐπὶ τούτους ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκδραμὼν μετ᾽ ὀλίγου στίφους τρέπεται ταχέως καὶ ΣίλωναSilo διασώζει κακῶς ἀμυνόμενον.
²⁹² So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies’ hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies’ power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him [in his retreat], Herod made an excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress.	²⁹² So he set about his most urgent task, to go to Masada and relieve his besieged household. But Joppa blocked his way and he had to take that enemy city first, so that when he went to Jerusalem he would leave his enemies no fortress to his rear. Silo willingly joined him, as he now had a plausible reason to leave. And when the Jews pursued and threatened him, Herod hurried against them with a small group of men and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo from a most insecure situation.
²⁹² The most urgent task before him was Masada, for his primary concern was to liberate his relatives from the siege. Joppa, however, stood as an obstacle; for it was necessary to secure this city, being a coastal stronghold, so that no enemy might be left behind his back when he marched on Jerusalem. Therefore, when Silo joined him—for he was now moving away from Jerusalem—and as the Jews pursued Silo, Herod charged them with a small party and quickly put them to flight, rescuing Silo when he was already being overcome.

²⁹³ Ἔπειτα ἸόππηνJoppa ἑλὼν πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜασάδαMasada ῥυσόμενος τοὺς οἰκείους ἠπείγετο. Καὶ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων οὓς μὲν πατρῴα φιλία προσῆγεν, οὓς δὲ τὸ αὐτοῦ‎ κλέος, οὓς δὲ τῆς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν εὐεργεσίας ἀμοιβή, πλείστους γε μὴν ἐλπὶς ὡς ἐκ βασιλέως βεβαίου, δυσκίνητός τε ἤδη δύναμις ἤθροιστο.
²⁹³ After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him; some induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him, when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered.	²⁹³ So he took Joppa and rushed to Masada to rescue his relatives. Many came over to him during the march, whether drawn by their friendship with his father or by the reputation he had already won, or to repay favours received from them both. But what brought most to his side was what they hoped to get from him once he was firmly in charge of the kingdom, and already he had gathered an impressive army.
²⁹³ Having then captured Joppa, he hurried to Masada to rescue his kinsmen. Most of the locals joined him out of friendship for his father, others because of his own reputation, and some as a repayment for the benefits received from both; but the greatest number joined out of hope for the stability of the new kingdom.

²⁹⁴ προϊόντα δ᾽ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἐνήδρευεν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν παρόδων προλοχίζων, ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὰ τοὺς πολεμίους ἔβλαπτεν. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τοὺς ἐκ ΜασάδαςMasada οἰκείους παραλαβὼν ῥᾳδίως καὶ ῬῆσανRhesa τὸ φρούριον ᾔει πρὸς τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem· συνῆπτε δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸ μετὰ ΣίλωνοςSilo στρατιωτικὸν καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν καταπλαγέντες.
²⁹⁴ But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power.	²⁹⁴ While he was en route, Antigonus set an ambush for him but did the enemy little or no harm. And Herod easily rescued his relatives in Masada, took the fortress of Rhesa and then marched to Jerusalem, where Silo's soldiers joined him, as did many from the city, fearing his power.
²⁹⁴ Antigonus, however, occupied the most advantageous passes on the road and laid ambushes, though he did little or no harm to the enemy. Herod, having easily rescued his relatives from Masada and recovered his property, moved on toward Jerusalem. A great many of the locals joined him, and even those from Silo's camp followed him, as well as many from the city who were terrified by his power.

²⁹⁵ Στρατοπεδευσαμένους δὲ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς δύσιν κλίμα τοῦ ἄστεος οἱ ταύτῃ φύλακες ἐτόξευόν τε καὶ ἐξηκόντιζον αὐτούς, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ στῖφος ἐκθέοντες ἀπεπειρῶντο τῶν προτεταγμένων. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κηρύσσειν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐκέλευεν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τε παρείη τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐπὶ σωτηρίαι τῆς πόλεως, μηδὲν μηδὲ τοὺς φανεροὺς ἐχθροὺς ἀμυνούμενος, δώσων δὲ καὶ τοῖς διαφορωτάτοις ἀμνηστίαν.
²⁹⁵ Now, when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards who were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him.	²⁹⁵ When he had encamped on the west side of the city, the sentries who were there shot arrows and spears at them, while others raced out in companies and attacked those in the front. Then Herod had a proclamation made at the wall that he was there for the good of the people and the safety of the city, not planning to take revenge on his declared foes, but granting amnesty to those most opposed to him.
²⁹⁵ After he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards stationed there harassed him with arrows and darts, while others sallied out in small groups and attacked his outposts. Herod first ordered heralds to go around the walls and proclaim that he had come for the good of the people and for the preservation of the city, and that he would grant an amnesty even to those who had been his open enemies, and would forget the offenses of his most bitter opponents.

²⁹⁶ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀντιπαρηγοροῦντες οἱ περὶ τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus οὔτε κατακούειν τῶν κηρυγμάτων εἴων τινὰς οὔτε μεταβάλλεσθαι, τὸ λοιπὸν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐπέτρεπεν τοῖς σφετέροις· οἱ δὲ ταχέως ἅπαντας ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἐτρέψαντο τοῖς βέλεσιν.
²⁹⁶ Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.	²⁹⁶ Those on the side of Antigonus forbade the people to listen to the proclamation or to change sides, so Herod let his men attack the enemy on the ramparts, and with their spears they soon drove them all from the towers.
²⁹⁶ But when the supporters of Antigonus raised a shout in opposition, preventing the heralds from being heard or anyone from considering the proposal, Antigonus gave orders to drive the enemy from the walls. They immediately showered those below with a great number of missiles from the towers and forced them to retreat into the valley.

²⁹⁷ Ἔνθα δὴ καὶ ΣίλωνSilo ἀπεκαλύψατο τὴν‎ δωροδοκίαν· ἐπισκευασάμενος γὰρ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν σπάνιν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀναβοᾶν καὶ χρήματα εἰς τροφὰς ἀπαιτεῖνto demand back ἀπάγειν τε σφᾶς χειμεριοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους τόπους, ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἦν ἔρημα πάντα τῶν περὶ ἈντίγονονAntignus προανεσκευασμένων, ἐκίνει τε τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο.
²⁹⁷ And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus’s army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege;	²⁹⁷ Here Silo showed his vileness, for he got many of the soldiers to complain about their lack of essentials and to demand their pay so as to buy food and then to demand to be led to suitable winter quarters, since Antigonus' army had taken everything away and all around the city was left barren. So he dismantled the camp and tried to leave.
²⁹⁷ At this point, Silo’s bribery was openly revealed; for having instigated many of his soldiers to cry out about the scarcity of provisions, to demand money for their rations, and to insist on being led into winter quarters in more suitable locations—claiming that everything around the city was a desert since Antigonus’s men had cleared everything away beforehand—he began to move the camp and attempted to retreat.

²⁹⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δ᾽ ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς τε ὑπὸ τὸν ΣίλωναSilo ἡγεμόσιν καὶ κατὰ πλῆθος τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐδεῖτο μὴ καταλιπεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπό τε ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ ἈντωνίουAntōny καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου προπεμφθέντα· λύσειν γὰρ αὐθημερὸν αὐτῶν τὰς ἀπορίαςperplexity.
²⁹⁸ but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants supplied that very day.	²⁹⁸ But Herod met with the officers under Silo and many of the soldiers and implored them not to leave him, as he had been sent there by Caesar and Antony and the senate, and that he would supply their needs that very day.
²⁹⁸ But Herod, addressing both the officers under Silo and the soldiers in a body, begged them not to abandon him, since he had been sent out [as king] by Caesar, Antony, and the Senate; for he promised that he would resolve all their needs on that very day.

²⁹⁹ καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ δέησιν [εὐθέως ] ὁρμήσας αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν τοσαύτην αὐτοῖς ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀφθονίανfree from envy ἐκόμισεν, ὡς πάσας ἀποκόψαι τὰς ΣίλωνοςSilo προφάσεις, εἴς τε τὰς ἑξῆς ἡμέρας μὴ διαλιπεῖν τὴν‎ χορηγίαν προνοούμενος ἐπέστελλεν τοῖς περὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria, ὠικείωτο δ᾽ ἡ πόλις αὐτῷ, σῖτον καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ βοσκήματα κατάγειν εἰς ἹεριχοῦνταJericho.
²⁹⁹ After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo’s pretenses; and in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria (which city had joined itself to him) to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho.	²⁹⁹ After this petition, he quickly went into the country and brought back enough provisions to dispose of Silo's pretexts, and in order to ensure that they would not run short of supplies for the following days, he sent to the people around Samaria, for that city had joined him, to bring corn and wine and oil and livestock to Jericho.
²⁹⁹ And after making this plea, he immediately hurried out into the countryside himself and brought back such an abundance of provisions for them that he cut off all of Silo’s excuses; and, taking precautions so that the supply would not fail in the following days, he sent orders to those around Samaria—for that city had become his ally—to bring down corn, wine, oil, and cattle to Jericho.

³⁰⁰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἈντίγονοςAntigonus διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν‎ χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν‎ ἹεριχοῦνταJericho συνηθροίσθη· διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶνto see παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας.
³⁰⁰ When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.	³⁰⁰ When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to block and ambush the men collecting the food. They obeyed and in response a large crowd of warriors gathered near Jericho, taking their station in the mountains and watching out for those bringing the provisions.
³⁰⁰ When Antigonus heard of this, he sent orders throughout the countryside to intercept and ambush the foraging parties. They obeyed his commands, and a great multitude of armed men gathered above Jericho; they took up positions on the mountains, keeping a close watch for those who were bringing out the provisions.

³⁰¹ οὐ μὴν ἩρώδηςHerod ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin πέντε δὲ ἸουδαίωνJews ἦσαν ἔχουσαι καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων, ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἹεριχοῦνταJericho παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν πόλιν καταλελειμμένην εὑρίσκει, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφόταςto seize σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς.
³⁰¹ Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them,	³⁰¹ Herod was not idle but took ten cohorts, five of them Romans and five Jewish, and some mercenaries and a few cavalry and came to Jericho. When he arrived he found the city deserted, but that five hundred men, with their wives and children, had occupied the tops of the mountains.
³⁰¹ Herod, however, was not idle. Taking ten cohorts—five of which were Roman and five Jewish, which also included mixed mercenaries, in addition to a few horsemen—he arrived at Jericho. He found the city itself deserted, but five hundred men with their wives and families had occupied the heights.

³⁰² αὐτοὺς μὲν οὖν ἀπολύει λαβών, ῬωμαῖοιRomans δ᾽ εἰσπεσόντες τὸ λοιπὸν ἄστυ διήρπασαν πλήρεις καταλαμβάνοντες τὰς οἰκίας παντοίων κειμηλίων. ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho μὲν οὖν φρουρὰν ὁ βασιλεὺς καταλιπὼν ὑπέστρεψεν καὶ χειμεριοῦσαν τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατιὰν εἰς τὰς προσκεχωρηκυίας διαφῆκεν ἸδουμαίανIdumaea καὶ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria. ἐπέτυχεν δὲ καὶ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus παρὰ τῆς ΣίλωνοςSilo δωροδοκίας ὑποδέξασθαι τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἐν ΛύδδοιςLydda θεραπεύων ἈντώνιονAntōny.
³⁰² while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz., into Judea [or Idumea], and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also, by bribes, obtained of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.	³⁰² These he took and then released, while the Romans attacked the rest of the city and looted it, finding the houses full of goods of all kind. So the king left a garrison at Jericho and returned and sent the Roman army to winter quarters into the cities that had come over to him, in Idumaea and Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus, to curry favour with Antony, also bribed Silo to let part of his army be stationed at Lydda.
³⁰² So, after capturing these men, he [Herod] released them; but the Romans, rushing in, plundered the rest of the city, finding the houses full of all sorts of treasures. The king, having left a garrison in Jericho, returned and sent the Roman army into winter quarters in the regions that had come over to him—namely Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus, however, by means of his bribery of Silo, managed to have a portion of the army quartered at Lydda, in order to curry favor with Antony.

Chapter 16
Herod rids Galilee of brigands;
goes to Antony for further support

☜ ☞

³⁰³ Καὶ ῬωμαῖοιRomans μὲν ἐν ἀφθόνοις διῆγον ἀνειμένοι τῶν ὅπλων, ἩρώδηςHerod δ᾽ οὐκ ἠρέμει, ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ μὲν ἸδουμαίανIdumaea δισχιλίοις πεζοῖς καὶ τετρακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν διαλαμβάνει πέμψας τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph, ὡς μή τι νεωτερισθείη πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ ὅσους ἐκ ΜασάδαςMasada οἰκείους ἐξήγαγεν μεταγαγὼν εἰς ΣαμάρειανSamaria καὶ καταστησάμενος ἀσφαλῶς ᾔει τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee καταστρεψόμενος καὶ τὰς ἈντιγόνουAntigonus φρουρὰς ἐξελάσων.
³⁰³ So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus.	³⁰³ So the Romans lived in luxury and took a rest from war, but Herod was not resting, but seized and held Idumaea by sending his brother Joseph there with two thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry. He did this to keep Antigonus from rebelling. He also moved his mother and all his relatives, who had been in Masada, to Samaria. And when he had settled them safely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee and to drive out the garrisons of Antigonus.
³⁰³ And while the Romans were living in abundance, having laid aside their arms, Herod did not remain idle. He occupied Idumaea with two thousand infantry and four hundred horsemen, having sent his brother Joseph there, so that there might be no uprising in favor of Antigonus. As for himself, after he had transferred his mother and the other relatives he had brought out of Masada to Samaria and settled them safely there, he went off to subdue the rest of Galilee and to drive out the garrisons of Antigonus.

³⁰⁴ Πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ΣέπφωρινSepphoris ἐν νιφετῷ σφοδροτάτῳ διανύσας ἀκονιτὶ παραλαμβάνει τὴν‎ πόλιν πρὸ τῆς ἐφόδου τῶν φυλάκων ἐκφυγόντων. ἔνθα τοὺς ἑπομένουςto follow, obey ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος κακωθέντας ἀναλαβών, πολλὴ δ᾽ ἦν ἀφθονίαfree from envy τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις ὥρμητο λῃστάς, οἳ πολλὴν τῆς χώρας κατατρέχοντες οὐκ ἐλάττω κακὰ πολέμου διετίθεσαν τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους.
³⁰⁴ But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done.	³⁰⁴ But when Herod reached Sepphoris during a very heavy snowfall, he took the city without any difficulty, as the sentries who should have guarded it fled before it was attacked. There he gave his tired followers a chance to refresh themselves, since in that city there was a large amount of supplies. Then he hurried to pursue the brigands who were in the caves, who overran most of the country and did as much harm to its inhabitants as a war could have done.
³⁰⁴ Having pushed on to Sepphoris through a most violent snowstorm, he took the city without a struggle, for the guards fled before his assault. There, after he had refreshed his followers who had been distressed by the winter weather—for there was a great abundance of provisions—he set out against the robbers who lived in the caves, who were overrunning much of the country and inflicting no less misery upon the inhabitants than a state of war.

³⁰⁵ προπέμψας δὲ πεζῶν τρία τέλη καὶ μίαν ἴλην ἱππέων πρὸς ἌρβηλαArbela κώμην αὐτὸς μετὰ τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέρας ἐπῆλθεν μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως. οὐ μὴν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ἔδεισαν οἱ πολέμιοι, μετὰ δὲ τῶν ὅπλων ἀπήντωνto move from to meet ἐμπειρίαν μὲν πολεμικὴν ἔχοντες, τὸ δὲ θράσος λῃστρικόν.
³⁰⁵ Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers:	³⁰⁵ He sent in advance to the village of Arbela three cohorts of infantry and one troop of cavalry, and came himself forty days later with the rest of his forces. Unafraid of his attack, the enemy met him in arms, for they had the skill of infantry and the audacity of brigands.
³⁰⁵ Having sent ahead three divisions of infantry and one troop of cavalry to the village of Arbela, he himself arrived forty days later with the rest of his forces. The enemy, however, did not fear his approach; they came out to meet him in arms, possessing the experience of regular warfare but the daring of robbers.

³⁰⁶ συμβαλόντες γοῦν τῷ σφετέρῳ δεξιῷ τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας τῶν ἩρώδουHerod τρέπονται. περιελθὼν δὲ ταχέως ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν δεξιοῦ προσεβοήθει καὶ τὸ μὲν οἰκεῖον ἐπέστρεφεν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς, τοῖς δὲ διώκουσιν ἐμπίπτων ἀνέκοπτεν τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν μέχρι τὰς κατὰ στόμα προσβολὰς μὴ φέροντες ἐξέκλιναν.
³⁰⁶ when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod’s left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away.	³⁰⁶ When it came to a pitched battle, they put Herod's left wing to flight with their right. But Herod, wheeling about suddenly from his own right wing, came to the rescue and both turned back his own left wing from its flight and attacked the pursuers and cooled their courage until, unable to bear his direct onslaughts, they turned around and fled.
³⁰⁶ Engaging in battle, they [the rebels] actually routed Herod's left wing with their own right. But Herod, quickly wheeling around from the right wing where he was stationed, came to their aid; he turned his own men back from their flight and, falling upon the pursuers, checked their momentum, until they, unable to withstand his head-on attacks, gave way.

³⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ ἕως ἸορδάνουJordan κτείνων εἵπετο καὶ πολὺ μὲν αὐτῶν μέρος διέφθειρεν, οἱ λοιποὶ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐσκεδάσθησαν, ὥστε τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee ἐκκεκαθάρθαι φόβων, πλὴν καθόσον οἱ τοῖς σπηλαίοις ἐμφωλεύοντες ὑπελείποντο· κἀπὶ τούτοις ἔδει διατριβῆς.
³⁰⁷ But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan]; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered.	³⁰⁷ But he pursued them as far as the Jordan, killing as he went, so that many were lost and the remainder were scattered beyond the river. So Galilee was freed from those who had terrorised it, apart from those who still remained hidden in caves, whose defeat required a longer time.
³⁰⁷ But he [Herod] followed them, killing them all the way to the Jordan, and destroyed a great part of them; the rest were scattered beyond the river, so that Galilee was purged of its fears, except for those who remained lurking in the caves; and to deal with these, a delay was necessary.

³⁰⁸ διὸ δὴ πρῶτον τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰς ἐκ τῶν πεπονημένων ἐπικαρπίας ἀπεδίδου διανέμων ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα ἀργυρίου καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν πολυπλασίονα διέπεμψεν εἰς οὓς ἐχειμέριζον σταθμούς. ΦερώρᾳPheroras δὲ τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπέστελλεν τῆς τε ἀγορᾶς αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν καὶ τειχίζειν ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion. κἀκεῖνος ἀμφοτέρων ἐπεμελήθη.
³⁰⁸ In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly.	³⁰⁸ Before proceeding with this, Herod distributed to the soldiers the fruits of their labours, giving each of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver and a great deal more to their officers, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to look after their provisions, and also to build a wall around Alexandreion, and he attended to both of these.
³⁰⁸ On this account, he first rewarded his soldiers with the fruits of their labors, distributing to each man one hundred and fifty silver drachmae, and sending much larger sums to the officers in the quarters where they were wintering. He also gave orders to Pheroras, the youngest of his brothers, to take charge of their market provisions and to fortify Alexandrium. And he [Pheroras] took care of both matters.

³⁰⁹ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ περὶ μὲν ἈθήναςAthens διῆγεν ἈντώνιοςAntony, ΒεντίδιοςVentidius δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς ΠάρθουςParthians πόλεμον ΣίλωνάSilo τε καὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd μετεπέμπετο καταστήσασθαι πρότερον ἐπιστέλλωνto send to τὰ περὶ ἸουδαίανJudea. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἀσμένως ΣίλωναSilo πρὸς ΒεντίδιονVentidius ἀπολύσας αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις ἐστράτευσεν.
³⁰⁹ In the meantime Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves.	³⁰⁹ Meanwhile Antony stayed at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea. Herod willingly released Silo to go to Ventidius, but he himself led an army against the bandits in the caves.
³⁰⁹ During this time, Antony was staying in Athens, while Ventidius^[1]—who had been sent to conduct the war against the Parthians—summoned Silo and Herod, having first sent orders for them to settle the affairs in Judea. Herod gladly dismissed Silo to join Ventidius, and he himself marched against those in the caves.

^[1]Ventidius Bassus (89-38 BC): He was the most successful Roman general of the era against the Parthians.

³¹⁰ τὰ δὲ σπήλαια ταῦτα πρὸς ἀποκρήμνοις ὄρεσιν ἦν οὐδαμόθεν προσιτά, πλαγίας δὲ ἀνόδους μόνον ἔχοντα στενοτάτας. ἡ δὲ κατὰ μέτωπον αὐτῶν πέτρα κατέτεινεν εἰς βαθυτάτας φάραγγας ὄρθιος ἐπιρρέπουσα ταῖς χαράδραις, ὥστε τὸν βασιλέα μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν ἀπορεῖν πρὸς τὸ ἀμήχανον τοῦ τόπου, τελευταῖον δ᾽ ἐπινοίᾳ χρήσασθαι σφαλερωτάτῃ.
³¹⁰ Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard;	³¹⁰ These caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains and were not approachable from any side, since they had only some winding and very narrow pathways leading up to them, and the rock in front of them reared above valleys of huge depth and almost perpendicular slope. For a long time the king pondered what to do, because of the near impossibility of attacking the place, and finally came up with a hazardous plan.
³¹⁰ These caves were situated on the faces of precipitous mountains; they could not be approached from any direction, having only very narrow and winding paths leading up to them. The rock in front of them dropped sheer into incredibly deep ravines, standing upright over the jagged gullies. Consequently, the king was for a long time at a loss because of the impossible nature of the place, until finally he employed a most dangerous plan.

³¹¹ τοὺς γοῦν ἀλκίμους καθιμῶν ἐν λάρναξιν ἐνίει τοῖς στομίοις, οἱ δὲ ἀπέσφαττόν τε αὐτοὺς σὺν γενεαῖς καὶ πῦρ ἐνίεσαν τοῖς ἀμυνομένοις. βουληθεὶς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ περισῶσαί τινας ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκήρυξεν ἀναχωρεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν. τῶν δὲ ἐθελουσίως μὲν οὐδεὶς προσέθετο, καὶ τῶν βιαζομένων δὲ πολλοὶ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας προείλοντο θάνατον.
³¹¹ for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity.	³¹¹ By means of ropes he let down the hardiest of his men in baskets and set them at the mouths of the caves. These then killed the brigands and their families and if they resisted, they set a fire upon them, but since Herod wished to save some of them, he had a proclamation made, calling them out to him. Not one of them came willingly, and of the people forced to come, many opted for death rather than captivity.
³¹¹ He [Herod] then lowered the most resilient of his soldiers in chests and let them down to the mouths of the caves; they then slaughtered the robbers and their families, and threw fire at those who offered resistance. And because Herod wished to save some of them, he made a proclamation for them to come out to him. But not one of them came over of his own free will, and of those who were taken by force, many preferred death to captivity.

³¹² ἔνθα καὶ τῶν γηραιῶν τις ἑπτὰ παίδων πατὴρ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς δεομένους τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιτρέψαι σφίσιν ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ δεξιᾷ κτείνει τρόπῳ τοιῷδε· καθ᾽ ἕνα προϊέναι κελεύσας αὐτὸς ἵστατο ἐπὶ τὸ στόμιον καὶ τὸν ἀεὶ προϊόντα τῶν υἱῶν ἀπέσφαττεν. ἐξ ἀπόπτου δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπιβλέπων τῷ τε πάθει συνείχετο καὶ τῷ πρεσβύτῃ δεξιὰν ὤρεγεν φείσασθαι τῶν τέκνων παρακαλῶν.
³¹² And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave’s mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children;	³¹² One old man, a father of seven, whose children and their mother asked him to let them leave under Herod's assurance, killed them in this way. He ordered them out one by one, while he stood at the entrance and killed each of his sons who came out. Herod was near enough to see this sight and was moved by the pathos of it and stretched out his hand to the old man imploring him to spare his children.
³¹² On that occasion, an old man, the father of seven children, was asked by his sons and their mother to allow them to go out [and surrender] under a pledge of safety. But he killed them in the following manner: he ordered them to come forward one by one, while he himself stood at the mouth of the cave and slaughtered each son as he emerged. Herod, looking on from a vantage point, was overcome by the tragedy and extended his right hand^[1] to the old man, imploring him to spare his children.

^[1]Extending the right hand was the universal ancient gesture for a pledge of safety and amnesty. Herod was literally pleading with the man from across the chasm.

³¹³ ὁ δὲ πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐνδοὺς τῶν λεγομένων ἀλλὰ καὶ προσονειδίσας τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς ταπεινότητα ἐπὶ τοῖς παισὶν ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ καταβαλὼν κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ τοὺς νεκροὺς τελευταῖον ἑαυτὸν μερίδα.
³¹³ yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them.	³¹³ Unwilling to go back on what he had said, the man further insulted Herod on his ignoble descent, then killed his wife and children, and when he had thrown their bodies down the cliff, he finally threw himself down after them.
³¹³ But he, yielding in no way to what was said, and even heaping reproaches upon Herod for his low birth, killed his wife also after the children; and having cast the corpses down the precipice, he finally threw himself over.

³¹⁴ Χειροῦται μὲν οὕτως τὰ σπήλαια καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτοῖς ἩρώδηςHerod· καταλιπὼν δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ὅσην ἀποχρήσειν ὑπελάμβανεν πρὸς τὰς ἐπαναστάσειςa rising, insurrection καὶ ΘολεμαῖονPtolemy ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ ΣαμαρείαςSamaria ὑπέστρεφεν, ὁπλίταςarmed warrior μὲν τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς δ᾽ ἄγων ἑξακοσίους ἐπ᾽ ἈντίγονονAntignus.
³¹⁴ By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus.	³¹⁴ By this means Herod subdued these caves and their dwellers, and leaving there under the command of Ptolemy, enough of his army to prevent any rebellion, he returned to Samaria with three thousand armed infantry and six hundred cavalry, to fight Antigonus.
³¹⁴ In this way, Herod mastered the caves and those within them. Then, leaving behind such a portion of his army as he calculated would be sufficient to prevent any further uprisings, and appointing Ptolemy as their commander, he returned toward Samaria; he was leading three thousand heavy infantry and six hundred horsemen against Antigonus.

³¹⁵ ἔνθα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀποχώρησιν αὐτοῦ‎ λαβόντες χρόνου οἷς ἔθος ἦν θορυβεῖν τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee κτείνουσιν μὲν ΘολεμαῖονPtolemy τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀδοκήτως προσπεσόντες, ἐπόρθουν δὲ τὴν‎ χώραν ποιούμενοι τὰς ἀναφυγὰς εἰς τὰ ἕλη καὶ τὰ δυσερεύνητα τῶν χωρίων.
³¹⁵ Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found.	³¹⁵ Here those used to rioting in Galilee, being free to do so after he left, suddenly attacked Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and killed him and ravaged the country and then retreated to the bogs and inaccessible places.
³¹⁵ Thereby, taking advantage of the security offered by his departure, those who were accustomed to troubling Galilee fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general, and killed him. They then proceeded to lay waste to the country, making their retreats into the marshes and the most inaccessible parts of the region.

³¹⁶ πυθόμενος δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod τὴν‎ ἐπανάστασινan insurrection, a rising διὰ τάχους ἐπεβοήθει καὶ πολὺ μὲν αὐτῶν πλῆθος διαφθείρει, τὰ φρούρια δὲ πάντα πολιορκίαις ἐξελὼν ἐπιτίμιον τῆς μεταβολῆς εἰσεπράξατο παρὰ τῶν πόλεων ἑκατὸν τάλαντα.
³¹⁶ But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditious, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country.	³¹⁶ Hearing of the revolt, Herod quickly came to the help of the area and killed many of the rebels and besieged their fortresses. Then he imposed on the towns a tax of a hundred talents, as punishment for their desertion.
³¹⁶ When Herod learned of the uprising, he quickly went to their aid and destroyed a great multitude of them; and having taken all their fortresses by siege, he exacted from the cities a fine of one hundred talents as a penalty for their change of sides.

³¹⁷ Ἤδη δὲ ΠάρθωνParthians μὲν ἐξεληλαμένων, ἀνῃρημένου δὲ ΠακόρουPacorus ΒεντίδιοςVentidius ἐπιστείλαντος ἈντωνίουAntōny πέμπει συμμάχους ἩρώδῃHerod κατ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus χιλίους ἱππεῖς καὶ δύο τάγματα. τούτων δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ΜαχαιρᾶνMacheras ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἱκέτευσενto approach as a suppliant δι᾽ ἐπιστολῶν ἑαυτῷ βοηθὸν ἀφικέσθαι πολλά τε περὶ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βίας ἀποδυρόμενος καὶ χρήματα δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος.
³¹⁷ By this time(the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain) Ventidius, by Antony’s command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod’s violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and promised to give him money for such his assistance;	³¹⁷ Once the Parthians had been driven from the land and Pacorus had been killed, at Antony's command Ventidius sent a thousand cavalry and two legions to help Herod against Antigonus. In a letter, Antigonus implored their general, Macheras, to side with him and bitterly complained about Herod's violence and the wrongs he did to the kingdom, and promised to give him money in return for his help.
³¹⁷ Now that the Parthians had been driven out and Pacorus had been slain, Ventidius—at the command of Antony—sent a thousand horsemen and two legions as allies to Herod against Antigonus. Antigonus, however, entreated Macheras, the general of these forces, by letter to come to his aid instead, lamenting much about Herod’s violence and promising to give him money.

³¹⁸ ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ κατεφρόνει τοῦ πέμψαντος ἄλλως τε καὶ πλείον᾽ ἩρώδουHerod διδόντος, εἰς μὲν τὴν‎ προδοσίανsurrender, treason οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, ὑποκρινόμενος δὲ φιλίαν κατάσκοπος ᾔει τῶν ἈντιγόνουAntigonus πραγμάτων ἩρώδῃHerod μὴ πεισθεὶς ἀποτρέποντι.
³¹⁸ but he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not condemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing.	³¹⁸ Macheras did not accept this invitation to betray his trust, unwilling to insult the one who had sent him, especially as Herod paid him even better. So he pretended to be friends with Antigonus, but came as a spy to find out his plans, although in this he did not listen to Herod's advice, not to do so.
³¹⁸ But he [Macheras], since he did not think lightly of the one who had sent him [Antony/Ventidius], and especially since Herod was giving him more, did not listen to the proposal of treachery. However, feigning friendship, he went as a spy to look into Antigonus’s affairs, even though he would not listen to Herod, who tried to dissuade him [from going].

³¹⁹ προαισθόμενος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἈντίγονοςAntigonus τήν τε πόλιν ἀπέκλεισεν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ὡς πολέμιον ἠμύνατο, μέχρις αἰδούμενος ΜαχαιρᾶςMacheras εἰς ἈμμαοῦνταEmmaus πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀναχωρεῖ καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ διαμαρτίαν θυμούμενος ὅσοιςall who, as much ἐπετύγχανεν ἸουδαίοιςJews ἀνῄρει, μηδεμίαν τῶν ἩρωδείωνHerod φειδὼ ποιούμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἈντιγονείοιςAntigonus χρώμενος ἅπασιν.
³¹⁹ But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and, as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.	³¹⁹ But Antigonus knew his intentions in advance and kept him out from the city and from the ramparts which defended himself against him as against an enemy, until Macheras was ashamed of himself and retreated to Herod in Emmaus. Enraged and disappointed, he killed any Jews he met, without sparing those on Herod's side, but treating them all as if they were in favour of Antigonus.
³¹⁹ But Antigonus, perceiving his intention beforehand, shut him out of the city and fended him off from the walls as an enemy, until Macheras—feeling ashamed—retreated to Emmaus to join Herod. Fuming with rage at his failure, he killed every Jew he happened to meet, showing no mercy even to the Herodians, but treating them all as if they were supporters of Antigonus.

³²⁰ Ἐφ᾽ οἷς χαλεπήνας ἩρώδηςHerod ὥρμησεν μὲν ἀμύνασθαι ΜαχαιρᾶνMacheras ὡς πολέμιον, κρατήσας δὲ τῆς ὀργῆς ἤλαυνενto set in motion πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny κατηγορήσων τῆς ΜαχαιρᾶMacheras παρανομίας. ὁ δ᾽ ἐν διαλογισμῷ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων γενόμενος ταχέως μεταδιώκει τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ἑαυτῷ διαλλάττει.
³²⁰ Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of mal-administration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him.	³²⁰ Herod was furious with him for this, and was going to attack Macheras as an enemy, but he stifled his wrath and went to Antony to accuse Macheras of criminal actions. But Macheras was made aware of his offences and soon came to the king to earnestly beg for, and receive, his pardon.
³²⁰ At this, Herod was incensed and set out to punish Macheras as an enemy; but mastering his anger, he instead hastened to Antony to denounce Macheras’s lawless conduct. But Macheras, realizing the gravity of his errors, quickly went in pursuit of the king and, after much entreaty, succeeded in reconciling himself to him.

³²¹ οὐ μὴν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπαύσατο τῆς πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ὁρμῆς· ἀκηκοὼς δ᾽ αὐτὸν μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως προσπολεμοῦντα ΣαμοσάτοιςSamosata, πόλις δ᾽ ἐστὶν ΕὐφράτουEuphrates πλησίον καρτερά, θᾶττον ἠπείγετο τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ὁρῶν πρός τε ἐπίδειξιν ἀνδρείας καὶ τοῦ μᾶλλον ἀρέσασθαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny.
³²¹ However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony.	³²¹ But Herod did not abandon his plan to go to Antony, for hearing that with a large army he was besieging Samosata, a strong city near the Euphrates, he hurried there, seeing it as a suitable chance to show his courage and also do something on behalf of Antony.
³²¹ Nevertheless, Herod did not desist from his rush toward Antony; having heard that he [Antony] was besieging Samosata [38 BC] with a great force—a strong city near the Euphrates—he hastened all the more quickly, seeing it as an opportune time both for a display of his courage and for making himself even more pleasing to Antony.

³²² γίνεται γοῦν ἐπελθὼν τέλος αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιορκίας, πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων ἀποκτείνας, πολλὴν δὲ ἀποτεμόμενος λείαν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἈντώνιονAntōny θαυμάζοντα καὶ πάλαι τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτὸν τότε μᾶλλον οὕτως ἔχειν καὶ προσθεῖναι πολὺ ταῖς τε ἄλλαις τιμαῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ταῖς εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐλπίσιν, ἈντίοχονAntiochus δὲ τὸν βασιλέα ἀναγκασθῆναι παραδοῦναι τὰ ΣαμόσαταSamosata.
³²² Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata.	³²² When he arrived, he put an end to the siege and killed many of the barbarians and seized large amounts of loot, so that Antony, who already admired his courage, now admired it still more and heaped further honours on him and gave him firmer hopes of gaining his kingdom; and king Antiochus was forced to hand over Samosata.
³²² At any rate, by his arrival he became the means of ending the siege for them, having slain many of the barbarians and carried off a great deal of booty; with the result that Antony, who even of old had admired him for his courage, then held him in even higher regard, and added much both to his other honors and to his hopes for the kingship, while Antiochus the king was compelled to surrender Samosata.

Chapter 17
Herod's Good Fortune in War.
His marriage to Mariamne

☜ ☞

³²³ Κἀν τούτῳ θραύεται τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἩρώδουHerod πράγματα. κατελελοίπει μὲν γὰρ ἸώσηπονJoseph τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων παραγγείλας μηδὲν μέχρι τῆς ὑποστροφῆς αὐτοῦ‎ παρακινεῖν πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus· οὐ γὰρ δὴ βέβαιον εἶναι ΜαχαιρῶνMacheras σύμμαχον ἐξ ὧν ἔδρασεν. ὁ δὲ ὡς ἤκουσεν ὄντα πορρωτάτω τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἀμελήσας τῶν παραγγελμάτων ἐπὶ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw μετὰ πέντε σπειρῶν, ἃς συνέπεμψεν ΜαχαιρᾶςMacheras· ᾔει δὲ τὸν σῖτον ἁρπάσων ἐν ἀκμῇ τοῦ θέρους.
³²³ In the meantime, Herod’s affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macheras sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer;	³²³ Meanwhile, Herod's affairs in Judea were doing badly. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had instructed him to make no attempts against Antigonus until his return, for Macheras would not be a dependable ally, as was seen from what he had done already. But as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was far away, he disobeyed the order and marched on Jericho with five cohorts sent by Macheras to take away the corn in the height of summer.
³²³ In the meantime, Herod’s affairs in Judea were shattered. For he had left his brother Joseph in charge of everything, having commanded him to make no move against Antigonus until his return; for he felt that Machaeras was not a reliable ally, judging by his past actions. But Joseph, when he heard that his brother was very far away, disregarded those commands and marched toward Jericho with five cohorts which Machaeras had sent with him; he went intending to seize the grain crop, as it was the height of summer.

³²⁴ ἐπιθεμένων δὲ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν καὶ ταῖς δυσχωρίαις τῶν ἐναντίων αὐτός τε θνήσκει μάλα γενναῖος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ φανείς, καὶ τὸ ῬωμαϊκὸνRoman πᾶν διαφθείρεται· νεοσύλλεκτοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἐκ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria αἱ σπεῖραι, καὶ οὐδὲν αὐταῖς ἐνεκέκρατο τῶν πάλαι στρατιωτῶν καλουμένων ἐπαμύνειν τοῖς ἀπείροιςinexperienced πολέμου δυνάμενον.
³²⁴ but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, and there was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war.	³²⁴ But his enemies attacked him in narrow places in the mountains, and though he put up a brave fight he was killed, along with the entire Roman cohorts, which were newly drafted from Syria, with no mixture of so-called "veterans" among them to support the raw recruits.
³²⁴ But when his opponents attacked in the mountains and difficult terrain, he [Joseph] himself was killed—having shown himself very noble in the battle—and the entire Roman force was destroyed [38 BC]. For the cohorts were newly recruited from Syria, and there was no seasoned element among them of the so-called “veteran soldiers” capable of supporting those inexperienced in war.

³²⁵ ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus δὲ οὐκ ἀπέχρησεν ἡ νίκη, προῆλθεν δὲ εἰς τοσοῦτον ὀργῆς, ὥστε καὶ νεκρὸν αἰκίσασθαι τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph· κρατήσας γοῦν τῶν σωμάτων ἀποτέμνει τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ‎, καίτοι πεντήκοντα τάλαντα λύτρον αὐτῆς ΦερώραPheroras τἀδελφοῦ διδόντος.
³²⁵ This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously; for when he had gotten possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it.	³²⁵ This victory was not enough for Antigonus, for in his rage he dishonoured Joseph's corpse. Taking the slain body, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have paid a price of fifty talents to redeem it.
³²⁵ But for Antigonus, the victory was not enough; he proceeded to such a degree of rage that he even mutilated the corpse of Joseph. At any rate, having gained possession of the bodies, he cut off his [Joseph’s] head, even though his brother Pheroras^[1] offered fifty talents as a ransom for it.

^[1]Pheroras was born c. 68 BC and died c. 5 BC.

³²⁶ τὰ δὲ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee μετὰ τὴν‎ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus νίκην ἐνεωτερίσθη εἰς τοσοῦτον, ὥστε τοὺς τὰ ἩρώδουHerod φρονοῦντας τῶν δυνατῶν προαγαγόντες εἰς τὴν‎ λίμνην κατέδυσαν οἱ προσέχοντες ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus. μετεβάλλετο δὲ πολλὰ καὶ τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea, ἔνθα ΜαχαιρᾶςMacheras ἀνετείχιζέν τι τῶν ἐρυμάτων, ΓιτθὰGittha καλεῖται.
³²⁶ And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus, that those of Antigonus’s party brought the principal men that were on Herod’s side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Macheras was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha.	³²⁶ The affairs of Galilee were so chaotic that after the victory of Antigonus, his men brought the officers of Herod's side to the lake and drowned them there. Great changes also took place in Idumaea, where Macheras was building a wall around one of the fortresses, called Gittha.
³²⁶ But the affairs of Galilee, following the victory of Antigonus, fell into such a state of rebellion that those who favored Antigonus took the influential men who sided with Herod to the lake and drowned them. Much of Idumea was also in a state of flux, where Machaeras was refortifying one of the strongholds, called Githa.

³²⁷ τούτων δὲ οὔπω πέπυστο ἩρώδηςHerod· μετὰ γὰρ τὴν‎ ΣαμοσάτωνSamosata ἅλωσιν ἈντώνιοςAntony μὲν καταστήσας ἐπὶ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ΣόσσιονSosius καὶ προστάξας ἩρώδῃHerod βοηθεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἈντίγονονAntignus αὐτὸς εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀνεχώρησεν, ΣόσσιοςSosius δὲ δύο μὲν τάγματα προαπέστειλεν εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἩρώδῃHerod συμμαχῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως ἠκολούθει σχεδόν.
³²⁷ But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt. But Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea, to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.	³²⁷ Herod had not yet been told this news, for after the taking of Samosata, Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria with orders to help Herod against Antigonus, and left for Egypt. Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to help Herod and followed soon afterward, with the rest of his forces.
³²⁷ But Herod had not yet learned of these things; for after the capture of Samosata, Antony—having appointed Sosius over Syria and having commanded him to assist Herod against Antigonus—himself departed for Egypt. As for Sosius, he sent two legions ahead into Judea to ally with Herod, while he himself followed shortly after with the rest of his force.

³²⁸ Ὄντι δ᾽ ἩρώδῃHerod κατὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἈντιόχειανAntioch ΔάφνηνDaphnē ὄνειροι σαφεῖς τὸν τἀδελφοῦ θάνατον προσημαίνουσιν, καὶ μετὰ ταραχῆς ἐκθορόντι τῆς κοίτης εἰσῄεσαν ἄγγελοι τῆς συμφορᾶς. ὁ δὲ ὀλίγον μὲν προσοιμώξας τῷ πάθει, τὸ πλεῖον δὲ τοῦ πένθους ὑπερθέμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἠπείγετο ποιούμενος τὴν‎ πορείαν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν.
³²⁸ Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother’s death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies;	³²⁸ When Herod was in Daphne, near Antioch, he had some dreams that were a clear forewarning of his brother's death, and as he jumped madly out of bed, messengers came to tell him of that sad reality. After grieving for a while, he postponed the main part of his mourning and hurried to march against his enemies;
³²⁸ While Herod was at Daphne, near Antioch, clear dreams portended the death of his brother to him; and as he leaped from his bed in agitation, messengers of the calamity entered. After lamenting the disaster for a brief moment, he put aside the greater part of his mourning and hastened against his enemies, making the journey with a speed beyond his strength.

³²⁹ καὶ διανύσας ἐπὶ τὸν ΛίβανονLibanus ὀκτακοσίους μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸ ὄρος προσλαμβάνει συμμάχους, ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δὲ ἓν τάγμα ταύτῃ συνῆψεν. μεθ᾽ ὧν οὐ περιμείνας ἡμέραν εἰς τὴν‎ ΓαλιλαίανGalilee ἐνέβαλεν τούς τε πολεμίους ὑπαντιάσαντας εἰς ὃ καταλελοίπεσανto leave, forsake χωρίον τρέπεται.
³²⁹ and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got eight hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left.	³²⁹ and reaching Libanus by a superhuman march, he got the help of eight hundred men from the population living near that mountain. With these and one Roman legion he invaded Galilee before daybreak, and met his enemies and drove them back to the place from which they came.
³²⁹ And having arrived at Mount Lebanon, he took as allies eight hundred of those living around the mountain, and there he joined with one Roman legion. With these—not even waiting for a single day—he burst into Galilee and put to flight the enemies who met him at the very place where they had left them [before the previous retreat].

³³⁰ καὶ προσέβαλλεν μὲν συνεχῶς τῷ φρουρίῳ, πρὶν δὲ ἑλεῖν χειμῶνι βιασθεὶς χαλεπωτάτῳ ταῖς πλησίον ἐνστρατοπεδεύεται κώμαις. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας καὶ τὸ δεύτερον παρὰ ἈντωνίουAntōny τάγμα συνέμιξεν, δείσαντες τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν οἱ πολέμιοι διὰ νυκτὸς ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἔρυμα.
³³⁰ He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days’ time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the nighttime.	³³⁰ He also made an immediate attack on the fortress, but before he could take it, he was forced by a terrible storm to encamp in the neighbouring villages. A few days later, when the second legion from Antony joined him, the enemy were afraid of his power and abandoned their fort during the night.
³³⁰ And he [Herod] attacked the fortress continuously, but before capturing it, he was compelled by a most severe winter storm to encamp in the neighboring villages. But when, after a few days, the second legion from Antony joined him, the enemy—fearing his strength—abandoned the stronghold during the night.

³³¹ Καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν διὰ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho ᾔει σπεύδων ἧι τάχιστα τοὺς τἀδελφοῦ φονεῖς μετελθεῖν· ἔνθα καὶ δαιμόνιόν τι αὐτῷ συμβαίνει τέρας, ἐξ οὗ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα σωθεὶς ἀνδρὸς θεοφιλεστάτου δόξαν ἀπηνέγκατο· πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ τῶν ἐν τέλει συνειστιάθησαν κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἑσπέραν, διαλυθέντος δὲ τοῦ συμποσίου μετὰ τὸ πάντας ἐξελθεῖν ὁ οἶκος εὐθέως συνέπεσεν.
³³¹ After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother’s murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately.	³³¹ Afterward he made a quick march through Jericho to take revenge on his brother's murderers. A providential thing happened to him there, a near escape which won him the reputation of being very dear to God. One evening he was dining with many people of influence, and after the feast was over and all the guests had left, the house collapsed.
³³¹ And for the rest, he went through Jericho, hastening as quickly as possible to go after the murderers of his brother. There, a certain divine omen occurred to him, from which—having been saved beyond expectation—he carried away the reputation of being a man most dear to God. For many of those in authority had feasted with him during that evening, and when the banquet was dissolved, after everyone had gone out, the house immediately collapsed.

³³² τοῦτο καὶ κινδύνων καὶ σωτηρίας κοινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ μέλλοντι πολέμῳ κρίνας εἶναι σημεῖον ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἕω διεκίνει τὴν‎ στρατιάν. Καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶνto see κατατρέχοντες ἀπεπειρῶντο τῶν προτεταγμένων, κατὰ χεῖρα μὲν συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ῬωμαίοιςRomans οὐ σφόδρα θαρροῦντες, πόρρωθεν δὲ χερμάσιν καὶ παλτοῖς ἔβαλλον, ὥστε συχνοὺς κατατιτρώσκειν. ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτὸς ἩρώδηςHerod παρελαύνων παλτῷ κατὰ τὴν‎ πλευρὰν ἀκοντίζεται.
³³² And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in which action Herod’s own side was wounded with a dart.	³³² He judged this to be a general sign of the dangers he would face in the war he was entering, and how he would escape them. Next morning he set off with his army, when about six thousand of the enemy raced down from the mountains and began fighting with his advance guard. They did not dare to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and spears at them at a distance and in this way they wounded quite a number; and during this action Herod was wounded in the side by an arrow.
³³² Judging this to be a sign both of dangers and of safety in the coming war, he set his army in motion toward dawn. And about six thousand of the enemy, running down from the mountains, made an attempt upon his vanguard; though they did not quite have the courage to engage in hand-to-hand combat with the Romans, they threw stones and javelins from a distance, so that they wounded many. During this, Herod himself, as he was riding past, was struck in the side by a javelin.

³³³ βουλόμενος δὲ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus μὴ μόνον τόλμῃ τῶν σφετέρων ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει περιεῖναι δοκεῖν, ΠάππονPappus τινὰ τῶν ἑταίρων μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria περιπέμπει.
³³³ Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria,	³³³ Antigonus, wishing to be seen to exceed Herod's men in number as well as courage, sent an army to Samaria under one of his companions, Pappus.
³³³ But Antigonus, wishing to appear superior not only in the daring of his men but also in their numbers, sent around one of his companions, a certain Pappus, with an army toward Samaria.

³³⁴ τούτῳ μὲν οὖν ἦν ΜαχαιρᾶςMacheras ἀγώνισμα, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τὴν‎ πολεμίαν καταδραμὼν πέντε μὲν πολίχνας καταστρέφεται, δισχιλίους δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς διαφθείρει καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐμπρήσας ὑπέστρεψεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον· ηὔλιστο δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ καλουμένην Κανᾶ κώμην.
³³⁴ whose fortune it was to oppose Macheras; but Herod overran the enemy’s country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his headquarters were at the village called Cana.	³³⁴ There Macheras opposed him and Herod overran the enemy's country and demolished five small towns, killing two thousand men in them and burning their houses, and then returned to his camp, head-quartered in a village called Cana.
³³⁴ This man [Pappus], therefore, was the antagonist for Machaeras; but Herod, having overrun the enemy’s territory, overthrew five small towns, destroyed two thousand of those within them, and, after setting fire to the houses, returned to his camp. He was encamped near a village called Cana.^[1]

^[1]The ”Cana” mentioned here is likely not the famous Cana of Galilee where the wedding took place, but rather a village in the region of Samaria or northern Judea (often identified with Khirbet Qana or a site near the battleground of Isana).

³³⁵ Προσεγίνετο δ᾽ αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν πολὺ πλῆθος ἸουδαίωνJews ἔκ τε αὐτῆς ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης χώρας, οἱ μὲν διὰ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς ἈντίγονονAntignus, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ κατορθώμασιν κεκινημένοι· τούς γε μὴν πολλοὺς ἐνῆγεν ἐπιθυμία μεταβολῆς ἄλογος. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἠπείγετο συμβαλεῖν, οἱ δὲ περὶ ΠάππονPappus οὔτε πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οὔτε πρὸς τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν ὑποδείσαντες αὐτοῦ‎ προθύμως ἀντεπεξῆλθον.
³³⁵ Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight.	³³⁵ A large crowd of Jews resorted to him every day, both from Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved to do so from hatred for Antigonus and some because of the exploits Herod had done, but many were led on by a mindless lust for change. He was thirsting for battle, but Pappus and his party, undeterred by their numbers or their ardour, marched out against them boldly.
³³⁵ And every day a great multitude of Jews joined him, both from Jericho itself and from the rest of the country—some out of hatred for Antigonus, others moved by Herod’s own successes; however, an irrational desire for change impelled the majority. And he [Herod] was in a hurry to engage in battle, while those with Pappus, fearing neither his numbers nor his momentum, came out to meet him with alacrity.

³³⁶ γενομένης δὲ τῆς παρατάξεως τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μέρη πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀντέσχεν, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ κατὰ μνήμην τοῦ φονευθέντος ἀδελφοῦ παραβαλλόμενος, ὡς ἂν τίσαιτο τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου, ταχέως τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐκράτει καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐπὶ τὸ συνεστὸς ἀεὶ τρεπόμενος ἅπαντας διώκει.
³³⁶ Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while; but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all;	³³⁶ During the action, the enemy resisted for a while in some areas, but Herod, raging at the murder of his brother, risked everything in order to take revenge on those who had caused it, soon defeated those within his reach, and then turned his force against those still facing him and routed them all.
³³⁶ When the battle lines were drawn, the other parts [of the enemy army] held their ground for a short time; but Herod, risking himself in memory of his murdered brother—so that he might take vengeance on those responsible for the killing—quickly overpowered those in front of him. Turning from them against the units that were still standing, he pursued them all.

³³⁷ φόνος δ᾽ ἦν πολύς, τῶν μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ κώμην συνεξωθουμένων ἐξ ἧς ὥρμηντο, τοῦ δὲ προσκειμένου τοῖς ὑστάτοις καὶ κτείνοντος ἀπείρους. συνεισπίπτει δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις εἴσω, καὶ πᾶσα μὲν ὁπλιτῶν οἰκία νένακτο, τὰ τέγη δ᾽ ἦν ὕπερθεν ἀμυνομένων κατάπλεα.
³³⁷ so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense;	³³⁷ There was great slaughter and they were forced back to the village from which they came. He pressed hard on the rearguard and killed many of them, and following in after the enemy, he found every house full of infantry and the rooftops crowded with soldiers for their defence.
³³⁷ The slaughter was immense; some were pushed together into the village from which they had set out, while he [Herod] pressed hard upon the rearguard and slew countless numbers. He burst inside [the village] along with the enemy, and every house was packed^[1] with heavy-armed soldiers, while the roofs above were crowded with those trying to defend themselves.

^[1]Josephus uses the word nenakto (from nasso, meaning "to pack" or "to cram"), suggesting the houses were so full of men that they could barely move or swing their weapons. This lack of maneuverability made them easy targets for Herod’s organized forces once they broke down the doors.

³³⁸ κἀπειδὴ περιῆν τῶν ἔξωθεν, τὰς οἰκήσεις σπαράττων εἷλκεν τοὺς ἔνδοθεν. Καὶ τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς ἐπικατασείων τοὺς ὀρόφους ἀθρόους ἀνῄρει, τοὺς ὑποφεύγοντας δὲ τῶν ἐρειπίων οἱ στρατιῶται ξιφήρεις ἀνεδέχοντο, καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐσωρεύθη νεκρῶν πλῆθος, ὥστε τὰς ὁδοὺς ἀποφραγῆναι τοῖς κρατοῦσιν.
³³⁸ and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying in heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads.	³³⁸ After defeating them out in the open, he pulled the houses to pieces and captured the people inside. He had the roofs brought down on top of many, killing them in droves. Soldiers waited with drawn swords for those who fled from the ruins, and the number killed and lying in heaps was so great that the roads were impassable to the victors.
³³⁸ And when he had overcome those on the outside, he began to tear apart the dwellings and drag out those within. Upon most of them, he brought down the roofs, destroying them in heaps; and as for those who tried to escape from the ruins, the soldiers, sword in hand, received them. Such a multitude of corpses was piled up that the roads became blocked to the victors.

³³⁹ ταύτην τὴν‎ πληγὴν οὐκ ἤνεγκαν οἱ πολέμιοι· τὸ γοῦν ἐπισυλλεγόμενον αὐτῶν πλῆθος ὡς ἐθεάσατο τοὺς ἀνὰ τὴν‎ κώμην διεφθαρμένους, εἰς φυγὴν διεσκεδάσθη, κἂν εὐθέως τῇ νίκῃ τεθαρρηκὼς ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἤλασεν, εἰ μὴ χειμῶνι διεκωλύθη σφοδροτάτῳ. τοῦτ᾽ ἐμπόδιον ἐκείνῳ τε παντελοῦς κατορθώματος καὶ ἥττης ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus κατέστη βουλευομένῳ καταλιπεῖν ἤδη τὴν‎ πόλιν.
³³⁹ Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves and fled away; upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he had been hindered by the depth of winter’s [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city.	³³⁹ The enemy could not stand up to this blow, and when those of them who rallied saw those slain in the village, they scattered and fled. Buoyed up by this victory, Herod would have marched on Jerusalem immediately, if a fierce storm had not prevented it. This was what lay in the way of his victorious progress and it prevented Antigonus, who was disposed to forsake the city, from being instantly defeated.
³³⁹ The enemy could not endure this blow. At any rate, when the multitude of them that had gathered together saw those who had been destroyed throughout the village [Isana],^[1] they were scattered in flight. And Herod, emboldened by the victory, would have marched immediately against Jerusalem, had he not been prevented by a most violent winter storm. This became an obstacle to him for a complete success, and a stay of defeat for Antigonus, who was already planning to abandon the city.

^[1]This is called the Battle of Isana in the spring of 37 BC

³⁴⁰ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν [ἤδη ] τοὺς φίλους κεκμηκότας ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ σώματος διαφεὶς καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς ἦν ἔτι θερμὸς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων λουσόμενος ᾔει στρατιωτικώτερον· εἷς γοῦν αὐτῷ παῖς εἵπετο. Καὶ πρὶν εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον εἰσελθεῖν ἐναντίον αὐτοῦ‎ τις ἐκτρέχει τῶν πολεμίων ξιφήρης, ἔπειτα δεύτερος καὶ τρίτος, ἑξῆς δὲ πλείους.
³⁴⁰ Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them;	³⁴⁰ That evening after sending his companions to refresh themselves after their fatigue, Herod himself, still warm in his armour, had gone like a common soldier to bathe himself with just one servant attending him. Just before he got into the bath, one of the enemy met him face to face with sword in hand, followed by a second and a third and still more of them.
³⁴⁰ And toward evening, Herod dismissed his friends—who were already exhausted—to take care of their bodies; and he himself, still warm from his armor, went to bathe in a more soldier-like fashion, with only one servant following him. And before he could enter the bathhouse, one of the enemy ran out from opposite him, sword in hand, then a second, and a third, and more in succession.

³⁴¹ οὗτοι καταπεφεύγεσαν μὲν ἐκ τῆς παρατάξεως εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον ὡπλισμένοι, τέως δ᾽ ὑποπεπτηχότες καὶ διαλανθάνοντες ὡς ἐθεάσαντο τὸν βασιλέα, λυθέντες ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation αὐτὸν μὲν παρέτρεχον γυμνὸν ὄντα τρέμοντες, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς ἐξόδους ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων οὐδεὶς παρῆν κατὰ τύχην ὁ συλληψόμενος τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἩρώδῃHerod δ᾽ ἀπέχρη τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν, ὥστε διαφεύγουσιν πάντες.
³⁴¹ these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a fright, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.	³⁴¹ These were men who had run away from the battle in their armour, and into the bath-house, and had hidden there for some time, in great terror. When they saw the king, even though he was naked, they quaked with fear and ran past him, making for the exits. By chance there was no one else nearby to seize these men, and Herod was content to have come to no harm, so they all escaped.
³⁴¹ These men had fled from the battle into the bathhouse fully armed; having crouched down and remained hidden for a time, when they suddenly caught sight of the king, they were so unstrung by terror that they ran past him—even though he was naked—trembling as they made for the exits. By chance, no one else was present to seize the men, and for Herod, it was enough that he suffered no harm; and so, they all escaped.

³⁴² τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ ΠάππονPappus μὲν τὸν ἈντιγόνουAntigonus στρατηγὸν καρατομήσας, ἀνῄρητοto take up δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς παρατάξεως, πέμπει τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ΦερώρᾳPheroras τἀδελφῷ ποινὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος αὐτῶν ἀδελφοῦ· καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἦν ὁ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀνελών.
³⁴² But on the next day Herod had Pappus’s head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph.	³⁴² But the next day Herod had Pappus' head cut off, Antigonus' general who was killed in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of atonement for their killed brother, for he was the man who had killed Joseph.
³⁴² On the following day, after chopping off the head of Pappus, Antigonus’s general—who had been killed in the battle—he [Herod] sent the head to his brother Pheroras as a penalty for their murdered brother; for this was the man who had killed Joseph.

³⁴³ λωφήσαντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἤλαυνενto set in motion ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem καὶ μέχρι τοῦ τείχους ἀγαγὼν τὴν‎ δύναμιν, συνήγετο δ᾽ αὐτῷ τρίτον ἔτος ἐξ οὗ βασιλεὺς ἐν ῬώμῃRome ἀπεδέδεικτο, πρὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ στρατοπεδεύεται· ταύτῃ γὰρ ἦν ἐπίμαχον, καθ᾽ ὃ καὶ πρὶν εἷλεν ΠομπήιοςPompeius τὴν‎ πόλιν.
³⁴³ Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was that Pompey took the city.	³⁴³ As winter was ending, Herod marched to Jerusalem and brought his army to its wall; this was the third year since he had been made king in Rome. He encamped before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged and it was there that Pompey had taken the city.
³⁴³ When the winter storm had abated,^[1] he marched against Jerusalem and led his forces up to the wall; it was now the third year since he had been declared king in Rome. He pitched his camp in front of the Temple, for it was vulnerable from that side, at the very point where Pompey had previously captured the city.^[2]

^[1]Spring of 37 BC.
Pompey the Great captured Jerusalem in 63 BC.

³⁴⁴ διελὼν δὲ εἰς ἔργα τὴν‎ στρατιὰν καὶ τεμὼν τὰ προάστεια τρία μὲν ἐγείρειν χώματα καὶ πύργους ἐποικοδομεῖν αὐτοῖς κελεύει, καταλιπὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀνυτικωτάτους τῶν ἑταίρων ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων αὐτὸς εἰς ΣαμάρειανSamaria ᾔει τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus μετιὼν θυγατέρα καθωμολογημένην ὡς ἔφαμεν αὐτῷ καὶ πάρεργον ποιούμενος τῆς πολιορκίας τὸν γάμον· ἤδη γὰρ ὑπερηφάνει τοὺς πολεμίους.
³⁴⁴ So he parted the work among the army, and demolished the suburbs, and raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the bye, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already.	³⁴⁴ So he divided the work among the army and demolished the suburbs, and raised three ramparts, having towers built on those ramparts and leaving the work to the most active of his associates. He himself went to Samaria, to marry the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, who had earlier been betrothed to him as already said, and so he accomplished this as an aside, during the siege of the city, for already he held his enemies in deep contempt.
³⁴⁴ And having divided the army for the works and cut down the trees of the suburbs, he ordered the raising of three mounds and the building of towers upon them. Then, leaving the most efficient of his companions over the works, he himself went to Samaria to fetch the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, who (as we said) had been betrothed to him, making his marriage a byproduct of the siege; for he already held the enemy in contempt.

³⁴⁵ Γήμας δὲ ὑπέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως· συνῆπτε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ΣόσσιοςSosius μετὰ πλείστης στρατιᾶς ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν, ἣν προεκπέμψας διὰ τῆς μεσογείου τὴν‎ πορείαν αὐτὸς διὰ ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia ἐποιήσατο.
³⁴⁵ When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia;	³⁴⁵ After his marriage, he returned to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both cavalry and infantry, which he sent before him through the interior, while he himself marched by the route of Phoenicia.
³⁴⁵ After his marriage,^[1] he returned to Jerusalem with a greater force; and Sosius joined him with a very large army of both horsemen and foot-soldiers, which he had sent ahead through the interior, while he himself made the journey through Phoenicia.

Herod was about 36 when he married Mariamne who was between 15 and 18 years old in 37 BC. They were betrothed five years before the wedding took place, so she would have been a young girl (perhaps 10 to 13 years old). Ancient political betrothals often occurred just before or at the onset of puberty.

³⁴⁶ συναθροισθείσης δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως εἰς ἕνδεκα μὲν τέλη πεζῶν, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑξακισχιλίους δίχα τῶν ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria συμμάχων, οἳ μέρος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἦσαν, καταστρατοπεδεύονται τοῦ βορείου τείχους πλησίον, αὐτὸς μὲν πεποιθὼς τοῖς τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμασιν, δι᾽ ὧν βασιλεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο, ΣόσσιοςSosius δὲ ἈντωνίῳAnthony τῷ πέμψαντι τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ στρατιὰν ἩρώδῃHerod σύμμαχον.
³⁴⁶ and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod’s dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod’s assistance.	³⁴⁶ When the whole army was gathered, eleven regiments of infantry and six thousand cavalry, besides the Syrian allies, a significant force, they encamped near the north wall. Herod depended upon the senate's decree which made him king, and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent his army to Herod's help.
³⁴⁶ When the entire force was assembled into eleven legions of infantry and six thousand cavalry—not counting the Syrian auxiliaries, who formed no small part—they pitched their camp near the north wall. Herod himself relied on the decrees of the Senate, by which he had been declared king, while Sosius relied on Antony, who had sent the army under him to be an ally to Herod.

Chapter 18
Herod captures Jerusalem; death of Antigonus.
He appeases the greed of Cleopatra

☜ ☞

³⁴⁷ Τῶν δ᾽ ἀνὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἸουδαίωνJews τὸ πλῆθος ποικίλως ἐτετάρακτο· καὶ γὰρ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἀθροιζόμενον τὸ ἀσθενέστερον ἐδαιμονία καὶ πολλὰ θειωδέστερον πρὸς τοὺς καιροὺς ἐλογοποίει, καὶ τῶν τολμηροτέρων κατὰ στῖφος ἦσαν λῃστεῖαι πολύτροποι, μάλιστα τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἁρπαζόντων ἐπιτήδεια καὶ μήτε ἵπποις μήτε ἀνδράσιν ὑπολειπομένωνto leave for τροφήν.
³⁴⁷ Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men;	³⁴⁷ The Jewish population in the city was divided into several factions, for the people who crowded around the temple, being the weaker of them, claimed that as the times were, the man who died first was the best and most godly. But the braver and hardier gathered in groups and began robbing others in various ways and particularly looted the places near the city, as there was no food left either for horses or men.
³⁴⁷ The multitude of Jews throughout the city were agitated in various ways. For the weaker element, gathering around the Temple, was in a state of religious frenzy and invented many prophecies suited to the times; meanwhile, the more daring went out in bands to engage in various forms of banditry, especially plundering provisions around the city, leaving food for neither horses nor men.

³⁴⁸ τοῦ γε μὴν μαχίμου τὸ εὐτακτότερον ἐτέτακτο πρὸς ἄμυναν τῆς πολιορκίας τούς τε χωννύντας εἶργον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ τοῖς ὀργάνοις ἀντιμηχανώμενον ἀεί τι κώλυμα καινότερον· ἐν οὐδενὶ δ᾽ οὕτως ὡς ἐν ταῖς μεταλλείαις περιῆσαν τῶν πολεμίων.
³⁴⁸ yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing one engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines underground.	³⁴⁸ Some of the trained warriors were appointed to defend the city during the siege and to drive off from the wall the men raising the earthworks, and these were always inventing some machine or other to oppose the machines of the enemy, but in nothing did they have as much success as in the mines that they dug.
³⁴⁸ As for the fighting force, the more disciplined among them were arrayed for the defense of the siege; they kept the builders away from the wall and were always contriving some new obstacle to counteract the siege engines. But in nothing did they so far surpass the enemy as in the underground mines.

³⁴⁹ τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ πρὸς μὲν τὰς λῃστείας ἀντεπενοήθησαν λόχοι δι᾽ ὧν ἀνέστελλεν τὰς διεκδρομάς, πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀπορίαν αἱ πόρρωθεν συγκομιδαί, τῶν δὲ μαχομένων περιῆν τῇ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐμπειρίαι καίτοι τόλμης οὐδεμίαν καταλιπόντων ὑπερβολήν·
³⁴⁹ Now, as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans’ skill in the art of war;	³⁴⁹ To deal with the robberies the king had ambushes set to restrain them, and to allow the needed provisions to be brought in from far away. He overcame the Jews through the Romans' skill in the art of war, though they were extremely brave.
³⁴⁹ But the king [Herod] devised ambushes against the raiding parties, by which he checked their excursions; and against the scarcity of provisions, he arranged for supplies to be brought from afar. As for the fighting itself, he prevailed through the experience of the Romans, although the [Jewish] defenders left no excess of daring unattempted.

³⁵⁰ φανερῶς μέν γε συνερρήγνυντο τοῖς ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἐπὶ προύπτῳ τῷ θανεῖν, διὰ δὲ τῶν ὑπονόμων ἐν μέσοις αὐτοῖς ἐξαπίνης ἐφαίνοντο, καὶ πρὶν κατασεισθῆναί τι τοῦ τείχους ἕτερον ἀντωχύρουν· καθόλου τε οὔτε χερσὶν οὔτ᾽ ἐπινοίαιςthought ἔκαμνον εἰς ἔσχατον ἀντισχεῖν διεγνωκότες.
³⁵⁰ although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last.	³⁵⁰ Now they dared not have a pitched battle with the Romans, which would be certain death, but by tunneling under ground they would suddenly turn up among them and before they could batter down one wall, they built themselves another in its place, and in a word, they lacked neither energy or ideas, having decided to hold out to the last.
³⁵⁰ Openly, at least, they clashed with the Romans in the face of certain death; but through the underground passages, they would suddenly appear in the very midst of the enemy. And before any part of the wall could be battered down, they would build another interior wall in its place. In short, they grew weary neither in hand nor in invention, having determined to hold out to the very last.

³⁵¹ ἀμέλει τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως περικαθεζομένης πέντε μησὶν διήνεγκαν τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, ἕως τῶν ἩρώδουHerod τινὲς ἐπιλέκτων ἐπιβῆναι τοῦ τείχους θαρσήσαντες εἰσπίπτουσιν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑκατοντάρχαι ΣοσσίουSosius. πρῶτα δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἡλίσκετο, καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπεισχυθείσης πανταχοῦ φόνος ἦν μυρίος, τῶν μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τῇ τριβῇ τῆς πολιορκίας διωργισμένων, τοῦ δὲ περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd ἸουδαϊκοῦJewish μηδὲν ὑπολιπέσθαι σπουδάζοντος ἀντίπαλον.
³⁵¹ Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod’s chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius’s centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast multitudes everywhere, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of the siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain;	³⁵¹ Although besieged by such a large army they withstood the siege for five months, until some of Herod's crack troops dared to climb the wall and jump into the city, as did the centurions of Sosius after them. First they seized the area around the temple, and as the army poured in, thousands were slaughtered everywhere, because of the rage of the Romans at the long siege and because the Jews who supported Herod wanted none of their opponents to survive.
³⁵¹ Certainly, although such a vast force was sitting around them, they held out against the siege for five months, until some of Herod’s picked men, having summoned their courage to mount the wall, burst into the city, followed by the centurions of Sosius. First, the areas around the Temple were captured; and as the army poured in, there was slaughter everywhere in countless numbers, for the Romans were infuriated by the long duration of the siege, while the Jews on Herod’s side were determined to leave nothing of the opposition remaining.

³⁵² ἐσφάττοντο δὲ παμπληθεῖς ἔν τε τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας συνωθούμενοι καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντες· ἦν τε οὔτε νηπίων οὔτε γήρως ἔλεος οὔτε ἀσθενείας γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ καίτοι περιπέμποντος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ φείδεσθαι παρακαλοῦντος οὐδεὶς ἐκράτησεν τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ μεμηνότες πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ἐπεξήιεσαν.
³⁵² so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all ages, like madmen.	³⁵² So they were cut to pieces in throngs, as they were herded in narrow streets and houses, or fleeing to the temple; nor was any mercy shown either to infants or to the aged, or to the weakness of women. Though the king sent around asking them to spare lives, none could be persuaded to refrain from slaughter, but madly they killed people of all ages.
³⁵² They were slaughtered in vast numbers, crowded together in the narrow streets and inside their houses, and as they fled for refuge to the Temple. There was no mercy for infants, nor respect for old age, nor regard for the weakness of women; although the king [Herod] sent messengers around, exhorting them to spare the people, no one stayed his hand, but as if they were possessed by madness, they fell upon every age.

³⁵³ ἔνθα καὶ ἈντίγονοςAntigonus μήτε τῆς πάλαι μήτε τῆς τότε τύχης ἔννοιαν λαβὼν κάτεισιν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς βάρεως, προσπίπτει δὲ τοῖς ΣοσσίουSosius ποσίν. κἀκεῖνος μηδὲν αὐτὸν οἰκτείρας πρὸς τὴν‎ μεταβολὴν ἐπεγέλασέν τε ἀκρατῶς καὶ ἈντιγόνηνAntigona ἐκάλεσεν· οὐ μὴν ὡς γυναῖκά γε καὶ φρουρᾶς ἐλεύθερον ἀφῆκενto send forth, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν δεθεὶς ἐφυλάττετο.
³⁵³ Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel and fell at Sosius’s feet, who, without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona. Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody.	³⁵³ Then Antigonus, with no regard to his former or present fate, came down from the fortress and fell at Sosius' feet, who with no pity for the change of his condition, laughed him to scorn and called him Antigona. Still he did not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into chains and kept him guarded.
³⁵³ At this point, Antigonus—taking no thought for his former status nor his present fortune—descended from the citadel (the Baris) and fell at the feet of Sosius. But Sosius, feeling no pity for him in his changed condition, laughed immoderately and called him “Antigona.”^[1]. Yet he did not let him go free from custody as if he were a woman; rather, he was bound and kept under guard.

^[1] “Antigona” is the feminine form of his name.

³⁵⁴ Πρόνοια δ᾽ ἦν ἩρώδῃHerod κρατοῦντι τῶν πολεμίων τότε κρατῆσαι καὶ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων συμμάχων· ὥρμητο γὰρ τὸ ξενικὸν πλῆθος ἐπὶ θέαν τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἁγίων. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοὺς μὲν παρακαλῶν τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπειλούμενος ἔστιν δ᾽ οὓς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνέστειλεν, ἥττης χαλεπωτέραν τὴν‎ νίκην ὑπολαμβάνων, εἴ τι τῶν ἀθεάτων παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὀφθείη.
³⁵⁴ But Herod’s concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if anything that ought not to be seen were seen by them.	³⁵⁴ Herod's immediate concern, now that he had his enemies under his control, was to restrain his foreign allies, for these foreigners were eager to see the temple and even the most sacred part of the sanctuary. But the king tried to restrain them, partly by pleas and partly by force, thinking the victory would be worse than defeat for him, if they saw what they ought not to see.
³⁵⁴ But Herod, having mastered his enemies, was then concerned with mastering his foreign allies. For the multitude of foreigners was rushing to catch a sight of the Temple and the holy things within the sanctuary. But the king—appealing to some, threatening others, and even repelling some with weapons—checked them, considering the victory to be more grievous than a defeat if any of the things not to be seen [by foreigners] should be viewed by them.

³⁵⁵ διεκώλυσεν δὲ ἤδη καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἁρπαγάς, πολλὰ διατεινόμενος πρὸς ΣόσσιονSosius, εἰ χρημάτων τε καὶ ἀνδρῶν τὴν‎ πόλιν ῬωμαῖοιRomans κενώσαντες καταλείψουσιν αὐτὸν ἐρημίας βασιλέα, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ τοσούτων πολιτῶν φόνῳ βραχὺ καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ἀντάλλαγμα κρίνοι.
³⁵⁵ He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert,—and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens.	³⁵⁵ He also forbade them to ransack the city asking Sosius whether the Romans, if they emptied the city of money and men, wished to leave him king of a desert, for he thought that to rule over the whole world would not be worth the murder of so many citizens.
³⁵⁵ He also prevented the plundering throughout the city, contending strongly with Sosius, [asking] if the Romans, by emptying the city of both money and men, would leave him king of a desert; and declaring that he would judge even the sovereignty of the whole world a small compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens.

³⁵⁶ τοῦ δὲ ἀντὶ τῆς πολιορκίας τὰς ἁρπαγὰς δικαίως τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπιτρέπειν φαμένου, αὐτὸς ἔφη διανεμεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρημάτων τοὺς μισθοὺς ἑκάστοις. οὕτως τε τὴν‎ λοιπὴν ἐξωνησάμενος πατρίδα τὰς ὑποσχέσεις ἐπλήρωσεν· λαμπρῶς μὲν γὰρ ἕκαστον στρατιώτην, ἀναλόγως δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, βασιλικώτατα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο ΣόσσιονSosius, ὡς μηδένα χρημάτων ἀπελθεῖν δεόμενον.
³⁵⁶ And when Sosius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition.	³⁵⁶ To the objection that it was only fair to allow the soldiers this looting as a reward for their patience during the siege, he replied that he would reward every one of the soldiers out of his own money. So he purchased the safety of his country and carried out his promises and gave a fine gift to each soldier and similarly to their officers and a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, so that no one went away empty-handed.
³⁵⁶ When Sosius replied that it was only just to allow the soldiers to plunder in exchange for the hardships of the siege, Herod promised that he would distribute rewards to each man from his own private funds. Thus, having “bought back”^[1] the remainder of his fatherland, he fulfilled his promises; for he rewarded every soldier magnificently, the officers proportionately, and Sosius himself most royally, so that no man went away in need of money.

^[1]Josephus uses a very specific word here that implies a commercial transaction. Herod didn’t just “save” Jerusalem; he literally purchased it back from the Romans house-by-house.

³⁵⁷ ΣόσσιοςSosius δὲ χρυσοῦν ἀναθεὶςto run up; to lay upon τῷ θεῷ στέφανον ἀνέζευξεν ἀπὸ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἄγων δεσμώτην ἈντίγονονAntignus ἈντωνίῳAnthony. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν φιλοψυχήσαντα μέχρις ἐσχάτου διὰ ψυχρᾶς ἐλπίδος ἄξιος τῆς ἀγεννείας πέλεκυς ἐκδέχεται.
³⁵⁷ Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end, who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.	³⁵⁷ Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God and then left Jerusalem, taking Antigonus in chains to Antony. Though he clung to some forlorn hope of his life to the end, the axe put an end to this man's life, as he well deserved for his ignoble actions.
³⁵⁷ And Sosius, after dedicating a golden crown to God,^[1] marched away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus in chains to Antony. As for the latter, because he clung to life until the very end through a cold and flickering hope. The axe^[2]—a fate worthy of his lack of noble spirit—awaited him.

^[1]Before leaving, Sosius dedicated a stefanon (crown) to the God of the Jews. This was a standard Roman practice of evocatio—honoring the local deity of a conquered city to ensure that the god would not hold a grudge against the conquerors. It also served as a diplomatic signal that Rome officially recognized the Temple’s sanctity, despite the brutal siege.
^[2]The use of the pelekus (axe) is historically significant. Mark Antony executed Antigonus in 37 BC. According to other sources (like Strabo and Cassius Dio), Antony had Antigonus tied to a stake and scourged before being beheaded. This was the first time in Roman history that a king was executed like a common criminal rather than being kept for a Triumph or allowed a “noble” death. It was done specifically at Herod’s request to ensure that the Jewish people would never again have a Hasmonean to rally behind.

³⁵⁸ Βασιλεὺς δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod διακρίνας τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν πλῆθος τοὺς μὲν τὰ αὐτοῦ‎ φρονήσαντας εὐνουστέρους ταῖς τιμαῖς καθίστατο, τοὺς δ᾽ ἈντιγονείουςAntigonus ἀνῄρει. Καὶ κατὰ σπάνιν ἤδη χρημάτων ὅσον εἶχεν κόσμον κατανομιστεύσας ἈντωνίῳAnthony καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀνέπεμψεν.
³⁵⁸ Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus’s party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him.	³⁵⁸ King Herod then divided the city population into two groups, binding those who had sided with him still more to him by the honours he granted them, but killing those who had been with Antigonus. Then, as his money was running low, he converted all his jewels into money and sent it to Antony and to those about him.
³⁵⁸ But King Herod, having divided the multitude within the city, won over those who had favored his cause by conferring honors upon them, but those who had been the partisans of Antigonus he put to death. And since he was now in short supply of money, he turned whatever ornaments he had into coinage and sent it to Antony and those around him.

³⁵⁹ οὐ μὴν εἰς ἅπαν ἐξωνήσατο τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν· ἤδη γὰρ ἈντώνιοςAntony τῷ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἔρωτιlove διεφθαρμένος ἥττων ἦν ἐν πᾶσιν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας, ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra δὲ διεξελθοῦσα τὴν‎ γενεὰν τὴν‎ ἑαυτῆς ὡς μηδένα τῶν ἀφ᾽ αἵματος ὑπολείπεσθαι,
³⁵⁹ Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her.	³⁵⁹ Yet even with this he could not buy exemption from all wrongs, for Antony was now bewitched with love for Cleopatra and entirely in the grip of passion. Now Cleopatra had done away with all her clan so that none of her blood-relatives remained alive;
³⁵⁹ Yet he did not buy himself complete exemption from trouble; for already Antony, corrupted by his passion for Cleopatra,^[1] was in all things a slave to his desire. As for Cleopatra, having already gone through her own family so as to leave no one of her own blood surviving,

^[1]This is Cleopatra VII of Egypt.

³⁶⁰ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν ἐφόνα, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει ΣύρωνSyrian διαβάλλουσα πρὸς τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἀναιρεῖν ἔπειθεν ὡς ἂν τῶν κτήσεων ἑκάστου ῥᾳδίως γινομένη δεσπότις, ἔτι δὲ ἐκτείνουσα τὴν‎ πλεονεξίαν ἐπὶ ἸουδαίουςJews καὶ ἌραβαςArabs ὑπειργάζετο τοὺς ἑκατέρων βασιλεῖς ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ ΜάλχονMalichus ἀναιρεθῆναι.
³⁶⁰ So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.	³⁶⁰ then she set to killing outsiders, and misrepresented the leading Syrians to Antony and persuaded him to have them killed, to facilitate her in taking over their property, and as her greed reached out toward the Jews and Arabs, she secretly worked for the destruction of their kings, Herod and Malchus.
³⁶⁰ she then turned her murderous focus toward those outside [her family]; and by slandering the men in power throughout Syria to Antony, she persuaded him to put them to death, so that she might easily become the mistress of each of their possessions. Furthermore, extending her greed toward the Jews and the Arabs, she secretly plotted to have the kings of both nations—Herod and Malchus—put to death.

³⁶¹ Ἐν μέρει γοῦν τῶν προσταγμάτων ἐπινήψας ἈντώνιοςAntony τὸ κτεῖναι μὲν ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ βασιλεῖς τηλικούτους ἀνόσιονprofane ἡγήσατο, τὸ δὲ τούτων ἔγγιον φίλους διεκρούσατο, πολλὰ δὲ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho φοινικῶνα, ἐν ᾧ γεννᾶται τὸ βάλσαμον, δίδωσιν αὐτῇ πόλεις τε πλὴν ΤύρουTyre καὶ ΣιδῶνοςSidon τὰς ἐντὸς ἘλευθέρουEleutherus ποταμοῦ πάσας.
³⁶¹ Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted.	³⁶¹ Antony complied in part with her directions, and though he reckoned it too vile to kill such good and worthy kings, yet his former friendship for them grew less, and he annexed to her a large amount of their territory, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where the balsam grows, and all the cities on this side of the river Eleutherus, except Tyre and Sidon.
³⁶¹ Becoming somewhat sobered regarding her commands, Antony judged it an unholy act to kill such great kings and good men. However, he pushed aside the claims of friendship with them; having cut off large portions of their territories—and specifically the palm grove in Jericho where the balsam is produced—he gave them to her, as well as all the cities between the Eleutherus river, except for Tyre and Sidon.

³⁶² ὧν γενομένη κυρία καὶ προπέμψασα μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπιστρατεύοντα ΠάρθοιςParthians ἦλθεν εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea δι᾽ ἈπαμείαςApamia καὶ ΔαμασκοῦDamascus. κἀνταῦθα μεγάλαις μὲν αὐτῆς τὴν‎ δυσμένειαν δωρεαῖς ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκμειλίσσεται, μισθοῦται δὲ καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπορραγέντα χωρία διακοσίων ταλάντων εἰς ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν, προπέμπει δ᾽ αὐτὴν μέχρι ΠηλουσίουPelusium πάσῃ‎ θεραπείᾳ καταχρώμενος.
³⁶² And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible.	³⁶² When she became mistress of these and had accompanied Antony to the Euphrates in his expedition against the Parthians, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea, where Herod mollified her by large gifts. He also leased from her the parts of his kingdom that had been torn away, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents, and conducted her as far as Pelusium, showing her every possible respect.
³⁶² Having become mistress of these [lands], and after escorting Antony as far as the Euphrates as he marched against the Parthians, she came into Judea by way of Apamea and Damascus. There, Herod appeased her ill-will with magnificent gifts; he also leased back the regions that had been torn away from his kingdom for two hundred talents each year, and he escorted her as far as Pelusium, employing every possible mark of attentive service.

³⁶³ καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν ἐκ ΠάρθωνParthians ἈντώνιοςAntony ἄγων αἰχμάλωτον ἈρταβάζηνArtabazes τὸν ΤιγράνουTigranes παῖδα δῶρον ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra· μετὰ γὰρ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῆς ΛείαςLeah ἁπάσης ὁ ΠάρθοςParthians εὐθὺς ἐχαρίσθη.
³⁶³ Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes’s son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him.	³⁶³ Not long after this, Antony returned from Parthia bringing with him Tigranes' son, Artabazes, as a prisoner and gift to Cleopatra, for the Parthian, with his money and all the booty belonging to him, was immediately granted to her.
³⁶³ And not long afterward, Antony arrived from Parthia, bringing Artabazes,^[1] the son of Tigranes, as a captive—a gift for Cleopatra. For along with the money and all the remaining spoil, the Parthian [king] was immediately presented to her.

^[1]While Josephus mentions “Parthians,” the captive Artabazes (Artavasdes II) was actually the King of Armenia. Antony had blamed Artabazes for the disastrous failure of his earlier Parthian campaign and eventually lured him into a trap to capture him.

Chapter 19
Because Cleopatra gets Herod sent to fight the Arabs,
he avoids the battle of Actium

☜ ☞

³⁶⁴ Τοῦ δ᾽ ἈκτιακοῦActium πολέμου συνερρωγότος παρεσκεύαστο μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνεξορμᾶν ἤδη τῶν τε ἄλλων τῶν κατὰ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀπηλλαγμένος θορύβων καὶ κεκρατηκὼς ὙρκανίαςHyrcania, ὃ δὴ χωρίον ἡ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus κατεῖχεν ἀδελφή.
³⁶⁴ Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus’s sister.	³⁶⁴ When the Actium war began, Herod prepared to come to Antony's help, as he was rid of his troubles in Judea and had taken Hyrcania, a place held by Antigonus' sister.
³⁶⁴ When the war at Actium broke out, Herod had prepared to set out together with Antony, having already been freed from the other disturbances throughout Judea and having conquered Hyrcania, which was the place held by the sister of Antigonus.

After the death of Julius Caesar, there were four vying for his replacement: Brutus, Cassius, Antony, and Octavian. Antony and Octavian together defeated Brutus and Cassius. The Battle of Actium was a naval battle fought between Octavian's ships led by Marcus Agrippa against the ships of Mark Antony and Cleopatra in September 31 BC.

³⁶⁵ διεκλείσθη γε μὴν πανούργως ὑπὸ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra συμμετασχεῖν τῶν κινδύνων ἈντωνίῳAnthony· τοῖς γὰρ βασιλεῦσιν, ὡς ἔφαμεν, ἐπιβουλεύουσα πείθει τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἩρώδῃHerod diapisteuw">διαπιστεύω τὸν πρὸς ἌραβαςArabs πόλεμον, ἵν᾽ ἢ κρατήσαντος ἈραβίαςArabia ἢ κρατηθέντος ἸουδαίαςJudea γένηται δεσπότις καὶ θατέρῳ τῶν δυναστῶν καταλύσῃ τὸν ἕτερον.
³⁶⁵ However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other.	³⁶⁵ However, by Cleopatra's cunning he was hindered from sharing in Antony's risks. For since, as we have already noted, she had schemed against the kings, she persuaded Antony to entrust the war against the Arabs to Herod. In this way, she would become mistress of Arabia if he got the better in it, and of Judea if he were defeated, and so she could use one of the kings to destroy the other.
³⁶⁵ However, he was craftily prevented by Cleopatra from sharing in Antony’s dangers; for plotting against the kings, as we said, she persuaded Antony to entrust the war against the Arabs to Herod, so that if he conquered Arabia or was conquered by it, she might become the mistress of Judea, and thus she might destroy one of the two dynastic rulers by means of the other.

³⁶⁶ Ἔρρεψεν μέντοι καθ᾽ ἩρώδηνHerōd τὸ βούλευμα· πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ῥύσια κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἄγων καὶ πολὺ συγκροτήσας ἱππικὸν ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς περὶ ΔιόσπολινDiospolis ἐκράτησέν τε καίτοι καρτερῶς ἀντιπαραταξαμένων. πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ἧτταν μέγα γίνεται κίνημα τῶν ἈράβωνArabian, καὶ συναθροισθέντες εἰς ΚάναθαKanatha τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria ἄπειροιinexperienced τὸ πλῆθος τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔμενον.
³⁶⁶ However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diospolis; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews.	³⁶⁶ However, this scheme benefitted Herod, for first he raided the enemy and gathered a large troop of cavalry and descended on the area of Diospolis and defeated them, though they fought him resolutely. This badly shook the Arabs and vast crowds of them gathered at Kanatha, a city of Coele-Syria, to await the Jews.
³⁶⁶ Yet this plan eventually turned to Herod’s advantage. First, making a raid against the enemy and organizing a large body of cavalry, he attacked them near Diospolis and was victorious, even though they had drawn up a strong battle line. Following this defeat, there was a great movement among the Arabs; they gathered at Kanatha in Coele-Syria in vast numbers and awaited the Jews.

³⁶⁷ ἔνθα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπελθὼν ἐπειρᾶτο προμηθέστερον ἀφηγεῖσθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ στρατόπεδον ἐκέλευε τειχίζειν. οὐ μὴν ὑπήκουσεν τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ τῇ προτέρᾳ νίκῃ τεθαρρηκότες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὴν‎ πρώτην ἐμβολὴν τραπέντας ἐδίωκον, ἐπιβουλεύεται δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐν τῇ διώξει τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ΚανάθωνKanatha ἐπιχωρίους ἀνέντος ἈθηνίωνοςAthenion, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τῶν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra στρατηγῶν αἰεὶ διάφορος·
³⁶⁷ And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra’s generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him;	³⁶⁷ When Herod arrived he tried to manage this war with particular care and ordered them to build a defensive wall around their camp. His men, however, did not follow those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory that they soon attacked the Arabs and defeated them at the first onset and then pursued them, but a trap was set for Herod in that pursuit. Athenio, one of Cleopatra's generals and always an opponent to Herod, sent out the men of that country from Kanatha against him.
³⁶⁷ Herod arrived there with his forces and attempted to conduct the war with greater caution, ordering his men to fortify a camp. However, the multitude did not obey; emboldened by their previous victory, they rushed upon the Arabs and routed them at the first onset. But during the pursuit, Herod was sabotaged by the local inhabitants of Kanatha at the instigation of Athenion, one of Cleopatra’s generals who was perpetually at odds with Herod.

³⁶⁸ πρὸς γὰρ τὴν‎ τούτων ἐπίθεσιν ἀναθαρρήσαντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἐπιστρέφονται καὶ συνάψαντες τὸ πλῆθος περὶ πετρώδη καὶ δύσαρκτον χωρία τοὺς ἩρώδουHerod τρέπονται πλεῖστόν τε αὐτῶν φόνον εἰργάσαντο. οἱ δὲ διασωθέντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης εἰς ὌρμιζαOrmiza καταφεύγουσιν, ὅπου καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν περισχόντες αὔτανδρον εἷλον οἱ ἌραβεςArabs.
³⁶⁸ for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod’s men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it.	³⁶⁸ At this fresh onset, the Arabs took courage and turned back and gathered their numerous forces around rocky places, hard to overcome, and there routed Herod's men and slaughtered many of them; while those who escaped from the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabs surrounded their camp and took it, with all the men in it.
³⁶⁸ Encouraged by this attack, the Arabs turned back, united their forces in rocky and difficult terrain, and routed Herod’s men, inflicting a massive slaughter. Those who escaped the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabs surrounded their camp and captured it along with all the men.

³⁶⁹ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς βοήθειαν ἄγων ἩρώδηςHerod παρῆν τῆς χρείας ὑστέραν. ταύτης τῆς πληγῆς αἴτιον αὐτῷ τὸ τῶν ταξιάρχων ἀπειθὲς κατέστη· μὴ γὰρ ἐξαπιναίου τῆς συμβολῆς γενομένης οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἈθηνίωνAthenion εὗρεν καιρὸν ἐπιβουλῆς. ἐτιμωρήσατο μέντοι τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs αὖθις ἀεὶ τὴν‎ χώραν κατατρέχων, ὡς ἀνακαλέσασθαι τὴν‎ μίαν αὐτοῖς νίκην πολλάκις.
³⁶⁹ In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterwards, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate.	³⁶⁹ Shortly after this disaster, Herod came to their help, but he came too late. The cause of that setback was that the officers would not obey orders, for if the battle had not begun so suddenly, Athenio would not have found occasion to lay the trap for Herod, though later he got even with the Arabs and overran their country and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate.
³⁶⁹ Shortly after this disaster, Herod arrived with reinforcements, but too late for the immediate need. The cause of this blow was the disobedience of his officers; for had the engagement not happened so prematurely, Athenion would not have found an opportunity for his plot. Nevertheless, Herod took revenge on the Arabs by repeatedly raiding their country until he had compensated for that single victory many times over.

³⁷⁰ ἀμυνομένῳ δὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπιπίπτει συμφορὰ δαιμόνιος ἄλλη, κατ᾽ ἔτος μὲν τῆς βασιλείας ἕβδομον, ἀκμάζοντος δὲ τοῦ ἈκτίουActium πολέμου. ἀρχομένουto rule, reign γὰρ ἔαρος ἡ γῆ σεισθεῖσα βοσκημάτων μὲν ἄπειρον πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων δὲ τρεῖς διέφθειρεν μυριάδας, τὸ δὲ στρατιωτικὸν ἔμεινεν ἀβλαβές· ὕπαιθρον γὰρ ηὐλίζετο.
³⁷⁰ But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh year of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air.	³⁷⁰ But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, he met another providential disaster, for in the seventh year of his reign, at the height of the war around Actium, at the beginning of spring, there was an earthquake that destroyed a huge number of livestock and thirty thousand people, though the army received no harm, because it was in the open country.
³⁷⁰ While he was thus taking revenge on his enemies, another heaven-sent disaster fell upon him in the seventh year of his reign,^[1] at the height of the Actian War. At the beginning of spring, an earthquake shook the earth, destroying countless cattle and thirty thousand people, though the army remained unharmed as it was encamped in the open.

^[1]Spring, 31 BC

³⁷¹ κἀν τούτῳ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἐπὶ μεῖζον θράσος ἦρεν ἡ φήμη προσλογοποιοῦσα τοῖς σκυθρωποῖς ἀεί τι χαλεπώτερον· ὡς γοῦν ἁπάσης ἸουδαίαςJudea κατερριμμένης οἰηθέντες ἐρήμου τῆς χώρας κρατήσεινto be strong ὥρμησαν εἰς αὐτὴν προθυσάμενοι τοὺς πρέσβεις, οἳ παρὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔτυχον ἥκοντες πρὸς αὐτούς.
³⁷¹ In the meantime, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately.	³⁷¹ The report of this earthquake raised the courage of the Arabs, thinking (from the exaggerated rumours about it, as usually happens in tragic events) that all Judea had been destroyed. At this idea that they could easily take over a land that was devoid of inhabitants, they marched into Judea, after first killing the envoys who had come to them from the Jews.
³⁷¹ Meanwhile, rumors—which always add something more terrible to grim news—raised the courage of the Arabs. Believing that all Judea was in ruins and they could seize a deserted land, they marched into the country, first sacrificing the Jewish envoys who had happened to come to them.

³⁷² πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ἐμβολὴν καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ μεγέθει συμφορῶν ἐπαλλήλων ἔκλυτον συναγαγὼν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπειρᾶτο παρορμᾶν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἄμυναν λέγων τοιάδε.
³⁷² Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them:—	³⁷² The Jewish nation were frightened by this invasion and dispirited at the extent of these successive disasters, but Herod got them together and urged them to defend themselves by the following speech:
³⁷² The Jewish multitude, terrified by this invasion and disheartened by the magnitude of successive disasters, was gathered by Herod, who attempted to rouse them to defense by speaking as follows:

³⁷³ « Παραλογώτατάmost unexpected μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὸν ὑμῶν καθάπτεσθαι δέος· πρὸς μέν γε τὰς δαιμονίους πληγὰς ἀθυμεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν, τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην ἔφοδον πάσχειν ἀνάνδρων. ἐγὼ γὰρ τοσοῦτον ἀποδέω κατεπτηχέναι τοὺς πολεμίους μετὰ τὸν σεισμόν, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνειν τὸν θεὸν ἌραψινArabs δέλεαρ τοῦτο καθεικέναι τοῦ δοῦναι δίκας ἡμῖν· οὐ γὰρ τοσοῦτον ὅπλοις ἢ χερσὶν πεποιθότες ὅσον ταῖς αὐτομάτοις ἡμῶν συμφοραῖς ἧκον· σφαλερὰ δ᾽ ἐλπὶς οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείας ἰσχύος ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀλλοτρίας ἠρτημένη κακοπραγίας.
³⁷³ “The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men’s own power, but on others’ ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes;	³⁷³ "This dread that grips you seems to me very unreasonable. It is right to be dismayed by the strokes fate has dealt you, but to let yourselves be equally terrified of attack by men is unmanly. Far from fearing our enemies after this earthquake, I think that with it God has laid a trap for the Arabs so that we may be avenged on them. Their present invasion owes more to our accidental troubles than to any great confidence in their weapons, or their fitness for action.
³⁷³ “It seems to me that your present fear is most unreasonable. While it was natural to be discouraged by heaven-sent blows, to feel the same toward a human invasion is unmanly. I am so far from fearing the enemy after the earthquake that I believe God has set this out as a bait for the Arabs so we may punish them. They have come relying not so much on their weapons or hands as on our accidental misfortunes. But hope is precarious when it hangs not on one’s own strength, but on the ill fortune of another.

³⁷⁴ οὔτε δὲ τὸ δυστυχεῖν οὔτε τοὐναντίον ἐν ἀνθρώποις βέβαιον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἰδεῖν ἐπαμειβομένην εἰς ἑκάτερα τὴν‎ τύχην. Καὶ τοῦτο μάθοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐξ οἰκείων ὑποδειγμάτων· τῇ γοῦν προτέρᾳ μάχῃ κρατούντων ἐκράτησαν ἡμῶν οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς νῦν ἁλώσονται κρατήσεινto be strong δοκοῦντες· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἄγαν πεποιθὸς ἀφύλακτον, οἱ φόβοι δὲ διδάσκουσιν προμήθειαν· ὥστε ἔμοιγε κἀκ τοῦ δεδοικότος ὑμῶν παρίσταται θαρρεῖν.
³⁷⁴ but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage;	³⁷⁴ Any hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' poor success, is a very fragile thing, for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes, but you know how mutable fortune passes from one side to another as you can can see from your own experience. For when you were winning in a previous fight, your enemies defeated you in the end, and it is likely now that those who think themselves sure of victory will be defeated. When they are very confident they are not on their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution. Now I dare to prove from your very timidity that you should take heart.
³⁷⁴ In human affairs, neither misfortune nor its opposite is permanent; one can see fortune shifting to either side. You can learn this from your own examples: in the previous battle, the enemy conquered us when we were winning, and in all likelihood, they will now be defeated while they expect to win. Overconfidence leads to carelessness, whereas fears teach caution. Thus, your very apprehension gives me reason to be confident.

³⁷⁵ ὅτε γὰρ ἐθρασύνεσθε πέρα τοῦ δέοντος καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν παρὰ τὴν‎ ἐμὴν γνώμην ἐξωρμήσατε, καιρὸν ἔσχεν ἡ ἈθηνίωνοςAthenion ἐνέδρα· νυνὶ δὲ ὁ ὄκνος ὑμῶν καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν ἄθυμον ἀσφάλειαν ἐμοὶ νίκης ἐγγυᾶται.
³⁷⁵ for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio’s treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory.	³⁷⁵ It was when you were bolder than you should have been, bolder than I wanted, and you kept going, that Athenio proved treacherous, but your present slowness and apparent depression is to me a pledge and assurance of victory.
³⁷⁵ When you were bolder than was necessary and rushed against the enemy contrary to my judgment, Athenion’s ambush found its opportunity; but now, your hesitation and apparent dejection guarantee me the security of victory.

³⁷⁶ χρὴ μέντοι γε μέχρι τοῦ μέλλειν οὕτως ἔχειν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐγεῖραι τὰ φρονήματα καὶ πεῖσαι τοὺς ἀσεβεστάτους, ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἀνθρώπειόν τι κακὸν οὔτε δαιμόνιον ταπεινώσει ποτὲ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνδραγαθίαν, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον τὰς ψυχὰς ἔχουσιν, οὐδὲ περιόψεταί τις ἌραβαArabian τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ἀγαθῶν δεσπότην γενόμενον, ὃν παρ᾽ ὀλίγον πολλάκις αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβεν.
³⁷⁶ And indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also.And	³⁷⁶ It is right to take such care in advance, but once we come to action we should raise our minds and make these scoundrels believe that no human or providential setback can lower the courage of Jews while they are still alive, and none of them will ever give in to, or let his goods be taken by, an Arab, whom so often he was near to capturing.
³⁷⁶ You must maintain this attitude until the moment of action; then, in the heat of the work, rouse your spirits and convince these godless men that no human or divine evil will ever humble the courage of the Jews so long as they have breath. No one will stand by and see an Arab become master of his goods—a man whom he has often nearly taken captive.

³⁷⁷ μηδ᾽ ὑμᾶς ταρασσέτω τὰ τῶν ἀψύχων κινήματα μηδ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνετε τὸν σεισμὸν ἑτέρας συμφορᾶς τέρας γεγονέναι· φυσικὰ γὰρ τὰ τῶν στοιχείων πάθη καὶ οὐδὲν ἀνθρώποις πλέον ἢ τὴν‎ ἐν ἑαυτοῖς βλάβην ἐπιφέρεται· λοιμοῦ μὲν γὰρ καὶ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν χθονίων βρασμῶν προγένοιτ᾽ ἄν τι σημεῖον βραχύτερον, αὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα περιγραφὴν ἔχει τὸ μέγεθος· ἐπεὶ τί δύναται μεῖζον ἡμᾶς τοῦ σεισμοῦ βλάψαι καὶ κρατήσας ὁ πόλεμος;
³⁷⁷ do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import anything further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done?	³⁷⁷ Do not worry about the quaking of dead things, or take this earthquake as a sign that another disaster is coming. Such shaking of the elements is in the course of nature, and means no more to humans than the immediate harm it causes. In case of plague, famine and earthquake some sign may come shortly beforehand, but the force of the disasters is spent when they are over. What greater harm can the war, even a violent one, do to us than the earthquake has done?
³⁷⁷ Do not let the movements of inanimate things disturb you, nor suppose that the earthquake is a portent of another disaster. The afflictions of the elements are natural and bring no further harm to men than the damage they do in themselves. A sign might precede a plague or famine, but the earthquake is limited to its own magnitude. What greater harm can a war do us than an earthquake has already done?

³⁷⁸ τέρας μέντοι μέγιστον ἁλώσεως γέγονεν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς οὐκ αὐτομάτως οὐδὲ διὰ χειρὸς ἀλλοτρίας, οἳ πρέσβεις ἡμετέρους παρὰ τὸν πάντων ἀνθρώπων νόμον ὠμῶς ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τοιαῦτα τῷ θεῷ θύματα περὶ τοῦ πολέμου κατέστεψαν. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ διαφεύξονται τὸν μέγαν ὀφθαλμὸν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀνίκητον δεξιάν, δώσουσιν δ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτίκα δίκας, ἂν τοῦ πατρίου φρονήματος ἤδη σπάσαντες τιμωροὶ τῶν παρεσπονδημένων ἀναστῶμεν.
³⁷⁸ Nay, there is a signal of our enemies’ destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers.	³⁷⁸ The great sign of our enemies' doom is not a natural one, nor anything done by foreigners. It is that they cruelly murdered our envoys, contrary to the common law of mankind, and treated them as sacrifices for God, for their success in this war! But they will not escape his great eye or his mighty right hand, and we shall be revenged on them soon, if we still show any of the courage of our ancestors and rise up boldly to punish these treaty-breakers.
³⁷⁸ However, there is a great omen of destruction for our enemies—not from nature, but by their own hand: they have cruelly murdered our envoys against the law of all nations and have offered such victims to God for the war. They shall not escape His great eye and invincible right hand; they shall pay us the penalty immediately if we rise up now with our ancestral spirit and avenge those treaties they have broken.

³⁷⁹ ἴτω τις οὐχ ὑπὲρ γυναικὸς οὐδ᾽ ὑπὲρ τέκνων οὐδ᾽ ὑπὲρ κινδυνευούσης πατρίδος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀμυνόμενος· ἐκεῖνοι στρατηγήσουσιν τοῦ πολέμου τῶν ζώντων ἄμεινον. προκινδυνεύσω δὲ κἀγὼ χρώμενος ὑμῖν πειθηνίοις· εὖ γὰρ ἴστε τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν ἀνδρείαν ἀνυπόστατον, ἐὰν μὴ προπετείᾳreckless attitude τινὶ βλαβῆτε.»
³⁷⁹ Let everyone therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly.”	³⁷⁹ So let each one fight on, not so much for his wife and children or his country's danger, but to avenge our envoys. They will wage this war better than we, the living. If you will follow me, I will go ahead of you into the danger, for your courage is irresistible, unless you damage yourselves by rash actions."
³⁷⁹ Let each man go forth to fight, not for wife or children or a country in danger, but to avenge our envoys. They will lead this war better than the living. I myself will go first into danger if you remain obedient; for you know well that your own bravery is irresistible, provided you are not ruined by some act of rashness.”

³⁸⁰ Τούτοις παρακροτήσας τὸν στρατὸν ὡς ἑώρα προθύμους, ἔθυεν τῷ θεῷ καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ θυσίαν διέβαινεν τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan ποταμὸν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ περὶ ΦιλαδέλφειανPhiladelphia ἐγγὺς τῶν πολεμίων περὶ τοῦ μεταξὺ φρουρίου πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἠκροβολίζετο βουλόμενος ἐν τάχει συμβαλεῖν· ἔτυχον γὰρ κἀκεῖνοί τινας προπεπομφότες τοὺς καταληψομένους τὸ ἔρυμα.
³⁸⁰ When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently;	³⁸⁰ When Herod had encouraged them by this speech and saw how eagerly they went, he offered sacrifice to God and crossed the river Jordan with his army and encamped near Philadelphia, close to the enemy, around a stronghold that lay between them. He fired missiles at them and wished to come hand-to-hand soon, for some of them had been sent in advance to capture that stronghold.
³⁸⁰ Having encouraged the army with these words and seeing them eager, Herod sacrificed to God and then crossed the Jordan River with his forces. Encamping near Philadelphia^[1] close to the enemy, he engaged in skirmishes over a fort that lay between them, wishing to bring on a general battle quickly; for the enemy had also sent men to seize the fortification.

^[1]Modern day Amman.

³⁸¹ τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀπεκρούσαντο ταχέως οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὸν λόφον κατέσχον, αὐτὸς δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν προάγων τὴν‎ δύναμιν εἰς μάχην παρετάσσετο καὶ προεκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs. ὡς δ᾽ οὐδεὶς ἐπεξῄει, δεινὴ γάρ τις αὐτοὺς κατάπληξις εἶχε καὶ πρὸ τοῦ πλήθους ὁ στρατηγὸς Ἔλθεμος αὖος ἦν τῷ δέει, προσελθὼν ἐσπάραττεν αὐτῶν τὸ χαράκωμα.
³⁸¹ for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Ethemus, was not able to say a word for fear,—so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces,	³⁸¹ These were soon driven from the stronghold by those sent by the king, while he himself went ahead of the army in battle-array, and daily invited the Arabs to come out and fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a panic and their general, Elthemus, was paralyzed with fear, Herod came up to them and pulled their stronghold to pieces.
³⁸¹ The men sent by the king quickly repulsed these Arabs and occupied the hill. Herod then led his forces out daily and drew them up for battle, challenging the Arabs. When no one came out—for a terrible consternation had seized them, and their general, Elthemus, was paralyzed with fear—Herod approached and began to tear down their ramparts.

³⁸² κἀν τούτῳ συναναγκασθέντες ἐξίασιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ μάχην ἄτακτοι καὶ πεφυρμένοι τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν οἱ πεζοί. πλήθει μὲν οὖν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews περιῆσαν, ἐλείποντο δὲ ταῖς προθυμίαιςreadiness, eagerness καίτοι διὰ τὴν‎ ἀπόγνωσιν τῆς νίκης ὄντες καὶ αὐτοὶ παράβολοι.
³⁸² by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and footmen were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory.	³⁸² This forced them to come out and fight, which they did in confusion and with their cavalry and infantry all mixed together. Though superior in number to the Jews, they showed less vigour, though their very despair of victory made them reckless.
³⁸² Under this compulsion, the Arabs finally came out to battle in disorder, their infantry and cavalry all mixed together. They surpassed the Jews in numbers but were inferior in spirit, though their despair of victory made them reckless.

³⁸³ Διὸ μέχρι μὲν ἀντεῖχον οὐ πολὺς ἦν αὐτῶν φόνος, ὡς δ᾽ ὑπέδειξαν τὰ νῶτα, πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν συμπατούμενοι διεφθείροντο· πεντακισχίλιοι γοῦν ἔπεσον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἔφθη συνωσθὲν εἰς τὸ χαράκωμα. τούτους περισχὼν ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ μέλλοντας ἁλώσεσθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις προκατήπειγεν ἡ δίψα τῶν ὑδάτων ἐπιλειπόντων.
³⁸³ Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water;	³⁸³ As long as they faced the enemy not many were killed, but as soon as they turned their backs many were killed by the Jews and many were trodden to death by their own men, until five thousand had fallen in their flight and the rest escaped immediate death by crowding into the fortress. Herod surrounded these and besieged them, and as they were about to be taken by arms, an additional problem was thirst and lack of water.
³⁸³ As long as they stood their ground, the slaughter was not great; but once they turned their backs, many were destroyed by the Jews and many others were trampled by their own men. Five thousand fell in the rout, while the rest of the multitude was crowded into their camp. Herod surrounded them and laid siege, but before he could take the camp by force of arms, they were driven to surrender by thirst, as their water failed.

³⁸⁴ ὑπερηφάνει δὲ πρεσβευομένους ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ λύτρα διδόντων πεντακόσια τάλαντα μᾶλλον ἐνέκειτο. τοῦ δὲ δίψους ἐκκαίοντος ἐξιόντες κατὰ πλῆθος ἐνεχείριζον σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἑκόντεςwilling, readily, ὡς πέντε μὲν ἡμέραις τετρακισχιλίους δεθῆναι, τῇ δ᾽ ἕκτῃ τὸ λειπόμενον πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ ἀπογνώσεως ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ μάχην· οἷς συμβαλὼν ἩρώδηςHerod πάλιν εἰς ἑπτακισχιλίους κτείνει.
³⁸⁴ for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days’ time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand,	³⁸⁴ The king scorned to listen to their envoys, and when they offered five hundred talents as the price of their ransom, he pressed even harder upon them. Parched with thirst, they came out in crowds and freely surrendered to the Jews, until four thousand of them were put in chains within five days, and on the sixth day the remnant came out to fight, in desperation.
³⁸⁴ The king looked down upon them when they sent envoys and offered five hundred talents as ransom; instead, he pressed his advantage. Driven by parching thirst, they came out in crowds and surrendered themselves voluntarily to the Jews. In five days, four thousand were put in chains; on the sixth day, the remaining multitude, out of despair, came out to fight. Herod engaged them and slew about seven thousand more.

³⁸⁵ τηλικαύτῃ πληγῇ τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἀμυνάμενος καὶ σβέσας τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὰ φρονήματα προύκοψεν ὥστε καὶ προστάτης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους αἱρεθῆναι.
³⁸⁵ insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.	³⁸⁵ Herod fought these and killed about seven thousand, so that having punished Arabia so severely and broken the spirits of the men, he was chosen by the nation as their Protector.
³⁸⁵ Having punished Arabia with such a blow and broken the spirit of its men, Herod advanced his position so far that he was chosen by the nation as its protector.

Chapter 20
Augustus confirms Herod as king,
and restores what Cleopatra had taken from him

☜ ☞

³⁸⁶ Μεταλαμβάνει δὲ αὐτὸν εὐθέως ἡ περὶ τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων φροντὶς διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλίαν ΚαίσαροςCaesar περὶ ἌκτιονActium νενικηκότος. παρεῖχεν μέντοι δέους πλέον ἢ ἔπασχενto suffer· οὔπω γὰρ ἑαλωκέναι ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔκρινεν ἩρώδουHerod συμμένοντος.
³⁸⁶ But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him.	³⁸⁶ Herod was instantly embroiled in a crisis of his affairs, due to his friendship with Antony, who had been defeated at Actium by Caesar, but he caused more fear than he felt, for Caesar did not think he had finished Antony, as long as Herod remained.
³⁸⁶ Immediately, however, a care for the whole state of his affairs seized him because of his friendship with Antony, now that Caesar [Octavian] had been victorious at Actium. Indeed, he inspired more fear than he felt; for Caesar did not yet consider Antony truly defeated so long as Herod remained his ally.

³⁸⁷ ὅ γε μὴν βασιλεὺς ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τῷ κινδύνῳ διέγνω, καὶ πλεύσας εἰς ῬόδονRhodes, ἔνθα διέτριβεν ΚαῖσαρCaesar, πρόσεισιν αὐτῷ δίχα διαδήματος, τὴν‎ μὲν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸ σχῆμα ἰδιώτης, τὸ δὲ φρόνημα βασιλεύς· μηδὲν γοῦν τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποστειλάμενος ἄντικρυς εἶπεν·
³⁸⁷ However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke thus before his face:—	³⁸⁷ The king decided to risk the danger and sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar was staying, and came to him without his crown and in the dress and appearance of a private citizen, though royal in his bearing. Hiding nothing of the truth, he said straight out,
³⁸⁷ The king, however, resolved to face the danger head-on. Having sailed to Rhodes,^[1] where Caesar was staying, he appeared before him without a diadem—in the dress and outward appearance of a private citizen, but with the spirit of a king. He concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke directly:

^[1]Spring 30 BC

³⁸⁸ «ἐγώ, ΚαῖσαρCaesar, ὑπὸ ἈντωνίουAntōny βασιλεὺς γενόμενος ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμολογῶ γεγονέναι χρήσιμος ἈντωνίῳAnthony. Καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν ὑποστειλαίμηνto withdraw εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πάντως ἄν με μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπείρασας εὐχάριστον, εἰ μὴ διεκώλυσαν ἌραβεςArabs. Καὶ συμμαχίαν μέντοι γε αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν καὶ σίτου πολλὰς ἔπεμψα μυριάδας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐν ἈκτίῳActium πληγὴν κατέλιπον τὸν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes,
³⁸⁸ “O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able,	³⁸⁸ "Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, I admit that I used my royal authority entirely on his behalf. I do not deny that you would certainly have found me in arms and supporting him, if the Arabs had not hindered me. Indeed, I took his side as best I could and sent him many thousand measures of corn. Even after his defeat at Actium I did not desert my benefactor but advised him as best I could,
³⁸⁸ “Caesar, having been made king by Antony, I confess that I have been useful to Antony in all things. Nor will I hesitate to say this: that you would certainly have found me in arms against you, showing my gratitude to him, had the Arabs not prevented me. I sent him as many reinforcements as I could and many tens of thousands of measures of grain; nor did I desert my benefactor even after his defeat at Actium.

³⁸⁹ ἐγενόμην δὲ σύμβουλος ἄριστος, ὡς οὐκέτι χρήσιμος ἤμην σύμμαχοςally, μίαν εἶναι λέγων τῶν πταισθέντων διόρθωσιν τὸν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra θάνατον· ἣν ἀνελόντι καὶ χρήματα καὶ τείχη πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ στρατιὰν καὶ ἐμαυτὸν ὑπισχνούμην κοινωνὸν τοῦ πρὸς σὲ πολέμου.
³⁸⁹ when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him, that if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee:	³⁸⁹ being no longer able to help him in the war, and said that the only way to recover his standing was by the death of Cleopatra. With her dead, I promised to give him money and the safety of my walls, with an army and myself to take part in his war against you.
³⁸⁹ When I could no longer be useful as an ally, I became his best counselor, telling him that there was only one remedy for his disasters: the death of Cleopatra. I promised that if he killed her, I would provide him with money, walls for security, an army, and myself as a partner in the war against you.

³⁹⁰ τοῦ δ᾽ ἄρα τὰς ἀκοὰς ἀπέφραξαν οἱ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἵμεροι καὶ θεὸς ὁ σοὶ τὸ κρατεῖν χαριζόμενος. συνήττημαι δ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony καὶ τέθεικα μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου τύχης τὸ διάδημα. πρὸς σὲ δὲ ἦλθον ἔχων τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα καὶ προλαβὼν ἐξετασθήσεσθαι, ποταπὸς Φίλος, οὐ τίνος, ἐγενόμην.»
³⁹⁰ but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also, who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been.”	³⁹⁰ But his passion for Cleopatra blocked his ears, as did God, who has granted you the power to rule. I see myself as defeated along with him and with the end of his good fortune I set aside my crown and have come here to you, entrusting my survival to your virtue and hoping you will consider how faithful a friend and not whose friend I have been."
³⁹⁰ But his ears were stopped by his lust for Cleopatra and by the God who grants you the mastery. I have been defeated along with Antony, and with his fortune I have laid aside my diadem. I have come to you placing my hope of safety in my integrity, anticipating that I will be examined on what kind of friend I am, rather than whose friend I was.”

³⁹¹ Πρὸς ταῦτα ΚαῖσαρCaesar « ἀλλὰ σώζου γε, ἔφη, καὶ βασίλευε νῦν βεβαιότερον· ἄξιος γὰρ εἶ πολλῶν ἄρχειν οὕτω φιλίας προϊστάμενος. πειρῶ δὲ καὶ τοῖς εὐτυχεστέροις διαμένειν πιστός, ὡς ἔγωγε λαμπροτάτας ὑπὲρ τοῦ σοῦ φρονήματος ἐλπίδας ἔχω. καλῶς μέντοι γε ἐποίησεν ἈντώνιοςAntony ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra πεισθεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ σοί· καὶ γὰρ σὲ κεκερδήκαμεν ἐκ τῆς ἀνοίας αὐτοῦ‎.
³⁹¹ Caesar replied to him thus:—“Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness,	³⁹¹ To this Caesar said, "You will not only survive but also be king, more securely than ever. You are worthy to rule many subjects, because of your steadfast friendship. After my success, you must remain equally faithful to me, and with your generous disposition I depend on it. It is just as well that Antony preferred Cleopatra to you, for her madness gained you for us.
³⁹¹ To this Caesar replied: “Then live in safety, and rule now with greater security; for you are worthy to rule over many, having stood up for friendship in such a way. Endeavor to remain faithful also to those who are more fortunate, since I have the most brilliant hopes for your character. Antony, indeed, did well to follow Cleopatra’s advice rather than yours, for we have gained you through his folly.

³⁹² κατάρχεις δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικεν, εὐποιίας δι᾽ ὧν μοι γράφει καὶ ΒεντίδιοςVentidius συμμαχίαν σε πεπομφέναι πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ. νῦν μὲν οὖν δόγματι τὸ βέβαιόν σοι τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαγγέλλω. πειράσομαι δὲ καὶ αὖθις ἀγαθόν τί σε ποιεῖν, ὡς μὴ ζητοίης ἈντώνιονAntōny.»
³⁹² and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony.”	³⁹² And it seems you have already begun to be of service, for Quintus Didius wrote to me about the help you sent him against the gladiators. So I assure you that I will confirm you as king by a decree, and will do still more for you, so that you will not miss Antony."
³⁹² You have already begun your good deeds, it seems, as Ventidius writes to me that you sent reinforcements to him against the gladiators. Now, therefore, by this decree I confirm your kingdom to you. I shall endeavor to do you some further good hereafter, so that you may not miss Antony.”

³⁹³ Τούτοις φιλοφρονησάμενος τὸν βασιλέα καὶ περιθεὶς αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα δόγματι διεσήμαινεν τὴν‎ δωρεάν, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ μεγαλοφρόνως εἰς ἔπαινον τἀνδρὸς ἐφθέγξατο. ὁ δὲ δώροις ἐπιμειλιξάμενος αὐτὸν ἐξῃτεῖτό τινα τῶν ἈντωνίουAntōny φίλων ἈλεξᾶνAlex ἱκέτην γενόμενον· ἐνίκα δὲ ἡ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὀργὴ πολλὰ καὶ χαλεπὰ μεμφομένου τὸν ἐξαιτούμενον οἷς διεκρούσατο τὴν‎ δέησιν.
³⁹³ When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony’s friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar’s anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition.	³⁹³ After saying these gracious things to the king and putting the diadem on his head, he proclaimed the grant by decree, in which he further praised the man in magnificent style. [Herod] responded to his kindness with gifts, and asked him to pardon Alex, one of Antony's friends, who had also come to him as a supplicant. But Caesar's anger prevailed and he rejected the petition, blaming the many offences committed by the supplicant.
³⁹³ Having treated the king with such kindness and replaced the diadem upon his head, he signaled the gift by a decree, in which he spoke many magnanimous words in praise of the man. Herod, seeking to appease him with gifts, pleaded for Alexas, one of Antony’s friends who had become a suppliant; but Caesar’s anger prevailed, and as he blamed the man for many grievous things, he rejected the petition.

³⁹⁴ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πορευόμενον ἐπ᾽ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt διὰ ΣυρίαςSyria ΚαίσαραCaesar παντὶ τῷ βασιλικῷ πλούτῳ δεξάμενος ἩρώδηςHerod τότε πρῶτον καὶ συνιππάσατο ποιουμένου περὶ ΠτολεμαΐδαPtolemais τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέτασινa close exam εἱστίασέν τε σὺν ἅπασιν τοῖς φίλοις· μεθ᾽ οὓς καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ στρατιᾷ πρὸς εὐωχίαν πάντα διέδωκεν.
³⁹⁴ After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal.	³⁹⁴ Later when Caesar proceeded to Egypt via Syria, Herod received him with royal extravagance, riding in front alongside him as he was reviewing his army near Ptolemais, and held a banquet for him and all his friends and then provided all the needful for a feast for the rest of the army.
³⁹⁴ After this, when Caesar was marching toward Egypt through Syria, Herod received him with all his royal wealth. Then for the first time, Herod rode alongside Caesar while he was reviewing his forces near Ptolemais and entertained him and all his friends at a banquet; following this, he distributed everything necessary for a feast to the rest of the army.

³⁹⁵ προυνόησενto foresee δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου πορευομένοις μέχρι ΠηλουσίουPelusium παρασχεῖν ὕδωρ ἄφθονον ἐπανιοῦσί τε ὁμοίως, οὐδὲ ἔστιν ὅ τι τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἐνεδέησεν τῇ δυνάμει. δόξα γοῦν αὐτῷ τε ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη πολλῷ βραχυτέραν περιεῖναι ἩρώδῃHerod βασιλείαν πρὸς ἃ παρέσχεν.
³⁹⁵ He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them;	³⁹⁵ He also supplied plenty of water for their march through the desert to Pelusium, and did the same on their return, providing the army with all it needed. It was therefore the view of both Caesar and his soldiers that Herod's kingdom was too narrow in light of the generous gifts he made them.
³⁹⁵ He also made provision to supply abundant water to them as they marched through the desert as far as Pelusium, and likewise on their return; nor was the army in want of any necessity. Indeed, it seemed to Caesar and his soldiers that Herod’s kingdom was far too small for the generosity he had displayed.

³⁹⁶ διὰ τοῦτο, ὡς ἧκεν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἤδη ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra καὶ ἈντωνίουAntōny τεθνεώτων, οὐ μόνον αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ προσέθηκεν τήν τε ὑπὸ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἀποτμηθεῖσαν χώραν καὶ ἔξωθεν ΓάδαραGadara καὶ ἽππονHippos καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν παραλίων ΓάζανGaza καὶ Ἀννίβαν καὶ ἸόππηνJoppa καὶ ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον·
³⁹⁶ for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower.	³⁹⁶ For this reason, when Caesar reached Egypt after the death of Cleopatra and Antony, along with other marks of honour he added to his kingdom, giving him not only the territory Cleopatra had taken from him, but also Gadara and Hippos and Samaria, and the maritime cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa and Strato's Tower.
³⁹⁶ Because of this, when Caesar arrived in Egypt and Cleopatra and Antony were now dead, he not only added other honors to him but also restored to his kingdom the territory that had been cut off by Cleopatra,^[1] and further added Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria, and in addition to these, the coastal cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower [Caesarea].

^[1]August 30 BC. Following their suicides in Alexandria, Octavian becomes the sole ruler of the Roman world.

³⁹⁷ ἐδωρήσατο δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος τετρακοσίους ΓαλάταςGalatians, οἳ πρότερον ἐδορυφόρουν ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra. οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐνῆγεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς δωρεὰς ὡς τὸ μεγαλόφρον τοῦ λαμβάνοντος.
³⁹⁷ He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did anything so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them.	³⁹⁷ He also made him a gift of four hundred Gauls to serve as his bodyguard, as they had previously been to Cleopatra. Nothing so strongly impelled Caesar to make these gifts as the generosity of the one receiving them.
³⁹⁷ He also presented him with four hundred Gauls as a bodyguard, who had previously served as Cleopatra’s guards. Nothing moved Caesar to such gifts so much as the magnanimity of the man receiving them.

³⁹⁸ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ πρώτην ἀκτιάδα προστίθησιν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τόν τε ΤράχωναTrachonitis καλούμενον καὶ τὴν‎ προσεχῆ ΒαταναίανBatanea τε καὶ τὴν‎ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis χώραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε· ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ὁ τὸν ΛυσανίουLysanias μεμισθωμένος οἶκον οὐ διέλειπεν ἐπαφεὶς τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis λῃστὰς ΔαμασκηνοῖςDamascenes. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ ΟὐάρρωναVarro τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria καταφυγόντες ἐδεήθησαν δηλῶσαι τὴν‎ συμφορὰν αὐτῶν ΚαίσαριCaesar· ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ γνοὺς ἀντεπέστελλεν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ λῃστήριον.
³⁹⁸ Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed.	³⁹⁸ Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom the region called Trachonitis and the neighbouring Batanea, plus the district of Auranitis, on the following occasion. Zenodorus, who had rented the house of Lysanias, regularly sent brigands from Trachonitis among the Damascenes, who soon had recourse to Varro, the ruler of Syria, asking him to inform Caesar of their plight. Hearing of it, Caesar sent back orders for this nest of brigands to be destroyed.
³⁹⁸ After the first Olympiad following the Battle of Actium (c. 23-20 BC), Caesar added to his kingdom the region called Trachonitis, and the neighboring Batanaea and Auranitis, for the following reason: Zenodorus, who had leased the house of Lysanias, never ceased sending robbers from Trachonitis against the people of Damascus. They fled to Varro, the governor of Syria, and begged him to report their calamity to Caesar; Caesar, learning of it, sent back orders to root out the nest of robbers.

³⁹⁹ στρατεύσας οὖν ΟὐάρρωνVarro καθαίρει τε τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν‎ γῆν καὶ ἀφαιρεῖται ΖηνόδωρονZenodorus· ἣν ὕστερον ΚαῖσαρCaesar, ὡς μὴ γένοιτο πάλιν ὁρμητήριον τοῖς λῃσταῖς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ΔαμασκόνDamascus, ἩρώδῃHerod δίδωσιν. κατέστησεν δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ ΣυρίαςSyria ὅλης ἐπίτροπον ἔτι δεκάτῳ πάλιν ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξεῖναι δίχα τῆς ἐκείνου συμβουλίας τοῖς ἐπιτρόποιςmanager διοικεῖν.
³⁹⁹ Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do anything in the administration without his advice:	³⁹⁹ So Varro made war on them and cleared them from the land, which he then took from Zenodorus. Later Caesar bestowed it on Herod, to prevent it's becoming again a refuge for the brigands going out against Damascus. Ten years later, when he came again to that province, he also made him a procurator for all Syria, with a decree that the other procurators could do nothing in the administration without his advice.
³⁹⁹ Varro therefore led an expedition, cleared the land of these men, and took the territory from Zenodorus. Caesar later gave it to Herod so that it might not again become a base for robbers against Damascus. Ten years later, when Caesar came again to the province, he appointed Herod procurator of all Syria (20 BC), so that the other procurators were not permitted to do anything without his advice.

⁴⁰⁰ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐτελεύτα ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus, προσένειμεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ μεταξὺ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis καὶ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee γῆν ἅπασαν. ὃ δὲ τούτων ἩρώδῃHerod μεῖζον ἦν, ὑπὸ μὲν ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐφιλεῖτο μετ᾽ ἈγρίππανAgrippa, ὑπ᾽ ἈγρίππαAgrippa δὲ μετὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar. ἔνθεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον μὲν εὐδαιμονίας προύκοψεν, εἰς μεῖζον δ᾽ ἐξήρθη φρόνημα καὶ τὸ πλέον τῆς μεγαλονοίας ἐπέτεινεν εἰς εὐσέβειαν.
⁴⁰⁰ but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety.	⁴⁰⁰ After Zenodorus died, Caesar gave him all the land between Trachonitis and Galilee. Even more important to Herod was that he was Caesar's best friend after Agrippa, and Agrippa's best friend after Caesar, which brought him great prosperity, surpassed only by the greatness of his soul; and most of his ambition was directed to works of reverence.
⁴⁰⁰ When Zenodorus died, Caesar assigned Herod all the land between Trachonitis and Galilee. But what was greater than all this to Herod: he was loved by Caesar next to Agrippa,^[1] and by Agrippa next to Caesar. From this he advanced to the greatest height of prosperity, and his spirit was raised even higher; he directed the greater part of his greatness toward piety.

^[1]This is Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.

Chapter 21
Herod the builder: Temple and Fortress.
Herod's Generosity and Virtues

☜ ☞

⁴⁰¹ Πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ γοῦν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτόν τε τὸν ναὸν ἐπεσκεύασεν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀνετειχίσατο χώραν τῆς οὔσης διπλασίονα, ἀμέτροις μὲν χρησάμενος τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν ἀνυπερβλήτῳ δὲ τῇ πολυτελείαι. τεκμήριον δὲ ἦσαν αἱ μεγάλαι στοαὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ βόρειον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ φρούριον· ἃς μὲν γὰρ ἀνῳκοδόμησεν ἐκ θεμελίων, ὃ δ᾽ ἐπισκευάσας πλούτῳ δαψιλεῖ κατ᾽ οὐδὲν τῶν βασιλείων ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἈντωνίανAntonia ἐκάλεσεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντωνίουAntōny τιμήν.
⁴⁰¹ Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony.	⁴⁰¹ In the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod restored the temple and surrounded the area around it with a retaining wall, making the area twice as large as it was before, spending huge amounts of money and giving it unrivalled splendour. Examples of this are the great porticoes around the temple, plus the fortress on its north side. The porticoes he built from the ground up, but the fortress he repaired at a vast expense in the style of a palace and called it Antonia, in honour of Antony.
⁴⁰¹ In the fifteenth year of his reign,^[1] he restored the Temple itself and enclosed a level area around it double the size of what existed before, using immeasurable expenses and unsurpassed magnificence. A witness to this were the great porticoes around the sanctuary and the fortress on its north side; the porticoes he rebuilt from the foundations, and the fortress—which he restored at lavish cost to be in no way inferior to a palace—he named Antonia, in honor of Antony.

^[1]c. 20-19 BC

⁴⁰² τό γε μὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασίλειον κατὰ τὴν‎ ἄνω δειμάμενος πόλιν δύο τοὺς μεγίστους καὶ περικαλλεστάτους οἴκους, οἷς οὐδὲ ναός πῃ συνεκρίνετο, προσηγόρευσεν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων τὸν μὲν ΚαισάρειονCaesareum τὸν δὲ ἈγρίππειονἈγρίππειον
⁴⁰² He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends.	⁴⁰² He also built for himself in the Upper city, a palace with two large apartments, both very beautiful though in no way comparable to the temple, and he named them after his friends, Caesareum and Agrippeum.
⁴⁰² Moreover, having built his own palace in the upper city, containing two of the largest and most beautiful buildings, with which no temple could compare, he named them after his friends: one the Caesareum and the other the Agrippeum.

⁴⁰³ Ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐκ οἴκοις μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν‎ μνήμην καὶ τὰς ἐπικλήσεις περιέγραψεν, διέβη δὲ εἰς ὅλαςwhole, entire πόλεις αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον. ἐν μέν γε τῇ ΣαμαρείτιδιSamaria πόλιν καλλίστῳ περιβόλῳ τειχισάμενος ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ καταγαγὼν ἑξακισχιλίους εἰς αὐτὴν οἰκήτορας, γῆν δὲ τούτοις προσνείμας λιπαρωτάτην καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ κτίσματι ναόν τε ἐνιδρυσάμενος μέγιστον καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τέμενος ἀποδείξας τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ ἄστυ ΣεβαστὴνSebaste ἐκάλεσεν· ἐξαίρετον δὲ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν εὐνομίαν.
⁴⁰³ Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner.	⁴⁰³ It was not in these buildings only that he commemorated the names of his patrons, for his generosity went as far as entire cities. In the land of Samaria, he enclosed an area within a fine wall twenty furlongs long, and into it brought six thousand inhabitants, allotting to it a fruitful territory. In the middle of this city he built a large temple to Caesar, enclosed by three furlongs and a half of sacred land, and he named the city Sebaste, from Sebastus [Augustus], and gave special privileges to the citizens.
⁴⁰³ But he did not limit their memory and titles to houses alone; his ambition extended to entire cities. In the district of Samaria, he enclosed a city with a magnificent wall twenty stadia (3.7 km) long and brought six thousand inhabitants into it, assigning them very fertile land. In the middle of this settlement, he erected a massive temple and dedicated a sacred precinct around it to Caesar of one and a half stadia (277 metres); he named the city Sebaste (Augusta) and granted its inhabitants exceptional civil rights.^[1]

^[1]Built about 27 BC.

⁴⁰⁴ Ἐπὶ τούτοις δωρησαμένου τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar αὐτὸν ἑτέρας προσθέσει χώρας, ὁ δὲ κἀνταῦθα ναὸν αὐτῷ λευκῆς μαρμάρου καθιδρύσατο παρὰ τὰς ἸορδάνουJordan πηγάς· καλεῖται δὲ ΠάνειονPanium ὁ τόπος·
⁴⁰⁴ And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium,	⁴⁰⁴ When Caesar later gave him further territory he also built a temple there, in white marble, near the fountains of the Jordan, in a place called Panium.
⁴⁰⁴ After this, when Caesar had gifted him additional territory, he founded another temple of white marble to him near the sources of the Jordan. The place is called Paneion.

⁴⁰⁵ ἔνθα κορυφὴ μέν τις ὄρους εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἀνατείνεται, παρὰ δὲ τὴν‎ ὑπόρειον λαγόνα συνηρεφὲς ἄντρον ὑπανοίγει, δι᾽ οὗ βαραθρώδης κρημνὸς εἰς ἀμέτρητον ἀπορρῶγα βαθύνεται πλήθει τε ὕδατος ἀσαλεύτου καὶ τοῖς καθιμῶσίν τι πρὸς ἔρευνανinquiry γῆς οὐδὲν μῆκος ἐξαρκεῖ.
⁴⁰⁵ where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it.	⁴⁰⁵ Above it a mountain-top rises to an immense height at whose base is a dark cave, within which there is a chasm descending abruptly to a vast depth. This contains a huge volume of still water, so deep that no plumbline is long enough to measure it right to the bottom.
⁴⁰⁵ There, a mountain peak rises to a vast height, and at its base, a shaded cave opens up; within it, a precipitous chasm descends to an immeasurable depth, filled with still water, and no length of line is sufficient for those who lower them to find the bottom.

⁴⁰⁶ τοῦ δὲ ἄντρου κατὰ τὰς ἔξωθεν ῥίζας ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαί· καὶ γένεσις μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἔνθεν ἸορδάνουJordan, τὸ δ᾽ ἀκριβὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν.
⁴⁰⁶ Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.	⁴⁰⁶ The visible part of the Jordan begins beneath this cavern, and some think this is the river's absolute source, but we will illustrate this more fully, later.
⁴⁰⁶ At the exterior base of the cave, the springs well up. This is the source of the Jordan, as some believe, though we shall reveal the exact truth in the following books.

⁴⁰⁷ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐν ἹεριχοῖJericho μεταξὺ ΚύπρουCypros τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλείων ἄλλα κατασκευάσας ἀμείνω καὶ χρησιμώτερα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδημίαςto stay, remain ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ὠνόμασεν φίλων. καθόλου δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ὅντινα τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιτήδειον τόπον τῆς πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar τιμῆς γυμνὸν εἴασεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν‎ ἰδίαν χώραν ἐπλήρωσεν ναῶν, εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς τιμὰς ὑπερεξέχεεν καὶ πολλαῖς πόλεσιν ἐνιδρύσατο ΚαισάρειαCaesar.
⁴⁰⁷ But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar’s honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.	⁴⁰⁷ The king also built between the Cypros fortress and the former palace in Jericho, other places for guests which he furnished more commodiously, naming them after the same friends of his. In a word, there was hardly a suitable place in his kingdom where he did not build something in Caesar's honour, and after filling his own district with temples, he lavished similar marks of his esteem throughout his province and built in many cities monuments to Caesar.
⁴⁰⁷ In Jericho, between the fortress of Cypros and the former palaces, the king constructed other buildings, better and more useful for receiving guests, and named them after those same friends. In general, it is impossible to name any suitable place in his kingdom that he left bare of honors to Caesar. Once he had filled his own land with temples, he poured out these honors into the province, founding Caesareas in many cities.

⁴⁰⁸ κατιδὼν δὲ κἀν τοῖς παραλίοις πόλιν ἤδη μὲν κάμνουσαν, ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, διὰ δὲ εὐφυίαν τοῦ χωρίου δέξασθαι δυναμένην τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ‎, πᾶσαν ἀνέκτισεν λευκῷ λίθῳ καὶ λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησεν βασιλείοις, ἐν ἧι μάλιστα τὸ φύσει μεγαλόνουν ἐπεδείξατο.
⁴⁰⁸ And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed (its name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity;	⁴⁰⁸ He noticed on the coast a much decayed city called Strato's Tower, which due to its favourable location could be greatly improved by his skill. This he rebuilt in white stone and adorned with splendid palaces, as the best example of the grandeur of his spirit.
⁴⁰⁸ Observing a city on the coast that was decaying (it was called Strato’s Tower), and finding the site capable of receiving his ambition due to its natural advantages, he rebuilt it entirely with white stone and adorned it with the most splendid palaces, demonstrating here especially his naturally great mind.

⁴⁰⁹ μεταξὺ γὰρ ΔώρωνDōr καὶ ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν‎ παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν‎ ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν‎ ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν‎ θάλασσαν.
⁴⁰⁹ for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way.	⁴⁰⁹ The coast between Dora and Joppa, between which this city stands, had no good harbour, so that everyone sailing from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to anchor in the stormy sea, in the teeth of the south winds. When this wind blew even gently, it dashes such vast waves upon the rocks that their return causes huge turbulence a long way out to sea.
⁴⁰⁹ For between Dora and Joppa, where the city lies, the entire coast happens to be harborless, so that everyone sailing from Phoenicia toward Egypt must toss at sea because of the threat from the Southwest wind; even when it blows moderately, such a wave is raised against the rocks that the backwash makes the sea extremely wild.

⁴¹⁰ ἀλλ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν καὶ τῇ φιλοτιμίαι νικήσας τὴν‎ φύσιν μείζονα μὲν τοῦ ΠειραιῶςPyraeus λιμένα κατεσκεύασεν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς μυχοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ βαθεῖς ὅρμους ἑτέρους.
⁴¹⁰ But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].	⁴¹⁰ But driven by ambition and at great expense the king triumphed over nature and built a harbour larger than the Pyraeus and in the inner recesses of the bay made other deep places for docking.
⁴¹⁰ But the king, overcoming nature with expenditure and ambition, constructed a harbor larger than the Piraeus, and in its recesses, other deep anchorages.

⁴¹¹ Καθάπαν δ᾽ ἔχων ἀντιπράσσοντα τὸν τόπον ἐφιλονείκησεν πρὸς τὴν‎ δυσχέρειαν, ὡς τὴν‎ μὲν ὀχυρότητα τῆς δομήσεως δυσάλωτον εἶναι τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι· συμμετρησάμενος γὰρ ὅσον εἰρήκαμεν τῷ λιμένι μέγεθος καθίει λίθους ἐπ᾽ ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ὧν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι μῆκος ποδῶν πεντήκοντα, βάθος ἐννέα, εὖρος δέκα, τινὲς δὲ καὶ μείζους.
⁴¹¹ Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twentyfathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger.	⁴¹¹ Although the place where he built was very difficult, he tackled the task so fully that his solid buildings could not easily be ruined by the sea, and the beauty and ornamentation of the works made it seem that he had made them with ease. After measuring out the large harbour as we have said, he let down rocks into twenty fathoms of water, most of them fifty feet long and nine deep and ten broad, and some even larger.
⁴¹¹ Despite having the location working against him, he contended with the difficulty so successfully that the strength of the structure was invincible by the sea, and its beauty was as if decorated without any difficulty. Having measured out the size we mentioned for the harbor, he let down stones twenty fathoms into the deep; most were fifty feet long, nine deep, and ten wide, and some even larger.

⁴¹² ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεπληρώθη τὸ ὕφαλον, οὕτως ἤδη τὸ ὑπερέχον τοῦ πελάγους τεῖχος ἐπὶ διακοσίους πόδας ηὐρύνετο· ὧν οἱ μὲν ἑκατὸν προδεδόμηντο πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ κύματος, προκυμία γοῦν ἐκλήθη, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὑπόκειται τῷ περιθέοντι λιθίνῳ τείχει. τοῦτο δὲ πύργοις τε διείληπται μεγίστοις, ὧν ὁ προύχων καὶ περικαλλέστατος ἀπὸ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar προγόνου ΔρούσιονDrusus κέκληται.
⁴¹² But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.	⁴¹² Once the harbour filled up to that depth, he built up the causeway two hundred feet wide and jutting above the sea; one hundred feet of which were structured so as to break the force of the waves, from which it was called the Breakwater. The rest of the harbour was surrounded by a stone wall. There were large towers on this wall, the first and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, for Caesar's son-in-law, Drusus.
⁴¹² When the underwater work was completed, the wall rising above the sea was widened to two hundred feet; of these, one hundred were built out to break the wave—and thus called the “breakwater” (prokumia)—while the remainder supported the stone wall running around the harbor. This was divided by massive towers, the largest and most beautiful of which was named Drusion, after Caesar’s stepson.

⁴¹³ ψαλίδες τε πυκναὶ πρὸς καταγωγὴν τῶν ἐνορμιζομένων καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτῶν πᾶν κύκλῳ νάγμα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσιν πλατὺς περίπατος. ὁ δ᾽ εἴσπλους βόρειος, αἰθριώτατος γὰρ ἀνέμων τῷ τόπῳ βορέας· καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος κολοσσοὶ τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπεστηριγμένοι κίοσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ λαιᾶς χειρὸς εἰσπλεόντων πύργος ναστὸς ἀνέχει, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ δεξιοῦ δύο ὀρθοὶ λίθοι συνεζευγμένοι τοῦ κατὰ θάτερον χεῖλος πύργου μείζονες.
⁴¹³ There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance.	⁴¹³ There were also many arches in the wall, where the sailors could put in, and in front of them was a large promenade for people coming ashore. Its entrance was to the north, because there the northerly was the gentlest wind of all. At the mouth of the harbour on each side were three great Colossi, supported by pillars, and as you sail into the port those on the left are supported by a solid tower, but those on the right are supported by two upright stones joined together, and larger than the tower on the other side of the entrance.
⁴¹³ There were many vaulted chambers for the housing of sailors, and in front of them, a broad stone quay encircling the harbor for those disembarking. The entrance was to the north, for the north wind is the clearest of winds at that spot. At the mouth stood three colossi on each side, supported by columns; those on the left of entering were supported by a solid tower, while those on the right by two upright stones joined together, larger than the tower on the opposite side.

⁴¹⁴ προσεχεῖς δ᾽ οἰκίαι τῷ λιμένι λευκοῦ καὶ αὗται λίθου, καὶ κατατείνοντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ στενωποὶ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἓν διάστημα μεμετρημένοι. Καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἀντικρὺ ναὸς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐπὶ γηλόφου κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διάφορος· ἐν δ᾽ αὐτῷ κολοσσὸς ΚαίσαροςCaesar οὐκ ἀποδέων τοῦ ὈλυμπίασινOlympian Διός, ᾧ καὶ προσείκασται, ῬώμηςRome δὲ ἴσος ἭρᾳJuno τῇ κατ᾽ ἌργοςArgos. ἀνέθηκαν δὲ τῇ μὲν ἐπαρχίαι τὴν‎ πόλιν, τοῖς ταύτῃ δὲ πλοϊζομένοις τὸν λιμένα, ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ τὴν‎ τιμὴν τοῦ κτίσματος· ΚαισάρειανCaesarea γοῦν ὠνόμασεν αὐτήν.
⁴¹⁴ Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Caesarea accordingly.	⁴¹⁴ Adjoining the harbour were houses built of white stone, and the narrow streets of the city leading to the harbour were all equidistant from each other. Facing the mouth of the harbour, upon a rise, was a temple to Caesar, excellent in beauty and size, and within it a Colossus of Caesar, no smaller than that of Olympian Zeus, which it resembled, and one of Rome, the equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he gave the city to the province and the harbour to the sailors but the honour of the building he gave to Caesar, by naming it Caesarea.
⁴¹⁴ Near the harbor were houses, also of white stone, and the streets of the city led down to it, laid out at equal intervals. Opposite the mouth of the harbor was the Temple of Caesar on a hill, remarkable for its beauty and size; in it was a colossal statue of Caesar, no smaller than the Zeus at Olympia (which it was modeled after), and one of Rome, equal to the Hera at Argos. He dedicated the city to the province, the harbor to those sailing there, but the honor of the creation to Caesar; he therefore named it Caesarea.^[1] ^[1]Strato’s Tower was renamed Caesarea and was built c.22-10 BC. It became the premier Mediterranean port and Roman capital of Judea.

⁴¹⁵ Τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων, ἀμφιθέατρον καὶ θέατρον καὶ ἀγοράς, ἄξια τῆς προσηγορίας ἐνιδρύσατο. Καὶ πενταετηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας καταστησάμενος ὁμοίως ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἆθλα μέγιστα προθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ νικῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ τρίτοι τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετελάμβανον.
⁴¹⁵ He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty.	⁴¹⁵ The other buildings he put up, amphitheatre and theatre and agora, were worthy of the city's name. He also appointed games for every fifth year, naming them "Caesar's Games" and inaugurated them at the hundred and ninety-second Olympiad, offering huge prizes, so that not only the victors but also those who came second and even in third place, shared in his royal bounty.
⁴¹⁵ As for the rest of his works—the amphitheater, theater, and marketplace—he built them in a manner worthy of the city’s name. He also established five-yearly games, similarly named after Caesar, and was the first to offer grand prizes in the 192nd Olympiad;^[1] in these, not only the winners but also those in second and third place shared in the royal wealth.

^[1]The 192nd Olymiad was held in 12 BC. Herod acts as agonothetes (President) of the Olympic Games and provides a permanent endowment.

⁴¹⁶ ἀνακτίσας δὲ καὶ Ἀννίβαν τὴν‎ παράλιον καταρριφθεῖσαν ἐν πολέμῳ ἈγρίππειονAgrippeum προσηγόρευσεto call, name· τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ φίλου δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εὐνοίας καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ἐχάραξεν τὸ ὄνομα, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κατεσκεύασεν.
⁴¹⁶ He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.	⁴¹⁶ He also rebuilt Anthedon, a coastal city that had been demolished in the wars and named it Agrippeum, and showed his great affection for his friend Agrippa by having his name engraved upon the gate he had erected in the temple.
⁴¹⁶ He also rebuilt Anthedon, a coastal city destroyed in war, and called it Agrippeum.^[1] Out of extreme affection for the same friend, he engraved his name upon the gate he himself constructed at the Temple.

^[1]Marcus Agrippa visited Judea in 15 BC and died in 12 BC.

⁴¹⁷ φιλοπάτωρ γε μήν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος· καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέθηκεν πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσιν πλουσίαν ὠνόμασεν ἈντιπατρίδαAntipatris, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho φρούριον ὀχυρότητι καὶ κάλλει διάφορον τειχίσας ἀνέθηκαν τῇ μητρὶ προσειπὼν ΚύπρονCyprus.
⁴¹⁷ Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros.	⁴¹⁷ He was a man devoted to his father, if anyone ever was. As a memorial to his father he built a city in the finest plain in his kingdom, with rivers and trees in abundance, and called it Antipatris. Above Jericho he also built a wall around a fortress, a very strong and very fine building, and dedicating it to his mother he called it Cypros.
⁴¹⁷ He was also a lover of his father, if ever a man was; for he established a monument to his father by founding a city in the most beautiful plain of the kingdom, rich in rivers and trees, and named it Antipatris. He also fortified a stronghold above Jericho, remarkable for its strength and beauty, and dedicated it to his mother, calling it Cypros.

⁴¹⁸ ΦασαήλῳPhasael δὲ τἀδελφῷ τὸν ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ὁμώνυμον πύργον, οὗ τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τῷ μεγέθει πολυτέλειαν διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. Καὶ πόλιν ἄλλην κτίσας κατὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ἹεριχοῦςJericho ἰόντων αὐλῶνα πρὸς βορέαν ΦασαηλίδαPhasaelis ὠνόμασεν.
⁴¹⁸ Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.	⁴¹⁸ Moreover, he dedicated to his brother Phasael a tower in Jerusalem, whose structure, size and magnificence we shall describe later. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho and named it Phasaelis.
⁴¹⁸ To his brother Phasael, he dedicated the tower of the same name in Jerusalem, whose form and magnificent size we shall describe later. He also built another city in the valley leading from Jericho to the north and named it Phasaelis.

⁴¹⁹ Παραδοὺς δ᾽ αἰῶνι τούς τε οἰκείους καὶ φίλους οὐδὲ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μνήμης ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον μὲν ἐπιτειχίσας τῷ πρὸς ἈραβίανArabia ὄρει προσηγόρευσεν ἩρώδειονHerodium ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν δὲ μαστοειδῆ κολωνὸν ὄντα χειροποίητον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων ἄπωθεν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἐκάλεσεν μὲν ὁμοίως, ἐξήσκησεν δὲ φιλοτιμότερον.
⁴¹⁹ And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium; and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition,	⁴¹⁹ Just as he perpetuated the memory of his family and friends, he did not neglect a memorial for himself. On a hill shaped like a woman's breast, sixty furlongs from Jerusalem, he built a high fortress calling both it and the mountain by his own name, Herodium.
⁴¹⁹ Having committed his relatives and friends to eternity, he did not neglect his own memory. He built a fortress on the mountain toward Arabia and called it Herodium after himself. He also named a breast-shaped hill, which was man-made, sixty stadia (11 km) from Jerusalem, by the same name, but adorned it more ambitiously.

⁴²⁰ στρογγύλοις μὲν γὰρ τὴν‎ ἄκραν πύργοις περιέσχεν, ἐπλήρωσεν δὲ τὸν περίβολον βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις, ὡς μὴ μόνον τὴν‎ ἔνδον τῶν οἰκημάτων ὄψιν εἶναι λαμπράν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν τοίχοις καὶ θριγκοῖς καὶ στέγαις περικεχύσθαι τὸν πλοῦτον δαψιλῆ· πόρρωθεν δὲ μεγίστοις ἀναλώμασιν ὑδάτων πλῆθος εἰσήγαγεν καὶ βαθμοῖς διακοσίοις λευκοτάτης μαρμάρου τὴν‎ ἄνοδον διέλαβεν· ἦν γὰρ δὴ τὸ γήλοφον ἐπιεικῶς ὑψηλὸν καὶ πᾶν χειροποίητον.
⁴²⁰ and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious.	⁴²⁰ He lavished it ambitiously with curious art and built around towers at its top and filled the remaining space with costly palaces. Not only were the inner apartments splendid to behold, but also he spent a fortune on the outer walls and partitions and roofs. Besides, he brought a large volume of water from a great distance, at vast expense, and had a gradient of two hundred steps of the whitest marble leading up to it, for the hill was itself moderately high and entirely artificial.
⁴²⁰ He surrounded the summit with round towers and filled the enclosure with extremely lavish palaces, so that not only was the interior of the buildings a splendid sight, but wealth was poured out lavishly on the outer walls, cornices, and roofs. At great expense, he brought in a quantity of water from a distance and divided the ascent with two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was quite high and entirely man-made.

⁴²¹ κατεσκεύασεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς ῥίζας ἄλλα βασίλεια τήν τε ἀποσκευὴν καὶ τοὺς φίλους δέξασθαι δυνάμενα, ὥστε τῷ μὲν πάντα ἔχειν πόλιν εἶναι δοκεῖν τὸ ἔρυμα, τῇ περιγραφῇ δὲ βασίλειον.
⁴²¹ He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.	⁴²¹ He also built other palaces at the base of the hill, well furnished to accommodate his friends. In short, the fortress seemed like a city containing all essentials, but its ramparts made it look like a royal palace.
⁴²¹ He also constructed other palaces at the base capable of holding his equipment and friends, so that by its completeness the stronghold seemed to be a city, though by its outline a palace.

⁴²² Τοσαῦτα συγκτίσας πλείσταις καὶ τῶν ἔξω πόλεων τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἐπεδείξατο. ΤριπόλειTripoli μὲν γὰρ καὶ ΔαμασκῷDamascus καὶ ΠτολεμαΐδιPtolemais γυμνάσια, ΒύβλῳByblus δὲ τεῖχος, ἐξέδραςhall, room, parlour τε καὶ στοὰς καὶ ναοὺς καὶ ἀγορὰς ΒηρυτῷBerytus κατασκευάσας καὶ ΤύρῳTyre, ΣιδῶνίSidon γε μὴν καὶ ΔαμασκῷDamascus θέατρα, ΛαοδικεῦσιLaodiceans δὲ τοῖς παραλίοις ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγήν, ἈσκαλωνίταιςAscalon δὲ βαλανεῖα καὶ κρήνας πολυτελεῖς, πρὸς δὲ περίστυλα θαυμαστὰ τήν τε ἐργασίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος· εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἷς ἄλση καὶ λειμῶνας ἀνέθηκαν.
⁴²² And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and marketplaces at Berytus and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness.	⁴²² After building so much, he was generous also to quite a few other cities abroad. He built gymnasia in Tripoli and Damascus and Ptolemais, and built a wall around Byblus, and large rooms, porticoes, temples and market-places in Berytus and Tyre, with theatres in Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for the Laodiceans living by the sea-side, and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, and porticoes around a court, admirable in workmanship and size.
⁴²² Having founded so many things, he showed his greatness of soul to many cities abroad. He built gymnasia for Tripolis, Damascus, and Ptolemais; a wall for Byblos; halls, porticoes, temples, and marketplaces for Berytus and Tyre; theaters for Sidon and Damascus; an aqueduct for the coastal Laodiceans; baths and costly fountains for the Ascalonites, as well as cloisters marvelous for their workmanship and size. To others, he dedicated groves and meadows.

⁴²³ πολλαὶ δὲ πόλεις ὥσπερ κοινωνοὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎· γυμνασιαρχίαις δ᾽ ἄλλας ἐπετησίοις τε καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἐδωρήσατο προσόδους κατατάξας, ὥσπερ ΚώιοιςCos, ἵνα μηδέποτε ἐκλείπῃ τὸ γέρας.
⁴²³ Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those forever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting.	⁴²³ To some people he dedicated groves and meadows and donated land to various cities as if they were part of his own kingdom. He also granted annual revenues to exercise centres and provided gifts in perpetuity for them and for the people of Cos.
⁴²³ Many cities, as if partners in his kingdom, received land from him. Others he gifted with annual and permanent revenues for their gymnasia, as he did for the people of Cos, so that the prize should never fail.

⁴²⁴ σῖτόν γε μὴν πᾶσιν ἐχορήγησεν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τῇ ῬόδῳRhodes χρήματα μὲν εἰς ναυτικοῦ κατασκευὴν παρέσχεν πολλαχοῦ καὶ πολλάκις, ἐμπρησθὲν δὲ τὸ Πύθιονtemple of the Pythian Apollo ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν ἄμεινον ἀνεδείματο.
⁴²⁴ He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo’s temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before.	⁴²⁴ He donated corn to all who needed it and gave large sums of money to Rhodes for building ships, and often did the like in other places. When Apollo's temple burned down, he rebuilt it at his own expense, better than it was before.
⁴²⁴ He provided grain to all who needed it and gave Rhodes money for the construction of a navy many times and in many places. When the Pythium (Temple of Apollo) was burned down, he rebuilt it better at his own expense.

⁴²⁵ καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν τὰς εἰς ΛυκίουςLycians ἢ ΣαμίουςSamnians δωρεὰς ἢ τὴν‎ δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς ἸωνίαςIonia ἐν οἷς ἐδεήθησαν ἕκαστοι δαψίλειαν; ἀλλ᾽ ἈθηναῖοιAthenians καὶ ΛακεδαιμόνιοιSpartans ΝικοπολῖταίNicopolitans τε καὶ τὸ κατὰ ΜυσίανMysia ΠέργαμονPergamus οὐ τῶν ἩρώδουHerod γέμουσιν ἀναθημάτων; τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἈντιοχέωνAntioch τῶν ἐν ΣυρίαιSyria πλατεῖαν οὐ φευκτὴν οὖσαν ὑπὸ βορβόρου κατέστρωσέν τε σταδίων εἴκοσι τὸ μῆκος οὖσαν ξεστῇ μαρμάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ὑετῶν ἀποφυγὰς ἐκόσμησεν ἰσομήκει στοᾷ.
⁴²⁵ What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to everybody’s wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length.	⁴²⁵ Need I speak of the gifts he gave to the Lycians and Samnians, or of his great generosity through all Ionia, when people were in need. Are not the Athenians and Spartans and Nicopolitans and Pergamus in Mysia, replete with things donated by Herod? Did he not pave with polished marble the large open space in Antioch in Syria, twenty furlongs long, previously shunned by everyone because it was full of dirt and filth, and adorn the paved area with a portico equally long?
⁴²⁵ What need is there to speak of gifts to Lycians or Samians, or his lavishness throughout Ionia according to their needs? Are not Athens, Sparta, Nicopolis, and Pergamon in Mysia full of Herod’s offerings? Did he not pave the great street of Antioch in Syria—which was avoided due to mud—twenty stadia (3.7 km) in length with polished marble, and for protection from rain, adorn it with a portico of equal length?

⁴²⁶ Ταῦτα μὲν ἄν τις εἴποι ἴδια τῶν εὖ παθόντων δήμων ἑκάστου, τὸ δὲ ἨλείοιςEleans χαρισθὲν οὐ μόνον κοινὸν τῆς ἙλλάδοςGreece ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης τῆς οἰκουμένης δῶρον, εἰς ἣν ἡ δόξα τῶν ὈλυμπίασινOlympian ἀγώνων διικνεῖται.
⁴²⁶ It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached.	⁴²⁶ One could say that these favours were enjoyed only by the particular places on which they were bestowed, while his gift to the Eleans was shared not only by all of Greece, but also by the whole world, wherever one hears of the glory of the Olympic games.
⁴²⁶ One might say these were private benefits to each of those peoples, but the gift to the people of Elis was a gift not only common to Greece but to the whole world, wherever the fame of the Olympic Games reaches.

⁴²⁷ τούτους γὰρ δὴ καταλυομένους ἀπορίαι χρημάτων ὁρῶν καὶ τὸ μόνον λείψανον τῆς ἀρχαίας ἙλλάδοςGreece ὑπορρέον, οὐ μόνον ἀγωνοθέτης ἧς ἐπέτυχεν πενταετηρίδος εἰς ῬώμηνRome παραπλέων ἐγένετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸ διηνεκὲς πόρους χρημάτων ἀπέδειξεν, ὡς μηδέποτε ἀγωνοθετοῦσαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ μνήμην ἀπολιπεῖν.
⁴²⁷ For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not	⁴²⁷ For when he realized how these had failed for lack of money, and with them what remained of ancient Greece, he not only joined in as a combatant when the quinquennial games were revived, which as he sailed to Rome he happened to be present at, but also he granted them revenues in perpetuity, so that his fame as a combatant there would not be forgotten.
⁴²⁷ For seeing these games declining for lack of money, and the only remnant of ancient Greece slipping away, he not only acted as president (agonothetes) of the games during the five-year period when he sailed to Rome, but also provided a permanent source of funds so that his memory as president would never fail.

⁴²⁸ ἀνήνυτον ἂν εἴη χρεῶν διαλύσεις ἢ φόρων ἐπεξιέναι, καθάπερ ΦασηλίταιςPhasaelis καὶ ΒαλανεώταιςBatanea καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ ΚιλικίανCilicia πολιχνίοις τὰς ἐτησίους εἰσφορὰς ἐπεξεκούφισεν. πλεῖστόν γε μὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς μεγαλονοίας ἔθραυσεν ὁ φόβος, ὡς μὴ δόξειεν ἐπίφθονος ἤ τι θηρᾶσθαι μεῖζον εὐεργετῶν τὰς πόλεις πλέον τῶν ἐχόντων.
⁴²⁸ It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people’s debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelus, of	⁴²⁸ There was no end to his payments of debts or tributes on people's behalf, as he relieved the people of Phasaelis, Batanea and the small cities around Cilicia, of the annual tributes they used to pay. Often his soul was troubled by anxiety about being envied, or seeming to overreach himself, when he bestowed more generous gifts upon these cities than even their owners did.
⁴²⁸ It would be endless to list the settlement of debts or taxes; he lightened the annual tributes for the people of Phaselis, Balanea, and the small towns in Cilicia. Yet, his fear of envy often checked his great-mindedness, lest he should seem to be seeking something greater by benefiting cities more than those who actually possessed them.

⁴²⁹ ἐχρήσατο δὲ καὶ σώματι πρὸς τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀναλόγῳ, κυνηγέτης μὲν ἄριστος ἀεὶ γενόμενος, ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα δι᾽ ἐμπειρίαν ἱππικὴν ἐπετύγχανεν· μιᾷ γοῦν ἡμέρᾳ ποτὲ τεσσαράκοντα θηρίων ἐκράτησεν· ἔστι δὲ καὶ συοτρόφος μὲν ἡ χώρα, τὸ πλέον δ᾽ ἐλάφων καὶ ὀνάγρων εὔπορος· πολεμιστὴς δ᾽ ἀνυπόστατος.
⁴²⁹ Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by means of his great skill in	⁴²⁹ Herod was as healthy in body as in soul and was always an excellent hunter, where he generally had success through his skill in riding horses, and he killed forty wild beasts in a single day, for the country has wild boars and lots of stags and wild donkeys.
⁴²⁹ He also possessed a body suited to his soul. He was always an excellent hunter, in which he was especially successful due to his skill in horsemanship; on one day he once caught forty wild beasts. The country breeds boars, but is especially abundant in deer and wild asses. He was an irresistible warrior.

⁴³⁰ πολλοὶ γοῦν κἀν ταῖς γυμνασίαις αὐτὸν κατεπλάγησαν ἀκοντιστήν τε ἰθυβολώτατον καὶ τοξότην εὐστοχώτατον ἰδόντες. πρὸς δὲ τοῖς ψυχικοῖς καὶ τοῖς σωματικοῖς προτερήμασιν ἐχρήσατο καὶ δεξιᾷ τύχῃ· καὶ γὰρ σπάνιον ἔπταισεν ἐν πολέμῳ, καὶ τῶν πταισμάτων οὐκ αὐτὸς αἴτιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ προδοσίαι τινῶν ἢ προπετείᾳreckless attitude στρατιωτῶν ἐγένετο.
⁴³⁰ He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when	⁴³⁰ He was also an invincible warrior and many have admired his his physical fitness, seeing his precision in throwing the javelin and his accuracy with the bow and arrow. Besides these gifts of mind and body, he enjoyed good fortune and seldom failed in his wars, and whenever he did fail, he was not himself to blame, but either he was betrayed or the rashness of his soldiers caused his defeat.
⁴³⁰ Many in their exercises were amazed to see him as the most direct javelin thrower and the most accurate archer. In addition to his mental and physical advantages, he also enjoyed good fortune; for he rarely stumbled in war, and when he did, he was not the cause, but it happened either through the treachery of some or the recklessness of his soldiers.

Chapter 22
Herod's domestic troubles and murder.
Mariamne is accused and condemned

☜ ☞

⁴³¹ Τάς γε μὴν ὑπαίθρους εὐπραγίας ἡ τύχη τοῖς κατ᾽ οἶκον ἀνιαροῖς ἐνεμέσησεν, καὶ κακοδαιμονεῖν ἐκ γυναικὸς ἤρξατο περὶ ἣν μάλιστα ἐσπούδασεν.
⁴³¹ However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestic troubles; and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond.	⁴³¹ To counterbalance Herod's enormous public successes, fortune gave him domestic troubles, and he began to have strife within his family on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond.
⁴³¹ But Fortune took vengeance on his external successes by inflicting miseries at home; his ill-fate began with a woman to whom he was most passionately devoted.

⁴³² ἐπειδὴ γὰρ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παρῆλθεν, ἀποπεμψάμενος ἣν ἰδιώτης ἦκτο γαμετήν, γένος ἦν ἐξ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ΔωρὶςDoris ὄνομα, γαμεῖ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus θυγατέρα, δι᾽ ἣν αὐτῷ στασιασθῆναι συνέβη τὸν οἶκον καὶ τάχιον μέν, μάλιστα δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ ῬώμηςRome ἄφιξιν.
⁴³² For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome.	⁴³² For when he came to power he set aside the Jerusalem woman named Doris, whom he had married earlier when he was a private citizen, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus. Disturbances soon arose in his family on her account, but mainly after his return from Rome.
⁴³² For when he came to the throne, he dismissed the wife he had married while still a private citizen, a woman from Jerusalem named Doris, and married Mariamne [37 BC], the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus. Because of her, it happened that his household was thrown into sedition, which began early but grew most intense after his return from Rome.

⁴³³ πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ τὸν ἐκ τῆς ΔωρίδοςDoris υἱὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater διὰ τοὺς ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἐφυγάδευσεν τῆς πόλεως μόναις ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἀφεὶς κατιέναι· ἔπειτα τὸν πάππον τῆς γυναικὸς ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐκ ΠάρθωνParthians πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα δι᾽ ὑπόνοιαν ἐπιβουλῆς ἀνεῖλεν, ὃν ἠιχμαλωτίσατο μὲν ΒαζαφράνηςBarzapharnes καταδραμὼν ΣυρίανSyria, ἐξῃτήσαντο δὲ κατὰ οἶκτον οἱ ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ὁμοεθνεῖς.
⁴³³ For first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife’s grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of Parthia to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration they had for his condition;	⁴³³ First, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris from the city, and never allowed him to come there except at the festivals. Then he killed his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he had returned to him from Parthia, on the suspicion that he was plotting against him. This Hyrcanus had been taken prisoner to Barzapharnes when he overran Syria. His own countrymen beyond the Euphrates wanted him to stay with them, sympathizing for his condition,
⁴³³ First, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, he banished Antipater, his son by Doris, from the city, allowing him to return only for the festivals. Later, he put to death his wife’s grandfather, Hyrcanus (30 BC), who had returned to him from Parthia, on suspicion of a plot. Hyrcanus had been taken prisoner by Barzapharnes when he overran Syria, but his fellow-countrymen beyond the Euphrates had begged for his release out of pity.

⁴³⁴ καὶ εἴ γε τούτοις ἐπείσθη παραινοῦσιν μὴ διαβῆναι πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd, οὐκ ἂν παραπώλετο· δέλεαρ δ᾽ αὐτῷ θανάτου τῆς υἱωνῆς ὁ γάμος κατέστη· τούτῳ γὰρ πεποιθὼς καὶ περισσόν τι τῆς πατρίδος ἐφιέμενος ἧκεν. παρώξυνεν δὲ ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ αὐτὸς ἀντιποιούμενος βασιλείας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τὸ βασιλεύειν ἐπέβαλλεν αὐτῷ.
⁴³⁴ and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his to Herod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this, - not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod.	⁴³⁴ and if he had heeded them when they urged him not to go back across the river to Herod, he would not have died. But his granddaughter's wedding was his undoing, for as he trusted him and was over-fond of his own country, he returned to attend it. Herod's hatred of him was not because of any attempt to gain the kingship, but because [Hyrcanus] had a better claim to the throne than himself.
⁴³⁴ And indeed, if he had listened to their advice not to cross over to Herod, he would not have met his end; but the marriage of his granddaughter served as a bait for his death, for relying on this and being excessively fond of his native land, he returned. What provoked Herod was not that Hyrcanus himself claimed the kingship, but that the right to rule truly belonged to him.

⁴³⁵ Τῶν δὲ ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne πέντε τέκνων γενομένων δύο μὲν θυγατέρες, τρεῖς δ᾽ ἦσαν υἱεῖς. Καὶ τούτων ὁ νεώτατος μὲν ἐν ῬώμῃRome παιδευόμενος τελευτᾷ, δύο δὲ τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους βασιλικῶς ἦγεν διά τε τὴν‎ μητρώιαν εὐγένειαν καὶ ὅτι βασιλεύοντι γεγόνεισαν αὐτῷ.
⁴³⁵ Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king.	⁴³⁵ Of Herod's five children by Mariamne, two were daughters and three were sons. The youngest of these sons was educated in Rome and died there but the two eldest he treated as of royal blood, due to the nobility of their mother and because they were not born until he was king.
⁴³⁵ Of the five children born to Mariamne, two were daughters and three were sons. The youngest of these died while being educated in Rome, but the two eldest he brought up in a royal manner, both because of the nobility of their mother's lineage and because they had been born while he was king.

⁴³⁶ τὸ δὲ τούτων ἰσχυρότερον ὁ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἔρως συνήργει καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐκκαίων ἩρώδηνHerōd λαβρότερος, ὡς μηδενὸς τῶν διὰ τὴν‎ στεργομένην λυπηρῶν αἰσθάνεσθαι· τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦν μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne, ὅσοςas great as ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρως.
⁴³⁶ But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne’s hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her.	⁴³⁶ But stronger than all was his love for Mariamne, growing more ardent from day to day, which made him overlook the troubles his beloved stirred up against him.
⁴³⁶ But what was even stronger than these considerations was his love for Mariamne, which daily inflamed Herod with greater intensity, so that he perceived none of the grievances caused by the woman he cherished. For Mariamne's hatred for him was as great as his love was for her.

⁴³⁷ ἔχουσα δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν ἀπέχθειανhatred ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων εὔλογον, τὴν‎ δὲ παρρησίαν ἐκ τοῦ φιλεῖσθαι, φανερῶς ὠνείδιζεν αὐτῷ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πάππον ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἸωνάθηνJonathan· οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτου καίπερ ὄντος παιδὸς ἐφείσατο, δοὺς μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἑπτακαιδεκαέτει, μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τιμὴν κτείνας εὐθέως, ἐπειδὴ τὴν‎ ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα λαβόντι καὶ τῷ βωμῷ προσελθόντι καθ᾽ ἑορτὴν ἄθρουν ἐπεδάκρυσεν τὸ πλῆθος. πέμπεται μὲν οὖν ὁ παῖς διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς ἹεριχοῦνταJericho, ἐκεῖ δὲ κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ΓαλατῶνGalatian βαπτιζόμενος ἐν κολυμβήθρᾳ τελευτᾷ.
⁴³⁷ She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod’s command, in a pool till he was drowned.	⁴³⁷ But Mariamne's hatred for him was no less than his love for her. Since what he had done gave her only too just a cause to be angry with him and his affection allowed her to speak openly to him. She publicly complained of what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus and her brother Aristobulus. He had not spared Aristobulus though he was so young, for after granting him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he had him killed soon afterward. When Aristobulus was wearing the holy vestments and came to the altar at a festival, the crowd burst out in tears, so the young man was sent by night to Jericho, where, at Herod's command, he was plunged by the Galatian guards in a swimming-pool until he drowned.
⁴³⁷ Having a well-founded cause for her hatred in what had occurred, and a boldness of speech born of being loved, she openly upbraided him for his treatment of her grandfather Hyrcanus and her brother Jonathan. For Herod had not spared the latter, even though he was a mere boy; he had granted him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, but killed him immediately after the honor. This happened because, when the boy put on the sacred vestments and approached the altar during a festival, the multitude burst into tears. Consequently, the boy was sent by night to Jericho, and there, according to instructions, he was drowned in a swimming pool by the Galatians and so died.^[1]

^[1]Aristobulus III (Jonathan) died in 35 BC and was the last Hasmonean High Priest.

⁴³⁸ Διὰ ταῦθ᾽ ἩρώδηνHerōd μὲν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ ΜαριάμμηMariamne, καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα δειναῖς ἐξύβριζεν λοιδορίαις. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν πεφίμωτο τοῖς ἱμέροις, δεινὴ δὲ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀγανάκτησις εἰσῄει, καὶ πρὸς ὃ μάλιστα κινήσεινto move τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἔμελλον, εἰς μοιχείαν διέβαλλον αὐτήν,
⁴³⁸ For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed; which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger.	⁴³⁸ For these reasons Mariamne spoke out scornfully against Herod and his sister and mother, while he stayed silent due to his fondness for her. The women were furious with her and accused her of adultery, which they thought most likely to move Herod to anger.
⁴³⁸ For these reasons Mariamne upbraided Herod, and she treated his sister and mother with terrible and insulting reproaches. While he was silenced by his desires, a terrible indignation seized the women, and they slandered her with the charge of adultery, knowing this would move Herod most effectively.

⁴³⁹ ἄλλα τε πολλὰ πρὸς τὸ πιθανὸν ἐνσκευαζόμεναι καὶ κατηγοροῦσαι διότι τὴν‎ εἰκόνα τὴν‎ ἑαυτῆς πέμψειεν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἈντωνίῳAnthony καὶ δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ἀσελγείας ἀποῦσαν δείξειεν ἑαυτὴν ἀνθρώπῳ γυναικομανοῦντι καὶ βιάζεσθαι δυναμένῳ.
⁴³⁹ They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her.	⁴³⁹ Among other accusations they invented to convince him, they accused her of having sent her picture to Antony in Egypt and that her lust was so wanton that she wished to show herself, even at that distance, to a man who ran wild after women, a man who could take her by force if he wishes.
⁴³⁹ Among many other things they devised to make the charge plausible, they accused her of having sent her own portrait to Antony in Egypt, showing herself through an excess of licentiousness to a man who was mad for women and capable of using force, even while she was absent.

⁴⁴⁰ τοῦθ᾽ ὥσπερ σκηπτὸς ἐμπεσὼν ἐτάραξεν ἩρώδηνHerōd, μάλιστα μὲν διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask ζηλοτύπως ἔχοντα, λογιζόμενον δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra δεινότητα, δι᾽ ἣν ΛυσανίαςLysanias τε ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνῄρητοto take up καὶ ΜάλχοςMalchus ὁ ἌραψArab· οὐ γὰρ ἀφαιρέσει γαμετῆς ἐμέτρει τὸν κίνδυνον, ἀλλὰ θανάτῳ.
⁴⁴⁰ This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.	⁴⁴⁰ This charge fell upon Herod like a thunderbolt and greatly troubled him, since his love for her made him jealous. Considering how king Lysanias and Malchus the Arab had met their end by Cleopatra's scheming, he feared not only the ending of his own marriage, but also death itself.
⁴⁴⁰ This fell like a thunderbolt and disturbed Herod; he was jealous due to his love, but he also considered the cruelty of Cleopatra, by whose means King Lysanias and Malchus the Arab had been put to death. He did not measure the danger merely by the loss of a wife, but by his own death.

⁴⁴¹ Μέλλων οὖν ἀποδημήσειν ἸωσήπῳJoseph τῷ ἀνδρὶ ΣαλώμηςSalome τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ‎, πιστὸς δὲ ἦν καὶ διὰ τὸ κῆδος εὔνους, παρατίθεται τὴν‎ γυναῖκα, κρύφα δοὺς ἐντολὰς ἀναιρεῖν αὐτήν, εἰ κἀκεῖνον ἈντώνιοςAntony. ὁ δὲ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus, οὔτι κακοήθως, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask τοῦ βασιλέως παραστῆσαι τῇ γυναικὶ βουλόμενος, ὡς οὐδὲ ἀποθανὼν αὐτῆς ὑπομένοι διαζευχθῆναι, τὸ ἀπόρρητονforbidden ἐκφαίνει.
⁴⁴¹ When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome’s husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him goodwill on account of their kindred; he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king’s love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her;	⁴⁴¹ Therefore when he was about to go on a trip abroad, he entrusted his wife to Joseph, the husband of his sister Salome, as trustworthy and loyal to him due to their family connection. He also told him secretly that if Antony killed him, he should kill Mariamne. But Joseph, with no bad motive and simply to demonstrate the king's love for his wife, told her this great secret, how Herod could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself.
⁴⁴¹ Therefore, when he was about to depart the country, he entrusted his wife to Joseph, the husband of his sister Salome—a man who was faithful and well-disposed due to the marriage connection—giving secret orders to kill her if Antony should kill him. But Joseph, with no ill intent but wishing to demonstrate to the woman the king’s love (in that he could not bear to be separated from her even in death), revealed the secret.

⁴⁴² κἀκείνη πρὸς ἐπανήκοντα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd πολλά τε περὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὴν συμπαθοῦς ἐν ταῖς ὁμιλίαιςsermon ἐπομνύμενον, ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐρασθείη ποτὲ γυναικὸς ἄλλης, « πάνυ γοῦν, εἶπεν, ταῖς πρὸς τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐντολαῖς ἐπεδείξω τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔρωταto ask κτεῖναί με προστάξας.»
⁴⁴² upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her—“Yes,” says she, “thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedest him to kill me.”	⁴⁴² When Herod returned, as they talked and with many oaths he was declaring his love for her, and how he had never felt for any other woman what he felt for her, she said back, "What a fine proof of your love was that instruction to Joseph to kill me!"
⁴⁴² When Herod returned and was swearing many oaths to her in their private conversations regarding his devotion—that he had never loved any other woman—she replied, “Certainly, you showed your love for us by the commands you gave to Joseph, ordering him to kill me.”

⁴⁴³ Ἔκφρων εὐθέως ἀκούσας τὸ ἀπόρρητονforbidden ἦν, καὶ οὐκ ἄν ποτε τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐξαγγεῖλαι τὴν‎ ἐντολὴν φάμενος εἰ μὴ διαφθείρειεν αὐτήν, ἐνεθουσία τῷ πάθει καὶ τῆς κοίτης ἐξαλλόμενος ἀνέδην ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀνειλεῖτο. Καὶ τοῦτον ΣαλώμηSalome ἡ ἀδελφὴ τὸν καιρὸν εἰς τὰς διαβολὰς ἁρπάσασα τὴν‎ εἰς τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐπεβεβαίωσεν ὑποψίαν. ὁ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀκράτου ζηλοτυπίας ἐκμανεὶς παραχρῆμα κτείνειν προσέταξεν ἀμφοτέρους.
⁴⁴³ When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immediately;	⁴⁴³ He went mad on hearing the great secret was out, saying that Joseph would never have reveal his instruction unless he had corrupted her. His passion drove him stark crazy, and leaping out of bed he ran wildly around the palace. His sister Salome took her chance to ruin Mariamne, by adding to his suspicion about Joseph, and in a jealous rage, he instantly had both of them killed.
⁴⁴³ Upon hearing the secret revealed, he was immediately out of his mind. Declaring that Joseph would never have disclosed the command unless he had corrupted her, he was possessed by passion and, leaping from the bed, he paced distractedly through the palace. His sister Salome, seizing this moment for her slanders, confirmed his suspicion against Joseph. Maddened by unadulterated jealousy, he immediately ordered both to be put to death (29 BC).

⁴⁴⁴ μετάνοια δ᾽ εὐθέως εἵπετο τῷ πάθει, καὶ τοῦ θυμοῦ πεσόντος ὁ ἔρως πάλιν ἀνεζωπυρεῖτο. τοσαύτη δ᾽ ἦν φλεγμονὴ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ὡς μηδὲ τεθνάναι δοκεῖν αὐτήν, ὑπὸ δὲ κακώσεως ὡς ζώσῃ προσλαλεῖν, μέχρι τῷ χρόνῳ διδαχθεὶς τὸ πένθος ἀνάλογονproportionate τὴν‎ λύπην ἔσχεν τῇ πρὸς περιοῦσαν διαθέσει.
⁴⁴⁴ but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living.	⁴⁴⁴ When passion cooled, he repented, and as his anger wore off, his affection revived. Indeed his desire for her was so ardent that he could not believe she was dead, and in fits of madness thought he was speaking to her, as though she were still alive. But he learned better with time, and then his grief at her death showed as strongly his affection for her during her lifetime.
⁴⁴⁴ Repentance followed immediately upon the deed, and as his anger subsided, his love was rekindled. So great was the fire of his longing that he would not believe she was dead, but in his distress, he would speak to her as if she were alive, until in time, being taught the reality of his mourning, his grief became as intense as the affection he had felt for her while she lived.

Chapter 23
Mariamne's sons fall under suspicion.
Caesar reconciles them with Herod, for a time

☜ ☞

⁴⁴⁵ Κληρονομοῦσι δὲ τῆς μητρῴας οἱ παῖδες ὀργῆς καὶ τοῦ μύσους ἔννοιαν λαμβάνοντες ὡς πολέμιον ὑφεώρων τὸν πατέρα, καὶ τὸ πρότερον μὲν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome παιδευόμενοι, πλέον δ᾽ ὡς εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπέστρεψαν· συνηνδροῦτο δ᾽ αὐτῶν ταῖς ἡλικίαις ἡ διάθεσις.
⁴⁴⁵ Now Mariamne’s sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod’s crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men;	⁴⁴⁵ Mariamne's sons inherited that hatred which had been borne their mother, and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime toward her, they regarded him as an enemy, a mood that began while they were educated in Rome, but especially after their return to Judea, it grew still further with the years.
⁴⁴⁵ The sons [of Mariamne] inherited their mother's resentment; harboring a sense of the foul wrong done to her, they looked upon their father as an enemy. This disposition was first fostered while they were being educated in Rome, but it grew even stronger when they returned to Judea (17 BC); as they came of age, their temperament matured with them.

⁴⁴⁶ καὶ ἐπειδὴ γάμων ἔχοντες ὥραν ὁ μὲν τῆς τηθίδος ΣαλώμηςSalome, ἣ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν κατηγόρησεν, ὁ δ᾽ ἔγημεν ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia βασιλέως θυγατέρα, προσελάμβανον ἤδη τῷ μίσει καὶ παρρησίαν.
⁴⁴⁶ and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome’s daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds.	⁴⁴⁶ When they reached marriageable age, one of them married the daughter of their aunt Salome, who had accused their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.
⁴⁴⁶ When they reached the age for marriage, one wed the daughter of his aunt Salome (the woman who had accused their mother), and the other wed the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. With these alliances, their hatred now gained the added strength of outspokenness.

⁴⁴⁷ ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θράσους αὐτῶν ἀφορμὰς οἱ διαβάλλοντες ἐλάμβανον, καὶ φανερώτερον ἤδη τῷ βασιλεῖ διελέγοντό τινες ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοιτο μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν υἱῶν, ὁ δὲ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus κηδεύσας καὶ φυγὴν παρασκευάζοιτο τῷ πενθερῷ πεποιθώς, ἵν᾽ ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar αὐτοῦ‎ κατηγορήσειεν.
⁴⁴⁷ Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king, that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar;	⁴⁴⁷ Since both their hatred and their outspoken manner continued, their critics used this audacity to attack them and some of them told the king that both his sons were plotting against him and the one who was related to Archelaus, was preparing to flee with his father-in-law's help, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar.
⁴⁴⁷ Those who slandered them took advantage of this boldness, and some began to speak more openly to the king, alleging that both sons were plotting against him; they claimed that the one who had married Archelaus’s daughter relied on his father-in-law to assist his flight so that he might accuse Herod before Caesar.

⁴⁴⁸ ἀναπλησθεὶς δὲ τῶν διαβολῶν ἩρώδηςHerod ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα τοῖς υἱοῖς κατάγει τὸν ἐκ τῆς ΔωρίδοςDoris ἈντίπατρονAntipater καὶ πάντα τρόπον προτιμᾶν ἄρχεται.
⁴⁴⁸ and when Herod’s head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.	⁴⁴⁸ When Herod had been well fed with these lies, he brought back Antipater, his son by Doris, to defend him against his sons and began to show him preference in every possible way.
⁴⁴⁸ Filled with these slanders, Herod—as if building a defensive wall against his sons—brought back Antipater, his son by Doris, and began to prefer him in every way (14-13 BC).

⁴⁴⁹ Τοῖς δ᾽ ἀφόρητος ἦν ἡ μεταβολή, καὶ τὸν ἐξ ἰδιώτιδος μητρὸς ὁρῶντες προκόπτοντα διὰ τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν εὐγένειαν οὐκ ἐκράτουν τῆς ἀγανακτήσεως, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου δὲ τῶν ἀνιαρῶν τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἐξέφαινον,
⁴⁴⁹ But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; for when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger,	⁴⁴⁹ This change was unbearable to them. At the sight of him who was born of a mother of no distinction, the nobility of their own birth made them unable to contain their wrath, so they clearly showed the anger they felt.
⁴⁴⁹ This change was intolerable to the brothers; seeing the son of a commoner promoted over them, they could not contain their indignation because of their own noble birth. On every occasion of annoyance, they made their anger manifest.

⁴⁵⁰ ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν προσίσταντο μᾶλλον, ὁ δ᾽ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἤδη καὶ δι᾽ αὑτὸν ἐσπουδάζετο, δεινότατος μὲν ὢν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα κολακείαις, διαβολὰς δὲ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ποικίλας ἐνσκευαζόμενος καὶ τὰ μὲν αὐτὸς λογοποιῶν, τὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους φημίζειν καθιείς, μέχρι παντάπασιν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀπέρρηξεν τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐλπίδος·
⁴⁵⁰ Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom;	⁴⁵⁰ As the anger of these sons daily increased, Antipater took care to flatter his father and had many kinds of lies told against the brothers, inventing some himself and getting others to spread further rumours about them, until finally he deprived his brothers of any hope of succeeding to the kingdom.
⁴⁵⁰ Thus, while they became more offensive every day, Antipater was already being sought after for his own sake. He was most skilled in flattering his father and devised various slanders against his brothers; some stories he invented himself, others he spread through his associates, until he had completely severed his brothers from the hope of the kingdom.

⁴⁵¹ καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις καὶ φανερῶς αὐτὸς ἦν ἤδη διάδοχος· ὡς βασιλεὺς γοῦν ἐπέμφθη καὶ πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar τῷ τε κόσμῳ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις θεραπείαις πλὴν διαδήματος χρώμενος. χρόνῳ δ᾽ ἐξίσχυσεν εἰσαγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne κοίτην τὴν‎ μητέρα. δυσὶ δ᾽ ὅπλοις κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν χρώμενος, κολακείᾳ καὶ διαβολῇ, τὸν βασιλέα καὶ περὶ θανάτου τῶν υἱῶν ὑπειργάσατο.
⁴⁵¹ for he was already publicly put into his father’s will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne’s bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.	⁴⁵¹ Publicly named in his father's will as his successor, he was sent to Caesar in royal apparel and with every mark of royalty except the crown. In time he was also able to re-introduce his mother into what had been Mariamne's bed. The two weapons he used against his brothers were flattery and calumny, even bringing the king to think of putting his sons to death.
⁴⁵¹ Indeed, he was now himself the manifest successor, both in the king's will and openly. He was sent to Caesar as a king, wearing royal finery and served with all the honors of a court except the diadem. In time, he succeeded in introducing his mother into the bed of Mariamne. Using two weapons against his brothers—flattery and slander—he subtly worked upon the king until they were in danger of death.

⁴⁵² Τὸν γοῦν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander σύρας μέχρι ῬώμηςRome ὁ πατὴρ τῆς ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ φαρμακείας ἔκρινεν ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar. ὁ δ᾽ εὑρὼν μόλις ὀλοφυρμοῦ παρρησίαν καὶ δικαστὴν ἐμπειρότατον ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ ἩρώδουHerod φρονιμώτερον, τὰ μὲν ἁμαρτήματα τοῦ πατρὸς αἰδημόνως ὑπεστείλατο, τὰς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διαβολὰς ἰσχυρῶς ἀπελύσατο.
⁴⁵² So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him;	⁴⁵² The father brought Alexander as far as Rome, to accuse him before Caesar of attempting to poison him. The accused could hardly express himself for grief, but having as judge one more skilled than Antipater and wiser than Herod, he modestly avoided blaming his father, while robustly refuting the lies against himself.
⁴⁵² Herod eventually dragged Alexander all the way to Rome and accused him before Caesar of attempting to poison him. Alexander, having found with difficulty an opportunity to speak with a lamentable boldness, and finding a judge [Augustus] far more experienced and wiser than Antipater and Herod, modestly passed over his father’s errors while powerfully refuting the slanders against himself.

⁴⁵³ καθαρὸν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀποδείξας κοινωνοῦντα τῶν κινδύνων, οὕτως ἤδη τό τε ἈντιπάτρουAntipater πανοῦργον καὶ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν ἀτιμίαν ἀπωδύρετο. συνήργει δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετὰ καθαροῦ τοῦ συνειδότος ἡ περὶ λόγους ἰσχύς· ἦν γὰρ δὴ δεινότατος εἰπεῖν.
⁴⁵³ and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches.	⁴⁵³ After proving the innocence of his brother, who shared the same danger as himself, he at last complained of the wiles of Antipater and the disgrace they had suffered. He could justify himself, not only by the clear conscience he felt but also by his eloquence, for he was very good with words.
⁴⁵³ Having proved his brother [Aristobulus]—who shared the danger—likewise innocent, he then lamented Antipater’s villainy and their own dishonor. A clear conscience aided his power of speech, for he was a most eloquent orator.

⁴⁵⁴ καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον φάμενος ὡς τῷ πατρὶ κτείνειν αὐτοὺς ἔστιν ἡδὺ καὶ προτίθεται τὸ ἔγκλημα, προήγαγεν μὲν εἰς δάκρυα πάντας, τὸν δὲ ΚαίσαραCaesar διέθηκεν οὕτως ὡς ἀπογνῶναι μὲν αὐτῶν τὰ κατηγορημένα, διαλλάξαι δὲ ἩρώδηνHerōd εὐθέως. αἱ διαλλαγαὶ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἦσαν, ὥστε ἐκείνους μὲν τῷ πατρὶ πάντα πειθαρχεῖν, τὸν δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν καταλιπεῖν ᾧ βούλεται.
⁴⁵⁴ And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.	⁴⁵⁴ When finally he said that his father had power to execute them if he found them guilty, he had them all in tears, and Caesar rejected the charges and immediately reconciled them to Herod, on condition that they obey their father in all things and that he could leave the kingdom to whomever he pleased.
⁴⁵⁴ Finally, by stating that it was in his father's power to kill them if he found pleasure in it, he moved everyone to tears and so influenced Caesar that he dismissed the charges and immediately reconciled Herod to them. The terms of the reconciliation were that the sons should obey their father in all things, but the father was to leave the kingdom to whichever son he chose.

⁴⁵⁵ Μετὰ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀπὸ ῬώμηςRome ὑπέστρεφεν ὁ βασιλεύς, τῶν μὲν ἐγκλημάτων ἀφιέναι τοὺς υἱοὺς δοκῶν, τῆς δ᾽ ὑπονοίας οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένος· παρηκολούθει γὰρ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἡ τοῦ μίσους ὑπόθεσις. ἀλλ᾽ εἴς γε τὸ φανερὸν τὴν‎ ἀπέχθειανhatred οὐκ ἐξέφερεν τὸν διαλλακτὴν αἰδούμενος.
⁴⁵⁵ After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountainhead of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them.	⁴⁵⁵ Then the king returned from Rome, having seemingly forgiven these charges against his sons, but he still held them in suspicion. He was accompanied by Antipater, the source of the hatred, who did not publicly show his hand, out of reverence for the one who had reconciled them.
⁴⁵⁵ After this, the king returned from Rome, appearing to acquit his sons of the charges but not freed from suspicion; for Antipater followed him, serving as the source of the hatred. However, Herod did not display his animosity openly, out of respect for the one who had reconciled them.

⁴⁵⁶ ὡς δὲ τὴν‎ ΚιλικίανCilicia παραπλέων κατῆρεν εἰς ἘλεοῦσανEleusa, ἑστιᾷ μὲν αὐτὸν φιλοφρόνως ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ γαμβροῦ σωτηρίας εὐχαριστῶν καὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ἐφηδόμενος, ὡς ἂν καὶ τάχιον γεγραφὼς τοῖς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome φίλοις συλλαμβάνεσθαι περὶ τὴν‎ δίκην ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander· προπέμπει δὲ μέχρι ΖεφυρίουZephyrium δῶρα δοὺς μέχρι τριάκοντα ταλάντων.
⁴⁵⁶ But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, where Archelaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.	⁴⁵⁶ But as Herod sailed near Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, where Archelaus treated him cordially and thanked him for sparing his son-in-law and was very pleased at their reconciliation, having earlier written to his friends in Rome to help Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium and gave him gifts to the value of thirty talents.
⁴⁵⁶ As he sailed past Cilicia and landed at Eleusa, Archelaus received him with hospitality, thanking him for the safety of his son-in-law and rejoicing in the reconciliation; he had previously written to his friends in Rome to assist Alexander in the trial. He escorted Herod as far as Zephyrium, giving him gifts worth thirty talents.

⁴⁵⁷ Ὡς δ᾽ εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ἩρώδηςHerod ἀφικνεῖται, συναγαγὼν τὸν λαὸν καὶ τοὺς τρεῖς υἱοὺς παραστησάμενος ἀπελογεῖτο περὶ τῆς ἀποδημίαςan absence, journey, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εὐχαρίστει τῷ θεῷ, πολλὰ δὲ ΚαίσαριCaesar καταστησαμένῳ τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ‎ τεταραγμένον καὶ μεῖζόν τι τοῖς υἱοῖς βασιλείας παρασχόντι τὴν‎ ὁμόνοιαν,
⁴⁵⁷ Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself,	⁴⁵⁷ When Herod came to Jerusalem, he assembled the people and presented his three sons to them, apologized for his absence and greatly thanked both God and Caesar for settling his house when it was in confusion and bringing peace with his sons, which he valued more than the kingship itself,
⁴⁵⁷ When Herod arrived in Jerusalem, he assembled the people, placed his three sons beside him, and explained his absence. He gave many thanks to God and many to Caesar, who had settled his troubled house and given his sons something greater than a kingdom—concord.

⁴⁵⁸ ἣν αὐτός, ἔφη, συναρμόσω μᾶλλον· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐμὲ κύριον τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ δικαστὴν διαδόχου κατέστησεν, ἐγὼ δὲ μετὰ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἐμαυτῷ κἀκεῖνον ἀμείβομαι. τούσδε τοὺς τρεῖς παῖδας ἀποδείκνυμι βασιλεῖς, καὶ τῆς γνώμης πρῶτον τὸν θεὸν σύμψηφον, ἔπειτα καὶ ὑμᾶς παρακαλῶ γενέσθαι. τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἡλικία, τοῖς δ᾽ εὐγένεια τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν προξενεῖ, τό γε μὴν μέγεθος τῆς βασιλείας ἀρκεῖ καὶ πλείοσιν.
⁴⁵⁸ —“and which I will render still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings.	⁴⁵⁸ "which" he said "I will hold still more firmly. For Caesar has confirmed my rule and my power to decide the succession. To thank him for his kindness and to care for my own good, I designate these three sons of mine as kings. I put my decision under God's approval and I look for yours too. They deserve the succession, one by reason of age and the other two by their noble birth. Indeed, my kingdom is large enough for even more kings.
⁴⁵⁸ “Which concord,” he said, ”I myself shall more firmly join. For Caesar has made me master of the realm and judge of the successor; and I, in turn, repay him by consulting my own advantage. I designate these three sons of mine as kings, and I call upon God first to confirm this choice, and then upon you. For the age of the one [Antipater] and the noble birth of the others [Alexander and Aristobulus] recommend them for succession; indeed, the size of the kingdom is sufficient for even more.

⁴⁵⁹ οὓς δὲ ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν ἥνωσεν, καθίστησιν δὲ πατήρ, ὑμεῖς τηρήσατε μήτε ἀδίκους μήτε ἀνωμάλους τὰς τιμὰς διδόντες, ἑκάστῳ δὲ κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον· οὐ γὰρ τοσοῦτον εὐφρανεῖ τις τὸν παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν θεραπευόμενον, ὅσον ὀδυνήσει τὸν ἀτιμούμενον.
⁴⁵⁹ Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonored sorrowful.	⁴⁵⁹ Those whom Caesar has united and their father has appointed, you must uphold, giving none of them undue or unequal honours, but honouring each according to the order of his birth, for if you honour someone unduly, you gratify him less than you offend the one who is thereby slighted.
⁴⁵⁹ Those whom Caesar has united and their father now appoints, you must protect. Do not grant them honors that are unjust or unequal, but give to each according to his seniority. For one who is courted beyond his years will not feel as much pleasure as the one who is slighted will feel pain.

⁴⁶⁰ οὕς γε μὴν ἑκάστῳ συνεῖναι δεήσει συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους, ἐγὼ διανεμῶ καὶ τῆς ὁμονοίας ἐγγυητὰς ἐκείνους καταστήσομαι, σαφῶς ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι τὰς στάσεις καὶ τὰς φιλονεικίας γεννῶσιν αἱ τῶν συνδιατριβόντων κακοήθειαι, κἂν ὦσιν οὗτοι χρηστοί, τηροῦσιν τὰς στοργάς.
⁴⁶⁰ As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another.	⁴⁶⁰ I will appoint to each of them the advisers and friends they must consult with, and will hold them responsible for harmony, knowing well how quarrels and rivalries arise when bad advice is given, while good company promotes natural affections.
⁴⁶⁰ As for the relatives and friends who must associate with each, I shall assign them myself, making them the guarantors of harmony. For I know well that strife and rivalry are born of the malice of associates; if these are good men, they preserve affection.

⁴⁶¹ ἀξιῶ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον τούτους ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ μου ταξιάρχους ἐν ἐμοὶ μόνον τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος· οὐ γὰρ βασιλείαν, ἀλλὰ τιμὴν βασιλείας τοῖς υἱοῖς παραδίδωμι, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡδέων ὡς ἄρχοντες ἀπολαύσουσιν, τὸ βάρος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐμόν ἐστιν, κἂν μὴ θέλω.
⁴⁶¹ But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not.	⁴⁶¹ But for the present I want not only these, but also all the captains of my army, to centre their hopes on me alone, for I am not giving away my kingdom to my sons, but only give them royal titles; by which they may enjoy the easy side of government as princes, while the burden of decision rest upon myself whether I want it or not.
⁴⁶¹ I require not only these men but also the officers of my army to place their hopes in me alone for the present. For I am not handing over the kingdom to my sons, but only the honors of the kingdom. They shall enjoy the pleasures of being rulers, but the burden of affairs remains mine, whether I will it or not.

⁴⁶² σκεπτέσθω δ᾽ ἕκαστος τήν τε ἡλικίαν μου καὶ τὴν‎ ἀγωγὴν τοῦ βίου καὶ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν· οὔτε γὰρ οὕτως εἰμὶ γέρων ὥστ᾽ ἂν ἀπελπισθῆναι ταχέως, οὔτε εἰς τρυφὴν ἐκδιαιτώμενος, ἣ καὶ νέους ἐπιτέμνεται· τὸ δὲ θεῖον οὕτως τεθεραπεύκαμεν ὥστ᾽ ἂν ἐπὶ μήκιστον βίου προελθεῖν.
⁴⁶² And let everyone consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age.	⁴⁶² Let everyone consider my age, my lifestyle and my devotion, for my age is not so great that one may expect the end of my life soon; nor have I indulged in the luxurious living that cuts short the lives of the young, and I have served the Deity so well that I may reach a great age.
⁴⁶² Let each man consider my age, my way of life, and my piety. I am not so old that one should despair of me quickly, nor have I lived a life of luxury, which cuts short even the young. I have served the Divine in such a way that I may reach a very great age.

⁴⁶³ ὁ δὴ τοὺς ἐμοὺς παῖδας θεραπεύων ἐπὶ τῇ ἐμῇ καταλύσει δώσει μοι καὶ περὶ ἐκείνων δίκας· οὐ γὰρ ἐγὼ φθονῶν τοῖς ἐξ ἐμοῦ γεγενημένοις ἀνακόπτω τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτοὺς φιλοτιμίαν, ἐπιστάμενος δὲ τοῖς νέοις γίνεσθαι τὰς σπουδὰς θράσους ἐφόδιον.
⁴⁶³ But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent.	⁴⁶³ Those who cultivate a friendship with my sons aiming at my destruction will pay the price for it. I am not one to envy my own children or to forbid people to pay them respect, but I know how such compliments could make them insolent.
⁴⁶³ Whoever courts my sons to bring about my downfall shall be punished by me and on their account. It is not that I envy my own offspring by checking the ambition shown toward them, but I know that such zeal becomes a source of boldness in the young.

⁴⁶⁴ εἴ γε μὴν ἕκαστος ἐνθυμηθείη τῶν προσιόντων, ὅτι χρηστὸς μὲν ὢν παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ λήψεται τὴν‎ ἀμοιβήν, στασιάζων δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῷ θεραπευομένῳ τὸ κακόηθες ἀνόνητον ἕξει, πάντας οἶμαι τὰ ἐμὰ φρονήσειν, τουτέστιν τὰ τῶν ἐμῶν υἱῶν· καὶ γὰρ τούτοις συμφέρει κρατεῖν ἐμὲ κἀμοὶ τούτους ὁμονοεῖν.
⁴⁶⁴ And if everyone that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons’ side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them.	⁴⁶⁴ Whoever comes near them should know that if he does good I will reward him, but that if he stirs up rebellion, malicious flattery shall gain him nothing from the one he cultivates. I expect all to be on my side, that is, on my sons' side too, for it is to their advantage that I reign and to mine that they be in harmony.
⁴⁶⁴ If each of those who approach them considers that if he is a good man, he will receive a reward from me, but if he sows discord, his malice will bring no profit even from the one he courts, I believe all will be of my mind—that is, the mind of my sons. For it is to their advantage that I rule, and to mine that they remain in harmony.”

⁴⁶⁵ Ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ παῖδες ἀγαθοί, πρῶτον μὲν ἐνθυμούμενοι τὴν‎ ἱερὰν φύσιν, ἧς καὶ παρὰ θηρίοις αἱ στοργαὶ μένουσιν, ἔπειτα τὸν ποιησάμενονto make, produce, create ἡμῶν τὰς διαλλαγὰς ΚαίσαραCaesar, τρίτον ἐμὲ τὸν ἐν οἷς ἔξεστιν ἐπιτάσσειν παρακαλοῦντα, μείνατε ἀδελφοί. δίδωμι δὲ ὑμῖν ἐσθῆτα ἤδη καὶ θεραπείαν βασιλικήν· ἐπεύχομαι δὲ καὶ τῷ θεῷ τηρῆσαι τὴν‎ ἐμὴν κρίσιν, ἂν ὁμονοῆτε.»
⁴⁶⁵ But do you, O my good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you,—continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another.”	⁴⁶⁵ And you, my good children, first reflect upon sacred Nature itself, which preserves affection even among wild beasts. Think then of Caesar, who has made this reconciliation among us, and third, think of me, who ask of you instead of commanding you, continue as brothers. I give you royal robes and royal honours, and I pray to God to preserve my arrangement, so long as you are in harmony with each other."
⁴⁶⁵ And you, my good children, think first of the sacred law of nature, which keeps affection even among wild beasts; then think of Caesar, who brought about our reconciliation; and third, think of me, who entreats you where I might command. Remain brothers. I grant you even now royal dress and service, and I pray to God to preserve my decision, if you live in harmony.”

⁴⁶⁶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ φιλοφρόνως ἕκαστον τῶν υἱῶν κατασπασάμενος διέλυσεν τὸ πλῆθος, τοὺς μὲν συνευχομένους τοῖς εἰρημένοις, ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐπεθύμουν μεταβολῆς, μηδ᾽ ἀκηκοέναι προσποιουμένους.
⁴⁶⁶ When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of whom gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said.	⁴⁶⁶ With these words he embraced each of his sons in a friendly manner, and dismissed the people; some of whom agreed with what he said, while others who longed for change pretended not even to have heard what he said.
⁴⁶⁶ Having said this and affectionately embraced each of his sons, he dismissed the multitude. Some joined in his prayers, while those who desired a change of government pretended they had not even heard him.

Chapter 24
Rancour between Herod's sons.
Antipater wilier; the others accused of treason

☜ ☞

⁴⁶⁷ συναπῄει δὲ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἡ στάσις, καὶ χείρους τὰς ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ὑπονοίας ἔχοντες ἀπηλλάγησανto want to be delivered, ἈλέξανδροςAlexander μὲν καὶ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὀδυνώμενοι κεκυρωμένου ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τοῦ πρεσβείου, ἈντίπατροςAntipater δὲ καὶ τοῦ δευτερεύειν νεμεσῶν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς.
⁴⁶⁷ But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the firstborn was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him.	⁴⁶⁷ The quarrel between the brothers still continued after they parted and their suspicions of each other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were bitter that the privilege of the first-born was given to Antipater, while he was angry that his brothers were to succeed him.
⁴⁶⁷ The discord followed the brothers home, and they departed with worse suspicions of one another than before: Alexander and Aristobulus were pained that Antipater’s seniority had been confirmed, while Antipater was resentful that his brothers held even the second rank.

⁴⁶⁸ ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ποικιλώτατος ὢν τὸ ἦθος ἐχεμυθεῖν τε ᾔδει καὶ πολλῷ τῷ πανούργῳ τὸ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐκάλυπτε μῖσος, τοῖς δὲ δι᾽ εὐγένειαν πᾶν τὸ νοηθὲν ἦν ἐπὶ γλώσσης· καὶ παροξύνοντες μὲν ἐνέκειντο πολλοί, πλείους δὲ τῶν φίλων παρεδύοντο κατάσκοποι.
⁴⁶⁸ But then this last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had everything upon their tongues which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did.	⁴⁶⁸ However, being an adroit character, he knew how to hold his tongue and very cunningly hid his hatred for them. They, on the other hand, trusting on the noble lineage, spoke out all that was on their minds; and many goaded them further and many of their friends acted as spies against them.
⁴⁶⁸ But Antipater, being of an extremely versatile character, knew how to keep his mouth shut and veiled his hatred for them with deep cunning; whereas the brothers, due to their noble birth, kept every thought on their tongues. Many people were at hand to goad them on, and even more of their friends crept in as spies.

⁴⁶⁹ πᾶν δὲ τὸ παρ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander λαληθὲν εὐθέως ἦν παρ᾽ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater, καὶ μετὰ προσθήκης μετέβαινεν ἀπὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd· οὔτε γὰρ ἁπλῶς φθεγξάμενος ὁ νεανίας ἀνυπεύθυνος ἦν, ἀλλὰ εἰς διαβολὴν τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐστρέφετο, καὶ μετρίως παρρησιασαμένου μέγιστα τοῖς ἐλαχίστοις προσεπλάττετο.
⁴⁶⁹ Now everything that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say anything in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from the smallest occasions.	⁴⁶⁹ All that was said by Alexander was soon brought to Antipater and by Antipater it was passed on to Herod, with additions. Not the simplest thing the young man said failed to give offence, and anything he said was turned to calumny against him and if ever he was unguarded in his remarks, major conclusions were drawn from the smallest clues.
⁴⁶⁹ Every word spoken by Alexander was immediately with Antipater, and from Antipater it traveled to Herod with additions. For the young man could not even utter a simple remark without being held accountable; whatever was said was twisted into a slander, and if he spoke with a little too much boldness, the greatest motives were attributed to the smallest matters.

⁴⁷⁰ καθίει δ᾽ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐρεθίσοντας, ὅπως αὐτῷ τὸ ψεῦδος ἔχοι τὰς ἀφορμὰς ἀληθεῖς· καὶ τῶν φημιζομένων ἕν τι διελεγχθὲν ἅπασιν πίστιν ἐπετίθει. Καὶ τῶν μὲν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων ἢ φύσει στεγανώτατος ἦν ἕκαστος ἢ κατεσκευάζετο δωρεαῖς ὡς μηδὲν ἐκφέρεσθαι τῶν ἀπορρήτωνforbidden, καὶ τὸν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater βίον οὐκ ἂν ἥμαρτέν τις εἰπὼν κακίας μυστήριον· τοὺς δὲ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander συνόντας χρήμασιν διαφθείρων ἢ κολακείαις ὑπιὼν ἐς πάντα κατειργάσατο καὶ πεποιήκει προδότας καὶ τῶν πραττομένωνto do ἢ λαλουμένων φῶρας.
⁴⁷⁰ Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater’s friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander’s acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said.	⁴⁷⁰ Antipater was constantly getting people to provoke him to say things, to provide the lies he told of him with some basis in truth, for if only one of the many stories given out about him could be proven true, it would lend credence to the rest. His own friends were all either naturally cautious in speech, or were bribed to conceal their thoughts, so that nothing of these secrets got out through them. It would be no mistake to call the life of Antipater a mystery of evil, for he either bribed Alexander's friends, or won their favour by flattery for his own ends, getting them to betray him and reveal all that he did or said.
⁴⁷⁰ Antipater was constantly sending agents to provoke them, so that his lies might have a basis in truth. If even one of the rumors was proven, it gave credit to all the rest. As for his own friends, they were either naturally very secretive or were secured by bribes never to leak any secrets—one would not be wrong to call Antipater's life a "mystery of wickedness." However, he corrupted those around Alexander with money or crept in with flatteries, making them all his tools and turning them into traitors and thieves of words and deeds.

⁴⁷¹ πάντα δὲ περιεσκεμμένως δραματουργῶν τὰς πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd ὁδοὺς ταῖς διαβολαῖς ἐποιεῖτο τεχνικωτάτας, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀδελφοῦ προσωπεῖον ἐπικείμενος, καθιεὶς δὲ μηνυτὰς ἑτέρους. κἀπειδὰν ἀπαγγελθείη τι κατ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander, παρελθὼν ὑπεκρίνετο καὶ διασύρειν τὸ ῥηθὲν ἀρξάμενος ἔπειτα κατεσκεύαζεν ἡσυχῆ καὶ πρὸς ἀγανάκτησιν ἐξεκαλεῖτο τὸν βασιλέα.
⁴⁷¹ Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when anything was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him.	⁴⁷¹ So he acted very cunningly through it all and worked his way adroitly by his lies, seeming to be a decent brother while getting others to be informers. When anything was said against Alexander, he would come in and seem to oppose what was said, but would later secretly manage to get the king angry with him.
⁴⁷¹ Acting out the whole drama with calculation, he paved the most skillful roads for slanders to reach Herod, wearing the mask of a brother himself while sending in others as informants. Whenever a report against Alexander was brought in, he would step forward and play a part: first he would begin by making light of the remark, but then he would quietly build the case and lure the king into a state of indignation.

⁴⁷² πάντα δὲ εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν ἀνήγετο καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν τῇ σφαγῇ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐφεδρεύειν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander· οὐδὲν γὰρ οὕτως πίστιν ἐχορήγει ταῖς διαβολαῖς, ὡς ἀπολογούμενος ἈντίπατροςAntipater ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎.
⁴⁷² His general aim was this:—to lay a plot, and to make itbelieved that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did Antipater’s apologies for him.	⁴⁷² The whole aim of his plotting was to make it seem that Alexander was preparing to kill his father, and nothing gave such support to these lies as Antipater's own words on his behalf.
⁴⁷² Everything was turned into a plot, making it appear that Alexander was lying in wait to slaughter his father; for nothing gave so much credit to the slanders as Antipater’s habit of “defending” him.

⁴⁷³ Τούτοις ἩρώδηςHerod ἐξαγριούμενος ὅσον ὑφήιρει καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τῆς πρὸς τὰ μειράκια στοργῆς, τοσοῦτον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater προσετίθει. συναπέκλιναν δὲ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον οἱ μὲν ἑκόντεςwilling, readily οἱ δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, ὥσπερ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁ τιμιώτατος τῶν φίλων, οἵ τε ἀδελφοὶ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πᾶσα ἡ γενεά· πάντα γὰρ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἦν, καὶ τὰ πικρότατον ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander, πάντα ἦν ἡ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μήτηρ, σύμβουλος κατ᾽ αὐτῶν μητρυιᾶς χαλεπωτέρα καὶ πλεῖόν τι προγόνων μισοῦσα τοὺς ἐκ βασιλίδος.
⁴⁷³ By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king’s injunction, as particularly did Ptolemy, the king’s dearest friend, as also the king’s brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater’s mother was also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a stepmother, and one that hated the queen’s sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law.	⁴⁷³ By these means Herod was stirred up and just as his affection for the young men every day grew less, so much did it grow toward Antipater. The courtiers inclined in the same direction, some spontaneously and others by the king's instruction, and in particular Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, and the king's brothers and all his children. Antipater was everywhere, and what was most bitter for Alexander, Antipater's mother also was everywhere. It was she who spoke against them and was more harsh than a step-mother, and hated the queen's sons more than is usual for sons-in-law.
⁴⁷³ Herod, growing wild with these reports, added to Antipater exactly what he subtracted daily from his affection for the youths. The court officials followed this trend, some willingly and others by command, such as Ptolemy—the most honored of his friends—the king’s brothers, and the entire family. For Antipater was everything; and what was most bitter to Alexander, Antipater's mother was everything—a counselor against them more cruel than a stepmother, hating the sons of the Queen even more than her own stepchildren.

⁴⁷⁴ πάντες μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐθεράπευον ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἤδη, συναφίστα δ᾽ ἕκαστον τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως προστάγματα, παραγγείλαντος τοῖς τιμιωτάτοις μήτε προσιέναι μήτε προσέχειν τοῖς περὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander. φοβερὸς δ᾽ ἦν οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν φίλοις· οὐδενὶ γὰρ βασιλέων ΚαῖσαρCaesar τοσαύτην ἔδωκεν ἐξουσίαν, ὥστε τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ φυγόντα καὶ μὴ προσηκούσης πόλεως ἐξαγαγεῖν.
⁴⁷⁴ All men did therefore already pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king’s command which alienated everybody [from the brethren], he having given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this:—that he might fetch back anyone that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction.	⁴⁷⁴ Already all were showing respect to Antipater, in hope of promotion, and the king's own alienated people, as he had ordered his most honoured friends not to approach or pay court to Alexander's circle. Herod was feared not only by his royal household but also by his friends abroad, for Caesar had given him a privilege not given to other kings, to recall anyone who fled from him, even from a city not under his own jurisdiction.
⁴⁷⁴ All men, therefore, already courted Antipater in view of their hopes, and the king’s orders further isolated the brothers, for he commanded his most honored associates neither to approach nor pay attention to Alexander. Herod was fearsome not only to those in his kingdom but also to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given no other king such authority—the power to extradite a fugitive from a city that did not even belong to him.

⁴⁷⁵ τὰ δὲ μειράκια τὰς μὲν διαβολὰς ἠγνόειnot to know, παρὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀφυλάκτως ἐνέπιπτον αὐταῖς· οὐδὲν γὰρ ὁ πατὴρ φανερῶς ἀπεμέμφετο· συνίει δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ψύγματος καὶ πρὸς τὸ λυποῦν μᾶλλον ἐτραχύνετο. διέθηκεν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν θεῖον ΦερώρανPheroras ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐχθρωδῶς καὶ τὴν‎ τηθίδα ΣαλώμηνSalome, ὡς ἂν γαμετὴν οὖσαν, καθομιλῶν ἀεὶ καὶ παροξύνων.
⁴⁷⁵ Now the young men were not acquainted with the calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon anything that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife, and irritating her against them.	⁴⁷⁵ Unaware of these traps, the young men were left unguarded and fell into them, for their father did not blame them openly, though they gradually noticed his coldness and his heightened irritation whenever anything troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras hostile to them, and their aunt Salome too, for he was always talking privately with her and riling her against them.
⁴⁷⁵ The young men were ignorant of the slanders, which made them fall into them even more unguardedly; for the father never openly rebuked them. Yet they sensed it gradually from his coldness and grew sharper in their resentment. Antipater also set their uncle Pheroras and their aunt Salome against them as enemies, constantly conversing with her and goading her on.

⁴⁷⁶ συνήργει δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ ταύτης ἀπέχθειανhatred ἡ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander γυνὴ ΓλαφύραGlaphyra γενεαλογοῦσα τὴν‎ ἑαυτῆς εὐγένειαν, καὶ ὡς πασῶν τῶν κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον εἴη δεσπότις, κατὰ πατέρα μὲν ἀπὸ ΤημένουTemenus, κατὰ μητέρα δὲ ἀπὸ ΔαρείουDarius τοῦ ὙστάσπεωςHystaspes οὖσα.
⁴⁷⁶ Moreover, Alexander’s wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father’s side from Temenus, and by her mother’s side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes.	⁴⁷⁶ Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, also aggravated her resentment by talking about her nobility and genealogy and claiming to be the noblest lady in the kingdom, descended from Temenus through her father and from Darius, son of Hystaspes through her mother.
⁴⁷⁶ Alexander’s wife, Glaphyra, contributed to this hatred by boasting of her own lineage, claiming she was the mistress of everyone in the palace because on her father’s side she was descended from Temenus and on her mother’s side from Darius, son of Hystaspes.

⁴⁷⁷ πολλὰ δὲ ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀγένειαν τήν τε ἀδελφὴν τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας, ὧν ἑκάστη δι᾽ εὐμορφίαν οὐκ ἀπὸ γένους ἡιρέθη. πολλαὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν, ὡς ἂν ἐφειμένου τε πατρίως ἸουδαίοιςJews γαμεῖν πλείους καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡδομένου πλείοσιν, αἳ πᾶσαι διὰ τὸ μεγάλαυχον τὸ ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra καὶ τὰς λοιδορίας ἐμίσουν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander.
⁴⁷⁷ She also frequently reproached Herod’s sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,—and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra’s boasting and reproaches.	⁴⁷⁷ Furthermore, she often mocked Herod's sister and wives for their low birth, and that they were all chosen by him for their beauty rather than for their breeding. There were several of them, as the Jews of old could marry many wives, and this king had many, all of whom hated Alexander on account of Glaphyra's boasting and insults.
⁴⁷⁷ She frequently reproached Herod’s sister and his other wives for their low birth, noting that each had been chosen for her beauty and not for her family. There were many wives, as it was a traditional custom for Jews to marry several, and the king delighted in many; all of these hated Alexander because of Glaphyra’s arrogance and insults.

⁴⁷⁸ τὴν‎ δὲ δὴ ΣαλώμηνSalome καίτοι πενθερὰν οὖσαν αὐτὸς ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἑαυτῷ διεστασίασεν ὠργισμένην καὶ πρόσθεν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκ ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra βλασφημίαις· ὠνείδιζεν γὰρ τῇ γυναικὶ συνεχῶς τὴν‎ ταπεινότητα, καὶ ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ἰδιῶτιν, ὁ δ᾽ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander γήμαι βασιλίδα.
⁴⁷⁸ Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra’s reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood.	⁴⁷⁸ Aristobulus also caused a quarrel with his mother-in-law, Salome, besides her rage at Glaphyra's insults; for he constantly vilified his wife for her lowly origins and complained of being married to a commoner, while his brother Alexander had married a princess.
⁴⁷⁸ Aristobulus himself turned Salome—though she was his mother-in-law—into an angry enemy, even beyond her previous anger at Glaphyra's slurs. He constantly reproached his wife [Salome's daughter] for her low rank, saying that he had married a private citizen while his brother Alexander had married a queen.

⁴⁷⁹ τοῦτο κλαίουσα τῇ ΣαλώμῃSalome διήγγειλεν ἡ θυγάτηρ, προσετίθει δ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀδελφῶν τὰς μὲν μητέρας ἀπειλοῖεν οἱ περὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander, ἐπειδὰν παραλάβωσιν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν, ἱστουργοὺς ἅμα ταῖς δούλαις ποιήσειν, αὐτοὺς δὲ κωμῶν γραμματεῖς, ἐπισκώπτοντες ὡς πεπαιδευμένους ἐπιμελῶς. πρὸς ἃ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν οὐ κατασχοῦσα ΣαλώμηSalome πάντα διήγγειλεν ἩρώδῃHerod· σφόδρα δ᾽ ἦν ἀξιόπιστος κατὰ γαμβροῦ λέγουσα.
⁴⁷⁹ At this Salome’s daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law.	⁴⁷⁹ Salome's daughter wept at this and told her mother, adding that Alexander had threatened the mothers of his other brothers that when he became king he would make them weavers alongside their slave-girls and make his brothers into rural scribes, joking that they were well trained for such work. Salome could not contain her anger at this, but told all to Herod and her evidence could not be doubted, as she spoke against her own son-in-law.
⁴⁷⁹ The daughter reported this to Salome with tears, adding that Alexander’s party threatened that once they took the throne, they would make the mothers of the other brothers weavers alongside the slaves, and make the brothers themselves village clerks, mocking them for being so “diligently educated.” Salome, unable to contain her rage, reported all this to Herod; coming from her against her own son-in-law, it was highly believable.

⁴⁸⁰ καί τις ἑτέρα διαβολὴ συνέδραμεν ἡ τὸν θυμὸν ὑπεκκαύσασα τοῦ βασιλέως· ἤκουσεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀνακαλεῖσθαι μὲν συνεχῶς τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ κατοιμώζειν ἐπαρωμένους αὐτῷ, πολλάκις δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ διαδιδόντος τῶν ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἐσθήτων τινὰ ταῖς μεταγενεστέραις γυναιξὶν ἀπειλεῖν, ὡς ἀντὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐν τάχει περιθήσουσιν αὐταῖς ἐκ τριχῶν πεποιημένας.
⁴⁸⁰ There was also another calumny that ran abroad and inflamed the king’s mind; for he heard that these sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne’s garments to his later wives, these threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe them in no better than haircloth.	⁴⁸⁰ There was another calumny going around that heightened the king's anger, as he heard that they were always speaking about their mother, and while lamenting her did not refrain from cursing him and that when he gave gifts of any of Mariamne's robes to his later wives, these threatened to give them soon nothing but hair-cloth to wear instead of royal robes.
⁴⁸⁰ Another slander coincided with this to further inflame the king’s heart: he heard that the youths constantly invoked their mother and lamented her while cursing him. He also heard that when he distributed Mariamne's clothes to his later wives, the youths threatened that they would soon strip them of these royal robes and clothe them in haircloth.

⁴⁸¹ Διὰ ταῦτα καίτοι τὸ φρόνημα τῶν νεανίσκων ὑποδείσας, ὅμως οὐκ ἀπέκοπτε τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς διορθώσεως, ἀλλὰ προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτούς, καὶ γὰρ εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐκπλεύσειν ἔμελλεν, βραχέα μὲν ἠπείλησεν ὡς βασιλεύς, τὰ πολλὰ δὲ ἐνουθέτησεν ὡς πατήρ, καὶ φιλεῖν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς παρεκάλει διδοὺς τῶν προημαρτημένων ἄφεσιν, εἰ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἀμείνους γένοιντο.
⁴⁸¹ Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men’s high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come.	⁴⁸¹ For these reasons, though rather afraid of the young men's spirit, he did not give up hope of bringing them to a better mind, so before sailing to Rome he called them to him and both threatened them in royal fashion and also paternally admonished them, urging them to love their siblings, saying that he would pardon their former offences, if they amended in future.
⁴⁸¹ Because of this, although Herod feared the high spirit of the young men, he did not cut off the hope of correcting them. Calling them to him—as he was about to sail for Rome—he threatened them briefly as a king but admonished them at length as a father, urging them to love their brothers and offering forgiveness for past faults if they would be better in the future.

⁴⁸² οἱ δὲ τὰς μὲν διαβολὰς ἀπεσκευάζοντο ψευδεῖς εἶναι λέγοντες, πιστώσεσθαι δὲ τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν τοῖς ἔργοις ἔφασκονto say, affirm· δεῖν μέντοι κἀκεῖνον ἀποφράττειν τὰς λογοποιίας τῷ μὴ πιστεύειν ῥᾳδίως· οὐ γὰρ ἐπιλείψειν τοὺς καταψευσομένους αὐτῶν, ἕως ἂν ὁ πειθόμενος ᾖ.
⁴⁸² But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.	⁴⁸² But they denied the calumnies against them as false and claimed that their actions were just. They said that he should shut his ears against such tales and not be so quick to believe them, for there were plenty to tell lies against them, if anyone listened.
⁴⁸² They brushed off the slanders, saying they were false, and claimed their actions would prove their defense; they said, however, that he too must block these story-makers by not being so quick to believe them, for there would never be a shortage of liars as long as there was someone willing to listen.

⁴⁸³ Τούτοις ὡς πατέρα πείσαντες ταχέως τὸν μὲν ἐν χερσὶν φόβον διεκρούσαντο, τὴν‎ δ᾽ εἰς τὰ μέλλοντα λύπην προσέλαβον· ἔγνωσαν γὰρ τήν τε ΣαλώμηνSalome ἐχθρὰν καὶ τὸν θεῖον ΦερώρανPheroras· ἦσαν δὲ βαρεῖς [μὲν ] ἀμφότεραι καὶ χαλεποί, ΦερώραςPheroras δὲ μείζων, ὃς πάσης μὲν ἐκοινώνει τῆς βασιλείας πλὴν διαδήματος, προσόδους δὲ ἰδίας εἶχεν ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, τὴν‎ δὲ πέραν ἸορδάνουJordan πᾶσαν ἐκαρποῦτο χώραν λαβὼν παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ δῶρον, ὃς αὐτὸν ἐποίησεν καὶ τετράρχην αἰτησάμενος παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, βασιλικῶν τε γάμων ἠξίωσεν συνοικίσας ἀδελφὴν τῆς ἰδίας γυναικός· μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκείνης τελευτὴν καθωσίωσε τὴν‎ πρεσβυτάτην τῶν ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρων ἐπὶ προικὶ τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις.
⁴⁸³ When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterwards; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife’s sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents;	⁴⁸³ Their immediate fear ebbed when their father agreed with this, but soon they had another worry on learning of the hostility of Salome and their uncle Pheroras. Both were significant and dangerous, especially Pheroras, who shared with Herod in everything to do with the kingship, except his crown. With his income of a hundred talents he also had the revenue from all the land beyond the Jordan which he had received as a gift from his brother, whom Caesar had made a tetrarch at his own request. Herod had taken a wife of royal blood, his own wife's sister, and after her death Herod pledged him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents.
⁴⁸³ Having quickly persuaded him as a father, they warded off the immediate fear but added to their future sorrow; for they knew that Salome and their uncle Pheroras were their enemies. Both were heavy and difficult foes, but Pheroras was the more significant; he shared in the entire kingdom except for the diadem. He had personal revenues of a hundred talents and enjoyed the fruits of the entire region beyond the Jordan, a gift from his brother, who had also made him a Tetrarch by requesting it from Caesar. Herod even honored him with a royal marriage to his own wife's sister. After her death, Herod betrothed his eldest daughter to him with a dowry of three hundred talents.

⁴⁸⁴ ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέδρα ΦερώραςPheroras τὸν βασιλικὸν γάμον πρὸς ἔρωταto ask δούλης, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ χαλεπήνας ἩρώδηςHerod τὴν‎ μὲν θυγατέρα τῷ πρὸς ΠάρθωνParthians ὕστερον ἀναιρεθέντι συνέζευξεν ἀδελφιδῷ· ΦερώρᾳPheroras δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἀνίει διδοὺς συγγνώμην τῇ νόσῳ.
⁴⁸⁴ but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother’s son of his [Joseph], who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maidservant.	⁴⁸⁴ Pheroras refused this royal marriage, out of love for a slave-girl, which angered Herod and he married the daughter to his brother's son who was later killed by the Parthians, but after some time he set aside his anger against Pheroras and pardoned him for yielding to his passion.
⁴⁸⁴ But Pheroras shunned the royal marriage out of love for a slave girl. Herod, enraged at this, married his daughter to his nephew (who was later killed by the Parthians); but not long after, he let go of his anger and forgave Pheroras’s “sickness” [his infatuation].

⁴⁸⁵ Διεβάλλετο δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν ἔτι ζώσης τῆς βασιλίδος ἐπιβουλεύειν αὐτῷ φαρμάκοις, τότε δὲ πλεῖστοι μηνυταὶ προσῄεσαν, ὡς καίπερ φιλαδελφότατον ὄντα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς πίστιν ὑπαχθῆναι τῶν λεγομένων καὶ δέος. πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ἐν ὑπονοίᾳ βασανίσας τελευταῖον ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ΦερώρουPheroras φίλους.
⁴⁸⁵ Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras’s own friends;	⁴⁸⁵ Long before, while the queen was alive, Pheroras had been accused of plotting to poison him and so many informed on him that Herod, though very fond of his brothers, came to believe what was said and to fear it. When he had tortured many who were under suspicion, he finally came to Pheroras' own friends.
⁴⁸⁵ Pheroras had long been slandered—even while the Queen was alive—for allegedly plotting to poison Herod. At this time, so many informants came forward that Herod, despite being a most devoted brother, was led to belief and fear. After torturing many of those under suspicion, he finally came to Pheroras’s friends.

⁴⁸⁶ ὧν ἐπιβουλὴν μὲν ἄντικρυς ὡμολόγησεν οὐδείς, ὅτι δὲ τὴν‎ ἐρωμένην ἁρπασάμενος εἰς ΠάρθουςParthians ἀποδρᾶναι παρεσκευάζετο, συμμέτοχοι δὲ τοῦ σκέμματος αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς φυγῆς ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ὁ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἀνήρ, ᾧ συνώικισεν αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ μοιχείᾳ τοῦ προτέρου διαφθαρέντος.
⁴⁸⁶ none of whom did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his.	⁴⁸⁶ None of them openly confessed the crime, but they admitted that he was preparing to flee to the Parthians with the woman he loved, with the help of Costobarus, Salome's husband, a marriage arranged by the king when her former husband was executed for adultery.
⁴⁸⁶ None of them confessed to an outright plot, but they did reveal that Pheroras was preparing to flee to the Parthians^[1] with his mistress, and that Costobarus, Salome's husband, was a partner in this plan. Herod had previously married Salome to Costobarus after her first husband was executed for adultery.

^[1]The mention of fleeing to Parthia was the ultimate red flag for a Roman client king, as Parthia was Rome’s greatest rival.

⁴⁸⁷ ἦν δ᾽ ἐλευθέρα διαβολῆς οὐδὲ ΣαλώμηSalome· καὶ γὰρ αὐτῆς ΦερώραςPheroras ἁδελφὸς κατηγόρει συνθήκας περὶ γάμου πρὸς ΣυλλαῖονSilleus τὸν ὈβαίδαObodas τοῦ ἈράβωνArabian βασιλέως ἐπίτροπον, ὃς ἦν ἐχθρότατος ἩρώδῃHerod. διελεγχθεῖσα δὲ καὶ τοῦτο καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ΦερώραςPheroras ἐνεκάλει, συγγινώσκεται· καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ ΦερώρανPheroras ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπέλυσεν τῶν ἐγκλημάτων.
⁴⁸⁷ Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.	⁴⁸⁷ Not even Salome was spared from calumny as Pheroras her brother alleged that she had made a marriage agreement with Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was Herod's bitter enemy, but even when convicted of this and of all that Pheroras said about her her, she was pardoned. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself for the charges against him.
⁴⁸⁷ Even Salome was not free from slander; for her own brother Pheroras accused her of making a marriage pact with Syllaeus, the administrator of Obodas, King of the Arabs, who was Herod's bitterest enemy. Although she was convicted of this and everything Pheroras charged, she was forgiven; and the king also acquitted Pheroras of the charges against him.

⁴⁸⁸ Μετέβαινεν δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὁ χειμὼν τῆς οἰκίας καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου κεφαλὴν ὅλος ἀπηρείσατο. τρεῖς ἦσαν εὐνοῦχοι τιμιώτατοι τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ δῆλον ἐξ ὧν ἐλειτούργουν· τῷ μὲν γὰρ οἰνοχοεῖν προσετέτακτο, τῷ δὲ δεῖπνον προσφέρειν, ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸν κατεκοίμιζέν τε καὶ συγκατεκλίνετο.
⁴⁸⁸ But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him.	⁴⁸⁸ But the fury of the whole family shifted to Alexander and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs highly esteemed by the king, as was clear from the offices they held under him: one was his butler, another prepared his supper and the third helped him into bed and slept near him.
⁴⁸⁸ The storm of the house then shifted back to Alexander and broke entirely over his head. There were three eunuchs highly valued by the king: one was the cupbearer, one brought the dinner, and the third helped him to bed and slept in his chamber.

⁴⁸⁹ τούτους εἰς τὰ παιδικὰ δώροις μεγάλοις ὑπηγάγετο ὁ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander. μηνυθὲν δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ διηλέγχοντο βασάνοις, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν συνουσίαν εὐθέως ὡμολόγουν, ἐξέφερον δὲ καὶ τὰς εἰς αὐτὴν ὑποσχέσεις, ὃν τρόπον ἀπατηθεῖεν ὑπὸ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander λέγοντος,
⁴⁸⁹ Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they were deluded by Alexander,	⁴⁸⁹ By large gifts, Alexander had persuaded these men to be his bedfellows, and when this was told to the king, they were tortured and found guilty and soon confessed to their criminal intercourse with them. They also revealed the promises by which they were induced to do so and how they were tricked by Alexander,
⁴⁸⁹ Alexander had won these men over with great gifts. When this was reported to the king, they were examined under torture. They immediately confessed to their intimacy with him, but they also revealed his promises—how they had been deceived by Alexander saying:

⁴⁹⁰ ὡς οὐκ ἐν ἩρώδῃHerod δέοι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἀναιδεῖ γέροντι καὶ βαπτομένῳ τὰς κόμας, εἰ μὴ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν οἴονται καὶ νέον, αὐτῷ δὲ προσέχειν, ὃς καὶ παρὰ ἄκοντος διαδέξεται τὴν‎ βασιλείαν οὐκ εἰς μακράν τε τοὺς μὲν ἐχθροὺς ἀμυνεῖται, τοὺς φίλους δ᾽ εὐδαίμονας ποιήσει καὶ μακαρίους, πρὸ πάντων δὲ αὐτούς·
⁴⁹⁰ who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place;	⁴⁹⁰ telling them not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man who shamelessly dyed his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again, but to pay attention to the one who was to succeed him as king, whether Herod wanted it or not, and who would soon deal with his enemies and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves above all.
⁴⁹⁰ That they should not place their hopes in Herod, a shameless old man who dyed his hair—unless they thought him young for that very reason—but should look to him, who would succeed to the kingdom even against his father's will. He promised he would soon take vengeance on his enemies and make his friends prosperous and blessed, and them above all.

⁴⁹¹ εἶναι δὲ καὶ θεραπείαν τῶν δυνατῶν περὶ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander λαθραίαν, τούς τε ἡγεμόνας τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ καὶ τοὺς ταξιάρχους κρύφα πρὸς αὐτὸν συνιέναι.
⁴⁹¹ that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him.	⁴⁹¹ They said that the men of influence already covertly paid their respects to Alexander and that the military leaders and officers came to him in secret.
⁴⁹¹ They also revealed that the powerful men secretly courted Alexander, and that the military commanders and officers met with him in private.

⁴⁹² Ταῦτα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd οὕτως ἐξεφόβησεν, ὡς μηδὲ παραχρῆμα τολμῆσαι τὰς μηνύσεις ἐκφέρειν, ἀλλὰ κατασκόπους ὑποπέμπων νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἕκαστα τῶν πραττομένωνto do ἢ λεγομένων διηρεύνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ὑποψίαις εὐθέως ἀνῄρει.
⁴⁹² These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death,	⁴⁹² These confessions so terrified Herod that he dared not publish them immediately, but sent spies around by night and by day, to closely inquire into all that was being done and said, and he summarily executed any who fell under suspicion.
⁴⁹² This so terrified Herod that he did not dare to publish the reports immediately. Instead, he sent out spies by night and day to investigate every word and deed, and he immediately executed anyone under suspicion.

⁴⁹³ δεινῆς δὲ ἀνομίας ἐνεπλήσθη τὸ βασίλειον· κατὰ γὰρ ἔχθραν ἢ μῖσος ἴδιον ἕκαστος ἔπλασσεν τὰς διαβολάς, καὶ πολλοὶ πρὸς τοὺς διαφόρους φονῶντι τῷ βασιλικῷ θυμῷ κατεχρῶντο. Καὶ τὸ μὲν ψεῦδος εἶχεν παραχρῆμα πίστιν, αἱ κολάσεις δὲ τῶν διαβολῶν ἦσαν ὠκύτεραι. κατηγορεῖτο γοῦν τις ἄρτι κατηγορήσας, καὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτοῦ‎ διελεγχθέντι συναπήγετο· τὰς γὰρ ἐξετάσεις τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς κίνδυνος ἐπετέμνετο.
⁴⁹³ insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for everybody forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king’s bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short.	⁴⁹³ The palace was soon full of horrible injustices as everyone made up lies according to their enmity or hatred for others, and there were many who used the king's bloody passion to harm those with whom they had quarreled. Calumnies were easily believed and penalties inflicted as soon as the lies were told. The man who shortly before had been accusing another found himself accused and led away to execution along with the one he had convicted, for the danger to the king's life cut the process very short.
⁴⁹³ The palace was filled with terrible lawlessness; for everyone, out of personal enmity or hatred, fabricated slanders, and many used the king’s murderous rage against their own rivals. A lie gained immediate credit, and the punishments were swifter than the slanders. Indeed, a man might be accused just after having accused another, and be led off to death along with his own victim; for the king's investigations were cut short by the danger to his life.

⁴⁹⁴ προύβη δ᾽ εἰς τοσοῦτον πικρίας, ὡς μηδὲ τῶν ἀκαταιτιάτων τινὶ προσβλέπειν ἡμέρως, εἶναι δὲ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἀπηνέστατος· πολλοῖς γοῦν αὐτῶν ἀπεῖπεν τὸ βασίλειον, καὶ πρὸς οὓς οὐκ εἶχεν χειρὸς ἐξουσίαν τῷ λόγῳ χαλεπὸς ἦν.
⁴⁹⁴ He also proceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually he spake harshly.	⁴⁹⁴ He became so bitter that he could not look calmly even on those who were not accused, and was cruellest to his own friends. He forbade many of them to come to court and spoke harshly to those whom he could not actually punish.
⁴⁹⁴ He reached such a point of bitterness that he could not look mildly even upon those not accused, and he became most harsh toward his friends. He banned many of them from the palace, and toward those over whom he had no physical power, he was cruel in speech.

⁴⁹⁵ συνεπέβη δὲ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander καὶ στῖφος ποιήσας τῶν συγγενῶν οὐκ ἔστιν ἥντινα διαβολὴν παρέλιπεν. προήχθη γέ τοι πρὸς τοσοῦτον δέος ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τῆς τερατείας αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῶν συνταγμάτων, ὡς ἐφεστάναι δοκεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ξιφήρη.
⁴⁹⁵ But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand.	⁴⁹⁵ To add to Alexander's troubles Antipater stirred up a group of his relatives to invent all sorts of lies against him and the king was so terrified by those slanders that he fancied he saw Alexander coming at him, sword in hand.
⁴⁹⁵ In these calamities, Antipater fell upon Alexander, and having organized a band of kinsmen, he left no slander unused. The king was driven to such terror by Antipater’s monstrous tales and fabricated reports that he imagined Alexander standing over him with a drawn sword.

⁴⁹⁶ συλλαβὼν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐξαπίνης ἔδησεν καὶ πρὸς βάσανον ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ‎. σιγῶντες δὲ ἀπέθνησκον πολλοὶ καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὲρ τὸ συνειδὸς εἰπόντες· οἱ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλγηδόνων ψεύσασθαι βιασθέντες ἔλεγον, ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι τε αὐτῷ μετὰ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ παραφυλάττει κυνηγοῦντα κτείνας εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀποδρᾶναι.
⁴⁹⁶ So he caused him to be seized upon immediately, and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say anything against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome.	⁴⁹⁶ Without hesitation he put him in chains and examined his friends under torture, many of whom died in silence without saying anything against their consciences, but some, being forced to lie under torture, said that Alexander and his brother Aristobulus were plotting against him and awaiting a chance to kill him out hunting, and then escape to Rome.
⁴⁹⁶ He therefore suddenly seized him, threw him in chains, and proceeded to torture his friends. Many died in silence, saying nothing beyond what their conscience allowed; but others, forced by pain to lie, said that he was plotting with his brother Aristobulus and was waiting for the chance to kill Herod while hunting, and then flee to Rome.

⁴⁹⁷ τούτοις καίπερ οὐ πιθανοῖς οὖσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἐσχεδιασμένοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπίστευσεν ἡδέως, παραμυθίαν λαμβάνων τοῦ δῆσαι τὸν υἱὸν τὸ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀδίκως.
⁴⁹⁷ These accusations though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly.	⁴⁹⁷ Though quite incredible and only made because of their terrible plight, these accusations were readily believed by the king, who felt comforted when it seemed he had not been unjust to imprison his son.
⁴⁹⁷ Though these stories were not plausible but merely improvised under necessity, the king believed them gladly, finding a consolation for having imprisoned his son in the thought that he had not done so unjustly.

Chapter 25
Herod's son Archelaus reconciles him
with Alexander and Pheroras

☜ ☞

⁴⁹⁸ Ὁ δ᾽ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἐπεὶ τὸν πατέρα μεταπείθειν ἀμήχανον ἑώρα, τοῖς δεινοῖς ὁμόσε χωρεῖν διέγνω, καὶ τέσσαρας κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν βίβλους συνταξάμενος προσωμολόγει μὲν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν, κοινωνοὺς δ᾽ ἀπεδείκνυεν τοὺς πλείστους αὐτῶν, πρὸ δὲ πάντων ΦερώρανPheroras καὶ ΣαλώμηνSalome· ταύτην γὰρ δὴ καὶ μιγῆναί ποτε αὐτῷ μὴ θέλοντι νύκτωρ εἰσβιασαμένην.
⁴⁹⁸ Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie with her in the nighttime, whether he would or no.	⁴⁹⁸ When Alexander saw that he could not win over his father, he decided to confront his grave problems and composed four books against his enemies There he admitted to the plot, but said that most of them had been in it with him, above all Pheroras and Salome, and that Salome had once come at night and forced him to lie with her, despite his wishes.
⁴⁹⁸ When Alexander saw that it was impossible to change his father’s mind, he resolved to meet the danger head-on. He composed four books against his enemies, in which he "confessed" to the plot but named most of them as accomplices—chiefly Pheroras and Salome. He even claimed that Salome had once forced her way into his room at night and tried to compel him to lie with her against his will.

⁴⁹⁹ αἵ τε οὖν βίβλοι παρῆσαν εἰς χεῖρας ἩρώδῃHerod πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ κατὰ τῶν δυνατωτάτων βοῶσαι, καὶ διὰ τάχους εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἀφικνεῖται περὶ τῷ γαμβρῷ καὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ δείσας. γίνεται δὲ βοηθὸς αὐτοῖς μάλα προμηθὴς καὶ τέχνῃ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπειλὴν διεκρούσατο.
⁴⁹⁹ These books were put into Herod’s hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to execute what he had threatened;	⁴⁹⁹ When these books were put into Herod's hands they shockingly implicated people of the highest rank. Archelaus soon came to Judea, fearing for his son-in-law and his daughter, and by a shrewd ruse deflected the king from doing as he had threatened.
⁴⁹⁹ These books came into Herod’s hands, crying out many terrible accusations against his most powerful associates. Meanwhile, Archelaus^[1] arrived in Judea in great haste, fearing for his son-in-law and his daughter [Glaphyra]. He became a most resourceful helper to them, using craft to parry the king’s threats.

^[1]Archelaus, king of Cappadocia arrives c.10-9 BC.

⁵⁰⁰ συμβαλὼν γὰρ εὐθέως αὐτῷ « ποῦ ποτέ ἐστιν ὁ ἀλιτήριός μου γαμβρός, ἐβόα, ποῦ δὲ τὴν‎ πατροκτόνον ὄψομαι κεφαλήν, ἣν ταῖς ἐμαυτοῦ χερσὶν διασπαράξω; προσθήσω δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα μου τῷ καλῷ νυμφίῳ· καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ κεκοινώνηκεν τοῦ σκέμματος, ὅτι τοιούτου γυνὴ γέγονεν, μεμίανται.
⁵⁰⁰ for when he was come to him, he cried out, “Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted.	⁵⁰⁰ For when he came he instantly called out, "Where is my son-in-law, the wretch? Let me see the face of the man who planned to murder his father, for I will tear him to pieces with my own hands! My daughter, too, I will treat the same as her fine husband, for even if she did not share in the plot, as the wife of such a man she is polluted.
⁵⁰⁰ As soon as he met Herod, he began to shout: “Where is my cursed son-in-law? Where shall I see that parricidal head, which I shall tear to pieces with my own hands? I will treat my daughter the same way for this 'noble' bridegroom; for even if she did not share in the plot, she is tainted by the mere fact of being the wife of such a man!

⁵⁰¹ θαυμάζω δὲ καὶ σὲ τὸν ἐπιβουλευθέντα τῆς ἀνεξικακίας, εἰ ζῇ μέχρι νῦν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander· ἐγὼ γὰρ ἠπειγόμην ἀπὸ ΚαππαδοκίαςCappadocia ὡς τὸν μὲν εὑρήσων πάλαι δεδωκότα δίκας, μετὰ δὲ σοῦ περὶ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐξετάσων, ἣν ἐκείνῳ γε πρὸς τὸ σὸνyou, yours ἀξίωμα βλέπων ἐνεγγύησα. νῦν δὲ περὶ ἀμφοῖν ἡμῖν βουλευτέον, κἂν ᾖς πατὴρ λίαν ἢ τοῦ κολάζειν υἱὸν ἀτονώτερος ἐπίβουλον, ἀμείψωμεν τὰς δεξιὰς καὶ γενώμεθα τῆς ἀλλήλων ὀργῆς διάδοχοι.»
⁵⁰¹ And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee, and thy dignity, I had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion.”	⁵⁰¹ I must admire your patience that Alexander is still alive, after this plot against you, for as I hurried here from Cappadocia, I expected to find him long since put to death for his crimes. But on account of my daughter, whom I gave to him in marriage out of regard for you, we need to consider them both. If you are too kind a father to punish your son who has schemed against you, let us shake hands and be content to join each other in leaving a legacy of outrage."
⁵⁰¹ I am amazed at you, the victim of the plot, for your forbearance—that Alexander still lives! I hurried from Cappadocia thinking I would find him long since punished, so that I might confer with you regarding my daughter, whom I betrothed to him only out of respect for your dignity. Now we must deliberate concerning both of them. Even if you are too much a father, or too weak to punish a son who is a traitor, let us exchange our right hands and succeed to one another’s rage!”

⁵⁰² Τούτοις περικομπήσας καίπερ παρατεταγμένον ἩρώδηνHerōd ὑπάγεται· δίδωσι γοῦν αὐτῷ τὰς συνταχθείσας ὑπ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander βίβλους ἀναγνῶναι καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐφιστὰς κεφάλαιον συνεσκέπτετο. λαμβάνει δ᾽ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἀφορμὴν τοῦ στρατηγήματος καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς τοὺς ἐγγεγραμμένους καὶ ΦερώρανPheroras μετήγαγεν τὰς αἰτίας.
⁵⁰² When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archelaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras;	⁵⁰² With this fine declaration, he got Herod, though still highly troubled, to relent his anger. Then he let him read the volumes composed by Alexander, and he reflected on each of its chapters, individually. By this ruse Archelaus gradually laid the blame on those mentioned in them, including Pheroras.
⁵⁰² By these hyperbolic outbursts, Archelaus won over Herod, even though the king had been prepared for a confrontation. Herod gave him the books Alexander had written to read, and they examined each chapter together. Archelaus seized this opportunity for his stratagem and gradually shifted the blame onto those named in the writings, especially Pheroras.

⁵⁰³ ὡς δ᾽ ἑώρα πιστεύοντα τὸν βασιλέα, « σκεπτέον, ἔφη, μή ποτε τὸ μειράκιον ὑπὸ τοσούτων εἴη πονηρῶν ἐπιβουλευόμενον, οὐχ ὑπὸ τοῦ μειρακίου σύ· καὶ γὰρ οὐχ ὁρᾶν αἰτίαν, ἐξ ἧς ἂν εἰς τηλικοῦτον μύσος προέπεσεν, ἀπολαύων μὲν ἤδη βασιλείας, ἐλπίζων δὲ καὶ διαδοχήν, εἰ μή τινες ἦσαν ἀναπείθοντες καὶ τὸ τῆς ἡλικίας εὔκολον ἐπὶ κακῷ μεταχειριζόμενοι. διὰ γὰρ τῶν τοιούτων ἐξαπατᾶσθαι μὲν οὐκ ἐφήβους μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ γέροντας, οἴκους δὲ λαμπροτάτους καὶ βασιλείας ὅλαςwhole, entire ἀνατρέπεσθαι.»
⁵⁰³ and when he saw that the king believed him [to be in earnest], he said, “We must consider whether the young man be not himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned.”	⁵⁰³ When he saw how the king believed him, he said, "We must wonder whether instead of conspiring against you, the young man was not himself conspired against by some villains, for I cannot see any reason he would fall into such a crime, since he already enjoys the advantages of royalty and is due to become one of your successors, unless others persuaded him to it, abusing the fact that young men are easily persuaded. Sometimes such people can lead astray not only young men, but also old men too, and can ruin even the most splendid families and kingdoms."
⁵⁰³ Seeing the king began to believe him, Archelaus said: “We ought to consider whether the youth is being plotted against by so many villains, rather than you being plotted against by the youth. For I see no reason why he would fall into such a foul crime—since he already enjoys the kingdom and expects the succession—unless there were people persuading him and using the easy nature of his age for evil. By such means, not only youths but even old men are deceived, and the most spendid houses and entire kingdoms are overturned.”

⁵⁰⁴ Συνῄνει τοῖς λεγομένοις ἩρώδηςHerod, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν πρὸς ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὀργὴν ἐπανίει πρὸς ὀλίγον, πρὸς δὲ ΦερώρανPheroras παρωξύνετο· τῶν γὰρ τεσσάρων βίβλων οὗτος ἦν ὑπόθεσις. ὃς κατιδὼν τό τε τοῦ βασιλέως ὀξύρροπον καὶ τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus φιλίαν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντων κρατοῦσαν, ὡς οὐκ ἐνῆν εὐσχήμονι σωτηρία, τὴν‎ δι᾽ ἀναιδείας ἐπορίζετο· καταλείψας γοῦν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander προσέφυγεν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus.
⁵⁰⁴ Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that the king’s inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus’s friendship could do everything with him, and that he had no honorable method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus,	⁵⁰⁴ Herod agreed with what he said, and gradually calmed his anger at Alexander, but was furious with Pheroras, the main target of the four books. This man, realizing the sudden change in the king's mood and that Archelaus' friendship had total influence on him and that he had no honourable way out, he saved himself by a bold stroke; turning his back on Alexander he appealed to Archelaus.
⁵⁰⁴ Herod agreed with these words. His anger toward Alexander relaxed a little, but he grew increasingly incensed toward Pheroras, who was the main subject of the four books. Pheroras, seeing the king’s sudden shift and that Archelaus’s friendship now outweighed everything else, realized there was no honorable way to save himself and turned to shamelessness: he abandoned Alexander and fled to Archelaus for protection.

⁵⁰⁵ κἀκεῖνος οὐχ ὁρᾶν ἔφη, πῶς ἂν αὐτὸν ἐξαιτήσαιτο τοσούτοις ἐνεχόμενον ἐγκλήμασιν, ἐξ ὧν σαφῶς ἀποδείκνυται τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπίβουλος καὶ τῶν παρόντων τῷ μειρακίῳ κακῶν αἴτιος γεγονώς, εἰ μὴ βούλεται τὸ πανοῦργον καὶ τὰς ἀρνήσεις ἀφεὶς προσομολογῆσαι μὲν τὰ κατηγορημένα, συγγνώμην δ᾽ αἰτήσασθαι παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ καὶ φιλοῦντος· εἰς γὰρ τοῦτο πάντα τρόπον αὐτὸς συνεργήσειν.
⁵⁰⁵ who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able.	⁵⁰⁵ He replied that he could not see how to get him excused after being involved in such crimes, which clearly proved his scheming against the king and getting the young man into trouble. His only hope was to stop scheming and denying the charges and confess and beg pardon of his brother, who still felt kindly toward him; and if he did so, Archelaus would help him all he could.
⁵⁰⁵ Archelaus told him he did not see how he could plead for a man involved in such grave charges—one clearly proven to be a plotter against the king and the cause of the youth’s current miseries—unless Pheroras was willing to drop his cunning and denials, confess to the accusations, and beg for mercy from his brother who still loved him. If he did this, Archelaus promised to help him by every means possible.

⁵⁰⁶ πείθεται ΦερώραςPheroras, καὶ κατασκευάσας ἑαυτόν, ὡς ἂν οἰκτρότατος φανείη, μελαίνῃ τε ἐσθῆτι καὶ δακρύοις προσπίπτει τοῖς ἩρώδουHerod ποσίν, ὡς πολλάκις ἔτυχεν συγγνώμης αἰτούμενος καὶ μιαρὸν μὲν ἑαυτὸν ὁμολογῶν, δεδρακέναι γὰρ πάντα, ὅσα κατηγοροῖτο, παρακοπὴν δὲ φρενῶν καὶ μανίαν ὀδυρόμενος, ἧς αἴτιον εἶναι τὸν ἔρωταto ask τῆς γυναικὸς ἔλεγεν.
⁵⁰⁶ With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod’s feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of everything that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to.	⁵⁰⁶ Pheroras took this advice and in order to win mercy came dressed in black and with tears in his eyes and threw himself down at Herod's feet, imploring for pardon and admitting he was guilty of all the accusations, and regretting the madness and foolishness to which, he said, the love of a woman had brought him.
⁵⁰⁶ Pheroras was persuaded. Dressing himself to appear as piteous as possible in black mourning clothes^[1] and with tears, he threw himself at Herod’s feet, begging for forgiveness and confessing himself a wretch who had done everything he was accused of. He lamented his loss of reason and his “madness,” the cause of which, he claimed, was his love for his wife.

^[1]In the ancient Mediterranean, black clothing was the standard “suppliant” uniform, intended to signal mourning and extreme humility, designed to shame the person in power into showing mercy.

⁵⁰⁷ παραστήσας δὴ κατήγορον καὶ μάρτυν ἑαυτοῦ ΦερώρανPheroras ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus οὕτως ἤδη παρῃτεῖτο καὶ τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod κατέστελλεν ὀργὴν χρώμενος οἰκείοις ὑποδείγμασιν· καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς πολλῷ χαλεπώτερα πάσχων ὑπὸ τἀδελφοῦ τῆς ἀμύνης ἐπίπροσθεν τίθεσθαι τὸ τῆς φύσεως δίκαιον· ἐν γὰρ ταῖς βασιλείαις ὥσπερ ἐν μεγάλοις σώμασιν ἀεί τι μέρος φλεγμαίνειν ὑπὸ τοῦ βάρους, ὅπερ ἀποκόπτειν μὲν οὐ χρῆναι, θεραπεύειν δὲ πραιότερον.
⁵⁰⁷ So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod’s anger towards him, and this by using certain domestic examples; for that when he had suffered much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he preferred the obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body’s weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.	⁵⁰⁷ After getting Pheroras to testify against himself, Archelaus made excuses for him and mitigated Herod's anger at him by using personal examples; for instance, when he had suffered even greater harms from his own brother, he had put the duty of nature before the passion of revenge. Kingdoms are like large bodies, where even if one member is swollen by the body's weight, the right thing is not to cut it off, but to heal it by a gentle cure.
⁵⁰⁷ Having thus produced Pheroras as his own accuser and witness, Archelaus finally began his plea for Alexander and calmed Herod’s anger using examples from his own family. He said that he himself, though suffering much worse things from his own brother, preferred the law of nature over vengeance. “For in kingdoms,” he said, “as in great bodies, some part is always inflamed by the sheer weight of it; one must not cut this part off, but treat it with gentleness.”

⁵⁰⁸ Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων ἩρώδηνHerōd μὲν ἐπὶ ΦερώρᾳPheroras μειλίσσεται, διέμενε δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀγανακτῶν πρὸς ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα διαζεύξας ἀπάξειν ἔφασκεν, ἕως περιέστησεν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀντιπαρακαλεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μειρακίου καὶ πάλιν αὐτῷ μνηστεύεσθαι τὴν‎ θυγατέρα. σφόδρα δὲ ἀξιοπίστωςtrustworthy ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ᾧ βούλεται συνοικίζειν αὐτὴν ἐπέτρεπεν πλὴν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander· περὶ πλείστου γὰρ ποιεῖσθαι τηρεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ τῆς ἐπιγαμίας δίκαια.
⁵⁰⁸ Upon Archelaus’s saying this, and much more to the same purpose, Herod’s displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to anyone else, but not to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage, that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved.	⁵⁰⁸ As he said this and more in the same vein, Herod's anger at Pheroras calmed down, but he stuck to his anger at Alexander and said that he would have his daughter divorced and taken from him. But eventually Herod was brought around to asking Archelaus on the young man's behalf to let his daughter remain his spouse. As a ruse, Archelaus said that he was free to espouse her to anyone except Alexander, though he regarded it as vital to keep the marriage intact.
⁵⁰⁸ By saying many such things, he softened Herod toward Pheroras, but Archelaus himself continued to pretend he was indignant at Alexander. He even threatened to take his daughter away and dissolve the marriage, until he brought Herod around to the point where Herod himself pleaded for the youth and begged Archelaus to keep his daughter betrothed to him. Archelaus, with great plausibility, initially offered to marry her to anyone else Herod wished, insisting that his primary concern was to maintain his ties of alliance with Herod.

⁵⁰⁹ φαμένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως δῶρον ἕξειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν υἱόν, εἰ μὴ λύσειεν τὸν γάμον, ὄντων μὲν αὐτοῖς ἤδη καὶ τέκνων, στεργομένης δ᾽ οὕτως ὑπὸ τοῦ μειρακίου τῆς γυναικός, ἣν παραμένουσαν μὲν ἔσεσθαι δυσώπημα τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, ἀπορραγεῖσαν δὲ αἰτίαν τῆς εἰς ἅπαντα ἀπογνώσεως· μαλακωτέρας γὰρ γίνεσθαι τὰς τόλμας πάθεσιν οἰκείοις περισπωμένας·
⁵⁰⁹ And when the king said that his son would take it for a great favor done to him, if he would not dissolve the marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men’s attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their affections at home.	⁵⁰⁹ The king then said that his son would take it as a great favour not to dissolve the marriage, especially since she and the young man already had children. After all, he dearly loved his wife, and while she remained with him she would be a good influence to keep him from offending, but her removal would drive him to desperation, while his passions would best be calmed if they were focused at home.
⁵⁰⁹ The king replied that Alexander would receive his son as a gift from Archelaus if the marriage were not dissolved—noting that they already had children and that the youth loved his wife so dearly. Herod argued that if she remained, she would be a check upon his faults, but if she were torn away, it would cause him to fall into total despair; for a man’s bold impulses are softened when distracted by domestic affections.

⁵¹⁰ κατανεύει μόλις ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus διαλλάσσεταί τε καὶ διαλλάσσει τῷ νεανίσκῳ τὸν πατέρα· δεῖν μέντοι πάντως ἔφη πέμπειν αὐτὸν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ΚαίσαριCaesar διαλεξόμενον· γεγραφέναι γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐκείνῳ περὶ πάντων.
⁵¹⁰ So Archelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.	⁵¹⁰ So Archelaus let himself be persuaded, as though with difficulty, and the father was reconciled with the young man. However, he said it was essential to send him to Rome to talk with Caesar, and he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.
⁵¹⁰ Archelaus finally gave his consent and was reconciled to Herod, just as he reconciled the father to the youth. He insisted, however, that Herod must send Alexander to Rome to speak with Caesar, as Archelaus himself had written to Caesar about the whole matter.

⁵¹¹ Τὸ μὲν οὖν ἈρχελάουArchelaus στρατήγημα, δι᾽ οὗ τὸν γαμβρὸν ἐρρύσατο, πέρας εἶχεν, μετὰ δὲ τὰς διαλλαγὰς ἐν εὐωχίαις καὶ φιλοφρονήσεσιν διῆγον. ἀπιόντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἩρώδηςHerod δωρεῖται ταλάντων ἑβδομήκοντα δώροις θρόνῳ τε χρυσῷ διαλίθῳ καὶ εὐνούχοις καὶ παλλακίδι, ἥτις ἐκαλεῖτο ΠαννυχίςPannychis, τῶν τε φίλων ἐτίμησεν κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἕκαστον.
⁵¹¹ Thus a period was put to Archelaus’s stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their dignity.	⁵¹¹ This completed the ruse by which Archelaus saved his son-in-law, and after the reconciliation they spent some time in celebrating and socializing. As he was leaving, Herod gave him a gift of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones and some eunuchs and a concubine called Pannychis, and honoured his friends in line with each one’s dignity.
⁵¹¹ Thus the stratagem of Archelaus, by which he rescued his son-in-law, reached its end. After the reconciliation, they spent their time in feasting and friendly demonstrations. When Archelaus departed, Herod presented him with seventy talents, a golden throne set with precious stones, eunuchs, and a concubine named Pannychis. He also honored each of Archelaus's friends according to their rank.

⁵¹² ὁμοίως τε καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς προστάξαντος τοῦ βασιλέως πάντες ἈρχελάῳArchelaus δῶρα λαμπρὰ ἔδοσαν, προεπέμφθη τε ὑπό τε ἩρώδουHerod καὶ τῶν δυνατῶν ἕως ἈντιοχείαςAntioch.
⁵¹² In like manner did all the king’s kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch.	⁵¹² At the king's command, all his relatives gave fine gifts to Archelaus, and he was escorted as far as Antioch by Herod and his nobles.
⁵¹² Similarly, at the king's command, all the royal relatives gave Archelaus magnificent gifts, and he was escorted by Herod and the nobles as far as Antioch.

Chapter 26
Eurycles the Spartan accuses Mariamne's sons.
Their poor defence, by Euaratus of Cos

☜ ☞

⁵¹³ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea παρέβαλεν ἀνὴρ πολὺ τῶν ἈρχελάουArchelaus στρατηγημάτων δυνατώτερος, ὃς οὐ μόνον τὰς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου πολιτευθείσας ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander διαλλαγὰς ἀνέτρεψεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπωλείας αἴτιος αὐτῷ κατέστη. γένος ἦν ΛάκωνLacoonian, ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles τοὔνομα, πόθῳ χρημάτων εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εἰσφθαρείς· οὐ γὰρ ἀντεῖχεν ἔτι ἡ ἙλλὰςGreece αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ πολυτελείαι.
⁵¹³ Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Archelaus’s stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury.	⁵¹³ Into Judea soon afterward came a man far wilier than Archelaus, who not only annulled the reconciliation he had contrived for Alexander, but also caused his ruination too. This was a Spartan named Eurycles, so corrupt that for the sake of money he chose to live under a king, since Greece could not supply him with enough luxury.
⁵¹³ Not long after, there arrived in Judea a man far more powerful than the stratagems of Archelaus. He not only overturned the reconciliation Archelaus had brokered for Alexander but became the cause of the youth's destruction. He was a Lacedaemonian [Spartan] by birth, named Eurycles,^[1] and he had insinuated himself into the kingdom out of a lust for money, for Greece could no longer support his extravagant lifestyle.

^[1]In c.8 BC, Gaius Julius Eurycles, a Spartan noble, arrives.

⁵¹⁴ λαμπρὰ δ᾽ ἩρώδῃHerod δῶρα προσενεγκὼν δέλεαρ ὧν ἐθηρᾶτο καὶ παραχρῆμα πολλαπλασίω λαβὼν οὐδὲν ἡγεῖτο τὴν‎ καθαρὰν δόσιν, εἰ μὴ δι᾽ αἵματος ἐμπορεύσεται τὴν‎ βασιλείαν.
⁵¹⁴ He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his purchases.	⁵¹⁴ He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as bait to entrap him and soon received them back again many times over. But he disregarded mere gifts, unless they were acquired by bathing the kingdom in blood.
⁵¹⁴ He brought Herod magnificent gifts as bait for what he intended to hunt, and having immediately received many times more in return, he considered a clean gift to be of no value unless he could traffic in the blood of the kingdom.

⁵¹⁵ περιέρχεται γοῦν τὸν βασιλέα κολακείᾳ καὶ δεινότητι λόγων καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ ψευδέσιν ἐγκωμίοις. ταχέως δὲ συνιδὼν τὸν ἩρώδουHerod τρόπον καὶ πάντα λέγων τε καὶ πράττων τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν αὐτῷ Φίλος ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις γίνεται· καὶ γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τὴν‎ πατρίδα καὶ πάντες οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἡδέως προετίμων τὸν ΣπαρτιάτηνSpartan.
⁵¹⁵ Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod’s blind side, so he said and did everything that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country.	⁵¹⁵ He imposed upon the king by flattery and his power with words, and by false praise, for he soon noticed Herod's blind side and said and did everything to please him and thereby became one of his closest friends, for the king and all his associates held the Spartan in high regard, on account of the country he came from.
⁵¹⁵ He therefore surrounded the king with flattery, clever speech, and false encomiums about him. Quickly perceiving Herod’s character and saying and doing everything to please him, he became one of his foremost friends; for the king, out of respect for Eurycles' famous homeland, and all the court, preferred the Spartan.

⁵¹⁶ Ὁ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ τὰ σαθρὰ τῆς οἰκίας κατέμαθεν, τάς τε τῶν ἀδελφῶν διαφορὰς καὶ ὅπως διέκειτο πρὸς ἕκαστον ὁ πατήρ, ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μὲν ξενίαι προκατείληπτο, φιλίαι δὲ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὑποκρίνεται ψευσάμενος ἑταῖρον ἑαυτὸν εἶναι καὶ ἈρχελάουArchelaus πάλαι· διὸ δὴ καὶ ταχέως ὡς δεδοκιμασμένος ἐδέχθη, συνίστησιν δ᾽ αὐτὸν εὐθέως καὶ ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ ἀδελφῷ.
⁵¹⁶ Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander’s familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus.	⁵¹⁶ When he had learned the rotten elements in the family and the quarrels between the brothers and how the father felt toward each of them, he chose to lodge first in the house of Antipater, but tricked Alexander with a show of friendship and falsely claimed an old association with Archelaus, which soon won him high regard; and instantly put him on good terms with his brother Aristobulus.
⁵¹⁶ Once he had learned the "rotten parts" of the household—the differences between the brothers and how the father stood toward each—he was first occupied as a guest of Antipater, but he played the part of a friend to Alexander, falsely claiming he had long been an associate of Archelaus. Because of this, he was quickly accepted as a proven friend and was immediately introduced to the brother, Aristobulus.

⁵¹⁷ πάντων δ᾽ ἀποπειραθεὶς τῶν προσώπων ἄλλον ἄλλως ὑπήιει, γίνεται δὲ προηγουμένως μισθωτὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ προδότης ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander, τῷ μὲν ὀνειδίζων, εἰ πρεσβύτατος ὢν περιόψεται τοὺς ἐφεδρεύοντας αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander δέ, εἰ γεγενημένος ἐκ βασιλίδος καὶ βασιλίδι συνοικῶν ἐάσει διαδέχεσθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὸν ἐξ ἰδιώτιδος, καὶ ταῦτα μεγίστην ἀφορμὴν ἔχων ἈρχέλαονArchelaus.
⁵¹⁷ And when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater, because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a king’s daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him in the most complete manner.	⁵¹⁷ When he had tested everybody's mettle, he imposed on each of them by one method or another, but was mainly in the pay of Antipater and a traitor to Alexander. To Antipater he said what a shame it was, as the eldest brother, to overlook the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his ambitions; then he reproached Alexander, because, as the son of a queen and married to a king's daughter, he would let the son of a commoner succeed to the throne, though he could count on the full support of Archelaus.
⁵¹⁷ Having tested all their characters, he stole into the confidence of each in a different way. Primarily, he became a hireling of Antipater and a traitor to Alexander. He reproached Antipater, asking why he, the eldest, would tolerate those who lay in wait for his hopes; to Alexander, he whispered that he, born of a queen and married to a king's daughter, should not allow a commoner’s son to succeed to the throne, especially when he had so great a resource in Archelaus.

⁵¹⁸ ἦν δὲ πιστὸς τῷ μειρακίῳ σύμβουλος τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus φιλίαν πλασάμενος· διὸ μηδὲν ὑποστελλόμενος ἈλέξανδροςAlexander τά τε κατ᾽ ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἀπωδύρετο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ὡς ἩρώδηςHerod αὐτῶν τὴν‎ μητέρα κτείνας οὐ παράδοξον εἰ καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν‎ ἐκείνης βασιλείαν· ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles οἰκτείρειν τε καὶ συναλγεῖν ὑπεκρίνετο.
⁵¹⁸ Nor was his advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Antipater’s behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing anything from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him.	⁵¹⁸ The young man trusted his advice, due to his pretended friendship with Archelaus, and so Alexander frankly complained to him about Antipater's behaviour toward him, saying how it would be no surprise if Herod, having killed their mother, now robbed them of her kingdom; and Eurycles pretended to pity and sympathize with him.
⁵¹⁸ He seemed a faithful counselor to the youth by feigning friendship with Archelaus. Consequently, Alexander held nothing back and lamented to him about Antipater, saying it was no surprise that Herod, having killed their mother, was now stripping them of her kingdom. At this, Eurycles feigned pity and shared in his grief.

⁵¹⁹ τὰ δ᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus εἰπεῖν δελεάσας καὶ ταῖς κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς μέμψεσιν ἐνδησάμενος ἀμφοτέρους ᾤχετο φέρων ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τὰ ἀπόρρητα· προσεπιψεύδεται δ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν ὡς ἐνεδρευόντων αὐτὸν τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐπιφερόντων ἤδη τὰ ξίφη. λαβὼν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις χρημάτων πλῆθος ἐπαινέτης ἦν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα.
⁵¹⁹ He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father,	⁵¹⁹ He also inveigled Aristobulus into saying similar things, and having lured both brothers to complain about their father, he went and brought these secrets to Antipater, falsely adding that the brothers were plotting against him and were about to attack him with swords. For this he received a large sum of money and began to praise Antipater to his father.
⁵¹⁹ After enticing Aristobulus to say the same things and involving both in complaints against their father, he went off to carry these secrets to Antipater. He added the lie that the brothers were plotting against Herod and were all but drawing their swords. For this, he received a mass of money and was a loud praiser of Antipater to the father.

⁵²⁰ τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐργολαβήσας τὸν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus καὶ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander θάνατον κατήγορος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ πατρὸς γίνεται καὶ προσελθὼν ἀντιδιδόναι τὸ ζῆν ἔφασκεν ἩρώδῃHerod τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσιῶν καὶ τὸ φῶς ἀμοιβὴν τῆς ξενίας ἀντιπαρέχειν· πάλαι γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠκονῆσθαι ξίφος καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τετονῶσθαι δεξιάν, ἐμποδὼν δ᾽ αὐτὸς γεγονέναι τῷ τάχει συνεργεῖν ὑποκριθείς·
⁵²⁰ and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod, and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been long whetted, and Alexander’s right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design:	⁵²⁰ Finally he tried to bring about the death of Alexander and Aristobulus, by accusing them to their father, for he came to Herod claiming to be trying to save his life in return for the favours he had received from him. He said that for a long time a sword was being sharpened against him, in the hand of Alexander, but that he had postponed the stroke while pretending to help in it.
⁵²⁰ Finally, having contracted for the death of Alexander and Aristobulus, he became their accuser before their father. Approaching Herod, he claimed he was repaying the king's previous benefits by saving his life and offering him the light of day in exchange for his hospitality. He claimed a sword had long been sharpened against Herod and that Alexander's right hand had been poised, but that he, Eurycles, had delayed the stroke by pretending to assist it.

⁵²¹ φάναι γὰρ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander, ὡς οὐκ ἀγαπᾷ βασιλεύσας αὐτὸς ἩρώδηςHerod ἐν ἀλλοτρίοις καὶ μετὰ τὸν τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν φόνον τὴν‎ ἐκείνης ἀρχὴν σπαθήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νόθον εἰσάγεται διάδοχον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τῷ φθόρῳ τὴν‎ παππώιαν αὐτῶν βασιλείαν προτείνων. τιμωρήσειν γε μὴν αὐτὸς τοῖς ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus καὶ τοῖς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne δαίμοσιν· οὐδὲ γὰρ πρέπειν αὐτὸν διαδέξασθαι παρὰ τοιούτου πατρὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν δίχα φόνου.
⁵²¹ how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother’s government after he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow Antipater:—that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed:	⁵²¹ According to him, Alexander said that Herod was not satisfied with ruling a kingdom belonging to others and spoiling their mother's kingdom after he had killed her, but had introduced a spurious successor and proposed to hand the kingdom of their ancestors to that wretch Antipater, but that he was about to appease the shades of Hyrcanus and Mariamne and avenge them, for it would be wrong for him to gain the succession from such a father without bloodshed.
⁵²¹ He claimed Alexander had said that Herod was not content to rule in another’s place [the Hasmoneans] and squander their mother’s kingdom after murdering her, but was now introducing an illegitimate successor, Antipater, to the throne of their ancestors. Alexander, he claimed, would appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, for it was not fitting for him to receive the kingdom from such a father without blood.

⁵²² πολλὰ δ᾽ εἶναι τὰ παροξύνοντα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, ὥστε μηδὲ λαλιᾶς τινα τρόπον ἀσυκοφάντητον καταλελεῖφθαι· περὶ μὲν γὰρ εὐγενείας ἑτέρων μνείας γενομένης αὐτὸς ἀλόγως ὑβρίζεσθαι, τοῦ πατρὸς λέγοντος « ὁ μόνος εὐγενὴς ἈλέξανδροςAlexander καὶ τὸν πατέρα δι᾽ ἀγένειαν ἀδοξῶν·» κατὰ δὲ τὰς θήρας προσκρούειν μὲν σιωπῶν, ἐπαινέσας δὲ προσακούειν εἴρων.
⁵²² that many things happen everyday to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him; for that, if any mention be made of nobility of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he commends anybody, they take it in way of jest.	⁵²² He added that every day there were many things to provoke him, but he kept silent so as not to draw attention to himself, for whenever mention was made of anyone's noble birth, he was silently spurned, as his father would say "no one is nobly born except Alexander!" and think himself inglorious for lack of such birth. If he says nothing when they are hunting, it is ofensive, and if he commends anyone, they take it as a joke.
⁵²² He added that many things provoked them daily, so that not even a word was left free from slander. For instance, when the noble birth of others was mentioned, Alexander felt he was being insulted, for the father would say, "Alexander is the only one truly noble," thus disparaging the father for his own lack of high birth. Even in hunting, Alexander’s silence was a slight, or his praise was seen as irony.

⁵²³ πανταχοῦ δ᾽ ἀμείλικτον εὑρίσκειν τὸν πατέρα καὶ μόνῳ φιλόστοργον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater, δι᾽ ὃν ἡδέως καὶ τεθνήξεσθαι μὴ κρατήσας τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς. κτείναντι δὲ εἶναι σωτηρίας ἀφορμὴν πρῶτον μὲν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ὄντα κηδεστήν, πρὸς ὃν διαφεύξεσθαι ῥᾳδίως, ἔπειτα ΚαίσαραCaesar μέχρι νῦν ἀγνοοῦντα τὸν ἩρώδουHerod τρόπον·
⁵²³ That they always find their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod’s character to this day;	⁵²³ At all times he found their father very harsh and showing no affection for any of them but Antipater. Therefore he is willing to die if this plot does not succeed, but if he kills him he has various possibilities of escape. First, he has Archelaus, his father-in-law to whom he can easily flee, and then Caesar, who had never known Herod's ways.
⁵²³ Everywhere, he claimed, Alexander found his father pitiless, showing affection only to Antipater; for which reason, Alexander said he would die gladly if his plot did not succeed. If he did kill him, his safety was assured: first by his father-in-law Archelaus, and then by Caesar, who was as yet ignorant of Herod's true character.

⁵²⁴ οὐ γὰρ ὡς πρότερον αὐτῷ παραστήσεσθαι πεφρικὼς τὸν ἐφεστῶτα πατέρα οὐδὲ φθέγξεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ μόνον ἐγκλημάτων, ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν κηρύξειν τὰς τοῦ ἔθνους συμφορὰς καὶ τοὺς μέχρι ψυχῆς φορολογουμένους, ἔπειτ᾽ εἰς οἵας τρυφὰς καὶ πράξεις τὰ δι᾽ αἵματος πορισθέντα χρήματα ἀνηλώθη, τούς τε ἐξ ἡμῶν πλουτήσαντας οἷοι, καὶ τὰς θεραπευθείσας πόλεις ἐπὶ τίσιν.
⁵²⁴ for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors;	⁵²⁴ This time he would not appear before him terrified as when in his father's presence, and would not be dealing only with accusations about himself, but would first speak openly about the troubles of their nation and how they are taxed to death and the luxurious ways in which the wealth is spent that was taken by bloodshed; and the kind of people who are enriched at our expense and the cities on which he bestows his favours.
⁵²⁴ For Alexander would not stand before Caesar trembling at his father's presence as before, nor would he speak only of his own charges; instead, he would first proclaim the calamities of the nation and how the people were taxed to their very souls. Then he would reveal the luxuries and deeds upon which the money procured by blood was spent, and what kind of men had grown rich from the family, and why certain cities had been favored.

⁵²⁵ ζητήσειν δὲ καὶ τὸν πάππον ἐκεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας μύση πάντα κηρύξειν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς οὐ κριθήσεσθαι πατροκτόνος.
⁵²⁵ that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.	⁵²⁵ He would also ask for an inquiry into what had been done to his grandfather and his mother and proclaim all the wrong that was in the kingdom; and for these reasons he would not be condemned as a patricide.
⁵²⁵ He would search there for his grandfather and mother and proclaim all the foul pollutions of the kingdom, for which things he would not be judged a parricide.

⁵²⁶ Τοιαῦτα κατ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τερατευσάμενος ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles ἐπῄνειto approve, commend πολλὰ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater, ὡς ἄρα μόνος τε εἴη φιλοπάτωρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μέχρι νῦν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐμπόδιος. μήπω δὲ καλῶς ἐπὶ τοῖς πρώτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς κατεσταλμένος εἰς ἀνήκεστον ὀργὴν ἐξαγριοῦται.
⁵²⁶ When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other’s plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree.	⁵²⁶ When Eurycles had made this dire speech againstt Alexander, he praised Antipater highly as the only one of the children who cared for his father, and for countering the plot against him. At this the king's anger, which up to now had barely been kept in check, was roused to boiling point.
⁵²⁶ Having told such monstrous tales against Alexander, Eurycles praised Antipater highly, saying he was the only one who loved his father and had thus far blocked the plot. The king, not yet recovered from his previous disturbances, was driven wild with incurable rage.

⁵²⁷ καὶ πάλιν λαβὼν καιρὸν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἑτέρους κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὑπέπεμπεν κατηγόρους λέγειν, ὅτι ἸουκούνδῳJucundus καὶ ΤυράννῳTyrannus λάθρα διαλέγοιντο τοῖς ἱππάρχοις μέν ποτε τοῦ βασιλέως γενομένοις, τότε δ᾽ ἔκ τινων προσκρουσμάτων ἀποπεπτωκόσι τῆς τάξεως. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπεραγανακτήσας εὐθέως ἐβασάνισεν τοὺς ἄνδρας.
⁵²⁷ At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured;	⁵²⁷ Antipater now took the chance to send others to his father accusing his brothers of holding secret conversations with Jucundus and Tyrannus, former captains of the king's cavalry who had been expelled from that rank for some offences, which put Herod in a mighty rage and he immediately had the men tortured.
⁵²⁷ Seizing the moment, Antipater sent in other accusers to say that the brothers were secretly conversing with Jucundus and Tyrannus, masters of the horse who had once served the king but had been dismissed from their rank. Herod, in a fury, immediately tortured these men.^[1]

^[1]The torture of these military officers in c.8 BC marks Herod’s shift from suspicion to active legal persecution of his sons.

⁵²⁸ ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν διαβληθέντων ὡμολόγουν, προεκομίσθη δέ τις πρὸς τὸν ἈλεξανδρείουAlexander φρούραρχον ἐπιστολὴepistle παρὰ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παρακαλοῦντος, ἵνα αὐτὸν δέξηται τῷ φρουρίῳ μετὰ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ κτείναντα τὸν πατέρα, καὶ παράσχῃ τοῖς ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀφορμαῖς.
⁵²⁸ yet did not they confess anything of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion.	⁵²⁸ But while these did not confess anything of what was alleged to the king, a letter was produced, purportedly written to the commander of a fort by Alexander, asking him to welcome himself and Aristobulus into the fort after he had killed his father and to give them weapons and any other help he could.
⁵²⁸ Though they confessed to nothing of the slanders, a letter was produced to the governor of Alexandrium [a fortress] from Alexander, asking him to receive him and his brother Aristobulus into the fortress after they had killed their father, and to allow them to use the arms and other resources there.

⁵²⁹ ταύτην ἈλέξανδροςAlexander μὲν ἔλεγεν τέχνασμα εἶναι ΔιοφάντουDiophantus· γραμματεὺς δ᾽ ἦν ὁ ΔιόφαντοςDiophantus τοῦ βασιλέως, τολμηρὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ δεινὸς μιμήσασθαι πάσης χειρὸς γράμματα· πολλὰ γοῦν παραχαράξας τελευταῖον ἐπὶ τούτῳ [καὶ ] κτείνεται. βασανίσας δὲ τὸν φρούραρχον ἩρώδηςHerod οὐδὲν ἤκουσεν οὐδὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου τῶν διαβεβλημένων.
⁵²⁹ Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king’s secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting anyone’s hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested.	⁵²⁹ Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus, the king's secretary, a bold man and adept at imitating anyone's handwriting, who, after forging many writings, was finally put to death for it. Herod also tortured the commander of the fort, but got nothing out of him about the accusations.
⁵²⁹ Alexander claimed this letter was a forgery by Diophantus [c.7 BC], the king’s secretary, a daring man and skillful at mimicking any handwriting (who was later executed for such forgeries). Herod tortured the governor but heard nothing from him regarding the alleged plot.

⁵³⁰ Ἀλλὰ καίτοι τοὺς ἐλέγχους εὑρίσκω ἀσθενεῖς τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐκέλευσεν τηρεῖν, ἔτι μέντοι λελυμένους, τὸν δὲ λυμεῶνα τῆς οἰκίας καὶ δραματουργὸν ὅλου τοῦ μύσους ΕὐρυκλέαEurycles σωτῆρα καὶ ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes καλῶν πεντήκοντα δωρεῖται ταλάντοις. ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ ἀκριβῆ φήμην φθάσας εἰς ΚαππαδοκίανCappadocia ἀργυρίζεται καὶ παρὰ ἈρχελάουArchelaus, τολμήσας εἰπεῖν ὅτι καὶ διαλλάξειεν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander.
⁵³⁰ However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty. He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander.	⁵³⁰ But though he found the proofs to be rather weak, he had his sons put in prison, for they had been free up to now. He also regarded Eurycles, that plague upon his family who had concocted this whole business, as his saviour and benefactor and rewarded him with fifty talents. This man avoided any accurate report of what he had done, by immediately going to Cappadocia, where he got money from Archelaus under the daring pretext that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander.
⁵³⁰ Even though the evidence was weak, Herod ordered his sons to be kept under guard—though still at liberty. He called Eurycles, the destroyer of his house and the playwright of the whole foul drama, his “savior and benefactor,” and presented him with fifty talents. Eurycles, having outrun the news, went to Cappadocia and got more money from Archelaus, daring to tell him he had reconciled Herod to Alexander.

⁵³¹ διάρας δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἙλλάδαGreek τοῖς ἐκ κακῶν κτηθεῖσιν εἰς ὅμοια κατεχρήσατο· δὶς γοῦν ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar κατηγορηθεὶς ἐπὶ τῷ στάσεως ἐμπλῆσαι τὴν‎ ἈχαΐανAchaia καὶ περιδύειν τὰς πόλεις φυγαδεύεται. κἀκεῖνον μὲν οὕτως ἡ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander καὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus ποινὴ περιῆλθεν.
⁵³¹ He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.	⁵³¹ From there he crossed over to Greece and used his ill-gotten gains for similar schemes, and twice he was accused before Caesar of filling Achaia with revolt and robbing its cities, for which he was sent into exile. So he was punished for his crime against Aristobulus and Alexander.
⁵³¹ Crossing back to Greece, he used his ill-gotten gains for similar villainy. Twice accused before Caesar for filling Achaia with sedition and stripping the cities, he was finally banished. Thus did the punishment for Alexander and Aristobulus catch up with him.

⁵³² Ἄξιον δὲ ἀντιθεῖναι τὸν ΚῷονCos ΕὐάρεστονEuaratus τῷ ΣπαρτιάτῃSpartan· καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ὢν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλοις ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ΕὐρυκλεῖEurycles καιρὸν ἐπιδημήσας πυνθανομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ περὶ ὧν ἐκεῖνος διέβαλλεν ὅρκοις τὸ μηδὲν ἀκηκοέναι τῶν μειρακίων ἐπιστώσατο.
⁵³² But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander’s most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true?	⁵³² It is worthwhile to contrast Euaratus of Cos with this Spartan, for as he was one of Alexander's closest friends and in his travels arrived at the same time as Eurycles, the king asked him if he thought the accusations were true, and he swore that he had never heard any such things from the young men.
⁵³² It is worth contrasting Euarestus of Cos with the Spartan. He was one of Alexander’s closest friends and arrived at the same time as Eurycles; but when the king questioned him about the slanders, he swore he had heard nothing of the kind from the youths.

⁵³³ οὐ μὴν ὤνησέν γέ τι τοὺς ἀθλίους· μόνων γὰρ ἦν τῶν κακῶν ἀκροατὴς ἑτοιμότατος ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ κεχαρισμένος αὐτῷ πᾶς ὁ συμπιστεύων καὶ συναγανακτῶν.
⁵³³ He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was only disposed the most readily to hearken to whatwas made against them, and every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty, and showed their indignation at them.	⁵³³ This testimony did nothing to clear the unfortunates, for Herod was inclined to heed only what was told against them and was favourable to anyone who believed them guilty and shared his anger at them.
⁵³³ However, this did nothing to help the wretched brothers; for Herod was a most ready listener only to evil, and everyone who joined him in his belief and his indignation was in his favor.

Chapter 27
Mariamne's sons are condemned.
Herod executes Aristobulus and Alexander

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⁵³⁴ Παρώξυνεν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς τέκνοις ὠμότητα· ταύτην γὰρ συνδήσασθαι τοῖς κινδύνοις ὁ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus θέλων οὖσαν ἑκυρὰν καὶ τηθίδα, διαπέμπεται σώζειν ἑαυτὴν παραινῶν· παρεσκευάσθαι γὰρ βασιλέα κτείνειν αὐτὴν διαβληθεῖσαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς καὶ πρότερον, ὅτι ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus τῷ ἌραβιArabian γήμασθαι σπουδάζουσα λάθρα τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπόρρητα διαγγέλλοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν ὄντα.
⁵³⁴ Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod’s cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king’s grand secrets to him, who was the king’s enemy;	⁵³⁴ Salome sharpened Herod's rage against his sons still further. For Aristobulus wished to involve her, his mother-in-law and his aunt, in the danger that threatened himself, so he sent to her to look out for her own safety since the king was preparing to put her to death, as it was alleged that formerly, when she wanted to marry Syllaeus the Arabian, she had revealed the king's secrets to him, the king's enemy.
⁵³⁴ Salome also exacerbated Herod’s cruelty toward his children. Aristobulus, wishing to involve her—who was both his mother-in-law and his aunt—in the same dangers, sent word to her advising her to save herself. He claimed the king was prepared to kill her on the same charges as before: that in her eagerness to marry Syllaeus the Arab, she was secretly revealing the king’s secrets to him, an enemy.

⁵³⁵ τοῦτο δ᾽ ὥσπερ τελευταία θύελλα χειμαζομένους τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐπεβάπτισεν· ἡ γὰρ ΣαλώμηSalome δραμοῦσα πρὸς βασιλέα τὴν‎ παραίνεσιν ἐμήνυσεν. κἀκεῖνος οὐκέτι καρτερήσας δεσμεῖ μὲν ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς υἱεῖς καὶ διεχώρισεν ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, πέμπει δὲ πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar διὰ τάχους ΟὐολούμνιόνVolumnius τε τὸν στρατοπεδάρχην καὶ τῶν φίλων ὌλυμπονOlympus ἐγγράφους τὰς μηνύσεις φέροντας.
⁵³⁵ and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them.	⁵³⁵ This was the blast that finally sank the storm-tossed youths. Salome hurried to the king and told him of their warning, and he could bear it no longer, but had both youths arrested and kept apart from each other. Then he sent Volumnius, the general of his army, along with his friend Olympus, to Caesar bringing a written account of these developments.
⁵³⁵ This fell upon the youths like a final storm and completely submerged them; for Salome ran to the king and reported the advice. Herod, no longer able to restrain himself, bound both his sons and separated them from one another. He quickly dispatched Volumnius, the military commander, and Olympus, one of his friends, to Caesar, carrying the written reports of the information.

⁵³⁶ οἱ δ᾽ ὡς εἰς ῬώμηνRome πλεύσαντες ἀπέδοσαν τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως γράμματα, σφόδρα μὲν ἠχθέσθη ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐπὶ τοῖς νεανίσκοις, οὐ μὴν ᾤετο δεῖν ἀφελέσθαι τὸν πατέρα τὴν‎ περὶ τῶν υἱῶν ἐξουσίαν.
⁵³⁶ Now, as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king’s letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons;	⁵³⁶ When they had sailed to Rome and delivered the king's letters, Caesar was very anxious about the case of the young men, but did not think he should take away from the father the power to condemn his sons.
⁵³⁶ When they had sailed to Rome and delivered the king’s letters, Caesar was deeply distressed for the young men, but he did not think he should strip the father of authority over his sons.

⁵³⁷ ἀντιγράφει γοῦν κύριον μὲν αὐτὸν καθιστάς, εὖ μέντοι ποιήσειν λέγων, εἰ μετὰ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν τε ἰδίων συγγενῶν καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν ἡγεμόνων ἐξετάσειεν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν· κἂν μὲν ἐνέχωνται, κτείνειν, ἐὰν δὲ μόνον ὦσιν δρασμὸν βεβουλευμένοι, κολάζειν μετριώτερον.
⁵³⁷ so he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.	⁵³⁷ He wrote back assigning him the power over his sons, adding that it would be well to examine in open court this matter of the plot against him, using his own relatives and the leaders of the province as assessors. If those sons were found guilty, he should execute them, but if they seemed to have wanted only to escape from him, their punishment should be less.
⁵³⁷ He wrote back, confirming Herod as master of the matter, but added that he would do well to investigate the plot in a common council consisting of his own relatives and the governors of the province [Syria]. If they were found guilty of the plot, he should execute them; but if they had only planned to flee, he should punish them more moderately.

⁵³⁸ Τούτοις ἩρώδηςHerod πείθεται, καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς ΒηρυτόνBerytus, ἔνθα προσέταξεν ΚαῖσαρCaesar, συνῆγε τὸ δικαστήριον. προκαθίζουσίν τε οἱ ἡγεμόνες γραφὲν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, ΣατορνῖνόςSaturninus τε καὶ οἱ περὶ ΠεδάνιονPedanius πρέσβεις, σὺν οἷς [καὶ] ΟὐολούμνιοςVolumnius ἐπίτροπος, ἔπειθ᾽afterward οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλοι, ΣαλώμηSalome τε καὶ ΦερώραςPheroras, μεθ᾽ οὓς οἱ πάσης ΣυρίαςSyria ἄριστοι πλὴν ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ βασιλέως· τοῦτον γὰρ ὄντα κηδεστὴν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δι᾽ ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy εἶχεν ἩρώδηςHerod.
⁵³⁸ With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar’s letters had appointed, who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king’s kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a suspicion of him, because he was Alexander’s father-in-law.	⁵³⁸ Herod took this advice and came to Berytus, as Caesar had said, and there assembled the court. As Caesar had written, the presidents sat first, Saturninus and Pedanius and their lieutenants, and the procurator Volumnius. Next came the king's relatives and friends, including Salome and Pheroras, and after them all the aristocrats of Syria, except Archelaus, for as Alexander's father-in-law Herod distrusted him.
⁵³⁸ Herod followed these instructions and went to Berytus [Beirut], where Caesar had ordered, and assembled the court. The governors sat in presidency, as Caesar had written to them: Saturninus and the legates with Pedanius, alongside Volumnius the procurator; next were the king’s relatives and friends, including Salome and Pheroras; and after them, the most distinguished men of all Syria, with the exception of King Archelaus. Herod held him in suspicion because he was Alexander’s father-in-law.

⁵³⁹ τούς γε μὴν υἱοὺς οὐ προήγαγεν εἰς τὴν‎ δίκην μάλα προμηθῶς· ᾔδει γάρ, ὅτι καὶ μόνον ὀφθέντες ἐλεηθήσονται πάντως· εἰ δὲ δὴ καὶ λόγου μεταλάβοιεν, ῥᾳδίως ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἀπολύσεσθαι τὰς αἰτίας. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐν ΠλατάνῃPlatane κώμῃ ΣιδωνίωνSidonians ἐφρουροῦντο.
⁵³⁹ Yet did not he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of; but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidonians.	⁵³⁹ Still he did not produce his sons in open court, a prudent move, for he knew well enough that their mere appearance would be certain to rouse sympathy, and that if allowed to speak, Alexander would easily have rebutted the charges. Instead they were held in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidonians.
⁵³⁹ He very calculatedly did not produce his sons for the trial. For he knew that merely being seen would surely arouse pity, and if they were allowed to speak, Alexander would easily refute the charges. Instead, they were kept under guard in Platane, a village of the Sidonians.

⁵⁴⁰ Καταστὰς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡς πρὸς παρόντας διετείνετο κατηγόρει τε τὴν‎ μὲν ἐπιβουλὴν ἀσθενῶς ὡς ἂν ἀπορούμενος εἰς αὐτὴν ἐλέγχων, λοιδορίας δὲ καὶ σκώμματα καὶ ὕβρεις καὶ πλημμελείας μυρίας εἰς αὐτόν, ἃ καὶ θανάτου χαλεπώτερα τοῖς συνέδροις ἀπέφηνεν. ἔπειτα μηδενὸς ἀντιλέγοντος ἐποικτισάμενος, ὡς αὐτὸς ἁλίσκοιτο καὶ νικῶν νίκην πικρὰν κατὰ τῶν τέκνων, ἐπηρώτα τὴν‎ γνώμην ἑκάστου.
⁵⁴⁰ So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one’s sentence,	⁵⁴⁰ The king got up and ranted against his sons, as if they were present. His accusation about the plot was weak, for lack of proof, but he focused on the insults and jests and insolent bearing and countless similar offences against him, which were worse than death itself; then, with no one contradicting him, he called for pity on himself, as though he were condemned by this bitter victory against his sons, and called for their verdict.
⁵⁴⁰ The king stood up and, as if the youths were present, spoke with vehemence. He accused them of the plot only weakly, as he lacked evidence for it, but dwelt on the insults, mockeries, outrages, and a thousand offenses against him, which he declared to the council were more painful than death. Then, with no one contradicting him, he lamented that he himself was a victim and was winning a bitter victory over his own children, and he asked for each man’s vote.

⁵⁴¹ καὶ πρῶτος ΣατορνῖνοςSaturninus ἀπεφήνατο κατακρίνειν μὲν τῶν νεανίσκων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θάνατον· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι θεμιτὸν αὐτῷ τριῶν παρεστώτων τέκνων ἑτέρου τέκνοις ἀπώλειαν ἐπιψηφίσασθαι. σύμψηφοι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ δύο πρεσβευταὶ γίνονται, καὶ τούτοις ἕτεροί τινες ἠκολούθησαν.
⁵⁴¹ which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example;	⁵⁴¹ Saturninus gave his opinion first, which was to condemn the young men, but not to death. It would be wrong for him, with three sons of his own present in the court, to vote for the death of another man's sons.
⁵⁴¹ Saturninus was the first to express an opinion: he condemned the young men, but not to death. He said it was not right for him, who had three children present, to vote for the destruction of another’s children. The two legates voted with him, and some others followed them.

⁵⁴² ΟὐολούμνιοςVolumnius δὲ τῆς σκυθρωπῆς ἀποφάσεως ἤρξατο, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν πάντες θάνατον κατακρίνουσιν τῶν μειρακίων, οἱ μὲν κολακεύοντες, οἱ δὲ μισοῦντες ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ οὐδεὶς δι᾽ ἀγανάκτησιν.
⁵⁴² but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod; but none out of indignation at their crimes.	⁵⁴² His two lieutenants voted similarly and some others also followed their example. Volumnius, however, began to vote on the severe side and all who came after him condemned the young men to death, some out of flattery and some out of hatred for Herod, but none out of real anger.
⁵⁴² But Volumnius began the grim sentence, and after him, all condemned the youths to death—some out of flattery, some out of hatred for Herod, but no one out of indignation [against the sons].

⁵⁴³ ἔνθα δὴ μετέωρος ἥ τε ΣυρίαSyria πᾶσα καὶ τὸ ἸουδαϊκὸνJewish ἦν ἐκδεχομένων τὸ τέλος τοῦ δράματος· οὐδεὶς μέντοι ὑπελάμβανεν ἔσεσθαι μέχρι τεκνοκτονίας ὠμὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd. ὁ δὲ σύρας τοὺς υἱοὺς εἰς ΤύρονTyre κἀκεῖθεν διαπλεύσας εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea τρόπον ἀναιρέσεως τοῖς μειρακίοις ἐσκέπτετο.
⁵⁴³ And now all Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Caesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer.	⁵⁴³ All of Syria and Judea was in suspense, waiting for the last act of this tragedy, with no one imagining that Herod would be so cruel as to murder his children. But he brought them off to Tyre and from there sailed to Caesarea and deliberated what sort of death they should suffer.
⁵⁴³ Then all Syria and Judea were in suspense, waiting for the end of the drama. No one, however, supposed that Herod would be so cruel as to go through with the murder of his children. But he dragged his sons to Tyre, and from there sailed to Caesarea, and began to consider the manner of the youths’ execution.

⁵⁴⁴ παλαιὸς δέ τις τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιώτης, ὄνομα ΤίρωνTiro, ἔχων υἱὸν σφόδρα συνήθη καὶ φίλον ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander καὶ αὐτὸς ἠγαπηκὼς ἰδίᾳ τὰ μειράκια, δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ἀγανακτήσεως ἔκφρων ἐγίνετο, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐβόα περιιὼν πεπατῆσθαι τὸ δίκαιον, ἀπολωλέναι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, συγκεχύσθαι τὴν‎ φύσιν, ἀνομίας γέμειν τὸν βίον, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα μὴ φειδομένῳ τοῦ ζῆν ὑπηγόρευε τὸ πάθος.
⁵⁴⁴ Now there was a certain old soldier of the king’s, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and everything else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life;	⁵⁴⁴ An old soldier of the king's army named Tiro, whose son was a close friend to Alexander and who was himself very fond of the young princes, was driven to madness by his anger at what was afoot. First he went about crying aloud that justice was being trampled down; that truth had died and nature was destroyed, and life was full of evil—indeed, everything that passion could suggest to a man who did not care for his own life.
⁵⁴⁴ A certain old soldier of the king named Tiron, who had a son who was a close friend of Alexander and who himself loved the youths, was driven out of his mind by extreme indignation. At first, he went about shouting that justice had been trampled, truth had perished, nature was confounded, and life was full of lawlessness—saying everything that his passion dictated to one who no longer cared for his own life.

⁵⁴⁵ τέλος δὲ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τολμήσας προσελθεῖν « ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ μέν, ἔφη, κακοδαιμονέστατος εἶναι δοκεῖς, ὅστις κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων πείθῃ τοῖς πονηροτάτοις, εἴ γε ΦερώραPheroras καὶ ΣαλώμηςSalome καταγνοὺς πολλάκις θάνατον πιστεύεις τούτοις κατὰ τῶν τέκνων, οἵ σε τῶν γνησίων περικόπτοντες διαδόχων ἐπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καταλείπουσι μόνῳ, τὸν ἑαυτοῖς εὐμεταχείριστον αἱρούμενοι βασιλέα.
⁵⁴⁵ and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, “Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power.	⁵⁴⁵ Finally he dared to go to the king and said, "I think you are a man possessed by demons, listening to wicked scoundrels against those who should be dearest to you. You have often resolved to have Pheroras and Salome put to death and yet you believe them against your sons. They want to be rid of your sons and have everything left to Antipater, so as to have as king one who is fully in their own power.
⁵⁴⁵ Finally, he dared to approach the king and said: “To me, you seem the most ill-fated of men, believing the most wicked people against those dearest to you. If you have often condemned Pheroras and Salome to death, yet now believe them against your children! They are cutting off your legitimate successors and leaving you only with Antipater, choosing for themselves a king who is easily handled.”

⁵⁴⁶ σκέψαι μέντοι γε, μή ποτε κἀκείνῳ γένηται μῖσος ἐν τοῖς στρατιώταις ὁ τῶν ἀδελφῶν θάνατος· οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ὅστις οὐκ ἐλεεῖ τὰ μειράκια, τῶν δὲ ἡγεμόνων καὶ φανερῶς ἀγανακτοῦσιν πολλοί.» ταῦθ᾽ ἅμα λέγων ὠνόμαζεν τοὺς ἀγανακτοῦντας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εὐθέως ἐκείνους τε καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ συνελάμβανεν.
⁵⁴⁶ However, consider whether this death of Antipater’s brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly.” Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.	⁵⁴⁶ But consider whether this death of Antipater's brothers will not make him hated by the army for there is no one who doesn't pity the young men, and many of the captains are publicly angry about it." When he named the angry ones, the king immediately had them arrested, along with that man and his son.
⁵⁴⁶ “Consider, however, whether the death of the brothers might not bring about hatred for Antipater among the soldiers; for there is no one who does not pity the youths, and many of the commanders are openly indignant.” As he said this, he named the indignant men. The king immediately arrested them, along with Tiron and his son.

⁵⁴⁷ Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐλῆς τις κουρέων, ΤρύφωνTryphon ὄνομα, προεκπηδήσας ἔκ τινος θεοβλαβείας ἑαυτοῦ μηνυτὴς γίνεται. « κἀμὲ γάρ, ἔφη, ΤίρωνTiro οὗτος ἀνέπειθεν, ὅταν θεραπεύω τῷ ξυρῷ σε διαχειρίσασθαι, μεγάλας τέ μοι παρ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δωρεὰς ὑπισχνεῖτο.»
⁵⁴⁷ At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, “This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing.”	⁵⁴⁷ Meanwhile, also, a barber named Trypho came forward in a kind of madness and accused himself. "This Tiro tried to persuade me to cut your throat with my razor, when I attended you, promising that Alexander would give me large gifts for doing so."
⁵⁴⁷ Upon this, one of the court barbers, named Trypho, jumped forward in a sort of god-sent madness and became his own informer. “Tiron here,” he said, “tried to persuade me to cut your throat with my razor when I was grooming you, promising me great gifts from Alexander.”

⁵⁴⁸ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἩρώδηςHerod τόν τε ΤίρωναTiro σὺν τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τὸν κουρέα βασάνοις διήλεγχεν, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀρνουμένων, τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον λέγοντος, στρεβλοῦν ἐκέλευσεν τὸν ΤίρωναTiro σφοδρότερον.
⁵⁴⁸ When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely;	⁵⁴⁸ When Herod heard this, he examined Tiro, with his son and the barber, under torture, but as the others denied the accusation and he said nothing further, Herod had Tiro racked more severely.
⁵⁴⁸ Hearing this, Herod examined Tiron, his son, and the barber under torture. While the others denied it, and the barber said nothing more, Herod ordered Tiron to be tortured more severely.

⁵⁴⁹ ὁ δ᾽ υἱὸς οἰκτείρας ὑπέσχετο τῷ βασιλεῖ πάντα μηνύσειν, εἰ χαρίσαιτο τὸν πατέρα αὐτῷ. κἀκείνου δόντος εἶπεν, ὡς ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ πεισθεὶς ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander θελήσειεν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν. τοῦθ᾽ οἱ μὲν εἰς ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς αἰκίας πεπλάσθαι, τινὲς δὲ ἀληθὲς ἔλεγον.
⁵⁴⁹ but his son, out of pity to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true.	⁵⁴⁹ The son, out of pity to his father, promised to reveal all to the king, if he would spare his father. When he agreed to this, he said that his father, persuaded by Alexander, intended to kill him. Some said this was an invention in order to end his father's torments, while some said it was true.
⁵⁴⁹ Tiron’s son, out of pity, promised to reveal everything to the king if he would grant him his father’s life. When Herod agreed, the son said his father, at Alexander’s persuasion, had intended to kill the king. Some said this was a fabrication to end his father’s agony; others said it was the truth.

⁵⁵⁰ ἩρώδηςHerod γε μὴν ἐν ἐκκλησίαι τῶν τε ἡγεμόνων καὶ ΤίρωνοςTiro κατηγορήσας τὸν λαὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐστρατολόγησεν· αὐτόθι γοῦν ἀναιροῦνται μετὰ τοῦ κουρέως ξύλοις βαλλόμενοι καὶ λίθοις.
⁵⁵⁰ And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them.	⁵⁵⁰ Herod called a public assembly to formally accuse the captains and Tiro, and there they were put to death, along with the barber, killed by the crowd, with clubs and stones.
⁵⁵⁰ Herod then accused the commanders and Tiron in a public assembly and incited the people against them; they were killed on the spot with clubs and stones, along with the barber.

⁵⁵¹ πέμψας δὲ καὶ τοὺς υἱεῖς εἰς ΣεβαστὴνSebaste οὖσαν οὐ πόρρω τῆς ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea προσέταξεν ἀποπνῖξαι. Καὶ τελεσθέντος αὐτῷ ταχέως τοῦ προστάγματος τοὺς νεκροὺς εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἐκέλευσεν ἀνακομισθῆναι τὸ φρούριον συνταφησομένους ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander τῷ μητροπάτορι. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander καὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τέλος τοιοῦτον.
⁵⁵¹ He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Caesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother’s side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.	⁵⁵¹ He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Caesarea and ordered them to be strangled. When this was quickly done he ordered their corpses brought to the fortress of Alexandreion, to be buried with Alexander, their maternal grandfather. Such was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.
⁵⁵¹ He then sent his sons to Sebaste, which is not far from Caesarea, and ordered them to be strangled. The command was carried out quickly, and he ordered the bodies to be taken to the fortress of Alexandrium to be buried with Alexander, their maternal grandfather. Such was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.

Chapter 28
Antipater is hated by all; interferes in marriages.
Herod's complex domestic arrangements

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⁵⁵² ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater δὲ ἀδήριτον ἔχοντι τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν μῖσος μὲν ἀφόρητον ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπεγείρεται πάντων ἐπισταμένων, ὅτι τὰς διαβολὰς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς πάσας ἐπισυντάξειεν οὗτος, ὑποικούρει δὲ καὶ δέος οὐ μέτριον αὐξανομένην ὁρῶντι τὴν‎ τῶν ἀνῃρημένων γενεάν· ἦσαν γὰρ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander μὲν ἐκ ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra υἱεῖς δύο ΤιγράνηςTigranes καὶ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander, ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous δ᾽ ἐκ ΒερνίκηςBerenice τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν καὶ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa καὶ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus υἱοί, θυγατέρες δὲ ἩρωδιὰςHerodias καὶ ΜαριάμμηMariamne.
⁵⁵² But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters,	⁵⁵² But the nation's fierce hatred was directed at Antipater, who was now indisputably destined for the succession, since all knew that he had orchestrated the calumnies against his brothers. So he began to be very afraid, as he saw growing up the descendants of those who had been killed, along with his wife Glaphyra, Alexander had two sons, Tigranes and Alexander. Likewise, with his wife Berenice, Salome's daughter, the sons of Aristobulus were Herod, Agrippa and Aristobulus, and his daughters were Herodias and Mariamne.
⁵⁵² Although Antipater now held the succession without a rival, an intolerable hatred rose against him from the nation. Everyone knew that he had orchestrated all the slanders against his brothers. Furthermore, he lived in constant fear as he watched the offspring of the murdered princes growing up. For Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome’s daughter—Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus—and two daughters, Herodias and Mariamne.

⁵⁵³ τὴν‎ μὲν οὖν ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra μετὰ τῆς προικὸς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς ΚαππαδοκίανCappadocia, ὡς ἀνεῖλεν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander, τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus δὲ ΒερνίκηνBernice συνώικισεν θείῳ πρὸς μητρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater· τὴν‎ γὰρ ΣαλώμηνSalome οὖσαν διάφορον ἐξοικειούμενος ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater τοῦτον ἐπραγματεύσατο τὸν γάμον.
⁵⁵³ and all by Bernice, Salome’s daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus’s daughter, to Antipater’s uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match;	⁵⁵³ After he had killed Alexander, Herod sent Glaphyra and her dowry back to Cappadocia. He married Berenice, the daughter of Aristobulus, to Antipater's uncle on his mother's side and it was Antipater who, to reconcile her when she had quarrelled with him, arranged this match.
⁵⁵³ After he had put Alexander to death, Herod sent Glaphyra back to Cappadocia with her dowry. However, he married Aristobulus’s widow, Bernice, to Antipater’s maternal uncle; for Antipater had negotiated this marriage to win over Salome, with whom he had been at odds.

⁵⁵⁴ περιῄει δὲ καὶ τὸν ΦερώρανPheroras δώροις τε καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις θεραπείαις καὶ τοὺς ΚαίσαροςCaesar φίλους οὐκ ὀλίγα πέμπων ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome χρήματα. οἵ γε μὴν περὶ ΣατορνῖνονSaturninus ἐν ΣυρίαιSyria πάντες ἐνεπλήσθησαν τῶν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δωρεῶν. ἐμισεῖτο δὲ διδοὺς πλεῖον, ὡς ἂν οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ μεγαλοψύχου χαριζόμενος ἀλλ᾽ ἀναλίσκων κατὰ δέος.
⁵⁵⁴ he also got into Pheroras’s favor, and into the favor of Caesar’s friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear.	⁵⁵⁴ He also got into favour with Pheroras and with Caesar's friends, by gifts and other courtesies and sent significant sums of money to Rome. Saturninus and his friends in Syria, too, were loaded with his gifts. But the more he gave, the more he was hated, as these were not seen as given from generosity, but out of fear.
⁵⁵⁴ He also courted Pheroras with gifts and other attentions, and sent no small amount of money to Rome for Caesar’s friends. Indeed, Saturninus and all his circle in Syria were filled with his presents. Yet, he was hated even for what he gave, as it was perceived that his generosity did not come from a noble heart but was spent out of fear.

⁵⁵⁵ συνέβαινεν δὲ τοὺς μὲν λαμβάνοντας οὐδὲν μᾶλλον εὔνους γίνεσθαι, χαλεπωτέρους δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς οἷς μὴ διδοίη. λαμπροτέρας δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διαδόσεις ὁρῶν τὸν βασιλέα παρ᾽ ἃς αὐτὸς ἐλπίδας εἶχεν ἐπιμελούμενον τῶν ὀρφανῶν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνῃρημένοις μετάνοιαν ἐμφαίνοντα δι᾽ ὧν ἠλέει τοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων.
⁵⁵⁵ Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more goodwill than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang from them.	⁵⁵⁵ The receivers felt toward him no more goodwill than before, while those to whom he gave nothing became more bitterly hostile. But he daily spent his money more profusely once he noted that, contrary to what he expected, the king was taking care of the orphans and showing his regret for killing their fathers by his pity for their offspring.
⁵⁵⁵ It happened that those who received his gifts were no more well-disposed toward him, while those he overlooked became even more bitter enemies. Day by day, he saw the king increase his care for the orphans—contrary to Antipater’s hopes—and show his remorse for the murdered sons by the mercy he showed their children.

⁵⁵⁶ Συναγαγὼν γάρ ποτε ἩρώδηςHerod συγγενεῖς τε καὶ φίλους παραστησάμενός τε τὰ παιδία καὶ δακρύων ἐμπλήσας τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς εἶπεν· « ἐμὲ τοὺς μὲν τούτων πατέρας δαίμων σκυθρωπὸς ἀφείλετο, ταῦτα δέ μοι μετὰ τῆς φύσεως συνίστησιν ἔλεος ὀρφανίας. πειρῶμαι δ᾽, εἰ καὶ πατὴρ ἐγενόμην ἀτυχέστατος, πάππος γοῦν γενέσθαι κηδεμονικώτερος καὶ μετ᾽ ἐμὲ ἡγεμόνας αὐτοῖς ἀπολιπεῖν τοὺς ἐμοὶ φιλτάτους.
⁵⁵⁶ Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: “It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children’s fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me.	⁵⁵⁶ Herod once gathered his relatives and friends and set the children in front of them, and with tearful eyes said to them : "It was a harsh fate that took these children's fathers from me, and these are dear to me by the natural pity required by their orphan state. So, though I have been a most unfortunate father, I will try to show myself a better grandfather and to leave them after me in the care of guardians who are very dear to me.
⁵⁵⁶ For Herod once gathered his relatives and friends, placed the children beside him, and with eyes full of tears, said: “A grim fate has robbed me of the fathers of these children, but nature and the pity due to orphans recommend them to me. I shall try, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to be a more provident grandfather, and to leave behind as their guardians those who are my dearest friends.”

⁵⁵⁷ ἐγγυῶ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν σήν, ὦ ΦερώραPheroras, θυγατέρα τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παίδων, ἵνα ᾖς αὐτῷ κηδεμὼν ἀναγκαῖος, τῷ δὲ σῷ παιδί, ἈντίπατρεAntipater, τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus θυγατέρα· γένοιο γὰρ ἂν οὕτω πατὴρ τῆς ὀρφανῆς. Καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν αὐτῆς ὁ ἐμὸς ἩρώδηςHerod λήψεται πρὸς μητρὸς ὢν ἀρχιερέως πάππου.
⁵⁵⁷ I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother’s side, was high priest.	⁵⁵⁷ Therefore Pheroras, I betroth your daughter to the elder of these brothers, Alexander's children, and oblige you to care for them. Antipater, I also betroth the daughter of Aristobulus to your son, so be a father to that orphan, and my son Herod shall wed her sister, whose maternal grandfather was high priest.
⁵⁵⁷ “I betroth your daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of Alexander’s sons, so that you may be his natural protector. To your son, Antipater, I betroth the daughter of Aristobulus, so that you may become a father to the orphan girl. Her sister shall be taken by my own son Herod, whose maternal grandfather was the High Priest.”

⁵⁵⁸ τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐμὰ ταύτην ἐχέτω τὴν‎ κρίσιν, ἣν διακόψῃ μηδεὶς τῶν ἐμὲ φιλούντων· ἐπεύχομαι δὲ καὶ τῷ θεῷ συναρμόσαι τοὺς γάμους ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τῆς ἐμῆς βασιλείας καὶ τῶν ἐμῶν ἐκγόνων τά τε παιδία ταυτὶ γαληνοτέροις ἐπιδεῖν ὄμμασινeye ἢ τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν.»
⁵⁵⁸ And let every one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon their fathers.”	⁵⁵⁸ Let all who love me support this settlement, which none who cares for me will abrogate. I pray to God to join these children together in marriage, for the good of my kingdom and my descendants, and to look down on them more kindly than on their fathers."
⁵⁵⁸ “Let this be my decision on these matters, and let no one who loves me break it. I pray to God to join these marriages for the benefit of my kingdom and my descendants, and to let these children look upon their families with calmer eyes than their fathers did.”

⁵⁵⁹ [ἐπειδὴ ] ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπεδάκρυσέν τε καὶ τῶν παίδων συνήρμοσεν τὰς δεξιάς, ἔπειτα κατασπασάμενος ἕκαστον φιλοφρόνως διέλυσεν τὸ συνέδριον. ἐπαχνώθη δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἈντίπατροςAntipater καὶ δῆλος ἦν ἅπασιν ὀδυνώμενος· ὑπελάμβανεν γὰρ εἶναι παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ὀρφανῶν τιμὴν ἑαυτοῦ κατάλυσιν αὖθίς τε κινδυνεύσεινto be in danger περὶ τῶν ὅλων, εἰ πρὸς ἈρχελάῳArchelaus καὶ ΦερώρανPheroras ὄντα τετράρχην βοηθὸν ἔχοιεν οἱ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖδες.
⁵⁵⁹ While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children’s right hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father’s lifetime, and that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander’s sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support them.	⁵⁵⁹ As he said these words he wept, and joined together the children's right hands. Then he lovingly embraced each of them and dismissed the assembly. Antipater was anxious and clearly regretted this action, thinking that this dignity conferred on the orphans might get him killed, even in his father's lifetime, and that the risk of his losing power was greater, if Alexander's sons had the support of Archelaus and Pheroras the tetrarch.
⁵⁵⁹ Having said this, he wept and joined the children’s right hands together. Then, after affectionately embracing each one, he dismissed the assembly. Antipater was immediately chilled with fear, and his distress was obvious to all. He supposed that the honor the king showed the orphans was the undoing of his own status, and that his total power would be in danger if Alexander’s sons had the support of Archelaus [as grandfather] and Pheroras the Tetrarch [as father-in-law].

⁵⁶⁰ συνελογίζετο δὲ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ μῖσος καὶ τὸν τῶν ὀρφανῶν ἔλεον ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους, ὅση τε σπουδὴ ζώντων καὶ ὅση μνήμη παρὰ ἸουδαίοιςJews τῶν δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπολωλότων ἦν ἀδελφῶν. ἔγνω δὴ πάντα τρόπον διακόπτειν τὰς ἐγγύας.
⁵⁶⁰ He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them, now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.	⁵⁶⁰ He considered how he himself was hated by the nation while they pitied these orphans, and how much the Jews had loved those his brothers in their lifetime and how kindly they remembered them after he had them killed, so he decided to get these espousals dissolved by all possible means.
⁵⁶⁰ He weighed his own unpopularity against the nation’s pity for the orphans, noting how much zeal the Jews felt for the living children and how much they cherished the memory of the brothers who had perished because of him. He therefore determined to break these betrothals by any means.

⁵⁶¹ Καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑπιέναι πανούργως ἔδεισε τὸν πατέρα χαλεπὸν ὄντα καὶ πρὸς τὰς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy κινούμενον ὀξέως, ἐτόλμησεν δὲ προσελθὼν ἱκετεύειν ἄντικρυς μὴ στερίσκειν αὐτὸν ἧς ἠξίωσεν τιμῆς, μηδὲ αὐτῷ μὲν ὄνομα βασιλείας, δύναμιν δὲ ὑπάρχειν ἄλλοις· οὐ γὰρ κρατήσεινto be strong τῶν πραγμάτων, εἰ πρὸς ἈρχελάῳArchelaus πάππῳ καὶ ΦερώρανPheroras κηδεστὴν ὁ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖς προσλάβοι.
⁵⁶¹ Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander’s son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators;	⁵⁶¹ Fearing about this matter by tricking his father, who was hard to please and quickly roused by the least suspicion, he took the risk of going to him personally and imploring him not to deprive him of the rank he had graciously given him, leaving him with the mere name of king, while the power was in the hands of others. He said he would never be able to stay in power, if Alexander's son was to have his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras as his guardians.
⁵⁶¹ He was afraid to approach his father with craftiness, for Herod was harsh and quickly moved to suspicion. Instead, he ventured to go to him and beg him outright not to deprive him of the honor he had deemed him worthy of, nor to leave him with the mere name of a kingdom while the power belonged to others. He argued that he could not control affairs if Alexander’s son gained Pheroras as a father-in-law in addition to Archelaus as a grandfather.

⁵⁶² κατηντιβόλει δὲ πολλῆς οὔσης γενεᾶς κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον μεταθεῖναι τοὺς γάμους· ἦσαν γὰρ τῷ βασιλεῖ γυναῖκες μὲν ἐννέα, τέκνα δὲ ἐκ τούτων ἑπτά, αὐτὸς μὲν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐκ ΔωρίδοςDoris, ἩρώδηςHerod δ᾽ ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρός, ἈντίπαςAntipas δὲ καὶ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἐκ ΜαλθάκηςMalthace τῆς ΣαμαρείτιδοςSamaria, Samaritan, καὶ θυγάτηρ ὈλυμπιάςOlympias, ἣν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς αὐτοῦ‎ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus εἶχεν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἹεροσολυμίτιδοςJerusalem ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip, ἐκ δὲ ΠαλλάδοςPallas ΦασάηλοςPhasael.
⁵⁶² and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives, and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod [Philip] of Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph’s son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus;	⁵⁶² Since there were so many of the royal family alive, he implored him to change those marriage arrangements. The king had nine wives, and children by seven of them; Antipater was the son of Doris and Herod Philip the son of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas and Archelaus were sons of Malthace, the Samaritan, and Olympias was her daughter, whom his brother Joseph's son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip, and by Pallas, Phasael.
⁵⁶² He entreated the king to reshuffle the marriages, since there was a large family in the palace. For the king had nine wives and seven children by them: Antipater himself by Doris; Herod [Philip] by Mariamne (the High Priest’s daughter); Antipas and Archelaus by Malthace the Samaritan, as well as a daughter, Olympias (whom Joseph, Herod’s nephew, married); Herod and Philip by Cleopatra of Jerusalem; and Phasael by Pallas.

⁵⁶³ ἐγένοντο δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλαι θυγατέρες ῬωξάνηRoxana τε καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome, ἡ μὲν ἐκ ΦαίδραςPhaedra, ἡ δὲ ἐξ ἘλπίδοςElpis. Δύο δ᾽ εἶχεν ἀτέκνους, ἀνεψιάν τε καὶ ἀδελφιδῆν. Χωρὶς δὲ τούτων δύο ἀδελφὰς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander καὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τὰς ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne. οὔσης δὲ πολυπροσώπου τῆς γενεᾶς ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐδεῖτο μετατεθῆναι τοὺς γάμους.
⁵⁶³ he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages.	⁵⁶³ He had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phaedra and the other by Elpis. He had two other wives who were childless, one of them his first cousin and the other his niece. Besides these, by Mariamne he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus. Since the family was so numerous, Antipater prayed to him to set aside the proposed marriages.
⁵⁶³ There were also other daughters: Roxane and Salome, one by Phaedra and the other by Elpis. Two other wives were childless—one his cousin and one his niece. Besides these, there were the two sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus by Mariamne [the Hasmonean]. Since the family was so numerous, Antipater begged that the marriages be changed.

⁵⁶⁴ χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἠγανάκτησεν καταμαθὼν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ὀρφανοὺς ἦθος, ἔννοιά τε αὐτῷ παρέστη περὶ τῶν ἀνῃρημένων, μή ποτε κἀκεῖνοι γένοιντο τῶν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater διαβολῶν ἀγώνισμα.
⁵⁶⁴ When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater;	⁵⁶⁴ When the king noted his intention toward these orphans, it angered him and he began to suspect that perhaps he had put his sons to death on account of false tales spread by Antipater.
⁵⁶⁴ The king was deeply incensed when he realized Antipater’s attitude toward the orphans, and he was struck by a thought of his murdered sons—that they too might have been the victims of Antipater’s slanders.

⁵⁶⁵ τότε μὲν οὖν πολλὰ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀποκρινάμενος ἀπελαύνει τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater, αὖθις δὲ ὑπαχθεὶς αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς κολακείαις μεθηρμόσατο, καὶ αὐτῷ μὲν τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus συνώικισεν θυγατέρα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ ΦερώραPheroras θυγατρί.
⁵⁶⁵ so that at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus’s daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras’s daughter.	⁵⁶⁵ Therefore he now gave Antipater a long, angry answer and sent him away; but later he was won over by his sly flatteries and changed his mind, giving him the daughter of Aristobulus as wife, and giving to his son the daughter of Pheroras.
⁵⁶⁵ At that time, Herod answered in great anger and drove Antipater away. However, later, being led on by Antipater’s flatteries, he changed the arrangements. He married the daughter of Aristobulus to Antipater himself, and Pheroras’s daughter to Antipater’s son.

⁵⁶⁶ Καταμάθοι δ᾽ ἄν τις, ὅσον ἴσχυσεν ἐν τούτοις κολακεύων ἈντίπατροςAntipater, ἐκ τοῦ ΣαλώμηνSalome ἐν ὁμοίοις ἀποτυχεῖν. ταύτην γὰρ δὴ καίπερ οὖσαν ἀδελφὴν καὶ πολλὰ διὰ ΛιουίαςLivia τῆς γυναικὸς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἱκετεύουσαν γαμηθῆναι τῷ ἌραβιArabian ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus, διωμόσατο μὲν ἐχθροτάτην ἕξειν, εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο τῆς σπουδῆς, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἄκουσαν ἈλεξᾷAlexas τινι τῶν φίλων συνώικισεν καὶ τῶν θυγατέρων αὐτῆς τὴν‎ μὲν τῷ ἈλεξᾶAlexas παιδί, τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἑτέραν τῷ πρὸς μητρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater θείῳ. τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne θυγατέρων ἡ μὲν ἀδελφῆς υἱὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater εἶχεν ἡ δὲ ἀδελφοῦ ΦασάηλονPhasael.
⁵⁶⁶ Now, one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do,—even what Salome in the like circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, had by the means of Julia, Caesar’s wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas’s son, and the other to Antipater’s uncle by the mother’s side. And for the daughters the king had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister’s son, and the other to his brother’s son, Phasaelus.	⁵⁶⁶ This shows how the flattery of Antipater succeeded, more than Salome's did in similar circumstances, for though she was his sister and she got strong support from Caesar's wife, Livia, when she asked to be married to Syllaeus the Arabian, he [Herod] swore to be her bitter enemy unless she gave it up. Then against her wishes he married her to his friend Alexas, and married one of her daughters to Alexas' son and the other to Antipater's uncle on the mother's side. Of his daughters born of Mariamne, one married his sister's son, Antipater, and the other his brother's son, Phasael.
⁵⁶⁶ One may see how much power Antipater’s flattery had in these matters from the fact that Salome failed in a similar request. For although she was the king’s sister and pleaded many times through Livia, Caesar’s wife, to be allowed to marry the Arab Syllaeus, Herod swore she would be his greatest enemy if she did not stop. Ultimately, he married her against her will to a friend named Alexas, and married one of her daughters to Alexas’s son, and the other to Antipater’s maternal uncle. As for the daughters of [the Hasmonean] Mariamne, one was married to Antipater, the son of the king’s sister, and the other to Phasael, the son of the king’s brother.

Chapter 29
Antipater is sent to Rome, with Herod's testament.
Pheroras refuses to leave his wife, who was wrongly accused

☜ ☞

⁵⁶⁷ Διακόψας δὲ τὰς τῶν ὀρφανῶν ἐλπίδας ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον αὐτῷ τὰς ἐπιγαμίας ποιησάμενος ὡς ἐπὶ βεβαίοις μὲν ὥρμει ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, προσλαβὼν δὲ τῇ κακίαι τὸ πεποιθὸς ἀφόρητος ἦν· τὸ γὰρ παρ᾽ ἑκάστῳ μῖσος ἀποσκευάσασθαι μὴ δυνάμενος ἐκ τοῦ φοβερὸς εἶναι τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν ἐπορίζετο.
⁵⁶⁷ Now, when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom.	⁵⁶⁷ After crushing the hopes of the orphans and making alliances to his own advantage, Antipater acted quickly, confidently expecting the crown, and between his assurance and his scheming he became intolerable. Unable to avoid being hated by the people, he built his security on being feared.
⁵⁶⁷ By cutting off the hopes of the orphans and arranging marriages to his own advantage, Antipater felt his prospects were anchored on solid ground. Adding confidence to his wickedness, he became insufferable; for, unable to rid himself of the hatred everyone felt for him, he sought security by making himself a figure of fear.

⁵⁶⁸ συνήργει δὲ καὶ ΦερώραςPheroras ὡς ἂν ἤδη καὶ βασιλεῖ βεβαίῳ. γίνεται δὲ καὶ γυναικῶν σύνταγμα κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐλήν, ὃ νεωτέρους ἐκίνησεν θορύβους· ἡ γὰρ ΦερώραPheroras γυνὴ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς προσλαβοῦσα καὶ τὴν‎ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητέρα πολλὰ μὲν ἠσέλγαινεν κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον, ἐτόλμησεν δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ὑβρίσαι δύο θυγατέρας, δι᾽ ἃ δὴ μάλιστα ταύτην ἐκεῖνος προβέβλητο· μισούμεναί γε μὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπεκράτουν.
⁵⁶⁸ There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances; for Pheroras’s wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater’s mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king’s two daughters, on which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others:	⁵⁶⁸ Pheroras helped him in his plans, regarding him as firmly destined for kingship. A group of women at court began new disturbances, for Pheroras' wife, along with her mother and sister and Antipater's mother, grew very arrogant in the palace. She rashly insulted the king's two daughters, so that the king loathed her, but despite his hatred these women dominated the others.
⁵⁶⁸ Pheroras also assisted him, looking upon Antipater as a king already firmly established. A faction of women also formed at the court, which stirred up new disturbances. For Pheroras’ wife, joined by her mother and sister, and having also won over Antipater’s mother, behaved with great insolence in the palace, even daring to insult the king’s two daughters—an act for which Herod especially detested her. Nevertheless, though hated by him, these women dominated the rest of the court.

⁵⁶⁹ μόνη δὲ τῆς ὁμονοίας αὐτῶν ἀντίπαλος ἦν ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ βασιλεῖ διέβαλλεν τὴν‎ σύνοδον ὡς οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ πραγμάτων εἴη. γνοῦσαι δ᾽ ἐκεῖναι τὴν‎ διαβολὴν καὶ ὡς ἀγανακτήσειεν ἩρώδηςHerod, τῆς μὲν φανερᾶς συνόδου καὶ τῶν φιλοφρονήσεων ἐπαύσαντο, τοὐναντίον δ᾽ ὑπεκρίνοντο καὶ διαφέρεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἀκούοντος βασιλέως· αἷς συνυπεκρίνετο καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐν τῷ φανερῷ προσκρούων ΦερώρᾳPheroras.
⁵⁶⁹ there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras;	⁵⁶⁹ Only Salome opposed their little clique and told the king of their meetings, as something that boded him no good. When the women knew the lies she had told against them and how much Herod was annoyed, they left off meeting in public and all friendly exchanges, pretending to argue with each other whenever the king was within hearing. Antipater used the same kind of dissimulation and in public opposed Pheroras.
⁵⁶⁹ Salome alone was the rival to their conspiracy, and she denounced their gathering to the king, saying it was not for the good of his affairs. When those women learned of the denunciation and that Herod was incensed, they ceased their public meetings and outward displays of friendship; on the contrary, they pretended to be at odds with one another whenever the king was within earshot. Antipater joined in this pretense, appearing to clash with Pheroras in public.

⁵⁷⁰ συνουσίαι δὲ ἦσαν αὐτῶν λάθρα καὶ κῶμοι νυκτερινοί, τήν τε ὁμόνοιαν ἡ παρατήρησις ἐπέτεινεν. ἠγνόειnot to know δὲ οὐδὲν ΣαλώμηSalome τῶν πραττομένωνto do καὶ πάντα ἩρώδῃHerod διήγγελλεν.
⁵⁷⁰ but still they had private cabals, and merry meetings in the nighttime; nor did the observation of others do any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew everything they did, and told everything to Herod.	⁵⁷⁰ But they still held secret chats by night, and their solidarity was only strengthened by being spied on by others. But nothing they did was unknown to Salome, who told it all to Herod.
⁵⁷⁰ However, their meetings continued in secret with nocturnal revelries, and the fact that they were being watched only tightened their bond of unity. Salome, however, was ignorant of nothing that was happening and reported everything to Herod.

⁵⁷¹ ἐξεκαίετο δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος εἰς ὀργὴν καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ΦερώρουPheroras γυναῖκα· ταύτην γὰρ πλέον ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome διέβαλλεν. ἀθροίσας οὖν συνέδριον τῶν τε φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἄλλα τε πολλὰ τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατηγόρει καὶ τὴν‎ εἰς τὰς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρας ὕβριν, ὅτι τε ΦαρισαίοιςPharisees μὲν χορηγήσειεν μισθοὺς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῷ κατασκευάσειεν πολέμιον ἐνδησαμένη φαρμάκοις.
⁵⁷¹ But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras’s wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions.	⁵⁷¹ His anger flared out at them and mainly at Pheroras' wife, for Salome accused her most of all. So gathering a group of his friends and relatives Herod accused this woman of many things and especially how she had insulted his daughters, and that she had given the Pharisees money in reward for acting against him and had made his brother his enemy, by giving him love potions.
⁵⁷¹ He was inflamed with rage, especially against Pheroras’ wife, for Salome denounced her most of all. Therefore, assembling a council of his friends and kinsmen, he accused the woman of many things, including the insult to his daughters, and charged that she had supplied funds to the Pharisees to act against him and had turned his own brother into an enemy by using drugs/charms.

⁵⁷² τελευταῖον δ᾽ εἰς ΦερώρανPheroras ἀπέστρεφεν τὸν λόγον, δυοῖν θάτερον ἑλέσθαι λέγων, ἢ ἑαυτὸν ἀδελφὸν ἢ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα. τοῦ δὲ θᾶττον ἀπολείψειν τὸ ζῆν ἢ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα φήσαντος, οὐκ ἔχων ὅ τι χρὴ δρᾶν μετέβαινεν ἐπ᾽ ἈντίπατρονAntipater, ᾧ παρήγγειλεν μήτε τῇ ΦερώραPheroras γυναικὶ μήτε αὐτῷ μήτ᾽ ἄλλῳ τινὶ τῶν ἐκείνης διαλέγεσθαι. ὁ δὲ φανερῶς μὲν οὐ μετέβαινεν τὸ πρόσταγμα, λάθρα δὲ διενυκτέρευεν σὺν ἐκείνοις.
⁵⁷² At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his wife,—Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras’s wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with anyone belonging to her. Now, though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings;	⁵⁷² At last he turned his words on Pheroras and gave him his choice between two things : would he prefer to stay friends with his brother, or with his wife? When he replied that he would die rather than forsake his wife, Herod, not knowing what else to do, turned to Antipater and told him to have no contact with Pheroras, or Pheroras' wife, or anyone belonging to her; and while he did not openly disobey this order, they continued to meet secretly by night.
⁵⁷² Finally, he turned his speech to Pheroras, telling him to choose one of two things: his brother or his wife. When Pheroras replied that he would sooner give up his life than his wife, Herod, not knowing what else to do, turned his attention to Antipater. He commanded him to have no conversation with Pheroras’ wife, nor with Pheroras himself, nor with anyone else in her circle. Antipater did not openly violate the command, but secretly spent his nights with them.

⁵⁷³ καὶ δεδοικὼς τὴν‎ ἐπιτηροῦσαν ΣαλώμηνSalome πραγματεύεται διὰ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly φίλων τὴν‎ εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀποδημίαν αὑτῷ· γραψάντων γὰρ ἐκείνων δεῖν ἈντίπατρονAntipater διὰ χρόνου πεμφθῆναι πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar, ὁ δὲ οὔ τι μελλήσας ἐξέπεμψεν θεραπείαν τε λαμπρὰν καὶ πλεῖστα δοὺς χρήματα τήν τε διαθήκην κομίζειν, ἐν ἧι βασιλεὺς μὲν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐγέγραπτο, ἈντιπάτρουAntipater δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod διάδοχος ὁ ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς γεγονώς.
⁵⁷³ and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him,—wherein Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater’s successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter.	⁵⁷³ However, afraid that Salome had seen him do so, through his Italian friends he got permission to go and live in Rome. When these wrote for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay in sending him, along with a splendid retinue and a large amount of money and entrusted him with his testament, wherein the kingdom was bequeathed to Antipater, and Herod was named as Antipater's successor, that is, Herod the son of the high priest's daughter, Mariamne.
⁵⁷³ Fearing the surveillance of Salome, he engineered a journey to Rome for himself through his friends in Italy. For when they wrote that Antipater ought to be sent to Caesar after some time, Herod did not delay, but sent him off with a magnificent retinue and a great deal of money, carrying his will. In this will, Antipater was named as king, and Herod (the son of Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter) was named as Antipater’s successor.

⁵⁷⁴ Ἔπλευσεν δὲ καὶ ΣυλλαῖοςSyllaeus ὁ ἌραψArab ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome, ἠμεληκὼς μὲν τῶν ΚαίσαροςCaesar προσταγμάτων, ἀνταγωνιούμενος δὲ πρὸς ἈντίπατρονAntipater περὶ ὧν δεδίκαστο ΝικολάῳNicolaus τάχιον. οὐ μικρὸς δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς ἈρέτανAretas ἦν ἀγὼν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα· τούτου γὰρ ἄλλους τε φίλους ἀνῃρήκει καὶ ΣόαιμονSohemus τῶν ἐν ΠέτρᾳPetra δυνατωτάτων.
⁵⁷⁴ Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar’s injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that lawsuit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas’s friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra.	⁵⁷⁴ Syllaeus the Arab also sailed to Rome, despite Caesar's instructions, in order to strongly oppose Antipater in the law-suit which Nicolaus had begun with him. This Syllaeus had also a sharp conflict with his own king, Aretas, for he had killed many of Aretas' friends and particularly Sohemus, the most powerful man in the city of Petra.
⁵⁷⁴ Syllaeus the Arabian also sailed for Rome, having ignored Caesar’s commands and intending to oppose Antipater regarding the matters he had previously litigated against Nicolaus. He also had a significant struggle against Aretas, his own king; for he had killed several of Aretas’ friends, including Sohemus, one of the most powerful men in Petra.

⁵⁷⁵ Πείσας δὲ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ΦάβατονPhabatus τὸν ΚαίσαροςCaesar διοικητὴν ἐχρῆτο βοηθῷ καὶ καθ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod. πλείονα δὲ δοὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀφίστησίν τε ἀπὸ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus ΦάβατονPhabatus καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰσέπραττεν. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν ἀποδοὺς ἔτι καὶ κατηγόρει ΦαβάτουPhabatus παρὰ ΚαίσαριCaesar, διοικητὴν εἶναι λέγων οὐ τῶν ἐκείνῳ, τῶν δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod συμφερόντων.
⁵⁷⁵ Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod’s steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar’s advantage, but for Herod’s,	⁵⁷⁵ He had suborned Phabatus, Herod's steward, by a large gift of money, to help him against Herod, but by giving him more, Herod induced him to leave Syllaeus and so demanded from him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. As he repaid nothing and also accused Phabatus to Caesar, saying that the steward was not acting on Caesar's behalf, but on Herod's.
⁵⁷⁵ By bribing Fabatus, Caesar’s procurator, with much money, Syllaeus used him as an assistant against Herod. However, Herod gave more money and detached Fabatus from Syllaeus, and through him attempted to exact the penalties ordered by Caesar. But Syllaeus, paying nothing, further accused Fabatus to Caesar, saying he was a procurator not for Caesar’s interests, but for Herod’s.

⁵⁷⁶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὀργισθεὶς ΦάβατοςPhabatus, ἦν δ᾽ ἔτι παρὰ ἩρώδῃHerod μάλιστα τιμώμενος, γίνεται προδότης ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus τῶν ἀπορρήτωνforbidden τῷ τε βασιλεῖ φησιν, ὅτι ΣυλλαῖοςSyllaeus διαφθείρειεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν σωματοφύλακα ΚόρινθονCorinthus χρήμασιν, ὃν δεῖ φυλάττεσθαι. πείθεται δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεύς· καὶ γὰρ τέθραπτο μὲν ὁ ΚόρινθοςCorinthus ἐν τῇ βασιλείαι, γένος δ᾽ ἦν ἌραψArab.
⁵⁷⁶ Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus’s grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod’s kingdom, yet was by birth an Arabian;	⁵⁷⁶ Angry with this, and still well esteemed by Herod, Phabatus revealed Syllaeus' secrets to the king, telling him how Syllaeus had bribed one of his bodyguards, Corinthus, whom he should watch with care. The king was persuaded, for this Corinthus, though brought up in Herod's kingdom, was by birth an Arabian.
⁵⁷⁶ Enraged by this, and being still highly honored by Herod, Fabatus became a betrayer of Syllaeus’ secrets. He told the king that Syllaeus had bribed Corinthus, one of Herod’s bodyguards, and that he should be watched. The king was convinced, for while Corinthus had been raised in the kingdom, he was an Arab by birth.

⁵⁷⁷ συλλαμβάνει δ᾽ εὐθέως οὐκ αὐτὸν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ δύο ἑτέρους ἌραβαςArabs εὑρὼν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, τὸν μὲν φίλον ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus τὸν δὲ φύλαρχον. οἱ δὲ βασανιζόμενοι πεῖσαι ΚόρινθονCorinthus ὡμολόγησαν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀνελεῖν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀνακριθέντεςto examine closely καὶ παρὰ ΣατορνίνῳSaturninus τῷ διέποντι τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ἀνεπέμφθησαν εἰς ῬώμηνRome.
⁵⁷⁷ so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus’s friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.	⁵⁷⁷ So he was immediately arrested along with two other Arabs who were caught with him, one of whom was Syllaeus' friend, and the other the head of a tribe. On being put to the torture, these confessed they had persuaded Corinthus, for a large bribe, to kill Herod, and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the ruler of Syria, they were sent to Rome.
⁵⁷⁷ He immediately arrested not only Corinthus but also two other Arabs found with him, one a friend of Syllaeus and the other a tribal chief. Under torture, they confessed that they had persuaded Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to assassinate Herod. These men, after being interrogated, were sent to Rome to Saturninus,^[1] the governor of Syria.

^[1]Gaius Sentius Saturninus was the Roman Governor of Syria roughly between 9 and 6 BC

⁵⁷⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ οὐκ ἀνίει ΦερώρανPheroras βιαζόμενος ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς γυναικὸς οὐδ᾽ ἐπενόει μηχανὴν δι᾽ ἧς ἂν τιμωρήσαιτο τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον πολλὰς τοῦ μίσους ἔχων αἰτίας, ἕως ὑπεραγανακτήσας σὺν αὐτῇ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκβάλλει.
⁵⁷⁸ However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife; yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom.	⁵⁷⁸ Herod did not stop pressuring Pheroras, but went on to force him to put away his wife. He still could not find any way to punish the woman herself, though he had many reasons to hate her, until at last he was so uneasy about her that he expelled both her and his brother from his kingdom.
⁵⁷⁸ Herod did not cease pressuring Pheroras to separate from his wife. He could find no means to punish the woman, though he had many reasons for his hatred, until in a fit of extreme indignation, he banished his brother along with her.

⁵⁷⁹ ΦερώραςPheroras δὲ ἀγαπήσας τὴν‎ ὕβριν ἀπαλλάσσεται μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ τετραρχίαν ὀμόσας ὅρον ἕξειν ἕνα τῆς φυγῆς τὸν ἩρώδουHerod θάνατον καὶ μηδέποτε πρὸς ζῶντα ὑποστρέψειν, ἐπανῆλθεν δὲ οὐδὲ πρὸς νοσοῦντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν καίτοι λιπαρῶς μεταπεμπόμενον· ἐβούλετο γὰρ αὐτῷ τινας ἐντολὰς ἐγκαταλείψειν ὡς τεθνηξόμενος.
⁵⁷⁹ Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod’s death; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him before he died;	⁵⁷⁹ Pheroras patiently accepted this slight and went off his own tetrarchy, swearing that his exile would only end at Herod's death, since he would never return in his lifetime. In fact he did not return even when his brother was sick, though he urgently sent for him to come, wishing to leave instructions with him before he died.
⁵⁷⁹ Pheroras, accepting the insult, departed to his own tetrarchy, swearing an oath that the only limit to his exile would be Herod’s death and that he would never return while Herod was alive. Indeed, he did not return even when his brother fell ill, though Herod earnestly sent for him, wishing to leave him certain instructions as he thought he was dying.

⁵⁸⁰ ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα σώζεται, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ νοσεῖ ΦερώραςPheroras, εὑρίσκετο δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod μετριώτερος· καὶ γὰρ ἥκει πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ συμπαθῶς ἐθεράπευεν. οὐ μὴν ὑπερίσχυσεν τοῦ πάθους· μετὰ γὰρ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀποθνήσκει ΦερώραςPheroras.
⁵⁸⁰ but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward.	⁵⁸⁰ But then Herod unexpectedly recovered; and some time later, when Pheroras himself fell sick, Herod showed great fairness, for he came to him and showed pity for his condition and cared for him, though this care did him no good, for Pheroras died soon after.
⁵⁸⁰ However, Herod recovered against expectations. But not long after, Pheroras fell ill, and Herod showed himself more moderate, for he went to him and cared for him with sympathy. Nevertheless, he could not overcome the disease; after a few days, Pheroras died.

⁵⁸¹ ὃν καίπερ ἀγαπήσας ἩρώδηςHerod μέχρι τελευταίας ἡμέρας ὅμως καὶ αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ἐφημίσθη φαρμάκῳ. τόν γε μὴν νεκρὸν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem κομίσας πένθος τε μέγιστον ὅλῳ τῷ ἔθνει κατήγγειλεν καὶ κηδείας ἠξίωσεν λαμπροτάτης. ἕνα μὲν δὴ τῶν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander καὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus φονέων τοιοῦτον περιέρχεται τέλος.
⁵⁸¹ Now, though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end that one of Alexander’s and Aristobulus’s murderers came to.	⁵⁸¹ Though Herod loved him to the last day of his life, the rumour went around that he had killed him by poison. But he arranged to have his corpse brought to Jerusalem and decreed a large national mourning for him and gave him a splendid funeral. This was how one of Alexander's and Aristobulus' murderers came to his end.
⁵⁸¹ Though Herod loved him until his final day, a rumor spread that Herod had actually killed him with poison. Herod brought the body to Jerusalem, commanded a great mourning for the whole nation, and honored him with a most magnificent funeral. Such was the end that overtook one of the murderers of Alexander and Aristobulus.

Chapter 30
Herod's Suspicion of Antipater grows.
Many are tortured and young Herod disinherited

☜ ☞

⁵⁸² Μετέβαινεν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν αὐθέντην ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἡ ποινὴ τὸν ΦερώραPheroras θάνατον ἀρχὴν λαβοῦσα. τῶν τούτου γάρ τινες ἀπελευθέρων κατηφεῖς τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντες τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ διεφθάρθαι φαρμάκοις ἔλεγον· προσενεγκεῖν μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ τι τὴν‎ γυναῖκα τῶν οὐ συνήθως ἐσκευασμένων, φαγόντα δ᾽ εὐθέως εἰς τὴν‎ νόσον καταπεσεῖν.
⁵⁸² But now the punishment was transferred unto the original author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of his freedmen came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper;	⁵⁸² The punishment was transferred to the original author, Antipater and took its rise from the death of Pheroras, for certain of his freedmen came with a sad face to the king and told him that his brother had been killed by poison and that his wife had brought him something that was prepared in an unusual manner and that after he ate it, he soon fell sick.
⁵⁸² The punishment then shifted to the perpetrator, Antipater, taking its starting point from the death of Pheroras. For some of Pheroras’ freedmen came to the king in deep mourning and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison; they said that his wife had served him something prepared in an unusual way, and that immediately after eating it, he fell into the illness.

⁵⁸³ ἀγηοχέναι τε πρὸ δυοῖν ἡμερῶν τὴν‎ μητέρα αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν γύναιον ἐκ τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia φαρμάκων ἔμπειρον, ὅπως φίλτρον σκευάσῃ τῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras, δεδωκέναι δὲ ἀντὶ τούτου θανάσιμον ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus πραγματευσαμένου· τούτῳ γὰρ ἦν γνώριμον.
⁵⁸³ that Antipater’s mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.	⁵⁸³ He also alleged that two days earlier Antipater's mother and sister had brought from Arabia a woman who was skilled with drugs to prepare a potion for Pheroras, and that she had given him deadly poison instead, at the request of Syllaeus, who knew the woman.
⁵⁸³ They added that two days earlier, her mother and sister had brought a woman from Arabia who was an expert in drugs, ostensibly to prepare a love potion for Pheroras, but instead had given him a deadly poison at the instigation of Syllaeus, who was an acquaintance of hers.

⁵⁸⁴ Πληγεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑποψίαις πλείοσιν θεραπαίνας τε καί τινας τῶν ἐλευθέρων ἐβασάνιζεν. ἐβόα δέ τις ἐν ταῖς ἀλγηδόσιν « θεὸς ὁ γῆν καὶ οὐρανὸν διέπων μετέλθοι τὴν‎ τούτων ἡμῖν τῶν κακῶν αἰτίαν, τὴν‎ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητέρα.» ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς λαβόμενος ἐπεξῄει πρόσω τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν.
⁵⁸⁴ The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maidservants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which cried out in her agonies, “May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish the author of all these our miseries, Antipater’s mother!” The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of the matter.	⁵⁸⁴ The king was deeply moved with all these suspicions and had the maid-servants tortured and some of the free women too. One of them cried out in her agony, "May God who governs the earth and the heaven punish the cause of all our troubles, Antipater's mother!" The king took note of this confession and inquired further into the truth of the matter.
⁵⁸⁴ Struck by many suspicions, the king put the female servants and some of the free women to torture. In her agony, one woman cried out: “May the God who governs earth and heaven take vengeance upon the cause of these evils for us—Antipater’s mother!” Taking this as a starting point, the king pushed the search for the truth even further.

⁵⁸⁵ ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τήν τε φιλίαν τῆς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητρὸς πρὸς ΦερώρανPheroras καὶ τὰς ἐκείνου γυναῖκας ἐδήλου καὶ τὰς λαθραίας αὐτῶν συνόδους, ὅτι τε ΦερώραςPheroras καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater σὺν ἐκείναις πίνοιεν ὑποστρέφοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς μηδένα μήτε οἰκέτην μήτε θεράπαιναν ἐῶντες παρατυγχάνειν. μία δὴ τῶν ἐλευθέρων ταῦτα μηνύει.
⁵⁸⁵ So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipater’s mother to Pheroras, and Antipater’s women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drank with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either manservant or maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.	⁵⁸⁵ The woman revealed the friendship of Antipater's mother with Pheroras and Antipater's wives, and their secret meetings, and how Pheroras and Antipater had drunk with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king and would not allow any servant, male or female, to be there. This was revealed by one of the free women.
⁵⁸⁵ The woman then revealed the friendship between Antipater’s mother and Pheroras, as well as Pheroras’ women, and their secret meetings. She said that Pheroras and Antipater would drink with them throughout the night when they returned from the king, allowing no servant, male or female, to be present. This was disclosed by one of the free women.

⁵⁸⁶ Τὰς δὲ δούλας χωρὶς ἑκάστην ἩρώδηςHerod ἐβασάνιζεν. ἐρρήθη δὲ παρὰ πάσαις τὰ προειρημένα σύμφωνα, καὶ διότι κατὰ συνθήκην ἈντίπατροςAntipater μὲν εἰς ῬώμηνRome, ΦερώραςPheroras δ᾽ ὑποχωρήσειεν εἰς τὴν‎ ΠεραίανPerea· πολλάκις γὰρ αὐτοὺς διαλαλεῖν, ὡς μετ᾽ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἩρώδηςHerod μεταβήσεται καὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν γυναῖκας. οὐ γὰρ φείσεσθαι μετὰ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνης ἑτέρου τινός, ὥστε ἄμεινον εἶναι φεύγειν ὡς πορρωτάτω τοῦ θηρίου.
⁵⁸⁶ Upon this Herod tortured the maidservants every one by themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon their wives, because, after he had not spared Mariamne and her children, he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able:—	⁵⁸⁶ Then Herod tortured each of the maids separately, and they concurred with what was already stated, adding that it was by mutual agreement that Antipater went off to Rome and Pheroras to Perea, and that they had often spoken together to this effect : That after killing Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod would come after them and their wives, since if he killed Mariamne and her children he would spare no one, and so it was best to get as far as possible from the wild beast.
⁵⁸⁶ Herod then tortured the female slaves each one separately. All their accounts agreed with what had been said before, and they added that by agreement Antipater had gone to Rome, while Pheroras had withdrawn to Perea. They often talked to one another—the women said—how Herod, after Alexander and Aristobulus, would move against them and their own wives; for after Mariamne and her children, he would spare no one else, so it was better to flee as far as possible from the wild beast.

⁵⁸⁷ πολλάκις δὲ ἀποδυρόμενον πρὸς τὴν‎ μητέρα τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater εἰπεῖν, ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν εἴη πολιὸς ἤδη, νεάζοι δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὁ πατήρ, φθάσαι δ᾽ ἂν τάχα καὶ τελευτήσας πρὶν ἄρξασθαι βασιλείας ἀληθοῦς. εἰ δὲ καί ποτε ἐκεῖνος τελευτήσειεν· πότε δ᾽ ἂν γένοιτο τοῦτο; παντάπασιν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀπόλαυσιν τῆς διαδοχῆς γίνεσθαι σύντομον.
⁵⁸⁷ and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time;	⁵⁸⁷ Also, that Antipater often lamented to his mother that he was already gray-haired while his father grew younger every day and that death might come to him before he really became king. Even if Herod eventually died, and who could say when?, he would succeed him for only a short time.
⁵⁸⁷ They also reported that Antipater often lamented to his mother, saying that he himself was already turning grey, while his father grew younger every day, and that he might die before ever beginning a true reign. Even if Herod should eventually die—and when would that ever happen?—his own enjoyment of the succession would be extremely brief.

⁵⁸⁸ ὑποβλαστάνειν δὲ τὰς τῆς ὕδρας κεφαλάς, τοὺς ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus καὶ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖδας. ἀφῃρῆσθαι δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τέκνοις ἐλπίδα· διάδοχον γὰρ οὐ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ τινα παίδων μετὰ τὴν‎ τελευτήν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἩρώδηνHerōd γεγραφέναι. Καὶ κατὰ τοῦτό γε παντάπασιν παραγηρᾶν οἰόμενον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ διαθήκας μενεῖν κυρίας· αὐτὸν γὰρ προνοήσειν μηδένα τῆς γενεᾶς ἀπολιπεῖν.
⁵⁸⁸ for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be anyone of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain,	⁵⁸⁸ Those heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up, and his father had deprived him of the hopes for his children, for after his death he was not to be succeeded by any one his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne. On this point he thought Herod was quite mad, to think that his testament would still hold sway, since he would ensure that none of his descendants survived.
⁵⁸⁸ Furthermore, he complained that the heads of the Hydra—the children of Aristobulus and Alexander—were growing up, and that his father had deprived him of any hope for his own children; for as his successor after death, Herod had named not one of Antipater’s sons, but Herod, the son of Mariamne. In this regard, he thought his father was completely in his dotage if he believed his will would remain valid, for he [Antipater] would see to it that no one of that lineage was left.

⁵⁸⁹ ὄντα γε μὴν τῶν πώποτε πατέρων μισοτεκνότατον ἩρώδηνHerōd πολὺ μᾶλλον εἶναι μισάδελφον· δοῦναι γοῦν αὐτῷ πρῴην ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ διαλέγεσθαι ΦερώρᾳPheroras. τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος « τί γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐβλάπτομεν;» ἀποκρίνασθαι τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater « εἴθε πάντα ἡμᾶς ἀφελόμενος γυμνοὺς ἐάσειεν ζῶντας. ἀλλ᾽ ἀμήχανον ἐκφυγεῖν οὕτω φονικὸν θηρίον, παρ᾽ ᾧ μηδὲ φιλεῖν τινας ἔξεστιto be allowed φανερῶς. λάθρα γοῦν νῦν ἀλλήλοις σύνεσμεν, ἐξέσται δὲ φανερῶς, ἐὰν σχῶμέν ποτε ἀνδρῶν φρόνημα καὶ χεῖρας.»
⁵⁸⁹ because he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm? Antipater replied, “I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men.”	⁵⁸⁹ Of all fathers he was the greatest hater of his children, and yet he hates his brother still more. Why, a while ago he gave him [Antipater ] a hundred talents, to break off all contact with Pheroras. When Pheroras said, "What harm have we done him?" Antipater replied, "I wish he would simply take all we have, and just leave us our bare lives, but there is no escaping this wild beast, so given to murder. He will not let us show affection to anyone, so now we must meet in secret. Yet we must do so publicly, if we have the courage and strength."
⁵⁸⁹ He said that while Herod was the most child-hating of all fathers, he was even more a hater of his brother; for instance, he had recently given him [Antipater] a hundred talents on the condition that he would not speak with Pheroras. When Pheroras asked, “How were we harming him?” Antipater replied, “I wish he would strip us of everything and just let us live. But it is impossible to escape such a murderous beast, who does not even allow people to love one another openly. Now we are together in secret, but it will be possible to be together openly, if only we ever have the spirit and the hands of men.”

⁵⁹⁰ Ταῦτ᾽ ἔλεγον αἱ βασανιζόμεναι, καὶ ὅτι ΦερώραςPheroras βουλεύσαιτο φυγεῖν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς ΠέτρανPetra. ἐπίστευσεν δ᾽ ἩρώδηςHerod πᾶσιν τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐκ τῶν ἑκατὸν ταλάντων· μόνῳ γὰρ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater διείλεκτο περὶ αὐτῶν. ἀποσκήπτει δ᾽ εἰς πρώτην ὁ θυμὸς ΔωρίδαDorian τὴν‎ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητέρα· καὶ γυμνώσας αὐτὴν παντὸς οὗ δεδώρητο κόσμου, πολλῶν δ᾽ ἦν ταλάντων, ἐκβάλλει δεύτερον.
⁵⁹⁰ These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater’s mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time.	⁵⁹⁰ These things were said by the women under torture, adding that Pheroras had decided to flee with them to Perea. Now Herod believed all they said, due to the matter of the hundred talents, for he had told no one except Antipater about them. So he vented his anger first of all on Antipater's mother, stripping her of all the finery he had given her, worth many talents, and expelling her from the palace a second time.
⁵⁹⁰ These were the things the tortured women said, and also that Pheroras intended to flee with them to Petra. Herod believed all these reports because of the mention of the hundred talents, for he had spoken about them only to Antipater. His rage first broke out against Doris, Antipater’s mother; and stripping her of all the finery he had gifted her—which was worth many talents—he banished her for a second time.

⁵⁹¹ τὰς δὲ ΦερώρουPheroras γυναῖκας ἀπὸ τῶν βασάνων ἐτημέλει διηλλαγμένος. ἐπτόητο δὲ τῷ φόβῳ καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐξερριπίζετο πολλούς τε τῶν οὐκ αἰτίων εἷλκεν εἰς βασάνους δεδοικώς, μή τινα τῶν αἰτίων παραλίπῃ.
⁵⁹¹ He also took care of Pheroras’s women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person untortured.	⁵⁹¹ He was reconciled to Pheroras' women after their tortures and took care of them, but was in low spirits himself and flared up at each suspicion and had many innocent people put to torture, for fear any guilty person would escape him.
⁵⁹¹ As for Pheroras’ women, he took care of them after their tortures, having been reconciled with them. But he was terrified and flared up at every suspicion, dragging many who were innocent to torture out of fear that he might let one of the guilty escape.

⁵⁹² Κἀν τούτῳ τρέπεται πρὸς τὸν ΣαμαρείτηνSamaria ἈντίπατρονAntipater, ὃς ἦν ἐπίτροπος ἈντιπάτρουAntipater. βασανίζων δὲ αὐτὸν ἤκουσεν ὅτι μετεπέμψατο μὲν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt δηλητήριον φάρμακον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν διά τινος τῶν ἑταίρων ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus, λάβοι δὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου ΘευδίωνTheudio ὁ θεῖος ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ παραδοίη ΦερώρᾳPheroras· τούτῳ γὰρ ἐντείλασθαι τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀνελεῖν ἕως αὐτός ἐστιν ἐν ῬώμῃRome τῆς ὑπονοίας κεχωρισμένος· ΦερώρανPheroras δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ παραθέσθαι τὸ φάρμακον.
⁵⁹² And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife.	⁵⁹² Herod examined Antipater of Samaria, Antipater's steward, and by torturing him learned that Antipater had got a potion of deadly poison for him from Egypt, by his friend Antiphilus. Also that Theudio, Antipater's uncle, got it from him and delivered it to Pheroras, since Antipater had asked him to get rid of his father while he was in Rome and so free him from suspicion of having done it himself, and that Pheroras had entrusted this potion to his wife.
⁵⁹² In the meantime, he turned to Antipater the Samaritan, who was Antipater’s agent. Under torture, he heard that Antipater had sent for a deadly poison from Egypt through one of his companions, Antiphilus; that Antipater’s uncle, Theudion, had received it from him and delivered it to Pheroras. For Antipater had charged Pheroras to kill Herod while he was in Rome, so as to be far from suspicion, and Pheroras had entrusted the poison to his wife.

⁵⁹³ ταύτην ὁ βασιλεὺς μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτίκα τὸ ληφθὲν ἐκέλευσεν κομίζειν. ἡ δ᾽ ἔξεισι μὲν ὡς κομιοῦσα, ῥίπτει δ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους τόν τε ἔλεγχον καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως αἰκίαν φθάνουσα· προνοίαι δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικεν, θεοῦ μετιόντος ἈντίπατρονAntipater οὐκ ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ θάτερα πεσοῦσα διασώζεται.
⁵⁹³ Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped.	⁵⁹³ The king sent for her and told her to quickly bring to him what she had received. She went as though to fetch it, but threw herself down from the top of the house, to avoid being examined under torture by the king. However, as it seems it was Antipater that Providence intended to punish, she happened to fall not on her head, but on other parts of her body and was not killed.
⁵⁹³ The king summoned her and immediately ordered her to bring what she had received. She went out as if to fetch it, but threw herself from the roof, seeking to escape both the evidence and the king’s torture. However, by the providence of God—it seems—who was pursuing Antipater, she did not fall on her head but on another part of her body and survived.

⁵⁹⁴ κομισθεῖσαν δ᾽ αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνακτησάμενος, κεκάρωτο γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ πτώματος, ἠρώτα δι᾽ ἣν αἰτίαν ῥίψειεν ἑαυτήν, εἰ μὲν εἴποι τἀληθές, ἀφήσειν πάσης τιμωρίας ἐπομνύμενος, εἰ δ᾽ ὑποστείλαιτο, δαπανήσειν αὐτῆς ἐν βασάνοις τὸ σῶμα καὶ μηδὲ τάφῳ ἐγκαταλείψειν.
⁵⁹⁴ The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her (for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall), and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part of it to be buried.	⁵⁹⁴ When she was brought to the king he took care of her, for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall, and asked her why she had thrown herself down, and swore that if she told the truth he would spare her from punishment, but that if she concealed anything, he would have her torn limb from lime and leave no part of her body for burial.
⁵⁹⁴ The king had her brought in and revived her—for she was stunned from the fall—and asked her why she had thrown herself down, swearing that if she told the truth, he would release her from all punishment, but if she concealed anything, he would destroy her body with tortures and leave it without a grave.

⁵⁹⁵ Πρὸς ταῦθ᾽ ἡ γυνὴ μικρὸν διαλιποῦσα « καὶ τί γάρ, εἶπεν, ἔτι φείδομαι τῶν ἀπορρήτωνforbidden ΦερώραPheroras τεθνεῶτος ἢ σώζουσα τὸν ἀπολέσαντα πάντας ἡμᾶς ἈντίπατρονAntipater; ἄκουε, βασιλεῦ, καὶ μετὰ σοῦ θεὸς ὁ μάρτυς ἐμοὶ τῆς ἀληθείας πλανηθῆναι μὴ δυνάμενος·
⁵⁹⁵ Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, “Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say.	⁵⁹⁵ Then the woman paused a little and said, "Why do I conceal these secrets, now Pheroras is dead? It would only save Antipater, who has destroyed us all. Hear then, Your Majesty, and may you and God, who cannot be deceived, witness the truth of what I am going to say.
⁵⁹⁵ The woman, after a short pause, said: “Why should I still guard the secrets of Pheroras, now that he is dead, or save Antipater, who has destroyed us all? Listen, O King, and let God, who cannot be deceived, be a witness with you to the truth of my words.”

⁵⁹⁶ ὅτε ἀποθνήσκοντι ΦερώρᾳPheroras παρεκαθέζου δεδακρυμένος, τότε με προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκεῖνος « ἦ πολύ γε, ἔφη, ὦ γύναι, τῆς εἰς ἐμαυτὸν διανοίας τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διήμαρτον, τὸν οὕτως στέργοντα μισήσας καὶ κτεῖναι βουλευσάμενος τὸν οὕτως ἐπ᾽ ἐμοὶ μηδὲ τεθνεῶτί πω συγχεόμενον. ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ μὲν ἀπέχω τῆς ἀσεβείαςungodliness τὸ ἐπιτίμιον, σὺ δ᾽ ὃ φυλάσσεις κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ φάρμακον ὑπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καταλειφθὲν ἡμῖν φέρε καὶ βλέποντός μου ταχέως ἀφάνισον, ἵνα μὴ καὶ καθ᾽ ᾅδου φέροιμι τὸν ἀλάστορα.»
⁵⁹⁶ When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that he called me to him, and said, ‘My dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompense of my impiety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest, in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world.’	⁵⁹⁶ While you sat weeping beside Pheroras as he was dying, he called me to him and said, "Dear wife, I have been mistaken about my brother's attitude toward me and have hated him that loved me and planned to kill him who is so grieved about my dying. I myself am being paid back for my impiety, but bring the poison that was left with us by Antipater and which you have kept in order to kill him and burn it here on the fire in my sight so that I may not have to face the avenger in Hades."
⁵⁹⁶ “When you sat by the dying Pheroras and wept, he called me to him and said: ‘O wife, I was greatly mistaken in my opinion of my brother’s feelings for me; I hated one who loves me so much, and I plotted to kill one who is so distressed for me even before I am dead. I am receiving the penalty for my impiety; but you, bring the poison that Antipater left with us for you to keep against him, and destroy it quickly before my eyes, so that I may not carry the avenging spirit with me to Hades.’”

⁵⁹⁷ καὶ κελεύσαντος ἐκόμισα καὶ πλεῖστον μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ‎ κατεκένωσα, βραχὺ δὲ ἐμαυτῇ πρὸς τὰ ἄδηλα καὶ τὸν ἐκ σοῦ φόβον ἐτήρησα.»
⁵⁹⁷ This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee.”	⁵⁹⁷ This I brought as he bid me and emptied most of it into the fire, but kept a little of it for my own use, because of my fear of you and with the future so uncertain."
⁵⁹⁷ “And when he ordered me, I brought it and poured most of it into the fire as he watched, but I kept a little for myself because of the uncertain future and my fear of you.”

⁵⁹⁸ Ταῦτ᾽ εἰποῦσα προκομίζει τὴν‎ πυξίδα παντάπασιν ἔχουσανto have, hold τοῦ φαρμάκου βραχύ. βασιλεὺς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὰς βασάνους μετέφερεν, κἀκεῖνοι τὸν ἈντίφιλονAntiphilus κομίσαι τε ἀπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὴν‎ πυξίδα ὡμολόγουν καὶ λαβεῖν παρ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ τὸ φάρμακον ἔφασκονto say, affirm ἰατρεύοντος ἐν ἈλεξανδρείᾳAlexandria.
⁵⁹⁸ When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus’s mother and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alexandria.	⁵⁹⁸ Saying this, she brought the box, containing a small amount of this potion. But the king let her off and instead tortured Antiphilus' mother and brother, who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box from Egypt and that they had got the potion from a brother of his, a physician in Alexandria.
⁵⁹⁸ After saying this, she produced the small box which contained a tiny amount of the poison. The king then transferred the tortures to Antiphilus’ mother and brother, and they confessed that Antiphilus had brought the box from Egypt and said he had received the poison from his brother, who was a physician in Alexandria.

⁵⁹⁹ περιιόντες δὲ οἱ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander καὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus δαίμονες ἅπαν τὸ βασίλειον ἐρευνηταί τε καὶ μηνυταὶ τῶν ἀδήλων ἐγίνοντο τούς τε πορρωτάτω τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ὄντας ἔσυρον εἰς τοὺς ἐλέγχους. εὑρίσκεται γοῦν καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγάτηρ ΜαριάμμηMariamne τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς συνίστωρ·
⁵⁹⁹ Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be.	⁵⁹⁹ Then the spirits of Alexander and Aristobulus went around all the palace and became the inquisitors and revealers of what could not otherwise be known and brought even the most exempt from suspicion to be examined. It was found that the high priest's daughter, Mariamne, knew about this plot, and her own brothers declared it under torture.
⁵⁹⁹ The vengeful spirits (daimones) of Alexander and Aristobulus seemed to go around the entire palace, acting as searchers and informers of hidden things, dragging even those furthest from suspicion into the evidence. At any rate, Mariamne, the daughter of the high priest, was also found to be a co-conspirator.

⁶⁰⁰ βασανιζόμενοι γὰρ τοῦτ᾽ ἀπέδειξαν αὐτῆς οἱ ἀδελφοί. βασιλεὺς δὲ τῆς μητρῴας τόλμης καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἠμύνατο· τὸν γοῦν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἩρώδηνHerōd ὄντα διάδοχον ἈντιπάτρουAntipater τῆς διαθήκης ἐξήλειψεν.
⁶⁰⁰ Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his testament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater.	⁶⁰⁰ Then the king avenged the mother's insolent attempt upon her son and expunged from his testament the Herod she had borne him, who had earlier been named in it as successor to Antipater.
⁶⁰⁰ For her brothers, when tortured, proved her involvement. The king punished her son for his mother’s audacity; he struck her son Herod, who had been named as Antipater’s successor, out of his will.

Chapter 31
Antipater returns to Judea from Rome,
unaware of the accusations against him

☜ ☞

⁶⁰¹ Ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ΒάθυλλοςBathyllus εἰς τοὺς ἐλέγχους συνέδραμεν, ἡ τελευταία πίστις τῶν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater βεβουλευμένων· ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἀπελεύθερος αὐτοῦ‎, κομίζων δ᾽ ἧκεν ἄλλο δηλητήριον ἰοὺς ἀσπίδων καὶ χυλοὺς ἑτέρων ἑρπετῶν, ἵνα εἰ τὸ πρῶτον ἀσθενήσει φάρμακον, τούτῳ ΦερώραςPheroras μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ὁπλίσαιτο κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.
⁶⁰¹ After these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater’s designs; for indeed he was no other than his freedman. This man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king.	⁶⁰¹ Next, Antipater's freedman Bathyllus came under accusation and gave the final proof of what Antipater had planned. This man had brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps and the juices of other snakes that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might still have this to do away with the king.
⁶⁰¹ Following these things, Bathyllus also fell under the weight of the evidence, providing the final proof of Antipater’s schemes. He was a freedman of Antipater, and he arrived carrying another poison—the venom of asps and the juices of other reptiles—so that if the first drug proved too weak, Pheroras and his wife would be armed with this one against the king.

⁶⁰² Πάρεργον δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν πατέρα τόλμης ἐκόμιζεν τὰς κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐσκευωρημένας ἐπιστολὰς ὑπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater· ἦσαν γὰρ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip βασιλέως παῖδες ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome παιδευόμενοι μειράκιά τε ἤδη καὶ φρονήματος μεστοί.
⁶⁰² He brought also an addition to Antipater’s insolent attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king’s sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions.	⁶⁰² In addition to Antipater's daring attempt on his father were the letters he wrote against his brothers, Archelaus and Philip, the king's sons who were being educated in Rome, still youths of generous spirit.
⁶⁰² As a side-project to his daring plot against his father, he also brought forged letters directed against his brothers, concocted by Antipater. For Archelaus and Philip, the king’s sons, were then being educated in Rome; they were already young men and full of high spirit.

⁶⁰³ Τούτους ἐπανακύπτοντας αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἀποσκευάσασθαι σπεύδων ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἃς μὲν πλάττεται κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιστολὰς ἐξ ὀνόματος τῶν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome φίλων, οὓς δὲ ἔπειθεν γράψαι διαφθείρας χρήμασιν, ὡς πολλὰ μὲν βλασφημοῖεν τὸν πατέρα, φανερῶς δὲ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ὀδύροιντο, πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ μετάκλησιν ἀγανακτοῖεν· ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὁ πατὴρ μετεπέμπετο, καὶ τοῦτο ἦν τὸ μάλιστα ταράσσον ἈντίπατρονAntipater.
⁶⁰³ Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.	⁶⁰³ Antipater was anxious to be rid of these as soon as possible, to prevent them thwarting his hopes, and so had forged letters against them in the name of his friends in Rome, whom he bribed to write how they grossly insulted their father and publicly mourned Alexander and Aristobulus and were fearful at being recalled, for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.
⁶⁰³ Because they stood in the way of his hopes, Antipater was eager to be rid of them. He forged letters against them in the names of his friends in Rome, while others he bribed with money to write that the young men spoke many slanders against their father, openly lamented Alexander and Aristobulus, and were indignant at being recalled. For their father was already summoning them home, and this was what most disturbed Antipater.

⁶⁰⁴ Ἔτι δὲ καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἀποδημίαςan absence, journey ἐν ἸουδαίαιJudea μένων τοιαύτας κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἠγόραζεν ἐπιστολὰς προσιών τε ὡς ἀνύποπτος εἴη τῷ πατρὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀπελογεῖτο, τὰ μὲν ψευδῆ λέγων εἶναι τῶν γραφομένων, ἃ δὲ νεότητος ἁμαρτήματα.
⁶⁰⁴ Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors.	⁶⁰⁴ Indeed, while he was in Judea before departing for Rome, he paid to have similar letters against them sent from Rome and then went to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him and apologized for his brothers and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false while others were just youthful mistakes.
⁶⁰⁴ Even before his departure, while staying in Judea, he used to purchase such letters against them from Rome; then, approaching his father as if he were above suspicion, he would defend his brothers against the contents, claiming some of the reports were false and others were merely the errors of youth.

⁶⁰⁵ τηνικαῦτά γε μὴν τοῖς γράφουσιν κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πλεῖστα δοὺς χρήματα συμφύρειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὸν ἔλεγχον, ἐσθῆτάς τε πολυτελεῖς καὶ στρωμνὰς ποικίλας ἐκπώματά τε ἀργυρᾶ καὶ χρυσᾶ συνωνούμενος ἄλλα τε πολλὰ τῶν κειμηλίων, ἵνα τῷ πλήθει τῆς εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνης τοὺς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μισθοὺς ἐγκαταγράψῃ· διακόσια γοῦν ἀναλώματος ἀνήνεγκεν τάλαντα, καὶ τούτων μεγίστη πρόφασις ἦν ἡ πρὸς ΣυλλαῖονSilleus δίκη.
⁶⁰⁵ Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the very great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which, was the lawsuit that he had been in with Sylleus.	⁶⁰⁵ While spending a lot of his money on the gifts given to those who wrote against his brothers, he tried to obscure his accounts by buying expensive clothing and carpets of various textures, and silver and gold cups and many luxuries, so as to hide among these large expenses the money he had used to pay people. For he submitted an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretext being his law-suit with Syllaeus.
⁶⁰⁵ At this time, however, by giving vast sums of money to those who wrote against his brothers, he attempted to confuse the evidence. He bought expensive clothing, multi-colored tapestries, silver and gold cups, and many other precious items, so that by the sheer magnitude of these expenditures, he might conceal the bribes paid for those letters. Indeed, he reported an expenditure of two hundred talents, for which the greatest pretext was his lawsuit against Syllaeus.

⁶⁰⁶ πάντων δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τότε καὶ τῶν βραχυτέρων ἐν τῷ μείζονι κακῷ διακαλυφθέντων, ὅθ᾽where, who, when, that αἱ μὲν βάσανοι πᾶσαι τὴν‎ πατροκτονίαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἐπιστολαὶ δευτέρας ἀδελφοκτονίας κεκράγεσαν, ὅμως οὐδεὶς τῶν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀφικνουμένωνto arrive at ἀπήγγειλεν αὐτῷ τὰς ἐν ἸουδαίαιJudea τύχας καίτοι μεταξὺ τῶν ἐλέγχων καὶ τῆς ἐπανόδου διελθόντων ἑπτὰ μηνῶν· τοσοῦτον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ πάντων μῖσος ἦν.
⁶⁰⁶ So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren,—yet did no one of those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return,—so great was the hatred which they all bore to him.	⁶⁰⁶ While all his lesser misdeeds were covered by his greater villainy, and every examination under torture cried out his attempt to murder his father and the letters proved his second attempt to murder his brothers, none of those who came to Rome told him of his troubles in Judea, though seven months passed between his conviction and his return, such was the hatred of everyone toward him.
⁶⁰⁶ Though all his deeds, even the minor ones, were now exposed in the light of the greater evil—when the tortures shrieked of parricide and the letters of a second fratricide—nonetheless, not a single person among those arriving at Rome reported to him his fortunes in Judea. Even though seven months passed between the discovery of the evidence and his return, such was the hatred felt for him by everyone.

⁶⁰⁷ τάχα καὶ τοὺς ἀπαγγέλλειν προῃρημένους οἱ τῶν ἀνῃρημένων δαίμονες ἀδελφῶν ἐφίμουν· γράφει γοῦν ἀπὸ ῬώμηςRome ἄφιξιν ἑαυτοῦ ταχεῖαν εὐαγγελιζόμενος, καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar μετὰ τιμῆς ἀπολυθείη.
⁶⁰⁷ And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.	⁶⁰⁷ Perhaps it was the ghosts of his brothers who had been murdered that sealed the lips of those who might have told him. He wrote from Rome announcing the good news of his return and how he had been sent away with honour by Caesar.
⁶⁰⁷ Perhaps even the vengeful spirits (daimones) of his murdered brothers silenced those who intended to report it. At any rate, he wrote from Rome announcing the good news of his swift arrival and stating that he had been dismissed by Caesar with honor.

⁶⁰⁸ Ὁ βασιλεὺς δὲ εἰς χεῖρας λαβεῖν σπεύδων τὸν ἐπίβουλον καὶ δεδοικὼς μή ποτε προγνοὺς φυλάξηται, δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς ἀνθυπεκρίνετο τά τε ἄλλα φιλοφρονούμενος καὶ σπεύδειν παρακαλῶν· θήσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὰς πρὸς τὴν‎ μητέρα μέμψεις ἐπειχθέντος· οὐ γὰρ ἠγνόειnot to know τὴν‎ ἐκβολὴν τῆς μητρὸς ἈντίπατροςAntipater.
⁶⁰⁸ Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace.	⁶⁰⁸ The king, wanting to lay hands on this conspirator but afraid that he might somehow come to know the state of affairs and be on his guard, hid his anger in the letter he wrote him, writing politely and asking him to hurry, for if he came quickly, he would set lay aside his complaints against his mother, for Antipater was not unaware that his mother had been expelled.
⁶⁰⁸ The king, eager to get the conspirator into his hands and fearing that if he knew beforehand he might be on his guard, replied by letter with a counter-pretense. He was friendly in other matters and urged him to hasten his return, saying that once he hurried back, he [Herod] would drop his complaints against Antipater’s mother. For Antipater was not unaware that his mother had been expelled.

⁶⁰⁹ πρότερον μὲν οὖν εἰλήφει τὴν‎ περὶ τῆς ΦερώραPheroras τελευτῆς ἐπιστολὴν ἐν ΤάραντιTarentum καὶ μέγιστον ἐποιήσατο πένθος, ὅ τινες ὡς ἐπὶ θείῳ καθύμνουν, ἦν δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐπὶ διαμαρτίαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἡ σύγχυσις καὶ οὐ ΦερώρανPheroras κλαίοντος, ἀλλὰ τὸν ὑπηρέτην· ἤδη δὲ καὶ φόβος ἐπήιει τις αὐτὸν τῶν τετελεσμένων, μή ποτε φωραθείη τὸ φάρμακον.
⁶⁰⁹ However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum,—and made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father’s life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered.	⁶⁰⁹ But he had earlier received a letter at Tarentum, with an account of the death of Pheroras, and loudly lamented it, for which some praised him, thinking that his grief was for his uncle, but probably it was for the failure of his plot, and his grief was not for Pheroras but for his accomplice, in case the poison had been discovered.
⁶⁰⁹ Earlier, while at Tarentum, he had received the letter about Pheroras’ death and had made a show of great mourning; some praised this as grief for an uncle, but his distress was, as it seems, over the failure of the plot—he was not weeping for Pheroras, but for his accomplice. Already, a certain fear regarding what had been done began to creep over him, lest the poison had been discovered.

⁶¹⁰ τότε δ᾽ ἐν ΚιλικίαιCilicia λαβὼν ἣν προειρήκαμεν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολὴν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔσπευδεν, ὡς δὲ εἰς ΚελένδερινCelenderis κατέπλει, λαμβάνει τις αὐτὸν ἔννοια τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα κακῶν προμαντευομένης ἤδη καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς.
⁶¹⁰ However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself.	⁶¹⁰ At any rate he received the said letter from his father while in Cilicia, and so hurried onward. But as he sailed into Celenderis he became suspicious of his mother's woes, as if his soul foreboded some harm to himself.
⁶¹⁰ But then in Cilicia, having received the letter from his father mentioned above, he immediately hurried on. However, as he sailed into Celenderis, a premonition of the evils surrounding his mother seized him, his soul already divining the truth within itself.

⁶¹¹ οἱ μὲν οὖν προμηθέστεροι τῶν φίλων συνεβούλευον μὴ πρότερον ἐμπίπτειν τῷ πατρὶ πρὶν πυθέσθαι σαφῶς δι᾽ ἃς αἰτίας ἐξέβαλεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ μητέρα· δεδιέναι γάρ, μή ποτε προσθήκη γένοιτο τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνης διαβολῶν.
⁶¹¹ Those therefore of his friends which were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother:	⁶¹¹ The more cautious of his friends advised him not to go rashly to his father, until he learned why his mother had been expelled, afraid he might be stained by the calumnies heaped upon her.
⁶¹¹ The more prudent of his friends advised him not to throw himself before his father until he had learned clearly for what reasons he had expelled his mother, fearing lest he be added to the slanders against her.

⁶¹² οἱ δὲ ἀσκεπτότεροι καὶ τὴν‎ πατρίδα σπεύδοντες ἰδεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ συμφέρον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater σκοποῦντες, ἐπείγεσθαι παρήινουν καὶ μὴ τῇ μελλήσει παρασχεῖν τῷ πατρὶ μὲν ὑποψίαν φαύλην, τοῖς διαβάλλουσι δὲ ἀφορμήν· καὶ γὰρ νῦν, εἴ τι κεκίνηται κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, παρὰ τὴν‎ ἀπουσίαν γέγονεν· μηδὲ γὰρ ἂν τολμῆσαι παρόντος· ἄτοπον δ᾽ εἶναι δι᾽ ἀδήλους ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy προδήλων ἀγαθῶν στερίσκεσθαι, καὶ μὴ θᾶττον ἀποδοῦναι μὲν ἑαυτὸν τῷ πατρί, κομίσασθαι δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μόνῳ σαλεύουσαν.
⁶¹² but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country, than to Antipater’s safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in case anything had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account only.	⁶¹² But the less prudent, more concerned to see their native country than for Antipater's good, persuaded him to hurry home and not delay his journey and cause his father any suspicion or give a pretext to those who told stories against him. If anything had changed to his detriment, they said, it was due to his absence. This would not happen if he were present, and he should not forego certain success for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, so let him return to his father and take up the kingdom which only himself had placed in jeopardy.
⁶¹² But those who were less thoughtful, and who were more eager to see their homeland than they were concerned for Antipater’s interests, advised him to press on and not provide his father with a foul suspicion through delay, nor give his accusers a fresh handle. They argued that if anything had been stirred up against him, it was because of his absence, and that no one would dare such a thing if he were present. They said it was absurd to be deprived of certain benefits because of uncertain suspicions, and that he should return himself to his father as quickly as possible to receive the kingdom, which was resting on him alone.

⁶¹³ πείθεται τούτοις, ἐνῆγεν γὰρ τὸ δαιμόνιον, καὶ διαπεράσας εἰς τὸν ΣεβαστὸνSebaste λιμένα τῆς ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea κατάγεται.
⁶¹³ Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Caesarea.	⁶¹³ Impelled by Fate, Antipater took the latter advice, and crossed the sea and landed at Sebasté, the harbour of Caesarea.
⁶¹³ He followed this advice—for the Divine Power (to daimonion) was driving him on—and crossing the sea, he landed at the “August Harbor” (Sebastos) of Caesarea.

⁶¹⁴ Παρυπήντησεν δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ δόξαν ἐρημίαdesert, wilderness πολλὴ πάντων ἐκτρεπομένων καὶ μηδενὸς προσιέναι τολμῶντος· ἐμισεῖτο μὲν γὰρ ἐπίσης, καὶ τότε φανῆναι τὸ μῖσος ἔσχεν παρρησίαν, πολλοὺς δὲ ὁ ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως φόβος ἀπέστρεψεν, ἐπειδὴ πᾶσα πόλις ἤδη τῆς κατ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater φήμης πεπλήρωτο καὶ μόνος ἠγνόειnot to know τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈντίπατροςAntipater· οὔτε δὲ προεπέμφθη λαμπρότερόν τις ἐκείνου πλέοντος ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome οὔτε ἀτιμότερον ὑπεδέχθη.
⁶¹⁴ And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while everybody avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread men were in at the king’s anger made men keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now received back with greater ignominy.	⁶¹⁴ What he met was total and unexpected solitude, for all avoided him and no one dared approach him, for he was equally hated by everyone, and now they dared to show it. The people's dread of the king's anger also made them keep away from him, for the whole city was filled with the rumours about Antipater and only he himself was unaware of them. Just as when he began his voyage to Rome, no one had ever had a more magnificent send-off, so no one was ever received back with less honour.
⁶¹⁴ Contrary to his expectations, he was met by a vast solitude, with everyone avoiding him and no one daring to approach. For he was hated by all alike, and that hatred then had the freedom to show itself; moreover, fear of the king kept many away, since every city was already full of the rumors against Antipater, and Antipater alone was ignorant of his own situation. No man had ever been sent off with greater splendor when sailing for Rome, and no man was ever received with greater dishonor.

⁶¹⁵ ὁ δὲ ἤδη μὲν ἐνενόει τὰς οἴκοι συμφοράς, ἔτι δὲ ἐκ πανουργίας ὑπεκρύπτετο καὶ τῷ δέει τεθνηκὼς ἔνδοθεν σοβαρὸς εἶναι τὸ πρόσωπον ἐβιάζετο.
⁶¹⁵ And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod’s family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance.	⁶¹⁵ Already he had a suspicion of the troubles in Herod's family but shrewdly concealed it, and while inwardly he was dying of fear, he forced himself to put on a bold face.
⁶¹⁵ He now began to realize the calamities at home, yet by craftiness he still hid his feelings; though dead within from fear, he forced his face to appear arrogant.

⁶¹⁶ φυγὴ δ᾽ οὐκέτι ἦν οὐδ᾽ ἐκ τῶν περιεχόντων ἀνάδυσις, καὶ σαφὲς μὲν οὐδὲ ἐκεῖ τι τῶν οἴκοθεν ἀπηγγέλλετο διὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπειλήν, ὑπελείπετο δὲ ἐλπὶς ἱλαρωτέρα, τάχα μὲν μηδὲν πεφωρᾶσθαι, τάχα δ᾽, εἴ τι καὶ πεφώραται, διασκευάσειν ἀναιδείᾳ καὶ δόλοις, ἅπερ ἦν αὐτῷ μόνα τὰ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐφόδιαprovision.
⁶¹⁶ Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance.	⁶¹⁶ There was now no way out, no escape from what surrounded him. He had not even any certain news about matters in the royal family, because of the king's threats. Yet he hoped that things would improve if nothing had been discovered, or even if it had, to still clear himself by one of his daring ruses, the only thing that could now save him.
⁶¹⁶ There was no longer any escape, nor any way to withdraw from the surrounding circumstances. Nothing certain from home had been reported there because of the king’s threats, but there remained a more cheerful hope: perhaps nothing had been discovered, or perhaps, if anything had been discovered, he could set it right through impudence and craft—which were his only provisions for safety.

⁶¹⁷ Φραξάμενος οὖν αὐτοῖς ἧκεν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον δίχα τῶν φίλων· οὗτοι γὰρ ὑβρισθέντες ἐπὶ τοῦ πρώτου πυλῶνος εἴρχθησαν· ἔτυχεν δ᾽ ἔνδον ὢν ΟὔαροςVarus ὁ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμών. ὁ δὲ εἴσεισι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τῇ τόλμῃ παρακροτήσας ἑαυτὸν ἤγγιζεν ὡς ἀσπασόμενος.
⁶¹⁷ And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him.	⁶¹⁷ He comforted himself with these hopes until he reached the palace, unaccompanied by his friends, for these were snubbed and excluded at the first gate. Varus the governor of Syria happened to be in the palace when Antipater went to his father, putting on a bold face to greet him.
⁶¹⁷ Fortifying himself with these, he came to the palace without his friends; for they had been insulted and stopped at the first gate. It happened that Varus,^[1] the governor of Syria, was inside. Antipater went in to his father and, emboldened by his own audacity, drew near as if to embrace him.

^[1]Quinctilius Varus, Roman governor of Syria

⁶¹⁸ κἀκεῖνος τὰς χεῖρας προβαλὼν καὶ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν παρακλίνας, « ἔστιν, ἐξεβόησεν, καὶ τοῦτο πατροκτόνου τὸ περιπλέκεσθαί μοι θέλειν ἐν τηλικαύταις αἰτίαις ὄντα. φθείρου, δυσσεβεστάτη κεφαλή, μηδέ μου ψαύσῃς πρὶν ἀποσκευάσασθαι τὰ ἐγκλήματα. δίδωμι δέ σοι δικαστήριον καὶ δικαστὴν εὐκαίρως ἥκοντα ΟὔαρονVarus. ἴθι καὶ σκέπτου τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν εἰς αὔριον· παρέχω γάρ σου καιρὸν τοῖς πανουργεύμασιν.»
⁶¹⁸ But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, “Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself.”	⁶¹⁸ But Herod stretched out his hands and turned away his head and cried out, "Even this shows him a patricide, to want to embrace me when he stands accused of such foulness. God blast you, you villain; do not touch me, until you have cleared yourself of the crimes accused against you. I want you judged by a court, with Varus here at the right time to be your judge. Have your defence ready for tomorrow, for I give you until then to lay your plans."
⁶¹⁸ But Herod pushed out his hands and tilted his head away. “This too,” he cried out, “is characteristic of a parricide—to want to embrace me while under such grave accusations! Be gone, most impious wretch, and do not touch me until you have cleared yourself of the charges. I give you a court and a judge in Varus, who has arrived at a most opportune time. Go and prepare your defense for tomorrow, for I grant you time for your craftiness.”

⁶¹⁹ πρὸς ταῦτα μηδὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation ἀποκρίνασθαι δυνηθεὶς αὐτὸς ὑπέστρεψεν, παραγενόμεναι δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκδιηγήσαντο πάντας τοὺς ἐλέγχους ἥ τε μήτηρ καὶ ἡ γυνή. Καὶ τότε μὲν ἀνανήψας ἐν σκέψει τῆς ἀπολογίας ἦν.
⁶¹⁹ And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations.	⁶¹⁹ He was so taken aback that he went off, unable to answer, but his mother and wife came to him and told him all the evidence against him, which got him to think and ponder what defence to make against the accusations.
⁶¹⁹ Being unable to answer anything because of his shock, he withdrew. Then his mother and his wife came to him and recounted all the evidence against him. Only then did he recover his senses and turn his thoughts to his defense.

Chapter 32
Antipater stands trial, for plotting against Herod.
His Defence, and Herod's testament

☜ ☞

⁶²⁰ Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ συνέδριον μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀθροίζει τῶν συγγενῶν καὶ φίλων, εἰσκαλεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater φίλους. προκαθέζεται δὲ αὐτὸς ἅμα ΟὐάρῳVarus καὶ τοὺς μηνυτὰς πάντας ἐκέλευσεν εἰσαγαγεῖν, ἐν οἷς εἰσήχθησαν καὶ τῆς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητρὸς οἰκέται τινὲς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ συνειλημμένοι, κομίζοντες γράμματα παρ᾽ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν τοιάδε· « ἐπεὶ πεφώραται πάντα ἐκεῖνα τῷ πατρί σου, μὴ παραγίνου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἂν μή τινα πορίσῃ παρὰ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar δύναμιν.»
⁶²⁰ Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater’s friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater’s mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son:—“Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar.”	⁶²⁰ The next day the king assembled a court of his relatives and friends and called in Antipater's friends. Herod himself presided along with Varus, and Herod called for all the witnesses to be brought in; among whom were some servants of Antipater's mother, who a little earlier had been caught bringing this letter from her to her son: "Since your father knows all these things, do not come to him unless you can get some help from Caesar."
⁶²⁰ On the following day, the king assembled a council of his kinsmen and friends, and also summoned Antipater’s friends. He himself sat in judgment with Varus and ordered all the informers to be brought in. Among these were some servants of Antipater’s mother, recently apprehended, who carried a letter from her to her son which read: “Since your father has discovered everything, do not come to him unless you have first secured some protection from Caesar.”

⁶²¹ τούτων σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰσηγμένων ἈντίπατροςAntipater εἰσέρχεται καὶ πεσὼν πρηνὴς πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν τοῦ πατρός, « ἱκετεύω, πάτερ, ἔφη, μηδέν μου προκατεγνωκέναι, παρασχεῖν δέ μοι τὰς ἀκοὰς ἀκεραίους εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν· ἀποδείξω γὰρ ἐμαυτὸν καθαρόν, ἂν σὺ θέλῃς.»
⁶²¹ When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father’s feet, he said, “Father, I beseech thee, do notcondemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent.”	⁶²¹ When these and the other witnesses were brought in, Antipater entered and falling on his face at his father's feet, said, "Father, I beg you not to condemn me in advance, but hear my defence without prejudice, for if you let me, I will prove that I am innocent."
⁶²¹ When these were led in along with the rest, Antipater entered and, falling prostrate at his father’s feet, said: “I beseech you, father, do not condemn me beforehand, but grant me an unbiased hearing for my defense; for I will prove myself innocent, if you will allow it.”

⁶²² Ὁ δ᾽ αὐτῷ σιγᾶν ἐγκραγὼν πρὸς τὸν ΟὔαρονVarus εἶπεν· « ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μὲν καὶ σύ, ΟὔαρεVarus, καὶ πᾶς δικαστὴς ὅσιος ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐξώλη κρινεῖ, πέπεισμαι. δέδοικα δέ, μὴ κἀμοῦ μισήσῃς τὴν‎ τύχην κἀμὲ κρίνῃς πάσης ἄξιον συμφορᾶς τοιούτους υἱοὺς γεγεννηκότα. χρὴ δέ με διὰ τοῦτο ἐλεεῖσθαι πλέον, ὅτι πρὸς οὕτω μιαροὺς καὶ φιλοστοργότατος πατὴρ ἐγενόμην.
⁶²² Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus:—“I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons;	⁶²² Herod shouted to him to be silent and said, "Varus, I must assume that you and every other fair judge will decide that Antipater is a villain. I fear that as well as being shocked by my bad luck you will think that I deserve my fate for begetting such children, though I am more to be pitied for being so fond a father to such wretched sons.
⁶²² But Herod, crying out for him to be silent, turned to Varus and said: “I am persuaded, Varus, that you and every just judge will condemn Antipater as a wretch. But I fear you may also despise my fortune and judge me worthy of every calamity for having fathered such sons. Yet I deserve more pity for this: that toward such villains, I have been the most affectionate of fathers.

⁶²³ τοὺς μὲν γὰρ προτέρους βασιλείας τε ἔτι νέους ἀξιώσαςto think worthy καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἐν ῬώμῃRome τροφείοις φίλους ΚαίσαροςCaesar, ζηλωτοὺς δὲ ποιήσας βασιλεῦσιν ἑτέροις, εὗρον ἐπιβούλους, οἳ τεθνήκασι τὸ πλέον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater· νέῳ γὰρ ὄντι καὶ διαδόχῳ τούτῳ μάλιστα τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν ἐποριζόμην.
⁶²³ for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger:	⁶²³ For when in their early days I had intended my former sons to have the kingdom, and when, on top of the expense of educating them in Rome, I had made them friends of Caesar and the envy of other kings, I found them plotting against me. Those were put to death, mainly for the sake of Antipater, for when he was young I appointed him my successor, and took care to keep him safe.
⁶²³ For as to my former sons, whom I deemed worthy of the kingdom while they were still young, and who, besides their education in Rome, were made friends of Caesar and the envy of other kings—I found them to be conspirators. They died largely for the sake of Antipater; for since he was young and my successor, it was for his security that I primarily provided.

⁶²⁴ τὸ δὲ μιαρὸν τοῦτο θηρίον τῆς ἐμῆς ὑπερεμπλησθὲν ἀνεξικακίας ἤνεγκεν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ τὸν κόρον· ἔδοξα γὰρ αὐτῷ πολὺν ζῆν χρόνον, καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν γῆρας ἐβαρύνθη βασιλεύς τε οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰ μὴ διὰ πατροκτονίας γενέσθαι, δίκαια γοῦν βουλευσάμενος, ὅτι καταγαγὼν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἀπερριμμένον καὶ παρωσάμενος τοὺς ἐκ βασιλίδος μοι γεγενημένους ἀπέδειξα τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον.
⁶²⁴ but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions.	⁶²⁴ But like a foul beast, too indulged by my patience, he used against me all that I had given him. He thought I was living too long and was so irked by my old age that, unwilling to wait and sought to become king by patricide. It serves me right for I brought him back to the palace from obscurity in the country, displacing those sons of mine who were born of the queen and naming him successor to my throne.
⁶²⁴ But this filthy beast, having glutted himself on my long-suffering, turned his satiety against me. For I seemed to him to live too long; he was burdened by my old age and could not endure to become king except through parricide. And he was right to think so—seeing that I brought him back from exile, an outcast, and setting aside the sons born to me by a queen, I declared him successor to the throne.

⁶²⁵ ἐξομολογοῦμαί σοι, ΟὔαρεVarus, τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ φρενοβλάβειαν· ἐγὼ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐκείνους κατ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ παρώξυνα δικαίας αὐτῶν ἀποκόψας ἐλπίδας δι᾽ ἈντίπατρονAntipater. Καὶ τί μὲν ἐκείνους εὐεργέτησα τηλικοῦτον, ἡλίκον τοῦτον; ᾧ γε ζῶν μὲν ὀλίγου δεῖν παρεχώρησα τῆς ἐξουσίας, φανερῶς δὲ ταῖς διαθήκαις ἐνέγραψα τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον καὶ πρόσοδον μὲν ἰδίᾳ πεντήκοντα ταλάντων ἔνειμα, τῶν δ᾽ ἐμῶν ἐχορήγησα χρημάτων ἀνέδην, πλέοντι δὲ νῦν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἔδωκα τριακόσια τάλαντα, ΚαίσαριCaesar δ᾽ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς γενεᾶς μόνον ὡς σωτῆρα τοῦ πατρὸς παρεθέμην.
⁶²⁵ I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do to them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to whom I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal authority while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father’s deliverer.	⁶²⁵ Varus, I confess to you my great foolishness, for I provoked those sons to act against me by robbing them of their rightful hopes for the sake of Antipater. What kindness did I show them, as I did to this fellow? I have, as it were, handed over to him my authority during my lifetime, in publicly naming him in my testament to rule as my successor and giving him a yearly income of fifty talents and extravagant gifts out of my own revenue. When he was sailing to Rome I gave him three hundred talents and commended him to Caesar, alone of all my children, as his father's saviour.
⁶²⁵ I confess to you, Varus, my own mental blindness. I provoked those sons against myself by cutting off their just hopes for the sake of Antipater. And what benefit did I ever bestow on them so great as those I gave to him? While I was yet alive, I almost entirely yielded my power to him, and I openly named him successor in my will. I assigned him a private income of fifty talents and supplied him lavishly from my own funds. Now, as he sailed to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents and commended him to Caesar, out of all my family, as the only savior of his father.

⁶²⁶ τί δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι τοιοῦτον ἠσέβησαν, οἷον ἈντίπατροςAntipater; ἢ τίς ἔλεγχος ἠνέχθη κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἡλίκος ἀποδείκνυσιν τοῦτον ἐπίβουλον;
⁶²⁶ Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me?	⁶²⁶ What crimes did the others commit, compared to Antipater's? What proof against them was as strong as the proof of this fellow's plot against me?
⁶²⁶ But what impiety did those others commit like that of Antipater? Or what evidence was brought against them as great as that which proves this man a conspirator?

⁶²⁷ ἀλλὰ φθέγγεσθαί τι τετόλμηκεν ὁ πατροκτόνος καὶ πάλιν δόλοις τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν ἐπικαλύψειν ἐλπίζει. ΟὔαρεVarus, σοὶ φυλακτέον· ἐγὼ γὰρ οἶδα τὸ θηρίον καὶ προορῶμαι τὴν‎ μέλλουσαν ἀξιοπιστίαν καὶ τὸν ἐπίπλαστον ὀλοφυρμόν· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ παραινῶν ἐμοί ποτε φυλάττεσθαι ζῶντα ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ μὴ πᾶσιν πιστεύειν τὸ σῶμα· οὗτος ὁ μέχρι τῆς κοίτης εἰσάγων καὶ μή μέ τις ἐνεδρεύοι περιβλέπων· οὗτος ὁ ταμίας τῶν ὕπνων καὶ χορηγὸς τῆς ἀμεριμνίας, ὁ παραμυθούμενος τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνῃρημένοις λύπην καὶ διακρίνων τὴν‎ τῶν ζώντων εὔνοιαν ἀδελφῶν, ὁ ὑπερασπιστὴς ὁ ἐμός, ὁ σωματοφύλαξ.
⁶²⁷ Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to entrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about, lest anyone should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me fromfear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body!	⁶²⁷ Yet the patricide presumes to speak on his own behalf and hopes to hide the truth again by his cunning. Varus, you must beware of him, for I know the beast and foresee how plausibly he will talk and his artificial laments. It was he who urged me to distrust Alexander when he was alive and not to trust my life to everyone! He was the one who came to my bedside and looked around to see if anyone had laid a snare for me! He was the one who took care of my sleep, offering me freedom from worry, and comforted me in my grief at the murder of my sons and discerned how my surviving brothers felt toward me! This was my protector and bodyguard!
⁶²⁷ Yet the parricide has dared to speak and hopes to cover the truth again with his deceits. Varus, you must be on your guard. For I know the beast and I foresee his plausible speech and his feigned lamentations. This is the man who once advised me to beware of Alexander while he was alive and not to trust my person to everyone! This is the man who used to lead me to my bed and look around to see if anyone was lying in wait! This is the man who was the steward of my sleep and the provider of my peace of mind, who consoled my grief over my murdered sons and examined the loyalty of my living brothers—my champion, my bodyguard!

⁶²⁸ ὅταν ἀναμνησθῶ, ΟὔαρεVarus, τὸ πανοῦργον ἐν ἑκάστῳ καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπόκρισιν, ἀπιστία με τοῦ ζῆν εἰσέρχεται καὶ θαυμάζω, πῶς βαρὺν οὕτως ἐπίβουλον διέφυγον. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ δαίμων τις ἐξερημοῖ τὸν ἐμὸν οἶκον καί μοι τοὺς φιλτάτους ἐπανίστησιν ἀεί, κλαύσομαι μὲν ἐγὼ τὴν‎ ἄδικον εἱμαρμένην καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν στενάξω τὴν‎ ἐρημίαν, διαφεύξεται δ᾽ οὐδεὶς διψήσας τοὐμὸν αἷμα, κἂν διὰ πάντων μου τῶν τέκνων ὁ ἔλεγχος ἔλθῃ.»
⁶²⁸ And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons.”	⁶²⁸ When I recall Varus, his craftiness and hypocrisy in each matter, it's a wonder that I am still alive and have survived such an outright schemer. But since some demon is ruining my family and always stirring against those who are dearest to me, I will grieve in silence for my hard and lonely lot, but am determined that no one who thirsts for my blood shall go unpunished, even if it includes all my sons."
⁶²⁸ When I remember, Varus, the craftiness and hypocrisy in every act, a disbelief in life itself comes over me, and I marvel at how I escaped such a heavy conspirator. But since some vengeful spirit (daimon) is making my house a desert and continually rouses those dearest to me against me, I shall weep for my unjust fate and groan in private over my solitude; but no one who thirsts for my blood shall escape, even if the proof of guilt reaches through all my children.”

⁶²⁹ Τοιαῦτα λέγων αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ συγχύσεως ἐνεκόπη, ΝικολάῳNicolaus δ᾽ ἑνὶ τῶν φίλων λέγειν τὰς ἀποδείξεις ἔνευσεν. μεταξὺ δ᾽ ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐπάρας τὴν‎ κεφαλήν, ἔμενεν γὰρ δὴ βεβλημένος πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν τοῦ πατρός, ἐκβοᾶι·
⁶²⁹ Upon Herod’s saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the meantime Antipater lifted up his head (for he lay on the ground before his father’s feet) and cried out aloud,	⁶²⁹ As Herod said this, he broke off in distress and told Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. Meanwhile Antipater lifted up his head and shouted,
⁶²⁹ As he spoke these things, he was interrupted by his own distress, and he signaled to Nicolaus, one of his friends, to state the evidence. In the meantime, Antipater, lifting his head as he remained prostrate at his father’s feet, cried out:

⁶³⁰ « σύ, πάτερ, ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πεποίηκας τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν· πῶς γὰρ ἐγὼ πατροκτόνος, ὃν ὁμολογεῖς φύλακα διὰ παντὸς ἐσχηκέναι; τερατείαν δέ μου καὶ ὑπόκρισιν λέγεις τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν. πῶς ὁ πανοῦργος ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις οὕτως ἄφρων ἐγενόμην, ὡς μὴ νοεῖν, ὅτι λαθεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἀνθρώπους ῥᾴδιον τηλικοῦτον μύσος ἐνσκευαζόμενον, τὸν δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ δικαστὴν ἀμήχανον, ὃς ἐφορᾷ πάντα καὶ πανταχοῦ πάρεστιν;
⁶³⁰ “Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present everywhere?	⁶³⁰ "Father, you have made my defence for me, for how can I be a patricide, when you admit that you always had me as your guardian? You call my filial loyalty amazing hypocrisy! But how could a man so subtle in other matters, be so mad as not to know that such a terrible crime is hard to hide from others and impossible to hide from the heavenly Judge who sees all and is everywhere present?
⁶³⁰ “You yourself, father, have made the defense on my behalf. For how can I be a parricide, when you confess that I have been your protector throughout? You call my piety ‘monstrosity’ and ‘hypocrisy.’ How could I, who was so crafty in other matters, have been so foolish as not to realize that while it is not easy to hide such a great crime from men, it is impossible to hide it from the Judge in heaven, who sees all and is present everywhere?

⁶³¹ ἢ τὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τέλος ἠγνόουν, οὓς ὁ θεὸς οὕτως μετῆλθε τῆς εἰς σὲ κακοβουλίας; τί δέ με καὶ παρώξυνεν κατὰ σοῦ; βασιλείας ἐλπίς; ἀλλ᾽ ἐβασίλευον. ὑπόνοια μίσους; οὐ γὰρ ἐστεργόμην; φόβος ἐκ σοῦ τις ἄλλος· ἀλλὰ μὴν σὲ τηρῶν ἑτέροις φοβερὸς ἤμην. ἔνδεια χρημάτων;
⁶³¹ or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others.	⁶³¹ Or did I not know what happened to my brothers, so punished by God for plotting against you? What was there to rouse me against you? The hope of being king? But I was already a king! A suspicion that you hated me? No, for was I not well loved? What had I to fear, when by keeping you safe, I caused fear to others.
⁶³¹ Was I ignorant of the end of my brothers, whom God pursued so for their evil designs against you? And what could have provoked me against you? The hope of the kingdom? But I was already reigning. Suspicion of hatred? Was I not loved? Fear of you? On the contrary, by guarding you I was a terror to others. Lack of money?

⁶³² καὶ τίνι μᾶλλον ἐξῆν ἀναλίσκειν; εἰ γὰρ ἐξωλέστατος πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἐγενόμην καὶ θηρίου ψυχὴν εἶχον ἀνημέρου, πάτερ, οὐκ ἂν ταῖς σαῖς εὐεργεσίαις ἐνικήθην, ὃν κατήγαγες μέν, ὡς ἔφης αὐτός, προέκρινας δὲ τοσούτων τέκνων, ἀπέδειξας δὲ ζῶν βασιλέα, δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν ἐποίησας ἐπίφθονον;
⁶³² Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowest on me, thou madest me an object of envy.	⁶³² Was it a lack of money? No, for who had as much to spend as I? Father, even if I were the worst of men and with the soul of the wildest beast, would I not have been won over by your favours to me? As you yourself say, you supported me and favoured me over so many of your sons, you made me king in your own lifetime, and, by other great favours you made me an enviable man.
⁶³² And who had more to spend than I? Even if I were the most abandoned of all men and had the soul of a savage beast, father, would I not have been overcome by your benefits? For you brought me back, as you said yourself; you preferred me over so many of your children; you declared me king while you were yet alive; and through an excess of other goods, you made me an object of envy.

⁶³³ ὢ τάλας ἐγὼ τῆς πικρᾶς ἀποδημίαςan absence, journey, ὡς πολὺν ἔδωκα καιρὸν τῷ φθόνῳ καὶ μακρὰν τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσι διωρίαν. σοὶ δέ, πάτερ, καὶ τοῖς σοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀπεδήμουν, ἵνα μὴ ΣυλλαῖοςSyllaeus τοῦ σοῦ γήρως καταφρονήσῃ. ῬώμηRome μοι μάρτυς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ ὁ τῆς οἰκουμένης προστάτης ΚαῖσαρCaesar, ὁ ΦιλοπάτοραPhilopater πολλάκις με εἰπών. λάβε, πάτερ, τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γράμματα. ταῦτα τῶν ἐνθάδε διαβολῶν πιστότερα, ταῦτα ἀπολογία μοι μόνη, τούτοις τῆς εἰς σὲ φιλοστοργίας τεκμηρίοις χρῶμαι.
⁶³³ O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater. Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee.	⁶³³ How I regret my sad absence which gave me such scope for envy and plotting against me! But father, I was away on your behalf, so that Syllaeus might not treat you with contempt in your old age. Rome can testify to my devotion to you, as can Caesar, ruler of the world, who often called me Philopater. Take these letters he has sent you, which should be believed more than the calumnies against me. These letters are my only apology and prove my affection for you.
⁶³³ Oh, miserable me for that bitter journey abroad! How long a time I gave to malice and how long an opportunity to those who plot against me! It was for you, father, and your struggles that I went abroad, so that Syllaeus might not look down upon your old age. Rome is witness to my piety, and Caesar, the ruler of the world, who often called me a lover of my father. Take his letters, father! These are more trustworthy than the slanders here; these are my only defense; these I use as proofs of my affection for you.

⁶³⁴ μέμνησο δὲ ὡς οὐχ ἑκὼν ἔπλεονto sail ἐπιστάμενος τὴν‎ ἐμφωλεύουσαν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ δυσμένειαν. σὺ δέ με, πάτερ, ἄκων ἀπώλεσας, ἀναγκάσας καιρὸν διαβολῆς δοῦναι τῷ φθόνῳ. πάρειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐλέγχους, πάρειμι διὰ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης οὐδὲν οὐδαμοῦ παθὼν ὁ πατροκτόνος.
⁶³⁴ Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them:	⁶³⁴ Remember that it was against my wishes that I sailed away, knowing the secret hatred in the kingdom against me. It was you, father, who ruined me, however unwillingly, by giving time for calumny and envy to rise against me. I have come to answer the charges, and if I am a patricide, I have crossed land and sea without mishap on either.
⁶³⁴ Remember that I did not sail willingly, knowing the hostility lurking in the kingdom against me. You, father, have unwittingly destroyed me by forcing me to give malice an opportunity for slander. But I am here for the trial; I am here, having passed through land and sea, I, the ‘parricide,’ without having suffered any harm anywhere.

⁶³⁵ ἀλλὰ μήπω με τούτῳ φίλει τῷ τεκμηρίῳ· κατέγνωσμαι γὰρ καὶ παρὰ θεῷ καὶ παρὰ σοί, πάτερ. κατεγνωσμένος δὲ δέομαι μὴ ταῖς ἄλλων βασάνοις πιστεύειν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ φερέσθω τὸ πῦρ, ὁδευέτω διὰ τῶν ἐμῶν σπλάγχνων τὰ ὄργανα, μὴ φειδέσθω ὀλοφυρμὸςa lamentation τοῦ μιαροῦ σώματος· εἰ γὰρ εἰμὶ πατροκτόνος, οὐκ ὀφείλω θνήσκειν ἀβασάνιστος.»
⁶³⁵ but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture.”	⁶³⁵ But this proof is no help to me, father, as I seem to be condemned already, in God's sight and yours. Well, if I am already condemned, please do not believe those who have already been tortured, but let fire be brought to me. Let pain rack my bowels and ignore any screams of this wretched body, for if I am a patricide, I ought not die without torture."
⁶³⁵ But do not love me yet because of this proof; for I have been condemned both by God and by you, father. But since I am condemned, I beg you not to trust the tortures of others. Let the fire be brought against me; let the instruments of torture pass through my entrails; let no pity be spared for this filthy body! For if I am a parricide, I ought not to die without being tortured.”

⁶³⁶ τοιαῦτα μετ᾽ ὀλοφυρμοῦ καὶ δακρύων ἐκβοῶν τούς τε ἄλλους ἅπαντας καὶ τὸν ΟὔαρονVarus εἰς οἶκτον προυκαλέσατο, μόνον δὲ ὁ θυμὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd ἄδακρυν διεκράτει τοὺς ἐλέγχους ἀληθεῖς ἐπιστάμενον.
⁶³⁶ Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.	⁶³⁶ This he called out with groans and tears, and moved all the rest and Varus in particular, to pity him. Herod was the only one whose feeling was too strong to let him weep, knowing that the evidence was true.
⁶³⁶ By crying out such things with lamentation and tears, he moved all the others and Varus to pity. Only Herod was held back from tears by his rage, knowing that the evidence was true.

⁶³⁷ Ἐν τούτῳ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus τοῦ βασιλέως κελεύσαντος πολλὰ πρὸς τὸ πανοῦργον τὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater προειπὼνto predict καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ διαχέας ἔλεον, ἔπειτα πικρὰν κατηγορίαν κατετείνατο, πάντα μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν κακουργήματα περιτιθεὶς αὐτῷ, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ἀδελφῶν, ἀποδεικνὺς ταῖς ἐκείνου διαβολαῖς ἀπολωλότας. ἐπιβουλεύειν δὲ αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν καὶ τοῖς περιοῦσιν ὡς ἐφέδροις τῆς διαδοχῆς· τὸν γὰρ παρασκευάσαντα πατρὶ φάρμακον ἦ πού γ᾽ ἂν ἀδελφῶν ἀποσχέσθαι.
⁶³⁷ And now it was that, at the king’s command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren?	⁶³⁷ Then Nicolaus, at the king's command, after saying much about Antipater's guile and countering their pity toward him, accused him bitterly and at length, blaming him for all the plotting in the kingdom and especially for the murder of his brothers, showing that they had died because of his calumnies, and that he also conspired against those who were still alive, seen as a threat to his succession. How could one imagine that a man who prepared poison for his father would spare his brothers?
⁶³⁷ Thereupon Nicolaus, at the king’s command, spoke at length about the craftiness of Antipater and cleared away the pity felt for him. Then he delivered a bitter accusation, attributing to him all the evils in the kingdom, especially the murder of his brothers, proving that they had perished because of his slanders. He said that he was also plotting against those who survived as if they were rivals for the succession; for one who had prepared poison for a father would surely not spare his brothers.

⁶³⁸ προελθὼν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν ἔλεγχον τῆς φαρμακείας τάς τε μηνύσεις [ἑξῆς ] ἐπεδείκνυεν καὶ περὶ ΦερώραPheroras κατεσχετλίαζεν, ὅτι κἀκεῖνον ἈντίπατροςAntipater ποιήσειεν ἀδελφοκτόνον καὶ τοὺς φιλτάτους τῷ βασιλεῖ διαφθείρας ὅλον τοῦ μύσους ἀναπλήσειεν τὸν οἶκον, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοις εἰπὼν καὶ ἀποδείξας καταπαύει τὸν λόγον.
⁶³⁸ He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs of them, he left off.	⁶³⁸ He proceeded to the attempted poisoning and detailed the various discoveries that had been made, waxing indignant about the business about Pheroras, how Antipater had tried to get him to murder his brother and corrupted those dearest to the king and filled the royal house with evil. Then after listing many other accusations and the proof for them, he concluded his speech.
⁶³⁸ Proceeding to the proof of the poisoning, he presented the information in order. He expressed great indignation regarding Pheroras, saying that Antipater had attempted to make even him a fratricide, and by corrupting those dearest to the king, had filled the whole house with pollution. After saying many other things and providing proof, he ended his speech.

⁶³⁹ ΟὔαροςVarus δὲ ἀπολογεῖσθαι κελεύσας τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater, ὡς οὐδὲν πλέον εἰπὼν ἢ « θεός ἐστίν μοι τοῦ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν μάρτυς » ἔκειτο σιγῶν, αἰτήσας τὸ φάρμακον δίδωσί τινι τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κατακρίτων δεσμώτῃ πιεῖν.
⁶³⁹ Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay in silence, and said no more but this:—“God is my witness that I am entirely innocent.” So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot.	⁶³⁹ Varus called on Antipater to make his defence, but he said nothing except, "God is my witness that I am entirely innocent." Then Varus asked for the potion and caused a condemned prisoner to drink it.
⁶³⁹ When Varus ordered Antipater to defend himself, he said nothing more than “God is my witness that I have done no wrong,” and lay there in silence. Then Varus, having asked for the poison, gave it to a prisoner condemned to death to drink.

⁶⁴⁰ τοῦ δὲ παραχρῆμα τελευτήσαντος ὁ μὲν ἀπορρήτους ποιήσας τὰς πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd ὁμιλίαςsermon καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸ συνέδριον ΚαίσαριCaesar γράψας μετὰ μίαν ἡμέραν χωρίζεται. δεσμεῖ δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈντίπατρονAntipater καὶ πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar τοὺς δηλώσοντας τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ἐξέπεμψεν.
⁶⁴⁰ So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day’s stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes.	⁶⁴⁰ When the man died on the spot, Varus had a secret conversation with Herod and wrote for Caesar an account of this meeting, and then left, having stayed just one day. The king put Antipater in prison and wrote to inform Caesar of the misfortune.
⁶⁴⁰ When the man died immediately, Varus had a private conversation with Herod, wrote to Caesar regarding the council’s proceedings, and departed after one day. The king then bound Antipater in chains and sent messengers to Caesar to report the calamity.

⁶⁴¹ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ κατὰ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐπίβουλος ἈντίπατροςAntipater εὑρίσκεται· τῶν γὰρ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus τις οἰκετῶν ἧκεν ἐπιστολὰς κομίζων ἀπὸ ῬώμηςRome παρὰ ΛιουίαςLivia θεραπαινίδος ἀκμῆς τοὔνομα. Καὶ παρὰ μὲν ταύτης ἐπέσταλτο βασιλεῖ τὰς παρὰ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐπιστολὰς ἐν τοῖς ΛιουίαςLivia εὑρηκέναι γράμμασιν, πεπομφέναι δὲ αὐτῷ λάθρα δι᾽ εὔνοιαν.
⁶⁴¹ Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus’s domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maidservant of Julia [Caesar’s wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia’s papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her goodwill to him.	⁶⁴¹ Later it was found that Antipater had schemed against Salome too. One of Antiphilus' house servants brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Livia, named Acme. She notified the king how she had found among Livia's papers a letter written by Salome, and as a well-wisher had sent it to him secretly.
⁶⁴¹ After this, it was discovered that Antipater had also plotted against Salome. For one of Antiphilus’ servants arrived from Rome carrying letters from a maidservant of Livia [Caesar’s wife] named Acme. She wrote to the king that she had found letters from Salome among Livia’s papers and had sent them to him secretly out of goodwill.

⁶⁴² αἱ δὲ τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome λοιδορίας τε τοῦ βασιλέως περιεῖχον πικροτάτας καὶ κατηγορίαν μεγίστην. ταύτας δὲ πλάσας ἈντίπατροςAntipater καὶ τὴν‎ ἀκμὴν διαφθείρας ἔπεισεν ἩρώδῃHerod πέμψαι.
⁶⁴² This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod.	⁶⁴² In it Salome bitterly insulted the king and made serious accusations against him, but it had been forged by Antipater, who also got Acme to send it to Herod.
⁶⁴² But these letters contained the most bitter insults from Salome against the king and very grave accusations. These letters had actually been forged by Antipater, who had bribed Acme to send them to Herod.

⁶⁴³ διηλέγχθη δὲ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιστολῆς· καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τὸ γύναιον ἔγραψεν· « ὡς ἐβουλήθης, ἔγραψά σου τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐκείνας ἔπεμψα πεπεισμένη τὸν βασιλέα μὴ φείσεσθαι τῆς ἀδελφῆς, ὅταν ἀναγνῷ. καλῶς δὲ ποιήσεις, ἐπειδὰν ἀπαρτισθῇ πάντα, μνημονεύσας ὧν ὑπέσχου.»
⁶⁴³ This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:—“As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished.”	⁶⁴³ This was proved by her letter, when the woman wrote to Antipater: "As you wished, I have written to your father and sent that letter and feel sure that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. When all is done I hope you will remember what you promised."
⁶⁴³ This was proved by Acme’s letter to Antipater himself; for the woman had written to him: “As you wished, I have written to your father and sent those letters, being persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads them. You will do well, when everything is finalized, to remember what you promised.”

⁶⁴⁴ Ταύτης φωραθείσης τῆς ἐπιστολῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐνσκευασθεισῶν ἔννοια μὲν ἐμπίπτει τῷ βασιλεῖ τάχα καὶ κατ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander πλασθῆναι γράμματα, περιαλγὴς δ᾽ ἦν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους ὡς παρ᾽ ὀλίγον καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ἀποκτείνας δι᾽ ἈντίπατρονAntipater·
⁶⁴⁴ When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king’s mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater’s account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes;	⁶⁴⁴ When this letter was found and their inventions against Salome, the king began to suspect that perhaps the letters against Alexander had also been forged and was so deeply troubled that he had almost killed his sister on account of Antipater.
⁶⁴⁴ When this letter and the schemes against Salome were discovered, a thought struck the king that perhaps the letters against Alexander had also been forged. He was deeply pained by the thought that he had almost killed his sister because of Antipater.

⁶⁴⁵ οὐκέτι οὖν ἀνεβάλλετο λαβεῖν τιμωρίαν ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων. ὡρμημένος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐπεσχέθη νόσῳ χαλεπῇ· περὶ μέντοι τῆς ἀκμῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐσκευωρημένων ἐπέστειλεν ΚαίσαριCaesar.
⁶⁴⁵ yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent an account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome;	⁶⁴⁵ He wanted to delay no longer to punish all his crimes, but while serious illness held him back from dealing with Antipater, he wrote to Caesar about Acme and the plans against Salome.
⁶⁴⁵ Therefore, he no longer delayed in taking vengeance for everything. But as he was moving against Antipater, he was seized by a severe illness.^[1] However, he wrote to Caesar regarding Acme and the plots against Salome.

^[1]The “severe illness” is the beginning of Herod’s final decline (4 BC), often identified by modern historians as a combination of chronic kidney disease and “Herod’s Evil” (Fournier’s gangrene).

⁶⁴⁶ τήν τε διαθήκην αἰτήσας μετέγραφεν, καὶ βασιλέα μὲν ἀπεδείκνυεν ἈντίπανAntipas ἀμελῶν τῶν πρεσβυτάτων ἈρχελάουArchelaus καὶ ΦιλίππουPhilip· διαβεβλήκει γὰρ καὶ τούτους ἈντίπατροςAntipater· ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ σὺν τοῖς διὰ χρημάτων δώροις χίλια τάλαντα, τῇ δὲ γυναικὶ καὶ τέκνοις αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ φίλοις καὶ ἀπελευθέροις περὶ πεντακόσια, ἀπένειμεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν τῆς τε χώρας οὐκ ὀλίγα καὶ τῶν χρημάτων· λαμπροτάταις δὲ δωρεαῖς ἐτίμα ΣαλώμηνSalome τὴν‎ ἀδελφήν. ἐν μὲν οὖν ταῖς διαθήκαις ταῦτα διωρθώσατο.
⁶⁴⁶ he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archelaus and Philip, because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freedmen about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered.	⁶⁴⁶ He also sent for his testament and altered it, designating Antipas as king and by-passing his eldest sons Archelaus and Philip, since Antipater had ruined them, but bequeathing a thousand talents to Caesar, along with other gifts, and about five hundred to his wife and children and friends and freedmen. He also bequeathed to others a large amount of land and money and honoured his sister Salome with splendid gifts. These were the matters he corrected in his will.
⁶⁴⁶ He also asked for his will and revised it. He named Antipas^[1] as king, passing over his eldest sons Archelaus and Philip—for Antipater had slandered them as well. To Caesar, he left a thousand talents along with other monetary gifts, and to Caesar’s wife, children, friends, and freedmen about five hundred talents. He also distributed much land and money to all his other relatives and honored his sister Salome with very magnificent gifts. These were the corrections he made in his will.

^[1]When Herod died of his illness (as mentioned in Matthew 2:19-22), he was replaced by his son Archelaus and Herod Antipas.

Chapter 33
Herod's final barbarities.
Signs of revolt against him.
He executes Antipater
and plans a massacre to coincide with his death

☜ ☞

⁶⁴⁷ προῄει δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ χαλεπώτερον ἡ νόσος ἅτε δὴ τῶν ἀρρωστημάτων ἐν γήρᾳ καὶ ἀθυμίᾳ ἐπιπεσόντων· ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἤδη σχεδὸν ἐτῶν ἑβδομήκοντα, τεταπείνωτο δὲ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ταῖς περὶ τῶν τέκνων συμφοραῖς, ὡς μηδ᾽ ἐν ὑγιείᾳ τι τῶν ἡδέων προσίεσθαι. τῆς νόσου δ᾽ ἦν ἐπίτασις ζῶν ἈντίπατροςAntipater, ὃν οὐκ ἐν παρέργῳ, ῥαΐσας δὲ προήιρητο ἀνελεῖν.
⁶⁴⁷ Now Herod’s distemper became more and more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already almost seventy years of age, and had been brought low by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put to death now, not at random, but as soon as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].	⁶⁴⁷ Herod's illness developed steadily, made worse by his old age and despondency. He was already seventy years of age and his experiences regarding his children saddened his spirit, though they gave him no real pleasure even when he was in health. Worse than his malady was knowing that Antipater was still alive, whom he now decided to execute, not casually but seriously, as soon as he recovered.
⁶⁴⁷ His disease progressed toward greater severity, as his maladies fell upon him in old age and despondency; for he was already nearly seventy years old, and his spirit had been so crushed by the calamities concerning his children that even in health he could find no pleasure. The fact that Antipater still lived added to the intensity of his illness, for Herod had resolved not to treat his execution as a side-matter, but to carry it out as soon as he felt slightly better.

⁶⁴⁸ Γίνεται δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς αὐτῷ καὶ δημοτική τις ἐπανάστασις. δύο ἦσαν σοφισταὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν μάλιστα δοκοῦντες ἀκριβοῦν τὰ πάτρια καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν παντὶ τῷ ἔθνει μεγίστης ἠξιωμένοιto consider worthy δόξης, ἸούδαςJudas τε υἱὸς ΣεπφεραίουSepphoris καὶ ΜατθίαςMattathias, Matthias ἕτερος ΜαργάλουMargalus.
⁶⁴⁸ There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem], who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account held in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus.	⁶⁴⁸ On top of his other troubles, there also was now a popular rebellion. There were two men of learning in the city, deemed the most skilled in their ancestral laws and much admired by the whole nation on that account; one of them was Judah, son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, son of Margalus.
⁶⁴⁸ Amidst these misfortunes, a popular uprising also occurred. There were two sophists in the city who were thought to be the most accurate in interpreting the ancestral laws and were therefore held in the highest esteem by the whole nation: Judas, son of Sepphoraeus, and Matthias, son of Margalus.

⁶⁴⁹ τούτοις οὐκ ὀλίγοι προσῄεσαν τῶν νέων ἐξηγουμένοις τοὺς νόμους, καὶ συνεῖχον ὁσημέραι τῶν ἡβώντων στρατόπεδον. οἳ τότε τὸν βασιλέα πυνθανόμενοι ταῖς ἀθυμίαις ὑπορρέονταto flow under καὶ τῇ νόσῳ λόγον καθίεσαν εἰς τοὺς γνωρίμους, ὡς ἄρα καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότατος εἴη τιμωρεῖν ἤδη τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰ κατασκευασθέντα παρὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἔργα κατασπᾶν.
⁶⁴⁹ There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country;	⁶⁴⁹ So many young men gathered to these two when they expounded the laws that every day there assembled a kind of an army of growing adolescents. When these men heard that the king was wasting away with melancholy and ailment, they suggested to their friends that now was the proper time to defend the cause of God and to pull down what had been set up contrary to their ancestral laws.
⁶⁴⁹ Not a few young men attended their lectures on the laws, and they gathered daily a veritable army of the youth. When these teachers learned that the king was sinking under his despondency and disease, they dropped hints to their acquaintances that the time was most opportune to avenge God and tear down the works constructed contrary to the ancestral laws.

⁶⁵⁰ ἀθέμιτον γὰρ εἶναι κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἢ εἰκόνας ἢ προτομὰς ἢ ζῴου τινὸς ἐπώνυμον ἔργον εἶναι· κατεσκευάκει δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τὴν‎ μεγάλην πύλην ἀετὸν χρυσοῦν· ὃν δὴ τότε παρήινουν ἐκκόπτεινto cut out οἱ σοφισταί, καλὸν εἶναι λέγοντες, εἰ καί τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος, ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρίου νόμου θνήσκειν· τοῖς γὰρ οὕτω τελευτῶσιν ἀθάνατόν τε τὴν‎ ψυχὴν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν ἀγαθοῖς αἴσθησιν αἰώνιον παραμένειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀγενεῖς καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σοφίας ἀπείρους ἀγνοοῦντας φιλοψυχεῖν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ δι᾽ ἀρετῆς τὸν ἐκ νόσου θάνατον αἱρεῖσθαι.
⁶⁵⁰ for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.	⁶⁵⁰ It was unlawful to have in the temple any such thing as icons, or busts, or the image of any animal whatsoever. The king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men wanted cut down, saying that even if this was dangerous, it was a glorious thing to die for their ancestral laws, the soul was immortal and eternal happiness awaited anyone who died on that account, while the ignoble who had not the wisdom to properly love their souls, preferred death by disease rather than from an act of heroism.
⁶⁵⁰ For they said it was unlawful for there to be either images or busts or any representation of a living creature in the Temple. Now, the king had erected a golden eagle over the great gate; this the sophists then exhorted them to cut down, saying it was a noble thing, even if danger should arise, to die for the ancestral law. For those who perished thus, they claimed, the soul was immortal and an eternal consciousness of good things remained, while the base and those ignorant of their wisdom clung to life in their ignorance, preferring a death by disease over one achieved through virtue.

⁶⁵¹ ἅμα δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνων λόγοις διεφημίσθη καὶ θνήσκειν ὁ βασιλεύς, ὥστε θαρραλεώτερον ἥπτοντο τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως οἱ νέοι. μέσης γοῦν ἡμέρας καὶ πολλῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναστρεφομένων σχοίνοις παχείαις καθιμήσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους τὸν χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν ἐξέκοπτον πελέκεσιν.
⁶⁵¹ At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes.	⁶⁵¹ While they were talking in this way, a rumour went around that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater audacity. They therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords and this at midday and while many of people were in the temple and cut down that golden eagle with axes.
⁶⁵¹ At the same time as these words were spoken, a rumor spread that the king was dying, so the young men laid hold of the enterprise with greater boldness. At midday, while many were moving about the Temple, they let themselves down from the roof by thick ropes and began cutting down the golden eagle with axes.

⁶⁵² ἠγγέλθη δ᾽ εὐθέως τῷ βασιλέως στρατηγῷ, κἀκεῖνος μετὰ χειρὸς οὐκ ὀλίγης ἀναδραμὼν περὶ τεσσαράκοντα νεανίας συλλαμβάνει καὶ κατήγαγεν πρὸς βασιλέα.
⁶⁵² This was presently told to the king’s captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king.	⁶⁵² This was soon told to the king's captain, who came running with a body of soldiers and caught about forty of the young men and brought them to the king.
⁶⁵² This was immediately reported to the king’s captain, who hurried up with a considerable force, arrested about forty of the young men, and brought them before the king.

⁶⁵³ πυνθανομένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρῶτον, εἰ τολμήσειαν τὸν χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν ἐκκόπτεινto cut out, ὡμολόγουν. ἔπειτα, τίνος κελεύσαντος, ἀπεκρίναντο τοῦ πατρίου νόμου. τί δ᾽ οὕτως γεγήθασιν διερωτήσαντος, ἀναιρεῖσθαι μέλλοντες ἔλεγον, ὅτι πλειόνων ἀγαθῶν ἀπολαύσουσιν μετὰ τὴν‎ τελευτήν.
⁶⁵³ And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead.	⁶⁵³ When he asked them, first, if they had dared to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done it, and when he asked them by whose command they had done so, they replied, at the command of their ancestral law and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were about to die, they replied that they would enjoy greater happiness after their death.
⁶⁵³ When he first asked them if they had dared to cut down the golden eagle, they admitted it. Then, when asked who had commanded it, they replied: “The ancestral law.” When he asked why they were so joyful when they were about to be put to death, they said it was because they would enjoy greater blessings after their end.

⁶⁵⁴ Ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς κρείττων τῆς νόσου γενόμενος πρόεισιν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν κατηγορήσας ὡς ἱεροσύλων καὶ προφάσει τοῦ νόμου πειραζόντων τι μεῖζον ἠξίου κολάζειν ὡς ἀσεβεῖς.
⁶⁵⁴ At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time], and went out and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons.	⁶⁵⁴ This put the king in such a fury that he set aside his illness and went out and spoke to the people. He accused the men as guilty of sacrilege for attempting treason under pretext of their law, and called for them to be punished for impiety.
⁶⁵⁴ At this, the king, overcome by a rage that proved stronger than his disease, went before a public assembly. He accused the men at length of being temple-robbers who, under the pretext of the law, were attempting something much larger, and he demanded they be punished for impiety.

⁶⁵⁵ ὁ δὲ δῆμος δείσας μὴ διὰ πολλῶν ὁ ἔλεγχος ἔλθῃ, παρεκάλει πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ὑποθεμένους τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν, ἔπειτα τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ συλληφθέντας κολάσαντα τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἀφιέναι. πείθεται μόλις ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν καθιμήσαντας ἑαυτοὺς ἅμα τοῖς σοφισταῖς κατέκαυσε ζῶντας, τοὺς λοιποὺς δὲ τῶν συλληφθέντων παρέδωκεν τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἀνελεῖν.
⁶⁵⁵ Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers to be put to death by them.	⁶⁵⁵ The people feared that many would be found guilty and asked him to lay aside his anger once he had first punished those who put them up to it and then the people caught doing it. The king barely agreed to this and ordered those who had let themselves down from the roof, and their teachers, to be burned alive, leaving the others to be executed by his officers.
⁶⁵⁵ The people, fearing that the investigation might extend to many others, entreated him to punish first those who suggested the deed and then those caught in the act, and to let his anger go regarding the rest. The king reluctantly complied; those who let themselves down by ropes, together with the sophists, he burned alive; the rest of those arrested he handed over to his officers to be executed.

⁶⁵⁶ Ἔνθεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ σῶμα πᾶν ἡ νόσος διαλαβοῦσα ποικίλοις πάθεσιν ἐμερίζετο· πυρετὸς μὲν γὰρ ἦν οὐ λάβρος, κνησμὸς δὲ ἀφόρητος τῆς ἐπιφανείας ὅλης καὶ κόλου συνεχεῖς ἀλγηδόνες περὶ τε τοὺς πόδας ὥσπερ ὑδρωπιῶντος οἰδήματα τοῦ τε ἤτρου φλεγμονὴ καὶ δὴ αἰδοίου σηπεδὼν σκώληκας γεννῶσα, πρὸς τούτοις ὀρθόπνοια καὶ δύσπνοια καὶ σπασμοὶ πάντων τῶν μελῶν, ὥστε τοὺς ἐπιθειάζοντας ποινὴν εἶναι τῶν σοφιστῶν τὰ νοσήματα λέγειν.
⁶⁵⁶ After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical tumors about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen,—and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins.	⁶⁵⁶ After this the ailment seized his whole body and afflicted him with various symptoms, for he had a mild fever and an intolerable itching over all his skin and constant pains in his intestines and dropsical tumours in his feet and a swelling of the stomach and a rotting of his genitals, producing worms. Besides, he had difficulty in breathing and could breathe only when sitting upright. All his members were convulsed. The diviners saw these diseases as a punishment sent for what he had done to the teachers.
⁶⁵⁶ From that point on, the disease took hold of his entire body and branched out into various afflictions. He had a fever that was not intense, but an intolerable itching of the whole surface of his skin, continuous pains in the colon, tumors around his feet as if from dropsy, an inflammation of the abdomen, and a gangrene of the private parts which bred worms. In addition to these, he suffered from orthopnea (difficulty breathing unless upright), shortness of breath, and spasms in all his limbs, so that those who saw divine meaning in things said these diseases were a penalty for the sophists.

^[1]Modern diagnoses often suggest Fournier’s Gangrene or chronic kidney disease leading to uremia.

⁶⁵⁷ ὁ δὲ παλαίων τοσούτοις πάθεσιν ὅμως τοῦ ζῆν ἀντείχετο σωτηρίαν τε ἤλπιζεν καὶ θεραπείας ἐπενόει· διαβὰς γοῦν τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan τοῖς κατὰ ΚαλλιρρόηνCallirrhoe ἐχρῆτο θερμοῖς· ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔξεισι μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis λίμνην, ὑπὸ γλυκύτητος δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ πότιμα. δόξαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα τοῖς ἰατροῖς ἐλαίου θερμῷ πᾶν ἀναθάλψαι τὸ σῶμα χαλασθὲν εἰς πλήρη πύελον ἐκλύει καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ὡς τεθνεὼς ἀνέστρεψεν.
⁶⁵⁷ Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying;	⁶⁵⁷ But he struggled with his many ailments and still had a desire to live and tried various remedies in hope of a recovery. He went across the Jordan and used the spa at Callirrhoe, which runs into lake Asphaltitis, but whose water is sweet enough to drink. Here the physicians decided to raise his body temperature by letting him down into a large vessel full of oil, which caused his eyes to dim and he came out looking half dead,
⁶⁵⁷ Yet, struggling with so many afflictions, he still clung to life, hoped for recovery, and devised treatments. Crossing the Jordan, he used the warm springs at Callirrhoe;^[1] these flow into the Asphaltite Lake (Dead Sea) and are sweet enough to be drinkable. There, when the physicians decided to warm his whole body by lowering him into a tub full of warm oil, he fainted and turned up his eyes like a dead man.

^[1]The Callirrhoe Springs is located on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea (modern Jordan).

⁶⁵⁸ θορύβου δὲ τῶν θεραπευόντων γενομένου πρὸς μὲν τὴν‎ φωνὴν ἀνήνεγκεν, εἰς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπογνοὺς τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν τοῖς τε στρατιώταις ἀνὰ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς ἐκέλευσεν διανεῖμαι καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ τοῖς φίλοις.
⁶⁵⁸ and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them.	⁶⁵⁸ but when his servants called out he revived again. Now despairing of recovery, he ordered that his soldiers be given fifty drachmae apiece and that his officers and friends should receive large sums of money.
⁶⁵⁸ When a cry arose from his attendants, he was revived by the sound; but for the future, despairing of his recovery, he ordered fifty drachmas to be distributed to each soldier and great sums of money to the officers and his friends.

⁶⁵⁹ αὐτὸς δὲ ὑποστρέφωνto turn back, return εἰς ἹεριχοῦνταJericho παραγίνεται μελαγχολῶν ἤδη, καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἀπειλῶν αὐτῷ τῷ θανάτῳ προέκοπτεν εἰς ἐπιβολὴν ἀθεμίτου πράξεως· τοὺς γὰρ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης κώμης ἐπισήμους ἄνδρας ἐξ ὅλης ἸουδαίαςJudea συναγαγὼν εἰς τὸν καλούμενον ἱππόδρομον ἐκέλευσεν συγκλεῖσαι.
⁶⁵⁹ He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in.	⁶⁵⁹ He then returned to Jericho, so ill that he seemed on the point of death, and then he attempted a dreadful deed. He gathered from every village the most prominent members of the whole Jewish nation, into a place called the Hippodrome and there locked them in.
⁶⁵⁹ Returning to Jericho, he arrived there now in a state of melancholy, and almost threatening death itself, he proceeded to the plan for an unlawful deed. Having gathered the most distinguished men from every village in all Judea, he ordered them to be shut up in the place called the Hippodrome.

⁶⁶⁰ προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ ΣαλώμηνSalome τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ταύτης ἈλεξᾶνAlex « οἶδα, ἔφη, ἸουδαίουςJews τὸν ἐμὸν ἑορτάσοντας θάνατον, δύναμαι δὲ πενθεῖσθαι δι᾽ ἑτέρων καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐπιτάφιον ἔχειν, ἂν ὑμεῖς θελήσητε ταῖς ἐμαῖς ἐντολαῖς ὑπουργῆσαι. τούσδε τοὺς φρουρουμένους ἄνδρας ἐπειδὰν ἐκπνεύσω τάχιστα κτείνατε περιστήσαντες τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἵνα πᾶσα ἸουδαίαJudea καὶ πᾶς οἶκος ἄκων ἐπ᾽ ἐμοὶ δακρύσῃ.»
⁶⁶⁰ He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them:—“I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death; however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no.”	⁶⁶⁰ Calling his sister Salome and her husband Alexas he told them : "I know well enough that the Jews will rejoice at my death; but if you just follow my orders there is another way for me to be mourned and to have a splendid funeral. Immediately after my death, send soldiers to around up and kill those who are now in custody, and then, like it or not, all Judea and every family will weep for me."
⁶⁶⁰ Summoning his sister Salome and her husband Alexas, he said: “I know the Jews will celebrate my death, but I can be mourned through others and have a magnificent funeral if you are willing to serve my commands. As soon as I breathe my last, kill these men who are under guard by surrounding them with soldiers, so that all Judea and every household, though unwillingly, will weep for me.”

⁶⁶¹ Ταῦτα ἐνετέλλετο, καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἐν ῬώμῃRome πρέσβεων ἧκον ἐπιστολαί, δι᾽ ὧν ἀκμὴ μὲν ἀνῃρημένη κελεύσαντος ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐδηλοῦτο, θανάτῳ δ᾽ ἈντίπατροςAntipater κατάκριτος· ἔγραφόν γε μὴν ὡς, εἰ καὶ φυγαδεύειν αὐτὸν ἐθελήσειεν ὁ πατήρ, ἐπιτρέποι ΚαῖσαρCaesar.
⁶⁶¹ These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar’s command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do.	⁶⁶¹ As he gave them this order, letters arrived from his envoys in Rome with news that Acme had been killed at Caesar's command and that Antipater was condemned to die. They also wrote that if Herod wished rather to banish him, Caesar would allow it.
⁶⁶¹ While he was giving these orders, messengers arrived from Rome with letters stating that Acme had been executed by Caesar’s command and that Antipater was condemned to death; they added, however, that if his father wished only to banish him, Caesar permitted that as well.

⁶⁶² ὁ δὲ βραχὺ μὲν πρὸς τὴν‎ εὐθυμίαν ἀνήνεγκεν, αὖθις δέ, καὶ γὰρ ἐνδείᾳ τροφῆς καὶ βηχὶ σπασμώδει διετείνετο, τῶν ἀλγηδόνων ἡσσηθεὶς φθάσαι τὴν‎ εἱμαρμένην ἐπεβάλλετο. λαβὼν δὲ ΜῆλονMelos ᾔτησεν καὶ μαχαίριον, εἰώθει γὰρ ἀποτέμνων ἐσθίειν, ἔπειτα περιαθρήσας μή τις ὁ κωλύων εἴη, ἐπῆρεν τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ὡς πλήξων ἑαυτόν. προσδραμὼν δὲ ἐκώλυσεν ἈχίαβοςAchiabus ὁ ἀνεψιὸς αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ χεῖρα κατασχών.
⁶⁶² So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lifted up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing;	⁶⁶² So for a short while he revived and had a desire to live, but soon he was again overcome with pain and was weak from lack of food and a convulsive cough, so he tried to hasten his death. He took an apple and asked for a knife for he used to peel apples and eat them. Looking around to see that there was no one to stop him he lifted up his right hand as if to stab himself, but his first cousin Achiabus hurried over and held his hand to stop him from doing it.
⁶⁶² Herod revived slightly at this good news, but again—as he was strained by a lack of food and a convulsive cough—overcome by his pains, he attempted to anticipate his fate. Taking an apple, he asked for a small knife (for he was accustomed to eating them sliced); then, looking around to see if anyone would stop him, he raised his right hand to stab himself. But his cousin Achiabus ran forward and stopped him by seizing his hand.

⁶⁶³ οἰμωγὴ δ᾽ εὐθέως ἤρθη μεγίστη κατὰ τὸ βασίλειον ὡς οἰχομένου βασιλέως, καὶ ταχέως ἀκούσας ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἀναθαρρεῖ τε καὶ γεγηθὼς τοὺς φύλακας ἱκέτευεν ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἐξαφεῖναι λύσαντας αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ ἡγεμὼν οὐ μόνον ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῖ δραμὼν ἀνήγγειλεν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν.
⁶⁶³ on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was;	⁶⁶³ A lament was soon heard in the palace, as if the king were dying. When Antipater heard it, he took courage and with a smile he implored his jailors to unchain him and set him free, in return for a sum of money. Not only did the head jailor deny his request, but also he ran and told his plan to the king.
⁶⁶³ Immediately a great wailing rose through the palace as if the king had perished. Antipater, hearing this, took courage and, full of joy, begged the guards to release him for a bribe. But the officer in charge not only prevented this but ran and reported the attempt to the king.

⁶⁶⁴ ἀνέκραγεν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἰσχυρότερον τῆς νόσου καὶ παραχρῆμα πέμψας τοὺς δορυφόρους ἀποκτείνει τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater. θάψαι δὲ τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ‎ προστάξας ἐν ὙρκανίαιHyrcanium πάλιν τὰς διαθήκας ἐπανορθοῦται, καὶ διάδοχον μὲν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus τὸν πρεσβύτατον υἱὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater γράφει, τετράρχην δὲ ἈντίπανAntipas.
⁶⁶⁴ hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again,—and therein made Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.	⁶⁶⁴ Then the king roared out louder than his illness should allow and instantly sent some of his guards to kill Antipater. He had him buried in Hyrcanium and altered his testament again, making Archelaus, his eldest son and the brother of Antipas, his successor and making Antipas tetrarch.
⁶⁶⁴ Herod cried out with a strength greater than his disease and immediately sent his bodyguards to kill Antipater.^[1] He ordered his body to be buried at Hyrcania and once again revised his will: he wrote Archelaus, his eldest son (brother to Antipas), as successor, and Antipas as tetrarch.

^[1]Antipater died five days before Herod (Spring 4 BC).

⁶⁶⁵ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιβιοὺς πέντε ἡμέρας τελευτᾷ, βασιλεύσας ἀφ᾽ οὗ μὲν ἀποκτείνας ἈντίγονονAntignus ἐκράτησεν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ τριάκοντα, ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὲ ὑπὸ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀπεδείχθη βασιλεὺς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα, καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τύχῃ δεξιᾷ χρησάμενος, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος, ὅστις κατεκτήσατο βασιλείαν ἰδιώτης ὢν καὶ τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ φυλάξας ἰδίοις τέκνοις κατέλιπεν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κατ᾽ οἶκον ἀτυχέστατος.
⁶⁶⁵ So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now, as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man.	⁶⁶⁵ So Herod died just five days after killing his son, after reigning for thirty-four years since he had Antigonus killed and took over his kingdom, but thirty-seven years since he was made king by the Romans. It was his destiny to prosper in all other respects more than any other man, since he rose from the rank of commoner to gain the kingship and held it so long and left it to his own sons, and yet, in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man.
⁶⁶⁵ After the execution of his son, Herod survived for five days and then died.^[1] He had reigned thirty-four years from the time he killed Antigonus and took control of affairs, and thirty-seven years from the time he was declared king by the Romans. In all other matters he enjoyed a luckier fortune than any other man, having acquired a kingdom as a commoner and preserved it for so long, leaving it to his own children; yet in his domestic affairs, he was most unfortunate.

^[1]His death occurred between a lunar eclipse (likely March 13, 4 BCE) and the Passover.

⁶⁶⁶ πρὶν δὲ γνῶναι τὴν‎ τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν προελθοῦσα μετὰ τἀνδρὸς ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome διαφῆκεν τοὺς δεσμώτας, οὓς κτείνειν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐνετείλατο, μεταπεισθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα λέγουσα καὶ πάλιν ἀναπέμπεινto send back ἕκαστον εἰς τὰ ἴδια. τούτων δ᾽ οἰχομένων ἐδήλουν ἤδη τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ συνῆγον αὐτοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ πλήθους ἐν τῷ κατὰ ἹεριχοῦνταJericho ἀμφιθεάτρῳamphitheatre.
⁶⁶⁶ Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho,	⁶⁶⁶ Before the soldiers learned of his death, Salome and her husband came out and released the prisoners whom the king had ordered to be killed and told them that he had changed his mind and wanted them all sent home. When these had gone, Salome, told the soldiers the news and got them and the rest of the people together to a meeting, in the amphitheatre at Jericho.
⁶⁶⁶ Before his death was known, Salome and her husband went out and dismissed the prisoners whom the king had ordered to be killed, saying the king had changed his mind and was sending each man back to his own home. After they had gone, they revealed the death to the soldiers and gathered them into an assembly with the rest of the multitude in the amphitheater at Jericho.

⁶⁶⁷ ἔνθα παρελθὼν ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁ καὶ τὸν σημαντῆρα δακτύλιον παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πεπιστευμένος τόν τε βασιλέα κατευδαιμονίζει καὶ τὸ πλῆθος παρακαλεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπολειφθεῖσαν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνεγίνωσκεν ἐπιστολήν, ἐν ἧι πολλὰ περὶ τῆς εἰς τὸν διάδοχον εὐνοίας παρεκάλει.
⁶⁶⁷ where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear goodwill to his successor;	⁶⁶⁷ There Ptolemy, who was entrusted by the king with his signet ring, spoke to them of the prosperity the king had attained and comforted the people and read the letter left for the soldiers, where he earnestly urged them to be loyal to his successor.
⁶⁶⁷ There, Ptolemy, to whom the king had entrusted his signet ring, came forward and pronounced the king blessed; he exhorted the multitude and read the letter left for the soldiers, in which Herod earnestly requested their loyalty to his successor.

⁶⁶⁸ μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν λύσας τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας ἀνεγίνωσκεν, ἐν αἷς ΦίλιπποςPhilip μὲν τοῦ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis καὶ τῶν γειτνιώντων χωρίων κληρονόμος, τετράρχης δ᾽, ὡς προείπαμεν, ἈντίπαςAntipas, βασιλεὺς δ᾽ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἀπεδείκνυτο.
⁶⁶⁸ and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king.	⁶⁶⁸ After he had read the letter, he opened and read his testament, where Philip was to inherit Trachonitis and the neighbouring countries and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we have said, and Archelaus was made king.
⁶⁶⁸ After the letter, Ptolemy opened and read the codicils of the will, in which Philip was named heir of Trachonitis and the neighboring regions; Antipas, as mentioned before, was named tetrarch; and Archelaus was declared king.^[1]

^[1]Archelaus: King (though later titled Ethnarch) over Judea, Samaria, and Idumea.
Herod Antipas: Tetrarch of Galilee and Perea.
Philip: Tetrarch of Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, and Batanea.

⁶⁶⁹ τούτῳ δὲ τόν τε δακτύλιον τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ΚαίσαριCaesar φέρειν ἐνετέλλετο καὶ τὰς διοικήσεις τῆς βασιλείας σεσημασμένας· κύριον γὰρ ἁπάντων ὧν διατάξειεν καὶ βεβαιωτὴν τῶν διαθηκῶν εἶναι ΚαίσαραCaesar· τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ κατὰ τὰς προτέρας διαθήκας φυλάττειν.
⁶⁶⁹ He had also been commanded to carry Herod’s ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament.	⁶⁶⁹ He had also been ordered to bring Herod's ring to Caesar, sealed up with his projects for the kingdom, because Caesar was to be in charge of all he had arranged and was to confirm his testament, and he ordered that the elements in his former testament should stand.
⁶⁶⁹ Herod had also commanded Archelaus to carry his ring to Caesar along with the sealed accounts of the administration, for Caesar was to be the master of all his arrangements and the confirmer of the will. The other provisions of his earlier wills were to remain in force.

⁶⁷⁰ Βοὴ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐγένετο τῶν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus συνηδομένων, καὶ κατὰ στῖφος οἱ στρατιῶται μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους προσιόντες ὑπισχνοῦντο μὲν τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν εὔνοιαν, συνηύχοντο δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ταφὴν ἐτρέποντο τοῦ βασιλέως.
⁶⁷⁰ So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round about in troops, and promised him their goodwill, and besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king’s funeral;	⁶⁷⁰ Archelaus was loudly hailed on his promotion, and the soldiers and the people went in groups to promise him their loyalty and prayed to God to bless his rule and set themselves to prepare for the king's funeral.
⁶⁷⁰ Immediately there was a shout from those congratulating Archelaus; the soldiers, in ranks along with the multitude, came forward promising their loyalty and praying for God’s favor upon him. After this, they turned to the burial of the king.

⁶⁷¹ παρέλιπεν δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus εἰς πολυτέλειαν, ἀλλὰ πάντα τὸν βασιλικὸν κόσμον προήνεγκεν συμπομπεύσοντα τῷ νεκρῷ· κλίνη μὲν γὰρ ὁλόχρυσος ἦν διάλιθος, στρωμνὴ δὲ ἁλουργὶς ποικίλη, τὸ σῶμα δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς πορφύρᾳ κεκαλυμμένον, καὶ διάδημα μὲν ἐπέκειτο τῇ κεφαλῇ, στέφανος δ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ χρυσοῦς, τὸ δὲ σκῆπτρον παρὰ τὴν‎ δεξιάν.
⁶⁷¹ and Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a sceptre in his right hand;	⁶⁷¹ In it Archelaus omitted nothing that would enhance it, and brought out all the royal ornaments to increase the splendour of the deceased. There was a golden bier embroidered with precious stones and a purple bed of various texture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple, and on his head was a crown of gold and in his right hand a sceptre.
⁶⁷¹ Archelaus omitted nothing for the sake of magnificence, bringing out all the royal ornaments to accompany the corpse. There was a bier of solid gold studded with precious stones, and a cover of varied scarlet/purple; on this lay the body covered in purple, with a diadem placed on the head and a golden crown above it, and a scepter in the right hand.

⁶⁷² καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ κλίνην οἵ τε υἱεῖς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν συγγενῶν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς οἱ δορυφόροι καὶ τὸ ΘράικιονThracians στῖφος ΓερμανοίGermans τε καὶ ΓαλάταιGauls διεσκευασμένοι πάντες ὡς εἰς πόλεμον.
⁶⁷² and near to the bier were Herod’s sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans also and Gauls, all accoutred as if they were going to war;	⁶⁷² Next to the bier were Herod's sons and a crowd of his relatives, and next to them his guards and the regiment of Thracians, Germans and Gauls, dressed as if for war.
⁶⁷² Around the bier were his sons and the multitude of his kinsmen, followed by the bodyguards, the Thracian contingent, Germans, and Gauls, all equipped as if for war.

⁶⁷³ προῆγεν δ᾽ ἡ λοιπὴ δύναμις ὡπλισμένη τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν καὶ ταξιάρχοις ἀκολουθοῦντες ἐν κόσμῳ, πεντακόσιοι δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ ἀπελευθέρων ἀρωματοφόροι. σταδίους δ᾽ ἐκομίσθη τὸ σῶμα ἑβδομήκοντα εἰς ἩρώδειονHerodium, ὅπου κατὰ τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐτάφη. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd τοιοῦτον ἔσχεν πέρας.
⁶⁷³ but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freedmen followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod.	⁶⁷³ The rest of the army marched in front, armed and following their captains and officers in good order. After them came five hundred of his domestic servants and freedmen, with sweet spices in their hands. His corpse was carried for two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had wanted to be buried. That is how the whole Herod saga came to an end.
⁶⁷³ The rest of the army marched in front, armed, following their commanders and captains in order; following them were five hundred of the servants and freedmen carrying spices. The body was carried seventy stadia (13 km) to Herodium, where, according to his commands, he was buried. And such was the end of Herod.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJewish WarBook 1

The War of the Jews against the Romans (Antiochus Epiphanes to king Herod) (164 BC to 4 BC)

Preface

Chapter 1 Persecuted by Antiochus Epiphanes,the Jews are liberated by the Maccabees

Chapter 2 The successors of Judah Maccabeus: Jonathan, Simon and John Hyrcanus

Chapter 3Aristobulus becomes king.Kills his brother Antigonus.Dies of Remorse

Chapter 4The twenty-seven year reign of Alexander Janneus

Chapter 5The Pharisees' dominance, during the nine-year reign of Alexandra

Chapter 6Monarchy of Aristobulus, then Hyrcanus. Pompey comes to Judea as Arbitrator

Chapter 7 Pompey enters Jerusalem and the Holy of Holies. His other offences in Judea

Chapter 8Aristobulus' son Alexander tries in vain to set aside Pompey's dispositions in Palestine. Gabinius and Crassus put down Jewish insurrections

Chapter 9Aristobulus and Alexander are murdered Antipater cultivates Caesar's friendship

Chapter 10 Antipater appoints his two sons Phasael and Herod to power: Phasael in Jerusalem and Herod in Galilee

Chapter 11Cassius makes Herod ruler of Syria. Antipater’s murder is avenged by Herod

Chapter 12Mark Antony makes Phasael and Herod tetrarchs, despite a Jewish deputation opposing their rule.

Chapter 13Parthians restore Antigonus' rule in Judea.Hyrcanus is mutilated, Herod's brother is killed,and himself put to flight.

Chapter 14Herod goes for help to Mark Antony and Caesar in Rome. They get the senate to make him king of Judea

Chapter 15Herod and Antigonus at War; Herod relieves Masada and besieges Jerusalem

Chapter 16Herod rids Galilee of brigands; goes to Antony for further support

Chapter 17Herod's Good Fortune in War. His marriage to Mariamne

Chapter 18Herod captures Jerusalem; death of Antigonus. He appeases the greed of Cleopatra

Chapter 19Because Cleopatra gets Herod sent to fight the Arabs, he avoids the battle of Actium

Chapter 20Augustus confirms Herod as king,and restores what Cleopatra had taken from him

Chapter 21Herod the builder: Temple and Fortress. Herod's Generosity and Virtues

Chapter 22Herod's domestic troubles and murder. Mariamne is accused and condemned

Chapter 23Mariamne's sons fall under suspicion. Caesar reconciles them with Herod, for a time

Chapter 24Rancour between Herod's sons.Antipater wilier; the others accused of treason

Chapter 25Herod's son Archelaus reconciles him with Alexander and Pheroras

Chapter 26Eurycles the Spartan accuses Mariamne's sons. Their poor defence, by Euaratus of Cos

Chapter 27Mariamne's sons are condemned.Herod executes Aristobulus and Alexander

Chapter 28Antipater is hated by all; interferes in marriages.Herod's complex domestic arrangements

Chapter 29Antipater is sent to Rome, with Herod's testament.Pheroras refuses to leave his wife, who was wrongly accused

Chapter 30Herod's Suspicion of Antipater grows.Many are tortured and young Herod disinherited

Chapter 31Antipater returns to Judea from Rome,unaware of the accusations against him

Chapter 32Antipater stands trial, for plotting against Herod.His Defence, and Herod's testament

Chapter 33Herod's final barbarities. Signs of revolt against him.He executes Antipater and plans a massacre to coincide with his death

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
Jewish War
Book 1